A study of freelancers’ work experiences in the Albanian gig economy – is there any meaning after all?

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Brikene Dionizi Kapisyzi, Elvisa Drishti, Bresena Kopliku, Idlir Duhanxhi, and 1 more This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-4788150/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract This study investigates the work experiences of Albanian gig workers in Upwork freelancing platform within the lenses of meaning of work. By offering evidence on more creative and complex remote employment, this study contributes to the growing body of literature on digital freelancing and bridges the scholarship on digital platforms, meaningful work, and entrepreneurship/self-employment to capture the complex nature of experiential work practices on remote digital platforms. In total, 20 semi-structured interviews with gig workers in Tirana, Shkoder and Durres, offered a personalized insight into the lived experiences of the platform gig workers, giving a possibility to comprehend the nuances of their working conditions, challenges faced, opportunities, and benefits. To analyse the data we used the Gioia method. Our findings suggest that the clustering of the concepts shows that for Albanian gig workers, the meaning of work encompasses a complex interplay of flexibility, economic necessity, and personal autonomy, tempered by the challenges of financial insecurity, lack of benefits, and the absence of clear career paths. This study is to offer an exhaustive insight into the world of remote (gig/platform) work in Albania as an under-researched context. Social Policy gig work Albania meaning of work Gioia method platform economy Figures Figure 1 1. Introduction Recent research has indicated the significance of meaningful work for individuals, organizations, and society in terms of their job and life satisfaction (Allan et al., 2018 , 2019 , 2020 ; Autin et al., 2022 ). Nevertheless, there is a chance that modern workplace challenges, like online platform work, with its rising precarity and fluidity (Altman et al., 2021 ), disrupt the standard working relationship and make work meaningless for people (Bailey et al., 2019 ). The Covid-19 pandemic has accelerated existing trends such as remote work, automation, and skill gaps, suggesting that an increasing number of individuals carry out work in non-traditional ways. The OECD expects that the number of gig workers increases exponentially in the upcoming years (Howcroft & Bergvall-Kåreborn, 2019 ; WDR, 2019 ). In the six Western Balkans countries – Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia – (WB6) widespread job losses and increased unemployment rates were witnessed by around 23% after the pandemic (OECD, 2020 ). In this context, these economies faced a significant upsurge in remotely self-employed individuals from 2020 and onwards. One of the most significant subgroups among these individuals is the freelancers’ group or online platform workers. Online platform workers are regarded as professionals who are hired on a temporary basis at their own risk by businesses and other clients to whom they provide their expertise or services (Vučeković et al., 2023a ). The availability of technology and internet connectivity in the WB6 make it easier to participate in the platform economy (Damoska Sekuloska & Erceg, 2023 ; Nikoloski et al., 2023 ) 1 . In Albania in particular, the share of unemployment rate by 2019 increased by 12% and the share of youth not in employment, education, or training (NEET) increased by 21% (OECD, 2020 ). Young unemployed workers during the pandemic searched for alternative sources of income and the gig economy provided a viable solution on remote freelancing platforms such as Upwork, Guru, and Freelancers were a viable solution (Kasimati, 2022 ). Albania seems to be a strong player in the WB6 gig economy, with a broad base in different sectors and a more equitable gender distribution. The future of Albania’s online platform economy looks promising, with potential for further expansion and diversification. Investments in technology, continuous government support, and collaboration with international entities may drive the sector to new heights in the coming years. Platform economy often refers to the gig economy or sharing economy and represents a transformative paradigm shift in the world of work in terms of creation of non-standard working arrangements, particularly for Albania, a post-communist and heavily regulated labour market. The gig economy, characterized by its reliance on remote and platform-based work has significantly altered labour markets across Albanian cities like Tirana, Shkoder and Durres. Indeed, contemporary work arrangements challenge existing notions about where work takes place, how it is done, who does it, and even what work is. In particular, these new trends have altered significantly how work is experienced, with algorithms taking on functions previously held by managers while workers are separated from co-workers and management (Cameron, 2020 ). The new ‘algorithmic management’ has created new patterns of “just-in-time workforce” which are related to an increased association of environmental and social meaning to work (Lin et al., 2020 ). Platform work offers alternatives that have been characterized as both positive and negative. On one hand, it empowers ordinary people through entrepreneurship and upward mobility (Holtgrewe, 2014 ; Schor et al., 2020 ), and the removal from poverty (Hamari et al., 2016 ). On the other hand, gig work threatens worker rights and leave people living in constant fear and uncertainty (Murillo et al., 2017 ). Additionally, there is evidence that the growth of gig work is associated with a fragmented, isolated, and unstable nature of the jobs offered by the gig economy in tandem with its growth (Bailey et al., 2019 ; Nemkova et al., 2019 ). Indeed, dissatisfaction with these short-term organizational imperatives, growing concerns about job quality, and an increasing emphasis on work as a place where people can find meaning and purpose have all contributed to the interest that meaningful work in platform economy has garnered among scholars and practitioners in recent years. In this framework, the primary scope of this study is to offer an exhaustive insight into the world of remote (gig/platform) work in Albania as an under-researched context. By offering evidence on more creative and complex remote employment, this study contributes to the growing body of literature on digital freelancing. Secondly, this paper bridges the scholarship on digital platforms, meaningful work, and entrepreneurship/self-employment to capture the complex nature of experiential work practices on remote digital platforms. Specifically, it highlights how the mechanisms of the platform economy degrade different elements of meaning of work and why some creative freelancers are able to cope with these mechanisms better than others are. This helps to shed light on how freelancers, who take on these (gig) jobs, understand the meaning of their work in the Albanian platform economy. The semi-structured interviews offered a personalized insight into the lived experiences of the platform gig workers, giving a possibility to comprehend the nuances of their working conditions, challenges faced, opportunities, and benefits. To analyse the data we used the Gioia method (Gioia et al., 2013 ) which helps to carefully examine how various workers perceive work experiences in order to gain novel insights. Our findings suggest that despite the growth, there are many challenges that the remote gig workers in Albania face. Some of these main challenges include lack of self-identification, entrapment in short-term meaningless jobs, lack of organisational integration, concerns about exploitation and loneliness. The remainder of this paper proceeds as follows. The next section describes the theoretical and empirical background of the research. The third section covers recent developments for remote work in Albana, followed by the study’s data collection and data analysis methods. In the fifth section, the findings are reported. In the sixth section, we discuss the study’s implications and limitations and offer ideas for future research. 