Keywords
clan conflict, displacement, conflict dynamics, conflict-induced displacement,
Somali communities.
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Introduction.
Globally, conflict is seen as a key issue that impedes growth (Happi, 2016). Throughout history,
numerous regions worldwide, particularly arid areas with limited natural resources, have been
plagued by conflicts. Huho (2012) suggests that conflict arises from structural inequalities and
imbalanced power distribution. A conflict situation emerges when two or more distinct groups
actively confront each other, pursuing incompatible objectives (Salad, 2015). Other scholars also
suggest that conflict emerges from competing interests over limited resources, divergent goals,
and frustration. This occurs in relationships characterized by both competitive and cooperative
elements, where individuals have conflicting motivations (Kamta & Scheffran, 2022). However,
Conflict is an unavoidable aspect of society, emerging through various processes such as societal
shifts, individual psychological growth, economic disparities, the formation of cultural identities,
and the structuring of political systems (ONGAGA, 2017).
Conversely, global displacement patterns have been increasing due to various challenges including
climate change, insecurity, and conflict. This worldwide surge in population displacement has
significantly affected the global food system (Osman & Abebe, 2023). According to the United
Nations, roughly 30% of the world's population, primarily in developing nations, is currently
facing food insecurity. Conflicts leading to mass migration are a major contributor to these issues.
The forced abandonment of agricultural lands disrupts food production and frequently results in
famine (Osman & Abebe, 2023).
For the past 25 years, Somalia has been devoid of any reliable peace and stability since 1991
(Mohamed & Samantar). It is widely accepted that the ongoing conflicts driven by political, clan,
and religious factors in Somalia have resulted in a significant wave of displacement, both within
the country and as refugee migration to other nations(Mohamed & Samantar). Most conflict-
related research often neglects the connections between development, environmental, and conflict-
driven displacements.
However, in Somalia's case, four interconnected factors have contributed to population
displacement: armed conflict, ethnic and racial persecution, environmental disasters like drought,
floods, and famine, and development projects altering land use and ownership (Fellin, 2013). In
this instance, a significant portion of Somalia's population has been displaced, both within and
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outside the country, due to violence, conflict, famine, severe food shortages, and the resulting
poverty and instability (Robinson et al., 2014). For instance, Dadaab in Northeastern Kenya hosts
the world's largest refugee camp, containing the highest concentration of Somalis outside of
Mogadishu. Somalia has been characterized not only as experiencing one of the world's most
severe human rights and humanitarian crises but also as having one of the most critical
displacement situations globally(Robinson et al., 2014). From an operational perspective, Somali
refers to ethnic pastoral communities residing in Somalia, Kenya, and Ethiopia, who share similar
cultural practices, linguistic heritage, and religious beliefs (Alio, 2012).
LITERATURE REVIEW.
Conflict, in its simplest form, occurs when individuals or groups struggle over limited supplies of
tangible or intangible goods (Shale, 2011). Moreover, conflicts among communities are primarily
driven by the struggle for control and access to natural resources, especially water and grazing
lands. Additional factors contributing to these conflicts include long-standing rivalries, deeply
ingrained cultural beliefs, land disputes, political instigation, youth unemployment, and the recent
increase in illegal weapons (Salad, 2015).
Some researchers point out that the exploitation of natural resources and related environmental
pressures play a significant role in all stages of conflicts, from their inception and continuation to
hindering peace efforts. They have observed that natural resources are linked to at least 40% of
internal conflicts over the past six decades. The repercussions of conflict on communities are
extensive, causing severe and enduring damage to their social, economic, and political landscapes.
When civilians become direct targets or unintended victims, the social fabric and coping
mechanisms of a society are torn apart, making the return to normalcy a prolonged process that
can span years. This is particularly true when social institutions and ways of life are intentionally
destroyed(Salad, 2015). During times of strife, extended family and kinship networks offer crucial
support. However, conflict also intensifies divisions between groups, escalates intra-group
tensions and mistrust, disrupts economic relationships between different factions, and creates
conditions conducive to disease spread. A stark example of this can be seen in Rwanda, where
even after the violence subsided in mid-1994, deaths continued as refugees and internally displaced
persons fell victim to diseases caused by insufficient food and clean water. As a result, the political,
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economic, and social frameworks of conflict-affected communities undergo significant
transformations (Salad, 2015).
