UNREALISTIC OPTIMISM IN THE EYE OF THE STORM 1
1Unrealistic optimism in the eye of the storm: Positive bias towards the consequences of
2COVID-19 during the second and third waves of the pandemic.
3
4Ada Maksim 1¶ , Sławomir Śpiewak 1¶ , Natalia Lipp 1¶, Natalia Dużmańska-Misiarczyk 1¶,
5Grzegorz Gustaw1¶ Krzysztof Rębilas 1¶ , Paweł Strojny 1¶
6
71 Institute of Applied Psychology, Faculty of Management and Social Communication,
8Jagiellonian University in Kraków, ul. Prof. St. Łojasiewicza 4, 30-348 Kraków, Poland
9
10
11*Corresponding author: e-mail:
[email protected] (AM)
12
13¶ These authors contributed equally to this work.
14
15
16
17
18
19Ada Maksim, https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8762-0784
20Sławomir Śpiewak, https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9107-1389
21Natalia Lipp, https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5738-6771
22Natalia Dużmańska-Misiarczyk, https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7769-968X
23Grzegorz Gustaw, https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9153-3387
24Krzysztof Rębilas https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4637-2358
25Paweł Strojny, https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6016-044X
26
27
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UNREALISTIC OPTIMISM IN THE EYE OF THE STORM 2
28
29Abstract
30Research conducted at the outset of the pandemic shows that people are vulnerable to
31unrealistic optimism (UO). However, the Weinstein model suggests that this tendency may
32not persist as the pandemic progresses. Our research aimed at verifying whether UO persists
33during the second (Study 1) and the third wave (Study 2) of the pandemic in Poland, whether
34it concerns the assessment of the chances of COVID-19 infection (Study 1 and Study 2), the
35chances of severe course of the disease and adverse vaccine reactions (Study 2). We show that
36UO towards contracting COVID-19 persists throughout the pandemic. However, in situations
37where we have little influence on the occurrence of the event, the participants do not show
38UO. The exceptions are those who have known personally someone who has died from a
39coronavirus infection. These results are discussed in terms of self-esteem protection and the
40psychological threat reduction mechanism.
41Keywords: unrealistic optimism, positive bias, positive illusions, contracting COVID-19,
42severe consequences of COVID-19
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UNREALISTIC OPTIMISM IN THE EYE OF THE STORM 3
43Unrealistic optimism in the eye of the storm: Positive bias towards the consequences of
44COVID-19 during the second and third waves of the pandemic.
45It is common for people to make predictions about their future. While pessimists tend to
46contemplate the worst-case scenario, optimists believe that good things will happen to them
47(1). According to recent meta-analyses, optimism is believed to be associated with benefits of
48various types, including health and well-being (2,3). For example, optimism is associated with
49a lower risk of cardiovascular events and all-cause mortality (3). Some authors (3,4) suggest
50that future studies should be focused on evaluating the benefits of interventions that are aimed
51at reducing pessimism and promoting optimism. However, not all aspects of optimism are
52desirable or beneficial.
53Dispositional optimism “is defined as the generalized positive expectancy that one
54will experience good outcomes” (5) and is mostly responsible for the above-mentioned
55benefits. Its dark side variant is so-called unrealistic optimism, a cognitive bias that makes
56people think that negative events are more likely to happen to others, and positive events are
57more likely to happen to them (6,7). Although some researchers (4) posit that unrealistic
58optimism functions as a positive illusion that helps people to cope with potentially threatening
59experiences by reducing anxiety, others (6,8–10) point to the maladaptive aspects of the
60optimistic bias. For example, unrealistic optimism may be related to developing some dire
61conditions such as coronary disease (5), alcoholism (9), breast cancer in women, and prostate
62cancer in men (6) as people have tendency to underestimate own risk of developing serious
63health problems. Unrealistic optimism is also correlated with risky and hazardous behaviours.
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UNREALISTIC OPTIMISM IN THE EYE OF THE STORM 4
64People who perceive themselves as better drivers than others admit to violating speed limits
65(10), and young women who presume they are less likely than others to get pregnant are also
66less likely to use effective contraception methods—such behaviour could result in an
67unwanted pregnancy (8).
68Unrealistic optimism during the COVID-19 pandemic
69Being unrealistically optimistic about one’s chances of being infected by coronavirus
70(and the ability to infect others) may lead to the illusion that obeying the strict policies
71imposed by the government is simply unnecessary in one’s case (11). As a result, unrealistic
72optimism could lead to reckless behaviours during the pandemic, such as ignoring the
73protective measures recommended by the World Health Organization (WHO; keeping a social
74distance, covering mouth and nose with a mask, avoiding crowded or indoor settings, etc.)