2. Remote/gig work and meaning of work In traditional work relationships, meaning of work included the significance, beliefs, definitions, and value that workers attach to working as a significant component of human activity. Therefore, the meaning of work was understood mainly in relation to one's identity (Harpaz & Fu, 2002 ; Lin et al., 2020 ). The foundation of a person's lifetime self-identity has remained the meaning of work. According to Viktor Frankl (1963), creating a work or carrying out a task is a basic method of finding meaning in life. However, due to flexible market conditions, meaningful work is now seen in modern employment relations as an integral part of an individual's life where flexibility and a constant drive for innovation are the norm rather than being as strongly associated with self-identity (Nemkova et al., 2019 ). According to Gill (1999), there are two types of meanings associated with meaningful work: the latent meaning is comprised of intrinsic rewards such as autonomy, creativity, authenticity, and external recognition, while the manifest meaning is linked to instrumental or strictly economic rewards like pay (a.k.a. "means to an end"). Since it is believed that labour done purely for financial gain and professional advancements is unlikely to provide a deep meaning, the latent meaning of work is frequently valued over instrumental rewards (Nemkova et al., 2019 ). Many scholars have tried to conceptualize the meaning of work as a multidimensional construct. Of particular interest to our study are the work of Arnoux-Nicolas et al. ( 2017 ) combined with that of Harpaz & Fu ( 2002 ). The meaning of work consists of a set of combined facets, namely: (i) Importance of work (Arnoux-Nicolas et al., 2017 ) or work centrality (Harpaz & Fu, 2002 ) includes the degree to which work plays a central and fundamental role in one’s life; (ii) Understanding of work (Arnoux-Nicolas et al., 2017 ) includes compression of work goals, value, function, aims and meaning which is the equivalent of valued work outcomes (Harpaz & Fu, 2002 ) that examines general outcomes sought through working, as well as their relative importance; (iii) Direction of work (Arnoux-Nicolas et al., 2017 ) indicates how work is part of an individual’s life over the long term and is related to the importance of work (Harpaz & Fu, 2002 ) which focuses on the relative importance of various goals and values individuals seek through work; (iv) Purpose of work (Arnoux-Nicolas et al., 2017 ) includes the positive impact the work can have on other people and society and relates to the obligation norm (Harpaz & Fu, 2002 ) represents the work duties of all individuals to organizations and to society and the vice versa, the entitlement norm (Harpaz & Fu, 2002 ) which represents the underlying rights of individuals and the work-related responsibilities of society and organizations to all individuals. The obligation and entitlement norm overlap with the extrinsic and intrinsic orientation of work which comprise the various values and goals that people pursue or have in mind for their careers (Lin et al., 2020 ). Different perspectives exist regarding the meaning of work in post-communist cultural backgrounds. Both, entitlement and obligation norms, act as a strong connection with the two main paradigms of workers’ behaviours in the gig economy. The entitlement norm, for instance, explains why workers of certain online food delivery services took legal action towards the platforms for redefining their working relationships (Todoli-Signes, 2017; Duggan et al., 2020), while on the contrary, the obligation norm upholds the romanticism of the sharing economy, according to which workers participate in it in order to improve the world (Bocker and Meelen, 2017). Individuals who work independently on gigs are confronted with profoundly different working conditions than those employed by organizations, and accordingly, are susceptible to relatively different experiences of their work in many aspects (Ashford et al., 2018; Spreitzer et al., 2017). Firstly, from a relational job design perspective, the downfall of remote work flexibility is actually counteracted by the principally gig economy anonymity which excludes workers from traditional workplace relationships – with co-workers, managers, clients, etc. – and this in turn affects their meaningful social network building as well as their work performance, productivity, and ability to find meaning in their work (Grant, 2007 ). Secondly, they do not abide to legal or psychological long-term relationship with a specific organization. Digital technologies stimulate short-term contracts, substituting long-term ones, adding this way uncertainty of the future, a main concern especially for people living in advanced economies (WDR, 2019 ), imposing them to predict and plan for downtimes (Alberti et al., 2018 ). Thirdly, regarding importance of work, gig workers who use online platforms frequently view their work as a career and desire it to be meaningful, which makes deciding on a career path unclear a significant obstacle for them (Kost et al., 2018 ; Wong et al., 2020). While workers in companies typically know what their next step in their careers is and prepare for it, careers for gig workers are unpredictable, dangerous, and developed gradually over a number of relationships, projects, and settings (Becker, 1984; Faulkner, 1983). Fourthly, when it comes to the meaning of work, those who are more open to working in the sharing economy tend to give their jobs greater significance in the social and environmental domains meaning that the sharing economy appears more meaningful than traditional employment (de Stefano, 2016). However, employees on these platforms face unequal power dynamics and have little to no control over the commission and performance standards associated with their jobs ((Taylor et al., 2023 ). Regarding the understanding of work, online freelance platforms using algorithmic management techniques typically assure high levels of accessibility (Popiel, 2017 ), flexibility (Howcroft & Bergvall-Kåreborn, 2019 ; WDR, 2019 ), autonomy (Gandini, 2015 ; Nemkova et al., 2019 ), task variety, and complexity (Lee & Sirgy, 2018 ; Wood et al., 2019 ). (Petriglieri et al., 2018 ; Wood et al., 2019 ) evaluate gig workers are part of a work ecosystem where they have less control (autonomy) on their work. Being the platform worldwide, employees experience high level of competition and it becomes difficult for them to raise rates (Wood et al., 2019 ). Platform work effect on work/life balance is multifaceted (Sorn et al., 2023 ). On one hand, platform work offers flexibility (Graham et al., 2020 ; Nadler, 2017 ), potentially enabling workers to better balance their professional and personal lives, but the precarious nature of gig work and income instability can create stress and disrupt work/life equilibrium (Schor et al., 2020 ). Work/life balance has a key impact in quality of life, influencing job satisfaction and organizational commitment (Lee & Sirgy, 2018 ; Leitão et al., 2019 ). (Autin et al., 2022 ) emphasize the importance of satisfying psychological needs to foster meaningful work, questioning about how these needs are met in an environment characterized by high autonomy but low job security and organizational belonging. Operating primarily on algorithmic control (O’Connor, 2016 ; Wood et al., 2019 ), the online labour platforms can result in low pay and social isolation, leading to overwork, sleep deprivation, exhaustion, and unsocial and irregular work hours (Wood et al., 2019 ). Spread worldwide, remote platform work gives a possibility for work in all countries where there is specialized knowledge (Barnes et al., 2015 ; Bonina et al., 2021 ), creating the so-called virtual labour migration (Dunn, 2018 ), without the necessity of the worker himself moving physically. (Sutherland et al., 2020 ) evaluate that online freelancers search ways to improve their personal influence and work flexibility, while bearing the burden to continually upgrade their skills in order to be highly ranked in the job market (Howcroft & Bergvall-Kåreborn, 2019 ). Computer programmers who are unemployed and live in remote areas of the world can use freelance websites to list their skills and get hired by foreign companies (Denkenberger et al., 2015 ; WDR, 2019 ). Platform work often comes with substantial drawbacks such as job insecurity, a lack of social benefits and potential income instability (Nemkova et al., 2019 ) which can lead in decreased job satisfaction and personal well-being (Allan et al., 2018 ). In particular, meaningfulness has gained prominence in the field of human resource development due to its correlation with high levels of engagement (Alagaraja & Shuck, 2015; Fairlie, 2011; Kahn, 1990; Shuck, 2011), curiosity about the