The Horn of Africa is characterized by persistent violent conflicts occurring at multiple levels:
national, regional, and local. These conflicts involve a diverse range of participants, including
governments, nationalist organizations, religious factions, and community or identity groups, often
with substantial support from external sources(A. A. Mohamed, 2018). A notable feature of these
conflicts is their tendency to quickly expand beyond national boundaries, taking on a sub-regional
dimension. This cross-border nature is facilitated by the involvement of ethnic kin from
neighboring countries within the Horn of Africa region (A. A. Mohamed, 2018).
For nearly 30 years, Somalia has experienced a lack of central government due to a combination
of factors, including civil war, political instability, and clan-based armed conflicts. These issues
stemmed from efforts to overthrow the dictatorial regime and subsequently led to a power vacuum
and unrest, particularly in the southern region. Somalia's society is traditionally organized around
clans, which have their methods for addressing inter-clan matters such as disputes, power
distribution, and criminal offenses committed by clan members. The conflict in Somalia stems
from a variety of intricate factors, encompassing political, economic, cultural, and psychological
aspects. Throughout the different phases of the conflict, numerous internal and external parties
have exerted varying degrees of influence (Ahmedweli Mohamud, 2012). These methods include
the use of law enforcement and judicial systems, intermarriage, and other conflict-resolution
mechanisms (Barrow, 2020).
Historically and since the 1800s, Somalia has experienced inter-clan disputes stemming from
competition over essential resources like water, livestock, and pastures. Historically, Somali
nomads have engaged in conflicts over camel ownership due to the animals' crucial role in
surviving Somalia's challenging environment (Abdirahman, 2016). In this setting, clan affiliation
proved valuable, as amassing and maintaining a substantial camel herd required the backing of
one's clan members. During the initial phase of the civil war (1988-1992), militias were organized
along major clan divisions, resulting in the frequent exchange of control over major urban centers.
At that time, it was common for media outlets and Somali people to report that a specific clan had
seized control of a particular city (Abdirahman, 2016). A civil war occurs when organized factions
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within a single nation-state or republic engage in armed conflict, or less frequently when two
countries that were previously part of a unified nation-state fight each other (Abdikarim Mohaidin,
2011). Furthermore, Somalia has emerged as the most notable case of state collapse in Sub-
Saharan Africa over recent years (Jama et al., 2018).
In southern Somalia, violent clashes erupted among clan-based armed groups vying for dominance
over important urban centers, ports, and residential areas. The primary casualties of this conflict
were vulnerable farming communities and minority groups residing along the coast, who found
themselves caught in the crossfire of the warring factions (Abdikarim Mohaidin, 2011). The
Somali conflict encompasses all major Somali clans, including Hawiye, Darod, Isaq, Dir,
Rahanweyn, and nearly every minority group. Each clan either operates its faction or participates
in a coalition of factions. Certain groups have exerted dominance over others, compelling the
subjugated to seek alternative means of survival in Somalia's lawless environment. This dynamic
has resulted in every clan becoming an active participant in the ongoing conflict (Farah et al.,
2002).
Understanding the political structure of Somali society hinges on grasping the concept of kinship
and its unique social contract. As long as Somalis rely on their kinship lineage for protection and
security, collective rather than individual perspectives will continue to shape responsibilities,
obligations, rights, and liabilities. Consequently, clans will remain collectively accountable for the
actions of their individual members, while the rights of women and children will persistently be
viewed through the lens of preserving the strength of male-dominated clans (Gundel, 2009).