75which could lead to spreading the disease (1). The issue of unrealistic optimism has grown in
76importance in light of recent research on the perceived risk of infection during the COVID-19
77pandemic. Dolinski and his colleagues (1) decided to verify if the imminent COVID-19
78pandemic would stimulate the expression of unrealistic optimism. The researchers tested
79whether subjects would perceive that they are exposed to the disease to the same extent as the
80average person like themselves or if they would be affected by the unrealistic optimism (or
81the opposite – unrealistic pessimism) bias. The research of Dolinski and colleagues (1) was
82conducted in March 2020 when the media reported about the first people diagnosed with
83coronavirus in Poland. In their study, the pattern of unrealistic optimism in the face of the
84beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic emerged. Similar results were obtained in other
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UNREALISTIC OPTIMISM IN THE EYE OF THE STORM 5
85European countries (France, Great Britain, Switzerland, and Italy) in February 2020 before
86the collapse of the healthcare system in Italy (12). People who were asked about their chances
87of getting infected were generally optimistic and assessed the personal risk of contracting
88coronavirus as lower than others.
89Further research results also point to the implications of the positive bias for
90health-related behaviours (13,14). According to Oljača and colleagues (15), the optimistic
91bias may indeed influence attitudes towards compliance with restrictions. In a study
92conducted in Serbia, the participants who scored higher on the UOS–NLE subscale
93(measuring unrealistic optimism towards negative life events) assessed the risk connected
94with COVID-19 infection as lower and declared lower compliance with the pandemic
95restrictions. Similarly, Gordeeva and colleagues (16) found a positive link between defensive
96optimism (the tendency to diminish the risk of the emergence of negative events) and failure
97to comply with the stay-at-home rule in their study conducted in Russia in March and April
982020.
99Predictors of unrealistic optimism in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic
100So far, the most elaborated theoretical model of unrealistic optimism has been
101formulated by Neil Weinstein (7). Below we refer to the five factors that, according to the
102Weinstein model (7), may have the most significant impact on unrealistic optimism during the
103pandemic. At least two factors should inhibit the tendency to the positive bias among people
104at pandemic risk: (a) the perceived probability of the event and (b) the ease of recalling a
105stereotypical victim of a given situation. The first one is inherently connected with the
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UNREALISTIC OPTIMISM IN THE EYE OF THE STORM 6
106pandemic’s growth and increasing numbers of people contracting coronavirus. Higher
107perceived frequency (i.e., probability) in the general population should affect personal
108judgement of the risk but not necessarily others’ judgement. Thus, when the event is more
109frequent, the unrealistic bias may be weakened by a higher own risk rating. The second
110predictor that works in a similar direction means that the assumption regarding stereotype
111salience is based on the representativeness heuristic (17). Weinstein (7) assumes that the
112harder it is to imagine a typical victim of a specific event, the weaker the optimistic bias will
113be. As the pandemic spreads, individuals should be more aware that the severe consequences
114of COVID-19 affect not only the elderly with significant health problems but also younger,
115healthy people. With the increase in diversity and the number of victims of the pandemic, it
116will be more difficult to create a stereotypical image of the person most exposed to
117coronavirus, which should reduce the tendency to create cognitive illusions.
118However, there are two other predictors that in our opinion would work in opposite
119directions to enhance positive illusions: (c) controllability of the situation, (d) the degree of
120desirability, and (e) the personal experience which the last one can work both ways.
121Controllability of the situation refers to a human’s sense that a situation’s outcome is
122dependent on their own actions. Therefore, people tend to overestimate their chances in
123positive events and underestimate their risks in negative events. In our opinion, people at risk
124during a pandemic may be vulnerable to the illusion of control through the availability of
125preventive measures: wearing a mask, keeping their distance, disinfecting hands. Thus, they
126can create the illusion of greater control of the situation and less chance of contracting the
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UNREALISTIC OPTIMISM IN THE EYE OF THE STORM 7
127virus. In our opinion, a sense of control can foster a positive bias when asking individuals
128about the chances of contracting coronavirus. In this aspect, people seem more susceptible to
129the illusion of their own preventive actions but not necessarily for other aspects such as
130vulnerability to a severe course of COVID-19 or adverse vaccine reactions. The degree of
131desirability refers to the severity of the consequences. It is assumed that the more desirable a
132situation’s outcome, the greater the optimistic bias. However, negative events induce a more
133negative effect which leads to defensive strategies for protecting oneself and also results in
134higher optimistic bias. People desire positive outcomes, and when they are faced with the risk
135of losing their health or even their life they may be prone to reducing anxiety and protecting
136their self-esteem. One such strategy may be by creating positive illusions, which allows
137individuals to change their perception of a situation from threatening to less threatening. The
138last moderator mentioned by Weinstein (7) is the assumption about personal experience which
139is based on the availability heuristic (18). Previous experience with an event increases the
140belief in its reoccurrence. Personal experience may, in a similar vein, change the personal
141perception of the risk faced by an individual. However, two alternatives of these changes in
142the perception of the risk may be taken into account according to the existing literature (10).