potential and purpose of human beings (Chalofsky & Cavallero, 2013; Chalofsky & Krishna, 2009; Fairlie, 2011) (Bailey et al., 2018), and job and life satisfaction (Allan, Batz-Barbarich, et al., 2018; Lysova et al., 2019; Steger et al., 2012). In the literature on ethics, meaningful work is regarded as "a fundamental human need" (Yeoman, 2014: 235), and Marxist political economy emphasizes the significance of work as a means of realizing one's creative potential (Marx, 1977). In recent decades, studies on meaningful work have shown that the construct is salient across different populations and has important implications for well-being both at work and in other life domains (Autin et al., 2022 ; Steger & Dik, 2009 ). Specifically, meaningful work has been found to predict work-related outcomes such as job satisfaction, work engagement and performance, and work motivation (Rosso et al., 2010). Thus, identifying what facilitates meaningful work, in particular for gig workers, is essential to understanding the full scope of well-being, both, in work and other domains of a person’s life. Precarity has negative effects that go beyond money; lack of unionization rights (Hassard & Morris, 2018 ; Sutherland et al., 2020 ) and high work intensity is prevalent across nations (Wood et al., 2019 ). Human resource management has here a crucial role in developing supportive policies that enable freelancers to craft their own meaningful work experiences (Nemkova et al., 2019 ). Therefore, scholars have called for a more thorough investigation of the lived experiences and psychological concerns of remote platform workers due to the growing prevalence, variety, and significance of this type of work (Caza et al., 2022 ). 3. Gig work in Albania The WB6 have also witnesses the emergence of PE through new business models (Andjelkovic et al., 2021 ). The adoption of digital platforms in this region has been influenced by various factors, including economic conditions, technological infrastructure, and the demand for flexible work opportunities (Petrušić & Đukanović, 2023 ; Ungerer et al., 2022 ). In the WB6 context, digitalization has emerged as opportunity for economic growth, increased competiveness, and enhanced connectivity, intensifying PE’s impact on migration intention is notable (Kasimati, 2022 ). As the region faces economic challenges, many individuals have turned to online platform work to generate income. This phenomenon may influence migration patterns, as individuals seek opportunities outside their home countries (Vučeković et al., 2023b ). PE represents a dynamic and evolving economic model with both potentials and drawbacks. Its impact on the WB6, particularly concerning meaningful and decent work needs to be analysed in more detail. For the case of Albania, gig work has brought forth several potentials and opportunities, and offers workers greater flexibility and autonomy over their schedules and locations (Dionizi et al., 2023 ). The main freelance platform in Albania is Upwork 2022 2 . The typical Albanian “upwork-er” is younger and more gender balanced than the general working population. They are after casual rather than stable work. Therefore, this study provides valuable input for policymakers, platform operators, and workers themselves to understand the dynamics and potential growth areas within the gig economy in Albania. In this line, we evaluate the prevailing status of freelance labour, and suggest guidelines to meet demands and alleviate the challenges faced by platform workers in terms of finding meaning in their work. 3.1. The Albanian context The online platform economy in Albania, although still emerging, has experienced substantial growth in recent years. Its development can be attributed to various factors, such as technological advancements, globalization, governmental policies, and a growing demand for flexible work arrangements. The impact of technological change on the Albanian economy was made evident especially during and after the Covid-19 pandemic outbreak when digitalisation trends accelerated at a noticeable rate. During this time, international platforms such as Upwork, Freelancer and Guru became accessible to the Albanian population, enabling the connection of global clients. Working for online platforms, geographically tethered or cloud work, emerged as new forms of employment in the dynamic labour market of Albania. Meanwhile the Albanian government has recognized the potential of the online platform economy and has taken steps to promote and regulate it. Various initiatives have been launched to support digital literacy, encourage entrepreneurship, and ensure a favourable legal framework for online businesses, such as the Coding Programme, which provides financial support (50–100%) for the youngsters to learn coding and programming. Technological advancements have allowed more people to access online work and services, broadening the base of both providers and consumers. Albania’s focus on education and skills development, particularly in IT and digital fields, has played a critical role in preparing the workforce for the online platform economy. Universities and vocational schools are increasingly offering courses that align with the demands of the digital market. Consequently, the online platform economy has become an essential part of Albania’s economic landscape, creating new job opportunities, especially for the youth. It has helped small businesses and individual entrepreneurs to reach a wider audience and compete in the global market. However, along with opportunities, the online platform economy presents certain challenges and risks, including security, privacy, and inequality, and ultimately loss of meaning in one’s work. Based on the Gigmetar 3 data analysis for the WB6 region, Albania ranks third in terms of gig workers, boasting 444.7 such workers for every 100,000 inhabitant, standing behind North Macedonia which leads the table with 633.8 gig workers for 100,000 residents, and Serbia, with 459.9 gig workers for the same population size. Graph 1: Gig workers in Upwork per 100.000 inhabitants In the Albanian market, Upwork commands the largest portion of gig workers at 59.84%, followed by Freelancer at 33.01% and Guru at 7.16%. The demographic profile of gig workers in Albania, as gleaned from the Gigmetar data, provides insights into the composition and characteristics of this part of the labour market. The data reveals a dynamic and growing gig economy in Albania, with a notable presence on major platforms such as Upwork. Graph 2: Gig workers by the three main platforms The gender distribution, though skewed towards males, is relatively balanced compared to other countries in the region with 44.2% females and 55.8% males, although some discrepancies exist in earnings between male and female workers. Albania’s gig economy is diversified and robust, with significant participation across various sectors like creative fields (23.4%, the highest engagement in the gig economy), software development (21.2%, showing the significance of the tech sector), and clerical and data entry (18.6%). The professional services are the least represented sector in Albania, suggesting a focus on other lower (less skilled) professional fields. However, Albania has a relatively balanced distribution across various professions, in contrast to countries like Serbia, which have a significant focus on creative, and multimedia (35.3%), and Bosnia and Herzegovina emphasize clerical and data entry (32.3%). Albania’s total earnings in the platform Upwork (USD88 245.78) are moderate compared to other countries, with Romania (USD223 482.62) and Serbia (USD228 351.80) having the highest earnings, and Montenegro (USD28 125.66) having the lowest. Albania’s hourly wages are in the mid-range compared to other countries, with Croatia (USD25.14) and Hungary (USD24.21) having higher hourly wages, and North Macedonia (USD17.22) having the lowest. Graph 3: Gig workers by gender 4. Methods: data collection and analysis 4.1. Data collection The study on the gig economy in Albania has been conducted employing qualitative research methods to offer an in-depth view of the current state and trends of the platform ecosystem may not capture the subjective experiences and sentiments of the workers. That is why a set of 20 semi-structured in-depth interviews were conducted with gig workers for the Upwork platform in Albania. We identified potential interviewees from the Gigmetar database which collects big data using web scrapping for public profiles in Upwork. Next, invitations