The Somali clan system is founded on a patrilineal kinship structure. Clan membership is
determined by tracing one's ancestry through male lineage. The social agreement outlines the
principles of unity within and among these patrilineal clans. An analytical breakdown of the
traditional Somali structures reveals three fundamental components: 1) The segmentary lineage
system, which forms their traditional social organization; 2) The xeer, which comprises their
customary laws; 3) Their traditional juridic-political framework, represented by traditional
authorities. Genealogical records establish an individual's clan affiliation based on their ancestral
origins (Gundel, 2009).
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Worldwide, internal displacement stands as the predominant form of forced migration and serves
as a crucial tactic in eliminationism politics. Migration experts typically employ a framework
centered on rational choice and utility maximization to examine patterns of migrant movement.
Seminal models depict individuals assessing the expenses of departing against the potential
benefits of relocating to various destination nations (Blair, 2024). This decision-making process,
which determines whether, when, and where to migrate, is subject to uncertainties and financial
constraints. The factors prompting individuals to leave their homes are categorized as "push"
factors, while those drawing them toward specific destinations are termed "pull" factors. Despite
extensive testing of this migrant decision-making model in the context of international migration,
there remains a dearth of systematic analysis regarding internal displacement patterns(Blair, 2024).
With the seventh-largest internally displaced population globally, Somalia has been the focus of
one of the world's most enduring humanitarian aid efforts since the late 1980s (Drumtra, 2014)
and in the meanwhile, prior to the collapse of the previous central government in 1991, Somalia
was already ranked among the world's most impoverished nations, with an unstable economy that
relied heavily on livestock trade(Mohamed & Samantar). In 2023, a record 2.9 million people were
forced from their homes due to environmental disasters and conflict. Climate-related events
accounted for 75 percent of displacements, affecting 2.3 million individuals (1.7 million from
floods and 531,000 from drought). Concurrently, conflict and insecurity led to the displacement or
re-displacement of 653,000 people, marking an unprecedented high. Operational challenges
impact over 3.8 million people, with approximately 580,000 residing in areas that humanitarian
organizations struggle to reach. Most of those in hard-to-access regions are women and
children(UNOCHA, 2024) . Conversely, the clan conflicts and forced displacement have resulted
in significant loss of life, disrupted the livelihoods of millions of internally displaced persons
(IDPs) and their host communities, and caused extensive damage to infrastructure. Furthermore,
many IDPs report that the food aid provided by humanitarian organizations is inadequate to meet
their needs (Sate & Konso Zone).
Furthermore, as of late 2022, approximately four million individuals remained internally displaced
within the nation. Both armed conflicts and climate-related issues have prompted population
movements, including exodus to refugee camps in adjacent countries, repatriation to Somalia from
foreign lands, or internal displacement (Addow, 2024). This displacement often stems from
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extended periods of hostilities, strife, and climate-induced events that undermine livelihoods,
exhausting all available resources and adaptive strategies. Nevertheless, mobility can also
represent a more deliberate choice, shaped by multiple factors, as people pursue enhanced
prospects for themselves and their families(Addow, 2024), conflict also hampers agricultural
activities, exacerbates food shortages, and triggers population displacement, including the
formation of camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs) (Kinyoki et al., 2017).
The origins of displacement in modern-day Somalia can be traced to former colonial divisions,
clan rivalries, and intense competition for economic and political power in the post-colonial era.
Somalia's independence in 1960 was hindered by a lack of political credibility and a fragile
economic foundation (Mustafe Mahamoud, 2017). The government's seizure of economic assets,
the impact of a severe drought in 1974, and the military defeat in the 1978 Ogaden conflict led to
widespread disillusionment with the Barre administration. Serious armed resistance against Barre
began in 1988 in northwestern Somalia, causing approximately 400,000 Somalis to seek refuge in
Ethiopia and Djibouti. Barre's ousting in 1991 plunged Somalia into an extended period of civil
strife. During the peak of the conflict in 1992, around 800,000 Somalis were refugees in adjacent
countries, while 2 million were displaced within Somalia's borders(Mustafe Mahamoud, 2017).