143The first one is the shift in the perception of the situation to be more threatening and even
144leads to the opposite unrealistic pessimism phenomenon (19) or to a lower level of unrealistic
145optimism (10). Alternatively, personal experience may, in some cases, result in enhanced
146self-protective motivation and may lead to an underestimation of the personal risk in relation
147to others (9).
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UNREALISTIC OPTIMISM IN THE EYE OF THE STORM 8
148Aim of the studies
149Considering the above, it seems important to examine the tendency to positive bias as
150the COVID-19 pandemic develops, so we decided to explore the susceptibility to unrealistic
151optimism during the second (Study 1) and the third wave of the pandemic in Poland (Study 2),
152when the number of infections increased dramatically. If the tendency to unrealistic optimism
153persists in the further stages of the pandemic, we expect to replicate the tendency to
154underestimate one’s own chance of contracting coronavirus despite the growth in the number
155of infections in the population both during the second (Study 1) and third (Study 2) waves of
156the pandemic in Poland. In addition, in Study 2, we decided to broaden the spectrum of
157assessing the tendency to unrealistic optimism with two issues that seem to be of particular
158importance as the pandemic develops: the severity of a potential COVID-19 infection and
159adverse vaccine reactions. As far as we know, there is scarce evidence whether the optimistic
160bias is limited only to the prediction of the chance of contracting COVID-19 or is related to
161other important health-related topics. The positive bias toward coronavirus risk assessments
162does not imply that people assume they are at risk of serious complications and at risk of
163losing their health and even their lives. On the contrary, it can be assumed that such cognitive
164bias may protect individuals from thinking about the serious consequences of contracting
165COVID-19. Thus, the presence of the cognitive bias towards contracting COVID-19 does not
166necessarily mean that people are positively biased towards assessment of the chances of a
167severe course of the disease or adverse vaccine reactions. Those two seem to be beyond
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UNREALISTIC OPTIMISM IN THE EYE OF THE STORM 9
168individuals’ ability to take their own actions that could create the illusion of control and lead
169to the positive bias.
170Based on the research by Dolinski et al. (1), to determine the sample size, we expected
171Cohen's d effect sizes to be from d = 0.238 to d = 0.491. For the calculations, we adopted the
172average value of d = 0.365; expected power of .90 and alpha = .05. The analysis of the power
173in G*Power (version 3.1.9.7; 20) for the difference between the two dependent means and the
174two-tailed t-test, showed that the required power is achieved by a sample of 81 individuals. In
175order to meet these assumptions, we determined a sample size of at least 81 people in each of
176the studies.
177We report all manipulations, measures, and exclusions in these studies (supplementary
178materials for more details). No studies in this manuscript were preregistered. All statistical
179procedures were performed in IBM SPSS v.26.0 (21)
180Study 1
181We decided to conduct our first study in November 2020, during the spike of the very
182severe second wave of the pandemic in Poland. In 2020, 70,000 more people died in Poland
183than in previous years, which is nearly 20% more than in 2019 (and at the same time is the
184highest rate of death since World War II) (22). In November 2020 alone, 605,885 coronavirus
185cases were confirmed in Poland, and 11,494 people died as a result of the infection (23). Thus,
186the possible ramifications of excessive optimism became visible to every naive person. We
187expect to replicate the effect obtained by Dolinski and colleagues (1) who conducted their
188study at the beginning of the pandemic in Poland when people had not yet faced the
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UNREALISTIC OPTIMISM IN THE EYE OF THE STORM 10
189widespread traumatic experiences of the deaths of their relatives and friends due to
190coronavirus.
191Method
192This study was part of a larger research plan concerning decision-making about resource
193allocation during the coronavirus pandemic. In this report, we focus on the elements of the
194procedure related to the measurement of unrealistic optimism (a full description of the
195procedure and other measures used in the study can be found in the supplementary materials).
196Detailed information on the materials and instructions for Study 1 can be found in the
197repository: https://zenodo.org/record/5984642.
198The study was approved by Research Ethics Committee at the Institute of Applied
199Psychology, Faculty of Management and Social Communication Jagiellonian University in
200Krakow. The participants were informed about the confidentiality of their data, the voluntary
201nature of the study and the possibility of ceasing to complete the survey at any time. Their
202answers were anonymized in the database. As the research was conducted online the consent to
203participate in the study was obtained online by entering personal data and clicking on the
204“continue” button.