for onsite or online participation were sent. When selecting the interviewees geographical location was considered keeping in mind the main cities platform workers live, Tirana, Durres, and Shkodra. The interviews were conducted online and onsite and audio registered. To collect the data a set of structured questions was generated, and piloted with five focus group members, which were also supplemented with open questions. We chose the semi-structured interview approach, as it provides us with the freedom to adapt interview questions as new knowledge emerges from interviews. Each interview lasted approximately 30 to 40 minutes and we recorded all the interviews. All interviews and discussions were conducted with informed consent, ensuring confidentiality and adherence to ethical guide. The interviews were transcribed to enable further analysis, and we took notes during the interviews to use in the data analysis. The typology of online platform workers we have interviewed work as project – based or task-based ones who are typically well – qualified and work as IT, teachers, managers, trainers, consultants, interpreters, architects, creative works etc. Most of the interviewees have been introduced to Upwork or other platforms from their friends highlighting so the importance of network in this sector. 4.2. Data analysis The interview data analysis was guided by the Gioia method which outlines a comprehensive method for inductive concept development that strikes a balance between the (sometimes contradictory) need to create new concepts inductively and the strict rigor requirements of our esteemed journals (Gioia et al., 2013 ). This is a qualitative methodological technique for creating a data analysis that can meet the strict requirements of reliable research. (Magnani & Gioia, 2023 ) argue that this method represents a holistic approach to concept development that balances the (often) conflicting need to develop new concepts inductively, while meeting the high standards for rigor demanded by top journals. The Gioia method is founded in Grounded Theory approaches which is used for building theory and it enables in-depth understanding and explanation (not merely description) of phenomena and their underlying processes (Magnani & Gioia, 2023 ). As with inductive research, our analytical process was iterative and in some cases overlapped with data collection; that being said, there are distinct phases in the analytical process that can be identified, and these are listed below, where we refined and iterated our conclusions about theoretical mechanisms based on the empirical material. First-Order Analysis (Open Coding) of our analysis process involved reading the in-depth interviews transcripts to gain a thorough understanding of the work experiences of the interviewed workers. We further proceeded to the identification of informant terms such as extract words, phrases, and concepts from the data as expressed by the participants and we annotated specific sections with initial codes to represent the content of the interview. This included the labelling of the data with informant-centric codes without imposing any theoretical framework. This stage focuses on staying true to the participants' language and perspectives. Therefore, this stage was completed with the extraction of coded statements regarding meaning of work perception of 20 Upwork freelancers in Shkoder, Durres, and Tirana. Second-Order Analysis (Axial Coding) of the analysis included the clustering of the first-order codes. We organize the first-order codes into more abstract second-order concepts based on similarities and patterns (Charmaz, 1990; Van Maanen, 1979). These higher-level themes or concepts categories represent the underlying phenomena that shared a commonality of content (Dubois & Gadde, 2002). This stage involves more interpretation and the beginning of theoretical integration. In the third stage of the analysis process we employed the aggregate dimensions which combine the second-order themes into broader, overarching dimensions that capture the core elements of the studied phenomenon. This led us to the theoretical saturation by proceeding to refine the dimensions until no new themes or dimensions emerge from additional data. In order to analyse the data we have created a diagram, which represents a visualisation of the data structure. Figure 1 illustrates the progression from first-order codes to second-order themes and aggregate dimensions. This helps in illustrating the relationships and hierarchy within the data. Following the second phase of the analysis, we developed three aggregate themes that addressed the progressive aspects of meaning of work in the platform economy, as well as nine categories that explained experiences of working in digital platform. Three aggregate themes, temporal and administrative, comprising three to five second-order categories each emerged, which involved incorporating the meaning of work perspective into the analysis and specifically examining how the dimensions of meaningful work manifest themselves in the categories identified in the preceding stages. Our contribution towards the meaning of work domains relates mainly to boundaryless careers (Hall & Mirvis, 1995 ) and protean careers (Hall, 2004 ) versus the more traditional careers. Career mobility, defined as being open to change and actively pursuing diverse experiences, is what people who have boundaryless careers embrace (Forrier, Sels & Stynen, 2009). A person who is "career mobile" is not limited by traditional hierarchical structures or career paths; instead, they actively navigate across roles, projects, and collaborations that enhance their knowledge, skills, and networks. This applies to movement both inside and outside the organization. According to career development jargon, a person with a protean career is one who consistently engages in self-evaluation, self-direction, and self-development. This person's adaptability allows them to take advantage of new opportunities when they arise, venture into new markets, and continuously redefine success according to their own standards and in light of shifting workplace conditions. 5. Findings A first differentiation regarding meaning of work in the gig economy depends whether this job is a main or supplementary source of income. From our interviews, we realised that most of the workers prefer to work part-time in the online platform, for some main reasons: They do not want to lose the main job (which is often in a public institution) or they do not want to completely detach from the social life. Nevertheless, there is a difference between young people, which consider social life quite divided from the work environment, and older ones, more traditional in the importance of work networks in the social life. Additional incomes are the main reason of choosing to work for an online platform. The clustering of the concepts shows that for Albanian gig workers, the meaning of work encompasses a complex interplay of flexibility, economic necessity, and personal autonomy, tempered by the challenges of financial insecurity, lack of benefits, and the absence of clear career paths. Understanding these dimensions helps in evaluating the diverse experiences and needs of gig workers in the modern platform economy. Beyond empowerment, flexibility and social inclusion as positive sides of gig work in freelancing platforms such as Upwork, there are a few negative aspects of gig work such as that the rise in gig employment is a reflection of the normalization of working conditions that were previously considered typical of bad jobs (Kalleberg et al., 2000 ; Kalleberg & Dunn, 2016 ). The issue of work-life balance relates to the ability to set their own schedules, though this can be offset by the need to work irregular or long hours to ensure sufficient income. Working without a definite timetable and choosing the time of working by themselves is one of the main advantages online platform workers continuously highlighted. However, this is a two-sided sword that should be carefully managed because, in the interviewees’ words “this freedom becomes a trap, no days off, no holidays, not the right division between the day and night.” It also was mentioned that this type of work induced a lot of stress due to the unpredictability of work and income, combined with the lack of traditional employment protections, can lead to stress and affect overall well-being. A further key finding suggests the growth in gig work reflects the normalisation of what in the past would constitute