The displacement has become one of the most significant crises facing the world in modern
times(Yigzaw & Abitew, 2019). Displacement resulting from conflict can significantly alter an
individual's connection to their community. This forced relocation extends beyond merely
increasing the physical distance between a person and their familiar surroundings (Aymerich &
Zeyneloglu, 2023). It compromises the displaced individual's capacity to contribute to community
decisions, fully participate in communal affairs, interact through established norms and values,
and engage in shared experiences that collectively define one's Sense of Community (SOC).
Moreover, the economic hardships associated with displacement, combined with the destruction
of infrastructure due to conflict, further reduce the material resources individuals can dedicate to
and invest in their community (Aymerich & Zeyneloglu, 2023).
The sense of community (SOC) experienced by members toward their original community may be
diminished due to damage and separation. However, the shared ordeal of conflict and forced
relocation could serve as a powerful bonding experience that strengthens SOC. Internally displaced
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persons (IDP) often experience nostalgic feelings for their original community, stemming from the
identity disruption caused by forced displacement (Aymerich & Zeyneloglu, 2023). Struggling to
adapt to unfamiliar surroundings, IDPs tend to reinforce their collective community norms and
traditions. The yearning for familiar community practices may act as a driving force, leading to
increased levels of SOC. This dual dynamic, where displacement both supports and undermines
community members' attachment to their original community, raises significant questions about
the SOC levels experienced by forcibly displaced individuals in unstable environments (Aymerich
& Zeyneloglu, 2023).
Examination of data on daily population movement and incidents of violence reveals that structural
elements, particularly shifts in the geographic range and power dynamics of conflicts, are the
primary factors influencing increases or decreases in displacement. These impacts are a result of
the proportion of people affected by the conflict, disruptions to security, and widespread fear. The
study makes two key contributions (Schon, 2015). Firstly, it highlights the intricate nature of the
relationship between violence and displacement. Secondly, it underscores the significance of
considering the structural aspects of conflicts, even as advancements in data collection and
methodology have enabled researchers to focus on more granular details of these conflicts(Schon,
2015).
Examining the impact of clan-driven displacement on livelihoods, there are worries about how
long-term conflict and forced relocation diminish household resources. This has constrained the
ability of impoverished Somalis to support vulnerable children, as entire families often share the
food rations intended for child patients (Le Sage & Majid, 2002). Other contributing factors
include inadequate water and sanitation facilities, as well as poor nutritional quality even when
food is available. Moreover, some households experience extremely slow recovery, with many
becoming destitute. Ongoing political and economic exclusion may prevent certain social groups,
including minorities and small sub-clans, from accessing markets (Le Sage & Majid, 2002).
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According to Collins (2004), the term clan is conceptualized as "an informal organization
consisting of individuals related or linked by kin-based bonds." The core of a clan is comprised of
emotional kinship connections, which form the foundation of its organizational identity and
relationships. These connections extend both vertically and horizontally, connecting leaders with
followers, and encompass both genuine blood relations and symbolic kinship. The etymology of
the word clan can be traced back to "clan" in Irish and Scottish Gaelic languages, which translates
to family (Hussein, 2022). In contrast, conflict is conceptualized here as the dynamic between
interdependent individuals who perceive their aims as clashing and view each other as obstacles
in the pursuit of these objectives(Jibril, 2013). It's also worth mentioning that clan conflict is a type
of conflict that occurs within a clan (A. Mohamed, 2018) while a person who is compelled to leave
their residence but remains within the boundaries of their nation is known as an Internally
Displaced Person (IDP)(Muna Mohamed, 2020).
The study is grounded in Karl Marx's conflict theory, which posits that society exists in a constant
state of discord due to the struggle for scarce resources. This theory suggests that social order is
maintained through dominance and power, rather than agreement and compliance (Adan &
Orodho, 2013). Conflict theory argues that individuals in positions of wealth and influence strive
to maintain their status by any means necessary, primarily through the oppression of those without
power. Furthermore, the theory contends that major historical advancements, such as the
establishment of democratic systems and civil liberties, stem from capitalist efforts to control the
populace, rather than from a genuine desire for societal harmony (Adan & Orodho, 2013).