205Participants
206The first study involved 111 participants (90 female and 21 male) aged 18 to 42 years (M
207= 22.23, SD = 3.53). All of the participants were students of the Jagiellonian University in
208Kraków. Of all the participants, two were quarantined during the study, and four had been, at
209some point, diagnosed with COVID-19. The participants were assigned to the study conditions
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UNREALISTIC OPTIMISM IN THE EYE OF THE STORM 11
210on the basis of quasi-randomization. At the very beginning of the study, they were asked about
211their day of birth. The numbers between 1 and 31 were divided into four intervals which were
212used to redirect the participants to two different conditions (control and experimental) based on
213their answers.
214Materials
215Pandemic and neutral context
216The participants were assigned to one of two conditions related to one of two
217contexts—pandemic vs non-pandemic—as a part of the larger research project mentioned
218earlier. Four separate photos were used (i.e., two for the pandemic context and two for
219non-pandemic). More information about the chosen photos can be found in the supplementary
220materials. We had no theoretical predictions about the impact of manipulating the context (i.e.,
221pandemic vs. neutral), however, due to the fact that context can significantly change the
222perception of the social situation, especially in people who are more or less exposed to the
223effects of a pandemic, we decided to take it into account in our preliminary analyses.
224Unrealistic optimism measurement
225Our main dependent variable was the measure of how the participants were unrealistically
226optimistic about the possibility of contracting coronavirus. To this end, we asked them two
227questions:
2281. How would you rate your chances of contracting coronavirus?
2292. How would you rate the chances that someone else like you will contract coronavirus?
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UNREALISTIC OPTIMISM IN THE EYE OF THE STORM 12
230The participants answered both questions by estimating the chance of becoming infected as a
231percentage (from 0 to 100). It is suggested by Harris et al. (24) that such an indirect method of
232assessing the optimistic bias (by asking two separate questions) is more beneficial and
233informative than the classical, direct way introduced by Weinstein (7) which consists of only
234one item where participants are asked to compare themselves to an average other.
235Procedure
236The first study was conducted in November 2020 at the peak of the second wave of the
237coronavirus in Poland. Due to pandemic restrictions, the study was conducted online.
238Participants received an email invitation to take part in the study. If they clicked the link
239received in the email, they were redirected to an online survey. Firstly, they were informed
240about data privacy and gave active, informed consent. Then, after assignment to research
241conditions, they were asked two questions regarding the perceived chance of contracting
242coronavirus—by themselves and someone similar to them. Finally, the participants filled in
243demographic data and were thanked for participating in the study. Detailed information about
244all the additional materials and scales used in the study can be found in the supplementary
245materials.
246Results
247Due to the fact that being infected with COVID-19 at some point could influence the
248assessment of the risk of contracting coronavirus, participants who had been diagnosed with
249COVID-19 (n = 4) and participants who were in quarantine (n = 2) were excluded from the
250analysis. Preliminary analysis (general linear model with the assessment of the chance of
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UNREALISTIC OPTIMISM IN THE EYE OF THE STORM 13
251infection as a within-subject factor and sex, age, and condition as between-subject factors)
252showed that the assessment of the chance of infection was not influenced by the experimental
253condition (see pandemic vs neutral photos; F(1, 79) = 0.07, p = 0.791. There were also no
254differences related to the age (F(12, 107) = 1.53, p = 0.130) and sex (F(1, 79) = 0.03, p =
2550.869) of the participants. Therefore, in further analysis, all results were considered jointly,
256regardless of the manipulation of the pandemic vs the non-pandemic context, age, and gender
257of the participants. The estimate of contracting coronavirus oneself was significantly different
258from the estimate of it being contracted by someone else. The participants assessed their
259chance of becoming infected (M = 52.97, SD = 24.24) as lower than the chance of someone
260else becoming infected (M = 61.18, SD = 23.26). This difference is statistically significant and
261effect size is of moderate strength (t (103) = -4.69; p <0.001, Cohen’s d = -0.34).
262
Table 1
Summary of self and others’ chances assessments from the two studies
Self Others Paired-samples t-testHow do you assess the chances
of… related to Covid-19 M SD M SD t df p 95% CI
Lower Upper
Study 1 Contracting 52.97 24.24 61.18 23.26 4.69 103 <0.001 -11.68 -4.74
Contracting 42.55 24.67 51.03 22.98 5.69 70 <0.001 -11.45 -5.51
Serious
complications 31.13 24.48 31.94 21.53 0.297 69 0.768 -6.28 4.65
Study 2
Developing adverse
vaccine reactions 27.06 24.43 28.33 22.14 0.912 69 0.365 -4.05 1.51
263Discussion
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UNREALISTIC OPTIMISM IN THE EYE OF THE STORM 14
264The results of our first study correspond with other reports confirming a tendency to
265unrealistic optimism in the context of the assessment of life- or health-threatening events
266(5,6,9). It can be argued that a similar relationship may occur in people’s behaviour in response
267to the threat of the COVID-19 pandemic. Our study is in line with the few reports to date (1,12–
26815), that show that unrealistic optimism may bias those who are at risk of the coronavirus
269pandemic. For example, in the study by Dolinski and colleagues (1), which was carried out at
270the beginning of the pandemic in Poland, the same group of students was asked three times
271about their assessment of the chances of contracting coronavirus, and it was shown that the
272tendency to unrealistic optimism remained stable among men but actually intensified among
273women during the week after the first COVID-19 infection was announced. However, it is not
274clear—according to the Weinstein model (7) — whether the tendency to underestimate the
275chances of contracting coronavirus will continue over the long term. Our study initially
276confirmed that there was a continuing tendency to underestimate the chances of catching
277COVID-19 during an exacerbating pandemic in Poland.