poor working conditions. Taken together, the findings highlight limitations of theoretical models of job quality due to an emphasis on traditional employment. (Myhill et al., 2021 ). Gig work can be isolating, as many roles involve working alone without the social interactions common in traditional workplaces. One of the main advantages of working for this platform, interviewees consider the fact that Upwork is like a guarantee for them, so they do not prefer to talk privately to the employer, unless it is a very trustful one. Platform workers do not consider necessary the introduction of new regulations and policies form the state, nevertheless in the Albanian Law there is not yet a proper division between the self-employed – employed or freelancer status for this category of workers. Online platforms offer a variety of employment possibilities diversifying the opportunities even for people with disabilities, a marginalised group which is still not targeted with the right policies in Albania. Gig work can provide opportunities to utilize and hone specific skills, sometimes allowing workers to pursue their passions or interests. This helps breach the issue of social integration of marginally excluded workers such as disabled, female, and those who lack formal university education. In this sense, Upwork offers a means to upward mobility and equalisation of opportunities for competitive labour markets. Reputation systems play a crucial role in the functioning of most online platforms and marketplaces, facilitating short-term and one-off relationships that would otherwise be hindered by a lack of trust. This raises concerns about the erosion of meaning in work for workers in the platform economy as well as the emergence and growth of this industry. After tasks are finished, clients rate workers on Upwork based on a variety of dimensions. The platforms then combine these ratings to decide which employees are given priority in search results and algorithmic suggestions (Wood & Lehdonvirta, 2023 ). Work is thus automatically directed toward individuals who are judged to be reliable and of high quality based on a variety of customer feedback metrics; prospective clients are also given access to these scores in order to assist them in making decisions about pseudonymous workers, who are frequently located in a foreign country (Wood & Lehdonvirta, 2023 ). The questions here focuses on whether and how a growing segment of the freelancing workforce that works for these platforms finds meaningful work. Nemkova et al. ( 2019 ) discover that workers in remote platforms feel less in control, less empowered, and less meaningful work as a result of harsh and unfair rating systems. Empirical evidence suggest that in general, workers want to do meaningful work. They want purpose behind their work. Workers across all generations are prioritizing purpose, flexibility, and personalized experiences over job stability and security (Altman et al., 2021 ). Kost et al., 2018 ) identified multiple sources of reduced meaningfulness for gig workers, namely micro tasking, isolation, lack of organisational architecture, and the fact that platforms hire cheap and easily replaceable labour. Gig workers are basically virtual and easily found and replaceable (Gray and Suri, 2019). 6. Discussion and conclusion While the labour market and the relationships between employers and employees in the online sector have evolved fast, the public institutions need still time to adapt to this dynamic new sector. According to the Regional Employment Office Representative, different digital services are offered to the employers when searching for employees, or to the unemployed such as to look for a job; to apply for a job; to find new trainings possibilities (Coding Programme among them) etc. But there are still not proper policies and trainings to target online work. Even though there is a lack for employees in all sectors, companies prefer to find workers through other means, still they do not trust in public institutions as intermediaries. This lack of awareness on the importance of this employment sector is seen in the way questions are organised in the Labour Force Survey where there are not proper questions to tackle this category of workers. Since Albania has the most specialized and best paid workforce in the platform economy, this could be something that the new Skills and Employment Strategy 2023–2030 could exploit on so many levels such as skills development, handling migration issues because there can be "movement" of labour services without workers necessarily moving/immigrating to the place where they work; ICT curriculum developments; Profiling of the VET curricula; trainings for digital literacy etc. To effectively address risks, analysis should go beyond the worker to include other players in the gig economy: consumers, providers, and regulators. For instance, governments and regulators bear the responsibility of mitigating risks related to data privacy, labour standards, and worker classification (Taylor et al., 2023 ). Online platforms often disrupt traditional business models, leading to new innovations and changes in how industries operate. It creates diverse working opportunities from part-time gig work to full-time remote positions, catering to different skills and preferences. Nevertheless, the unique nature of online platform economy often requires new or adapted regulations to ensure fair competition, protect consumers, and govern labour practices. It heavily relies on and drives technological advancements, including AI, machine learning, data analytics, and more, to enhance user experience and efficiency. It continues to grow and evolve, influenced by technological innovations, societal needs, and regulatory landscapes. The online platform economy refers to the economic activities that are facilitated by digital platforms connecting various users, such as businesses, consumers, and individual providers. The 'social model' of industrialized countries, a structure built very gradually on three dimensions – place, time and action since the end of the 19th century, is weakened as a result of the virtualization of the work relationship which de facto allows the global integration of work (regardless of cultural and linguistic barriers). Online work platforms have led the way. If this work can now be accomplished on a screen, it can also be done on the other side of the world. This is the new 'law' that workers throughout the world are now having to live with (Degryse, 2023). By examining how gig workers interact with customers and technology, Cameron ( 2020 ) provide valuable insights into how human resource management can facilitate meaningful work experiences in non-traditional work settings where direct management oversight is limited or absent. Digitalization brought disruptions in human resource practices, which brings the need for human resource to adapt and innovate, leveraging digital technologies not only to enhance operational efficiency, but also enriching the meaningfulness or work (Minbaeva, 2021 ). Due to the technological advancements, the nature of work changing (Cascio & Montealegre, 2016 ; Colbert et al., 2016), workers are now directly requesting welfare benefits for the government rather than through their employers, calling into question the continued applicability of the current labour laws (WDR, 2019 ) as their legal categorization excludes them from social protection afforded by employers (Moore & Newsome, 2018 ). Policymakers in lower- and middle-income nations, as well as organizations tasked with promoting economic development, have generally viewed the rise of gig work more favourably (WDR, 2019 ), even if the business becoming more and more digital, the potential for tax evasion increases (WDR, 2019 ). (Nogueira et al., 2024 ) offer a framework relating labour practices to social sustainability and organizational performance, which can be adapted to enhance working conditions within PE. In the digital economy, these new business models present challenges that regulations fail to address. In many respects, tax systems no longer serve their intended purposes (WDR, 2019 ). Gig workers can choose when, where, and how much they work, providing work-life balance that suits their needs, serving for many as a supplementary source of income. Gig work allows individuals to monetize underutilized assets, such as their vehicles or spare rooms, providing financial relief (Farrell et al., 2018 ) and consumers benefit from the convenience and cost-effectiveness of