This conflict theory has been applied to elucidate various social issues, such as warfare, uprisings,
economic disparities, resolve, and family abuse. Societies are composed of groups that necessitate
rules. Groups can be chaotic entities. In the absence of guidelines, individuals tend to deviate,
either unintentionally or purposefully. A social mechanism is essential to function as a herding
dog, steering people back to the collective (Adan & Orodho, 2013).
The research also referenced Henri Tajfel's social identity theory from the 1970s, which uses the
concept of social identity to explain prejudice, discrimination, and conflict between groups.
According to this theory, individuals first develop preferences for certain groups, then align
themselves with these favored groups (known as "in groups"), and finally compare themselves to
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other groups perceived as "out groups." This process is essential as social groups aim to
differentiate themselves from one another. Members of clans typically prefer to identify with their
birth clan and resist being recognized as part of other clans, even when living in the same village,
due to concerns about losing their clan identity. People often describe the external category using
falsehoods, exaggerated labels, and negative attributes, while associating their own group with
positive characteristics (Sahal, 2016).
Thus, despite extensive research on conflict dynamics and displacement in Somalia, significant
knowledge gaps persist regarding the complex interrelationship between clan-based conflicts and
displacement trends. Current scholarly literature predominantly focuses on the historical and
structural elements of clan rivalries, competition for resources, and the sociopolitical ramifications
of displacement. However, a comprehensive analysis of how these elements interact to focus on
relationship of these variables (clan conflict and displacement) is lacking. Furthermore, while
some studies emphasize the role of scarce natural resources and political instigation in precipitating
conflicts, these investigations fail to provide a thorough examination of the correlation between
clan-related conflicts and the magnitude of displacement.
Consequently, this gap emphasizes the necessity for a more comprehensive and context-specific
approach to elucidate the complex relationship between clan conflict and the scale of displacement,
which constitutes the primary focus of this study.
RESEARCH OBJECTIVES.
The study examined four specific research objectives:
1. To identify specific regional variations in clan conflict-driven displacement in affected regions
in Somalia.
2. To analyze the correlation between the frequency of clan conflicts and the scale of
displacements across selected regions in Somalia.
3. To examine the extent to which clan conflict is a predictor of displacement.
4. To provide recommendations to mitigate clan conflict-driven displacement in Somalia.
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Methods
AND MATERIALS (RESEARCH METHODOLOGY).
This study utilized retrospective data. The Displacement Tracking Matrix (DTM) data in Somalia,
produced by the International Organization for Migration (IOM), was employed; specifically, the
study utilized data collected between April and October 2024 from 11 regions of Somalia (Bakool,
Banadir, Bay, Galgaduud, Gedo, Hiraan, Lower Juba, Lower Shabelle, Middle Shabelle, Mudug
and Nugaal).
The dataset was in Excel format and contained information on the study variables (clan conflict
and displacement). The researchers conducted comprehensive data cleaning prior to data analysis,
which involved checking for missing values, duplicates, completeness, relevance, and redundancy.
After cleaning, the dataset contained 2,008 records of clan conflicts and 38,690 cases of
displacement. There were no missing values, duplicates, or redundancies. Consequently, the
dataset was deemed suitable for statistical analysis.
Data analysis was conducted utilizing statistical software packages for social science (SPSS) and
an Excel spreadsheet to generate percentages, charts, tables, and statistical conclusions addressing
the study objectives. The study employed descriptive and inferential statistics, including mean
percentages, linear regression, and bivariate correlation analysis. The findings are presented in a
systematic sequence of tables, numerical data, figures, and statistical inferences that address the
study's goals and objectives, as well as discussions, recommendations, and potential applications.
ANALYSIS AND RESULTS OF THE STUDY.
Regional variations in clan conflict-driven displacement in affected regions in Somalia.
This research objective aims to provide the patterns and dynamics of clan conflict-driven
displacement across different selected regions in Somalia. This analysis (Figure 1) will provide
displacement across regions and how they vary regionally as well as specific insights for
developing localized interventions and policy measures.