278Study 2
279In our second study, we decided to extend the scope of the optimistic bias exploration to
280more specific aspects of pandemic risk. During the development of a pandemic, two aspects
281seem to be particularly important, and little known from the point of view of unrealistic
282optimism: (a) estimating the chances of serious complications as a consequence of a possible
283COVID-19 infection, and (b) the perceived risk of developing adverse vaccine reactions.
284There is strong evidence in the literature on unrealistic optimism suggesting that this effect
285occurs rather in the case of events that we assume we can control to some extent (1,7).
286According to Weinstein (7), in the case of events that people feel they can control it is easier
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UNREALISTIC OPTIMISM IN THE EYE OF THE STORM 15
287for them to visualise their own behaviour aimed at reducing the risk. Thus, they overestimate
288their influence on the situation and are more susceptible to the optimistic bias. People may, to
289some extent, try to minimise the risk of contracting COVID-19 through their behaviour, thus,
290the possibility of becoming infected seems to be dependent on a person’s actions and under
291their control. However, people believe that they have no control over whether, as a result of
292the infection, they will experience serious complications that may result in death or a serious
293threat to life. Thus, we hypothesise that although people will underestimate the chances of
294getting ill, at the same time they will not underestimate the chances of developing a serious
295course of the disease as a consequence of a possible COVID-19 infection.
296The chances of getting infected can be effectively reduced by following the
297recommendations of the WHO: limiting social contacts, wearing a face mask, or disinfecting
298hands. In the event of a severe course of COVID-19 infection, people do not have personal
299control over how the disease develops. In a study by Asimakopoulou and colleagues (11),
300participants showed lower unrealistic optimism when asked about the risk of hospitalisation,
301being taken into the intensive care unit, and being ventilated due to COVID-19 (less
302manageable situations) than when asked about the risk of contracting coronavirus or infecting
303someone else (more manageable situations). Therefore, we assume that in the case of the risk
304of a severe course of COVID-19, the effect of unrealistic optimism will be weaker.
305We decided to include one more variable which was not included in previous studies as
306they were conducted during a different stage of the pandemic. Our second study was
307conducted in February 2021, after the second coronavirus wave in Poland, which turned out to
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UNREALISTIC OPTIMISM IN THE EYE OF THE STORM 16
308be much more severe than the first one. Between September and December 2020, 1,205,878
309new cases of coronavirus infections were confirmed and 25,656 people died due to a
310COVID-19 infection. At the peak of the second wave, COVID-19 patients occupied 20,000
311hospital beds (23).
312We assumed that, at this point, most of the participants will already have had their own
313experiences related to coronavirus, and in particular, they might personally know someone for
314whom contracting coronavirus had serious consequences. We decided to verify if the personal
315experience of knowing someone who had developed a severe illness due to COVID-19 or
316died from it would affect the unrealistic optimism of the participants.
317In the literature on unrealistic optimism, we found mixed results related to the influence
318of personal experience (9,10). In a study by McKenna and Albery (10), participants who were
319involved in a car accident showed lower unrealistic optimism concerning their driving skills
320than other participants, but only if they were hospitalised as a result of the accident. In
321contrast, in a longitudinal study related to alcohol abuse (9), people who experienced negative
322consequences related to alcohol consumption at subsequent stages of the study still rated their
323own risk of developing serious problems related to alcohol abuse as lower than others.
324Finally, since the date of the study coincided with the commencement of the vaccination
325programme in Poland, we were also interested in the assessment of the chances of adverse
326vaccination reactions – self versus others. We assumed that as the chances of adverse
327vaccination reactions are beyond one’s control, we will not observe optimistic bias in this
328case.
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UNREALISTIC OPTIMISM IN THE EYE OF THE STORM 17
329Method
330Participants
331The second study involved 84 participants (57 female, 26 male, and 1 nonbinary), aged from 19
332to 65 (M = 35.42, SD = 9.07). Eleven of the participants were at some point diagnosed with
333COVID-19, two were quarantined while participating in the study. Out of 84 participants, 78
334knew someone diagnosed with COVID-19, 47 knew someone who manifested severe
335symptoms of COVID-19, and 30 participants knew someone who died due to COVID-19.