platform-based services, access to a wide range of goods and services is just a few clicks away, often at a competitive price (Hoang et al., 2020 ). On the other hand, gig workers often lack the employment protections and benefits enjoyed by traditional employees (Donovan et al., 2016 ), facing income instability, lack of job security, and limited access to healthcare, retirements, and other benefits (Halliday, 2021 ; Schor et al., 2020 ). Some platforms are blamed of exploiting workers by setting low wages, implementing deactivation policies, and maintaining control over their labour without providing traditional employment benefits (Rogers, 2016 ). Our findings suggest that despite the growth, there are many challenges that the online platform economy in Albania faces. Some of the main challenges platform workers face are payment-processing issues due to limited international banking integration, digital security concerns, and the need for more comprehensive regulatory frameworks to protect both workers and consumers. The data was gathered through in-depth interviews with platform workers. The analysis from the interviews provide insights in the dynamics of Albania’s gig economy, offering potential guidance for growth and development within the labour market. The in-depth interviews offered a personalized insight into the lived experiences of the gig workers, giving a possibility to comprehend the nuances of their working conditions, challenges faced, opportunities, and benefits. Comparatively, Albania seems to be a strong player in the Western Balkans’ gig economy, with a broad base in different sectors and a more equitable gender distribution. The future of Albania’s online platform economy looks promising, with potential for further expansion and diversification. Investments in technology, continuous government support, and collaboration with international entities may drive the sector to new heights in the coming years. This multi-faceted approach ensures a rich, comprehensive, and grounded understanding of the subject, which forms the basis for analysis and recommendations made in this report. Analysing the data from Gigmetar, Albania’s gig economy shows a balanced distribution across various professions with a slightly higher focus on creative and multimedia. The gender distribution in comparatively equitable, with a higher percentage of females than most other countries in the region. Income levels and earning are moderate, reflecting the balanced nature of the distribution across sectors. Policymakers in Albania may focus on further diversifying the gig economy and improving overall earnings, possibly through targeted educational and professional development Some of the main challenges platform workers face during their job are: time management skills, unfavourable gap between their qualification, the task they take for the platform and the payment they get; lack of skills to properly use the platform and especially to negotiate wages and timetables. The future of the gig economy in Albania holds great promise but also presents considerable challenges. It represents a paradigm shift in the way work is conducted and how labour market is structured. The implications are multifaceted, and addressing them requires concerted effort by government, industry, and society. (Andjelkovic et al., 2021 ) evaluate three basic indicators for setting the readiness of a specific economy for digital transformation: level of internet usage, level of internet access in the households and level of overall digital skills. Studies show the covid era gave a burst to the internet usage and governments has gone through some initiatives to burst digital literacy for young people to consider engaging in the gig economy (DataReportal, 2022 ; Leka, 2021a , 2021b ). The future of the gig economy in Albania, reflecting the growing trends of flexible work arrangements and digital platforms, has wide-range implications. Declarations Declaration of interest The authors report no conflicts of interest. The authors alone are responsible for the content and writing of this article. Acknowledgements The authors acknowledge that no financial support was received for conducting this study. References Alberti, G., Bessa, I., Hardy, K., Trappmann, V., & Umney, C. (2018). 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World Development Report 2019: The Changing Nature of Work [Text/HTML]. World Bank. https://www.worldbank.org/en/publication/wdr2019 Wood, A. J., Graham, M., Lehdonvirta, V., & Hjorth, I. (2019). Good Gig, Bad Gig: Autonomy and Algorithmic Control in the Global Gig Economy. Work, Employment and Society , 33 (1), 56–75. https://doi.org/10.1177/0950017018785616 Wood, A. J., & Lehdonvirta, V. (2023). Platforms Disrupting Reputation: Precarity and Recognition Struggles in the Remote Gig Economy. Sociology , 57 (5), 999–1016. https://doi.org/10.1177/00380385221126804 Footnotes The WB6 ranked relatively high by the number of freelancers in the 2020 report from the Online Labour Index (OLI), which provides information on the current state of the freelance (gig) economy. Serbia is ranked 12th, Bosnia and Herzegovina is ranked 47th, North Macedonia is ranked 70th, Montenegro is ranked 110th, and Albania 14th on a global scale (Stephany et al., 2021). https://gigmetar.publicpolicy.rs/en/gigmeter/ The quantitative analysis was primarily performed using Gigmetar, a specialized tool developed to gather and analyse data related to gig workers. Data were extracted from major freelance platforms such as Upwork, Freelancer and Guru, which encompassed information from nine countries, including Albania. Key variables such as the number of workers, earnings, type of work, and more were extracted to understand the dynamics of platform work in the region. As the quantitative data is focused on tangible aspects and numbers. https://gigmetar.publicpolicy.rs/en/gigmeter/ The quantitative analysis was primarily performed using Gigmetar, a specialized tool developed to gather and analyse data related to gig workers. Data were extracted from major freelance platforms such as Upwork, Freelancer and Guru, which encompassed information from nine countries, including Albania. Key variables such as the number of workers, earnings, type of work, and more were extracted to understand the dynamics of platform work in the region. As the quantitative data is focused on tangible aspects and numbers. Additional Declarations The authors declare no competing interests. Supplementary Files Appendix.docx Cite Share Download PDF Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Research Square lets you share your work early, gain feedback from the community, and start making changes to your manuscript prior to peer review in a journal. As a division of Research Square Company, we’re committed to making research communication faster, fairer, and more useful. We do this by developing innovative software and high quality services for the global research community. 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Also discoverable on Platform About Our Team In Review Editorial Policies Advisory Board Help Center Resources Author Services Accessibility API Access RSS feed Manage Cookie Preferences © Research Square 2026 | ISSN 2693-5015 (online) Privacy Policy Terms of Service Do Not Sell My Personal Information {"props":{"pageProps":{"initialData":{"identity":"rs-4788150","acceptedTermsAndConditions":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"archivedVersions":[],"articleType":"Research Article","associatedPublications":[],"authors":[{"id":330673180,"identity":"7c53d94d-4c79-4863-8a4f-b804ff0c20bb","order_by":0,"name":"Brikene Dionizi Kapisyzi","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"University of Shkodra \"Luigj Gurakuqi\"","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Brikene","middleName":"Dionizi","lastName":"Kapisyzi","suffix":""},{"id":330673181,"identity":"6626fb94-65a2-47e8-aaea-77e30e280dcd","order_by":1,"name":"Elvisa Drishti","email":"data:image/png;base64,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","orcid":"https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6530-1777","institution":"University of Shkodra \"Luigj Gurakuqi\"","correspondingAuthor":true,"prefix":"","firstName":"Elvisa","middleName":"","lastName":"Drishti","suffix":""},{"id":330673182,"identity":"f81c3fe9-7628-4501-a0df-a8d43507c993","order_by":2,"name":"Bresena Kopliku","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"University of Shkodra \"Luigj