Figure 1: Regional variations in clan conflict-driven displacement.
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The chart above illustrates the relationship between clan-based conflicts and population
displacement across different regions in Somalia, showcasing notable variations. Gedo stands out
as the most severely impacted area, experiencing an extraordinarily high level of clan-related strife
at 18,387 incidents, resulting in the displacement of roughly 10,000 people. This striking
difference underscores the strong link between escalated clan tensions and subsequent population
displacement within this particular region.
Similarly, Banadir and Bay report significant clan-related conflicts, with 10,517 and 11,114
incidents respectively. However, their displacement figures are considerably lower than those in
Gedo. This suggests that while clan conflicts are widespread, they don't always result in
proportionate displacement, possibly due to variations in local conditions or community resilience.
In contrast, areas such as Hiraan, Lower Juba, and Middle Shabelle experience far fewer clan
conflicts and displacements. Hiraan, for instance, records only 265 conflict incidents and minimal
100 784 147 60 371
36 4 325
9 164 8
1,954 10,517 1,114 1,204 18,337
265 26 1,877
223 3,095 78
Bakool Banadir Bay Galgaduud Gedo Hiraan Lower
Juba
Lower
Shabelle
Middle
Shabelle
Mudug Nugaal
Clan conflict Displacement
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corresponding displacement. This indicates that these regions enjoy relative stability compared to
more severely impacted areas.
In conclusion, the chart illustrates that while clan conflict frequently correlates with displacement,
the magnitude and consequences vary considerably across regions. This nuanced comprehension
is essential for tailoring interventions and support efforts in the most affected areas.
Correlation between the frequency of clan conflicts and the scale of displacements across
selected regions in Somalia.
This research objective analyzes the connection between clan conflict frequency and displacement
magnitude in specific Somali regions. By examining this association, the research intends to
measure how changes in clan conflict intensity affect displacement trends. Gaining insight into
this relationship will show how clan conflicts influence displacement dynamics, enabling more
focused interventions in areas impacted by conflict.
Table 1: Correlation between the frequency of clan conflicts and the scale of displacements.
Correlations
Clan conflict Displacement
Pearson Correlation 1 .705*
Sig. (2-tailed) .015
Clan conflict
N 11 11
Pearson Correlation .705* 1
Sig. (2-tailed) .015
Displacement
N 11 11
*. Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed).
The researchers used Correlation Coefficient analysis to assess the relationship between the
frequency of clan conflicts and the scale of displacements. The table above presents the results of
a correlation analysis. The Correlation Coefficient of 0.705 indicates a strong positive correlation
between clan conflict and displacement, suggesting that as one variable increases, the other tends
to increase as well. Furthermore, the P-value is less than the conventional alpha level of 0.05,
indicating that the correlation is statistically significant. This finding allows for the confident
assertion that the observed relationship is unlikely to be attributable to random chance.
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In conclusion, there is a significant positive correlation between clan conflict and displacement,
indicating that higher levels of clan conflict are associated with increased levels of displacement.
Examining the extent to which clan conflict is a predictor of displacement.
The above research objective aims to assess how well clan-based conflicts can predict population
displacement in Somalia, utilizing Linear Regression Analysis. The research aims to assess and
quantify the impact and relevance of clan conflict as a predictor factor in displacement by
analyzing the relationship between these two variables under the below tables.
Table 2: Model summary of linear regression analysis.
The model summary provides insights into the relationship between clan conflict and
displacement. The correlation coefficient (R) is 0.705, indicating a strong positive relationship; as
clan conflict increases, displacement also tends to increase. The R Square value is 0.497, signifying
that approximately 49.7% of the variance in displacement can be explained by clan conflict. This
indicates that while clan conflict is a significant predictor of displacement, other factors likely
contribute to the variations in displacement that are not captured by this model. In summary, the
data indicates a significant relationship between clan conflict and displacement.
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Table 3: ANOVA of linear regression analysis.