336Materials
337Pandemic and neutral context
338Similarly, as in Study 1, we used the manipulation of the context of the unrealistic
339optimism assessment. Before the assessment, half of the participants were presented with
340pandemic-associated, death-related pictures whereas the other half were presented with - the
341same as in Study 1 - neutral images. The materials were chosen based on the separate pilot
342study. The stimuli used in the second study can be found in the supplementary materials.
343Detailed information on the materials and instructions for study 2 can be found in the repository:
344https://zenodo.org/record/5984642.
345Unrealistic optimism measurement
346As we wanted to verify whether unrealistic optimism would also apply to other aspects
347related to the coronavirus pandemic (apart from the assessment of the chances of being
348infected), we additionally asked the participants the following questions:
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UNREALISTIC OPTIMISM IN THE EYE OF THE STORM 18
3491. How would you rate your chances of a severe course of the disease if you contract
350coronavirus?
3512. How would you rate the chances of someone else becoming severely ill if they contract
352coronavirus?
353These questions related to the possible unrealistic optimism about a severe course of
354coronavirus disease. As the coronavirus vaccination programme was already underway during
355the second study, we also wanted to check if there were some differences in the assessment of
356the possible side effects of a vaccination:
3571. How would you rate your chances of developing severe side effects after a coronavirus
358vaccination?
3592. How would you rate the chances of someone else developing severe side effects after a
360coronavirus vaccination?
361Personal experience of COVID-19
362The second study was conducted on the verge of the third wave of the coronavirus
363pandemic in Poland. Thus, we assumed that the participants may have had some personal
364experience of COVID-19 at this point, which might have influenced the way they assessed their
365chances of getting infected and developing severe symptoms of COVID-19. At the end of the
366study, participants reported if they personally knew someone diagnosed with COVID-19, if
367they personally knew someone who developed severe symptoms of COVID-19, and if they
368personally knew someone who died due to a COVID-19 infection.
369Procedure
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UNREALISTIC OPTIMISM IN THE EYE OF THE STORM 19
370Again, due to the pandemic restrictions, the study was conducted online. Participants
371received an email invitation to take part in the study. If they clicked on the link received in the
372email, they were redirected to the online survey. Firstly, they were informed about data privacy
373and gave active, informed consent. Similar to the first study, participants were assigned to the
374research condition quasi-randomly, based on their day of birth. Depending on the condition,
375participants saw either neutral photos (control conditions) or photos related to the coronavirus
376pandemic (experimental conditions).
377In the next step, they were asked to estimate their perceived chances of being infected with
378COVID-19, developing severe symptoms of COVID-19, and suffering severe side effects of
379vaccination against COVID-19. To assess the tendency to the optimistic bias, they also
380answered the same questions regarding their co-workers/other students. Finally, the
381participants filled in demographic data and information about their personal experience of
382COVID-19. More detailed information about the other measures used in the study can be found
383in the supplementary materials.
384Results
385As in the first study, we excluded participants who declared that they had tested positive
386for the presence of coronavirus (n = 11) and participants who were in quarantine (n = 2) as
387their answers may have biased the results. Since during the second study, vaccination against
388coronavirus was already underway in Poland, we also excluded participants who had been
389vaccinated with at least one dose (n = 2). First, in the preliminary analysis, we checked if
390there were any differences in unrealistic optimism measures due to different experimental
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UNREALISTIC OPTIMISM IN THE EYE OF THE STORM 20
391conditions (pandemic vs neutral photos). As we found none (F(1,15) = 0.13, p = .726), we
392decided to analyse all the data together. There were also no differences concerning unrealistic
393optimism due to the gender (F(1,15) = 0.13, p = .865) and age (F(32,15) = 0.71, p = .795) of
394the participants. The effect of unrealistic optimism related to the chances of contracting
395coronavirus has been successfully replicated (t(70) = -5.69, p < .001, Cohen’s d = -0.37). The
396respondents assessed their chances of becoming infected lower (M = 42.55, SD = 24.67) than
397the chances of other people (M = 51.03, SD = 22.98).
398There was no effect of unrealistic optimism related to a severe course of COVID-19
399infection (see Table 1). However, when assessing the chances of a severe course of the
400disease, personal experience related to coronavirus turned out to be an important factor. There
401was an interaction effect between unrealistic optimism and personal acquaintance with
402someone who died from a COVID-19 infection (F(1,68) = 6.50, p = .013, Cohen’s d = 0.58).
403Participants who knew someone who died as a result of COVID-19 infection estimated their
404chances of a severe course of coronavirus infection significantly lower (M = 26.29, SD =
40519.74) than the chances of substantial side effects of COVID-19 infection for other people (M
406= 36.41, SD = 19.27; p = .028). This effect did not appear in the case of participants who did
407not personally know any victims of COVID-19 infection (Mself = 33.65 SDself = 26.47
408comparing to Mother = 29.61 SDother = 22.47; p = .218).