Gurakuqi\"","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Bresena","middleName":"","lastName":"Kopliku","suffix":""},{"id":330673183,"identity":"16ac41e6-7f2f-4ca9-914e-053eba569ec3","order_by":3,"name":"Idlir Duhanxhi","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"University of Shkodra \"Luigj Gurakuqi\"","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Idlir","middleName":"","lastName":"Duhanxhi","suffix":""},{"id":330673184,"identity":"9a20e349-5c1e-4885-ab13-fcffdf7ca35f","order_by":4,"name":"Arjola Halluni Dergjini","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"University of Shkodra \"Luigj Gurakuqi\"","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Arjola","middleName":"Halluni","lastName":"Dergjini","suffix":""}],"badges":[],"createdAt":"2024-07-23 10:59:04","currentVersionCode":1,"declarations":{"humanSubjects":true,"vertebrateSubjects":false,"conflictsOfInterestStatement":false,"humanSubjectEthicalGuidelines":true,"humanSubjectConsent":true,"humanSubjectClinicalTrial":false,"humanSubjectCaseReport":false,"vertebrateSubjectEthicalGuidelines":false},"doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-4788150/v1","doiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-4788150/v1","draftVersion":[],"editorialEvents":[],"editorialNote":"","failedWorkflow":false,"files":[{"id":60978080,"identity":"7fdb9cdf-3cd7-4840-99a7-48cd2a8444d2","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2024-07-24 08:35:43","extension":"jpeg","order_by":1,"title":"Figure 1","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":792676,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eResults from the Gioia method coding of interviews data\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"floatimage1.jpeg","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-4788150/v1/20ddd130651ae558b21dda4c.jpeg"},{"id":60978808,"identity":"1a9952b5-4c6e-4d7d-a868-ed0db36571d1","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2024-07-24 08:43:43","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":1280886,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-4788150/v1/4e9eab75-ddff-4a8d-bf6e-1c15bbd9b70f.pdf"},{"id":60978079,"identity":"82daefee-d58e-418a-94ae-e67e216459c4","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2024-07-24 08:35:43","extension":"docx","order_by":1,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"supplement","size":21130,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"Appendix.docx","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-4788150/v1/7fb02c39bea11cf9412c97cf.docx"}],"financialInterests":"The authors declare no competing interests.","formattedTitle":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eA study of freelancers’ work experiences in the Albanian gig economy – is there any meaning after all?\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e","fulltext":[{"header":"1. Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003eRecent research has indicated the significance of \u003cem\u003emeaningful work\u003c/em\u003e for individuals, organizations, and society in terms of their job and life satisfaction (Allan et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR3\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e; Autin et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). Nevertheless, there is a chance that modern workplace challenges, like online platform work, with its rising precarity and fluidity (Altman et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e), disrupt the standard working relationship and make work meaningless for people (Bailey et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe Covid-19 pandemic has accelerated existing trends such as remote work, automation, and skill gaps, suggesting that an increasing number of individuals carry out work in non-traditional ways. The OECD expects that the number of gig workers increases exponentially in the upcoming years (Howcroft \u0026amp; Bergvall-K\u0026aring;reborn, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR35\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e; WDR, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR68\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). In the six Western Balkans countries \u0026ndash; Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia \u0026ndash; (WB6) widespread job losses and increased unemployment rates were witnessed by around 23% after the pandemic (OECD, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR55\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). In this context, these economies faced a significant upsurge in remotely self-employed individuals from 2020 and onwards. One of the most significant subgroups among these individuals is the freelancers\u0026rsquo; group or online platform workers. Online platform workers are regarded as professionals who are hired on a temporary basis at their own risk by businesses and other clients to whom they provide their expertise or services (Vučeković et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR66\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023a\u003c/span\u003e). The availability of technology and internet connectivity in the WB6 make it easier to participate in the platform economy (Damoska Sekuloska \u0026amp; Erceg, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e; Nikoloski et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR52\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e)\u003csup\u003e1\u003c/sup\u003e. In Albania in particular, the share of unemployment rate by 2019 increased by 12% and the share of youth not in employment, education, or training (NEET) increased by 21% (OECD, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR55\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). Young unemployed workers during the pandemic searched for alternative sources of income and the gig economy provided a viable solution on remote freelancing platforms such as Upwork, Guru, and Freelancers were a viable solution (Kasimati, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR38\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). Albania seems to be a strong player in the WB6 gig economy, with a broad base in different sectors and a more equitable gender distribution. The future of Albania\u0026rsquo;s online platform economy looks promising, with potential for further expansion and diversification. Investments in technology, continuous government support, and collaboration with international entities may drive the sector to new heights in the coming years.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003ePlatform economy often refers to the \u003cem\u003egig economy\u003c/em\u003e or \u003cem\u003esharing economy\u003c/em\u003e and represents a transformative paradigm shift in the world of work in terms of creation of non-standard working arrangements, particularly for Albania, a post-communist and heavily regulated labour market. The gig economy, characterized by its reliance on remote and platform-based work has significantly altered labour markets across Albanian cities like Tirana, Shkoder and Durres. Indeed, contemporary work arrangements challenge existing notions about where work takes place, how it is done, who does it, and even what work is. In particular, these new trends have altered significantly how work is experienced, with algorithms taking on functions previously held by managers while workers are separated from co-workers and management (Cameron, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). The new \u0026lsquo;algorithmic management\u0026rsquo; has created new patterns of \u0026ldquo;just-in-time workforce\u0026rdquo; which are related to an increased association of environmental and social meaning to work (Lin et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR44\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003ePlatform work offers alternatives that have been characterized as both positive and negative. On one hand, it empowers ordinary people through entrepreneurship and upward mobility (Holtgrewe, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR34\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e; Schor et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR60\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e), and the removal from poverty (Hamari et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR30\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e). On the other hand, gig work threatens worker rights and leave people living in constant fear and uncertainty (Murillo et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR48\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e). Additionally, there is evidence that the growth of gig work is associated with a fragmented, isolated, and unstable nature of the jobs offered by the gig economy in tandem with its growth (Bailey et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e; Nemkova et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR51\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). Indeed, dissatisfaction with these short-term organizational imperatives, growing concerns about job quality, and an increasing emphasis on work as a place where people can find meaning and purpose have all contributed to the interest that \u003cem\u003emeaningful work\u003c/em\u003e in platform economy has garnered among scholars and practitioners in recent years.