The ANOVA table above provides insights into the overall significance of the regression model
used to predict displacement based on clan conflict. The ANOVA results indicate that the
regression model significantly explains the variance in displacement related to clan conflict. The
F-statistic of 8.891 and the p-value of 0.015 suggest that the model is statistically significant,
reinforcing the conclusion that clan conflict has a meaningful effect on displacement.
Table 4: Coefficients of linear regression analysis.
The coefficients table above provides detailed information about the relationship between clan
conflict and displacement, with "Displacement" as the dependent variable. The Standardized
Coefficients (Beta) value for clan conflict is 0.705, indicating that clan conflict has a strong effect
on the scale of displacement. Moreover, the significance value for clan conflict is 0.015. This p-
value indicates that the relationship between clan conflict and displacement is statistically
significant (typically, a p-value less than 0.05 is considered significant). This suggests that clan
conflict is a meaningful predictor of displacement.
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In summary, the coefficients table indicates a statistically significant and positive relationship
between clan conflict and displacement. For each unit increase in clan conflict, displacement is
expected to increase by about 17.204 units (unstandardized coefficient). The results suggest that
addressing clan conflict could be crucial in managing and mitigating displacement issues.
DISCUSSION.
This study provides compelling evidence for the significant association between clan-based
conflicts and population displacement in Somalia. The study's findings, encompassing geographic
variations, robust correlations, and predictive models, collectively elucidate the critical influence
of conflict dynamics on displacement patterns. To mitigate the humanitarian and societal
ramifications of displacement, it is imperative to address the root causes of these conflicts through
targeted, conflict-sensitive, and governance-oriented interventions. By leveraging these findings,
policymakers and stakeholders can develop more effective strategies to address the complex issues
surrounding clan conflict and displacement in Somalia. This is in line with the research elucidates
substantial regional disparities in displacement across selected regions in Somalia.
The Gedo region was identified as the most severely affected, experiencing 18,387 clan-related
conflicts that resulted in approximately 10,000 displacements. These regional variations
underscore the need for tailored interventions addressing area-specific issues while enhancing
resilience in the most impacted communities. The study findings on the scale of displacement
demonstrates a substantial figure due to clan conflict, amounting to 38,690 over seven months.
This aligns with data from the Somali humanitarian needs and response plan, which indicates that
over 6 million Somalis are affected by the crisis and require urgent humanitarian assistance to
prevent loss of life (UNOCHA, 2024), The magnitude of displacement observed in this research
aligns with another study, "Environment-induced internal displacement: The case of Somalia,"
which indicates that internally displaced persons (IDPs) constitute 56% of all forced migration.
Significantly, this displacement persists for an average of 20 years for refugees and over 10 years
for most IDPs. Moreover, the UNHCR (2020) global trends report on forced displacement revealed
that nearly 80% of refugees and IDPs reside in developing nations. Somalia, consistently ranking
among the top 10 countries of origin for cross-border displacement over the past decade, placed
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17
fifth globally in terms of forcibly displaced populations, with approximately 2.6 million IDPs
(Momeni et al., 2022).
The robust positive correlation between clan conflicts and displacement (r = 0.705, p = 0.015)
suggests that regions experiencing higher frequencies of conflicts tend to exhibit elevated levels
of population displacement. This research somehow aligns with another study examining "scarce
resources and inter-clan conflict in selected districts in Madera County, Northeastern Kenya." The
findings from that study revealed a strong correlation between resource scarcity and inter-clan
conflicts. Specifically, the linear correlation coefficient analysis demonstrated a significant
relationship between land scarcity and inter-clan conflict (r=0.803, Sig 0.000). Similarly, water
scarcity exhibited a strong connection to all aspects of inter-clan conflict (r=O.860, SlG=O.000).
Comparable results were observed for pasture scarcity (r=0.774, SIG =0.000), indicating its
substantial impact on inter-clan tensions(Shale, 2011).
The predictive strength of clan conflict on displacement is further substantiated by linear
regression analysis. The model demonstrates that clan conflict intensity accounts for
approximately half (49.7%) of the variability in displacement, as indicated by an R² value of 0.497.