409Other experiences with the coronavirus pandemic (i.e., knowing people who have
410become infected or who have been severely ill) did not contribute to the effect of unrealistic
411optimism concerning a severe course of COVID-19 disease. There was no interactional effect
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UNREALISTIC OPTIMISM IN THE EYE OF THE STORM 21
412in the case of a personal acquaintance with someone who has been severely ill (F(1,68) = 2.03,
413p = .158, Cohen’s d = 0.31). Additionally, we decided not to perform analysis on a personal
414acquaintance with someone who has been infected as a between-subject factor since 78 of 84
415participants knew someone who has been ill.
416There was also no effect of unrealistic optimism concerning potential adverse reactions of
417the COVID-19 vaccination (see Table 1). Overall, respondents rated the chances of
418experiencing vaccination side effects as low for themselves (M = 27.06; SD = 24.43) as for
419others (M = 28.33, SD = 22.14). Any type of personal experiences with the coronavirus
420pandemic were of no importance in this case (knowing someone who has been severely ill:
421F(1,68) = 0.32, p = .573; Cohen’s d = 0.14; knowing someone who died from COVID-19
422infection: F(1,68) = 1.97, p = .166; Cohen’s d = 0.33).
423Discussion
424The evidence presented in our research supports the assumption that the optimistic bias
425is maintained as the COVID-19 pandemic progresses and is not limited to the initial stages of
426a pandemic outbreak. Bottemanne and colleagues (25) suggest that the optimism bias may
427diminish as coronavirus spreads around the world. They argue that in face of an inevitable
428threat people tend to use unfavourable information more likely to update their beliefs. At first,
429the coronavirus pandemic was rather distant and novel but with more and more cases the risk
430of infection was getting higher and, as a result, this might have updated people’s beliefs about
431their personal chances of getting ill and weakened the optimistic bias. In contrast to the
432assumptions of Bottemanne and colleagues (25), our data, collected in two studies conducted
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UNREALISTIC OPTIMISM IN THE EYE OF THE STORM 22
433during the second and third waves of the pandemic in Poland, confirm the existence of
434unrealistic optimism regarding the assessment of the chances of contracting coronavirus.
435Moreover, as the pandemic progressed, not only did the optimism not diminish, but the
436strength of the effect appears to be stable (i.e., Cohen’s d in Study 1 vs. Study 2 is 0.34 and
4370.37, respectively). In both studies, the pandemic and non-pandemic contexts did not affect
438the assessment of any aspects of pandemic risk. This may be an argument for the high
439availability of information about the pandemic and relative insensitivity to additional
440information that would change the perception of reality during the second and third waves of
441the pandemic in Poland.
442Interestingly, in the second study, people assessed both their own likelihood of
443becoming infected and of others as lower than in the first study (i.e., 52.97 vs 42.10 for one’s
444own assessment and 61.18 vs 51.00 for others). However, it is difficult to draw conclusions
445about the differences in the estimates of absolute values on that basis, because the results
446come from different groups of respondents at different stages of the pandemic’s development.
447We do not know whether this result indicates the opposite trend to that observed in the studies
448by Dolinski et al. (1) or whether it represents differences in the perceived probability of
449infection of various groups of people.
450Nevertheless, maintaining the illusion of the lower vulnerability to infection that
451accompanies the sharp increase in the number of infected people — as we are dealing with in
452the second and third waves of the pandemic — indicates a strong cognitive bias that does not
453seem to have been reduced by the incoming information. According to Weinstein’s
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UNREALISTIC OPTIMISM IN THE EYE OF THE STORM 23
454assumption of the perceived probability of the event (7), in March 2020, in Poland, there were
455a dozen new COVID-19 cases a day, while in the second half of the year, the numbers were
456oscillating around several thousand cases a day and more. As the incidence of the disease
457increases with the duration of the pandemic, individuals are supposed to make more realistic
458estimations of the chances of their own illness and should make those assessments similar to
459others, thus one would expect that the tendency to unrealistic optimism should decrease.
460However, the above argumentation assumes that people rationally evaluate the chances of
461positive and negative events in their lives, which, as we know from the many studies in the
462field about decision making and judgement, is no longer true (18,26). Likewise, the
463assumption that a growing number of infections should change the stereotypical image of a
464typical victim (7), which in turn should inhibit the tendency to the positive bias also turned
465out not to be valid in our studies. While people in our research showed positive illusions
466about coronavirus infection, the attempt to explain this phenomenon should focus on the role
467of factors that, from the theoretical point of view, could contribute to their maintenance.