The regression model's statistical significance (F = 8.891, p = 0.015) underscores the critical
importance of addressing clan conflict as part of comprehensive strategies aimed at mitigating
displacement. The findings align with the research titled "Scarce Resources and Inter-clan Conflict
in Selected Districts in Madera County, Northeastern Kenya." The results of regression analysis
indicated that the model's independent variables exhibited a statistically significant impact on
variations in the dependent variable (inter-clan conflict) (F=1019.69, sig. =0.000). This led
researchers to conclude that resource scarcity constituted a significant factor in elucidating the
high incidence of inter-clan conflicts within Madera County (Shale, 2011).
RECOMMENDATIONS.
Given the findings and analysis demonstrated above, the study suggests the following
recommendations:
1. To mitigate the magnitude of displacement resulting from clan conflicts, the researchers
strongly advocate for the implementation of community-based resilience strategies,
particularly in regions characterized by high conflict and displacement levels. This can be
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18
achieved through the enhancement of social cohesion, local dispute resolution mechanisms,
and economic opportunities. Such measures will contribute to reducing the community's
vulnerability to displacement.
2. The study recommends government and humanitarian actors to establish and implement early
warning systems to monitor and predict clan conflicts in high-risk regions, thereby facilitating
timely interventions to mitigate large-scale displacement.
3. The researchers suggests that data-driven policy making can be enhanced through the
utilization of statistical findings, such as the identified strong positive correlation between clan
conflicts and displacement. These insights can be applied to inform policy decisions and
develop interventions aimed at mitigating the effects of clan conflicts in Somalia.
4. The research recommends that the implementation of programs offering sustainable income-
generating opportunities for displaced populations is advisable, particularly in regions such as
Gedo where displacement significantly impacts economic stability. These initiatives may
encompass skills development and access to microfinance services, with the objective of
supporting viable livelihoods.
5. The research further suggests the necessity of fostering collaborations among governmental
entities, community organizations, international institutions, and non-governmental
organizations to establish a coordinated approach for addressing clan-based conflicts and
population displacement. This strategy aims to optimize the utilization of available resources
and expertise.
6. Implement conflict-aware strategies by focusing on areas such as Gedo, Banadir, and Bay,
where clan disputes and population displacement are most prevalent. Provide customized
assistance that addresses the unique challenges and susceptibilities faced by these
communities.
CONCLUSION.
The study into clan conflict dynamics and their role in driving displacement has yielded significant
insights regarding the relationship between clan conflict and the magnitude of displacement, as
well as elucidated the regional variation of displacement.
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19
The findings indicate that Gedo experiences the highest incidence of clan conflicts and resulting
population displacements, making it the most severely affected region. In contrast, areas like
Hiraan and Middle Shabelle are less impacted by warfare and have witnessed minimal population
movement. The correlation analysis has verified that increased clan disputes significantly
contribute to population displacement, as evidenced by a statistically significant positive
relationship between the number of clan conflicts and the magnitude of displacement (r = 0.705, p
< 0.05). The research underscores the importance of implementing region-specific interventions
and strategies to mitigate the impact of these conflicts.
Finally, addressing this issue requires a comprehensive approach that incorporates conflict
prevention, community awareness, enhancement of community resilience, and provision of
livelihood support, particularly in the most affected regions. To develop and implement sustainable
solutions that promote stability and mitigate displacement resulting from clan conflicts in Somalia,
policymakers and stakeholders must utilize evidence-based insights.
Data availability statement.
The data underpinning the findings of this study are sourced from third-party data provided by the
International Organization for Migration (IOM). The minimal dataset utilized to derive the
Conclusions
presented in this manuscript is obtained from the Displacement Tracking Matrix
(DTM) data in Somalia, covering the period from April to October 2024. These data are publicly
accessible at Displacement.iom.int: https://displacement.iom.int/somalia/ or Global DTM:
https://dtm.iom.int/somalia.
Funding.
The authors received no specific funding for this work.
Competing interests.
The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.
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20
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