468One reason why individuals may be motivated to maintain a positive illusion is when
469they are trying to control an unpredictable situation (27). The outbreak of a pandemic is
470undoubtedly a factor that increases the unpredictability and uncertainty of actions and raises
471many risks related to the consequences of the decisions that individuals are making. There is a
472growing body of literature suggesting that the experience of uncontrollability increases
473uncertainty (28) and leads to the experience of lack of control which is challenging for
474various aspects of human functioning (29). In the context of our research, the most interesting
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UNREALISTIC OPTIMISM IN THE EYE OF THE STORM 24
475seems the self-protection motivation (30,31) and regaining control when people are facing
476unpredictable situations (32). The positive illusion may be a form of self-protection and
477cognitive bias can serve as promoting positivity in one’s self-views. Following this argument,
478it can be expected that the growing number of infections will not only reduce the positive bias
479but will foster uncertainty about the future and enhance motivation to regain control of the
480situation, especially in terms of those aspects that may be perceived as controllable. We
481expected, according to Weinstein’s model (7), that the positive illusion will be especially
482strong in the case of the relatively controllable aspect of the pandemic situation (the chances
483of contracting of COVID-19) but not for those aspects that are beyond control (a severe
484course of COVID-19, adverse vaccine reactions). The results of Study 2 are consistent with
485the above assumptions and other studies suggesting the existence of the positive illusion for
486manageable rather than unmanageable situations (11). We predicted that in the case of the
487chances of infection, such an illusion of control is more likely to occur than for other aspects
488of assessment. Hand disinfection, self-isolation, and wearing a mask are actions that an
489individual can take at any time because they depend solely on their will. There is, however, an
490interesting contradiction in this aspect. Paradoxically, research shows that unrealistically
491optimistic people less often follow the rules and respect limitations. In fact, they tend to
492ignore protective measures and thus contribute to the spread of the virus. A positive illusion
493can therefore be a knife that cuts both sides: from an individual’s perspective, the belief that
494preventive measures are readily available strengthens the illusion of control, but it actually
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UNREALISTIC OPTIMISM IN THE EYE OF THE STORM 25
495leads to the ignoring of limitations, which not only does not reduce the risk but also seriously
496increases it.
497We did not expect to report the unrealistic optimism in regard to a severe course of
498COVID-19. The degree of desirability which refers to the severity of the consequences
499according to the Weinstein model (7) increases the pressure for a more realistic risk
500assessment. As the risk of a wrong and inadequate assessment of the situation increases,
501individuals pay higher costs for their wrong decisions. The results obtained are consistent
502with our assumptions that an individual will not be prone to unrealistic optimism when
503assessing a serious course of the disease. However, there is an interesting exception regarding
504people who knew someone who died from a COVID-19 infection. The results obtained in
505Study 2 show that people who experienced the death of a person they knew are unrealistically
506optimistic in regards to the assessment their own chances of a severe course of COVID-19.
507Knowing a person who died of COVID-19 may indicate the role of personal experience in the
508development of the positive illusion. The existing literature does not allow for conclusive
509assumptions about the influence of personal experience in the development of the positive
510bias. Rather, our results may suggest that personal experience enhances the positive illusion,
511however, there is another important factor that one cannot ignore. There is a considerable
512number of empirical findings suggesting the consequences of mortality salience evoke a
513psychological defence mechanism to protect self-esteem and reduce the psychological threat
514and anxiety (33,34). The personal experience in our study took a specific form beyond
515knowing someone infected with COVID-19. During the third wave of the pandemic, almost
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UNREALISTIC OPTIMISM IN THE EYE OF THE STORM 26
516all respondents knew someone who had already been infected with coronavirus and our
517results suggest that those kinds of experiences are not sufficient to enhance the positive bias
518towards a severe course of the disease. The experience of COVID-19 does not necessarily
519imply its seriousness. In the case of death, we are dealing not only with the experience of
520severe complications but, above all, with mortality salience which bears far more
521psychological consequences (35) than only the experience of a severe course of coronavirus
522infection. Unfortunately, our study does not allow us to make a conclusion about the role of
523the specificity of these kinds of personal experiences. More research is needed to verify the
524role of assessing the consequences of infecting others in creating a positive illusion about the
525seriousness of the disease. It cannot be ruled out that unrealistic optimism may be a specific
526consequence of the awareness of one’s own mortality, which has not been verified in the
527empirical research so far.
528In our research, we refer to the predictions based on the Weinstein model (7), which we
529consider to be the most elaborated theoretical framework in the literature explaining the
530predictors of unrealistic optimism. We are aware that the inference about the relationship to
531risk assessment in our research was indirect rather than direct. Further efforts should be made
532to better demonstrate the direct relationship of factors in the Weinstein model (7) with the
533development of the positive illusions regarding the assessment of various aspects of pandemic
534risk (contagion risk, risk of a severe course, risk of unexpected vaccine reactions) and the role
535of mortality salience in upholding positive illusions.
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