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn this framework, the primary scope of this study is to offer an exhaustive insight into the world of remote (gig/platform) work in Albania as an under-researched context. By offering evidence on more creative and complex remote employment, this study contributes to the growing body of literature on digital freelancing. Secondly, this paper bridges the scholarship on digital platforms, meaningful work, and entrepreneurship/self-employment to capture the complex nature of experiential work practices on remote digital platforms. Specifically, it highlights how the mechanisms of the platform economy degrade different elements of meaning of work and why some creative freelancers are able to cope with these mechanisms better than others are. This helps to shed light on how freelancers, who take on these (gig) jobs, understand the meaning of their work in the Albanian platform economy.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe semi-structured interviews offered a personalized insight into the lived experiences of the platform gig workers, giving a possibility to comprehend the nuances of their working conditions, challenges faced, opportunities, and benefits. To analyse the data we used the Gioia method (Gioia et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e) which helps to carefully examine how various workers perceive work experiences in order to gain novel insights. Our findings suggest that despite the growth, there are many challenges that the remote gig workers in Albania face. Some of these main challenges include lack of self-identification, entrapment in short-term meaningless jobs, lack of organisational integration, concerns about exploitation and loneliness.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe remainder of this paper proceeds as follows. The next section describes the theoretical and empirical background of the research. The third section covers recent developments for remote work in Albana, followed by the study\u0026rsquo;s data collection and data analysis methods. In the fifth section, the findings are reported. In the sixth section, we discuss the study\u0026rsquo;s implications and limitations and offer ideas for future research.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"2. Remote/gig work and meaning of work","content":"\u003cp\u003eIn traditional work relationships, meaning of work included the significance, beliefs, definitions, and value that workers attach to working as a significant component of human activity. Therefore, the meaning of work was understood mainly in relation to one's identity (Harpaz \u0026amp; Fu, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2002\u003c/span\u003e; Lin et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR44\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). The foundation of a person's lifetime self-identity has remained the meaning of work. According to Viktor Frankl (1963), creating a work or carrying out a task is a basic method of finding meaning in life. However, due to flexible market conditions, meaningful work is now seen in modern employment relations as an integral part of an individual's life where flexibility and a constant drive for innovation are the norm rather than being as strongly associated with self-identity (Nemkova et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR51\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). According to Gill (1999), there are two types of meanings associated with meaningful work: the latent meaning is comprised of intrinsic rewards such as autonomy, creativity, authenticity, and external recognition, while the manifest meaning is linked to instrumental or strictly economic rewards like pay (a.k.a. \"means to an end\"). Since it is believed that labour done purely for financial gain and professional advancements is unlikely to provide a deep meaning, the latent meaning of work is frequently valued over instrumental rewards (Nemkova et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR51\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eMany scholars have tried to conceptualize the meaning of work as a multidimensional construct. Of particular interest to our study are the work of Arnoux-Nicolas et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e) combined with that of Harpaz \u0026amp; Fu (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2002\u003c/span\u003e). The meaning of work consists of a set of combined facets, namely: (i) Importance of work (Arnoux-Nicolas et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e) or work centrality (Harpaz \u0026amp; Fu, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2002\u003c/span\u003e) includes the degree to which work plays a central and fundamental role in one\u0026rsquo;s life; (ii) Understanding of work (Arnoux-Nicolas et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e) includes compression of work goals, value, function, aims and meaning which is the equivalent of valued work outcomes (Harpaz \u0026amp; Fu, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2002\u003c/span\u003e) that examines general outcomes sought through working, as well as their relative importance; (iii) Direction of work (Arnoux-Nicolas et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e) indicates how work is part of an individual\u0026rsquo;s life over the long term and is related to the importance of work (Harpaz \u0026amp; Fu, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2002\u003c/span\u003e) which focuses on the relative importance of various goals and values individuals seek through work; (iv) Purpose of work (Arnoux-Nicolas et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e) includes the positive impact the work can have on other people and society and relates to the obligation norm (Harpaz \u0026amp; Fu, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2002\u003c/span\u003e) represents the work duties of all individuals to organizations and to society and the vice versa, the entitlement norm (Harpaz \u0026amp; Fu, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2002\u003c/span\u003e) which represents the underlying rights of individuals and the work-related responsibilities of society and organizations to all individuals.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe obligation and entitlement norm overlap with the extrinsic and intrinsic orientation of work which comprise the various values and goals that people pursue or have in mind for their careers (Lin et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR44\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). Different perspectives exist regarding the meaning of work in post-communist cultural backgrounds. Both, entitlement and obligation norms, act as a strong connection with the two main paradigms of workers\u0026rsquo; behaviours in the gig economy. The entitlement norm, for instance, explains why workers of certain online food delivery services took legal action towards the platforms for redefining their working relationships (Todoli-Signes, 2017; Duggan et al., 2020), while on the contrary, the obligation norm upholds the romanticism of the sharing economy, according to which workers participate in it in order to improve the world (Bocker and Meelen, 2017).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIndividuals who work independently on gigs are confronted with profoundly different working conditions than those employed by organizations, and accordingly, are susceptible to relatively different experiences of their work in many aspects (Ashford et al., 2018; Spreitzer et al., 2017). Firstly, from a relational job design perspective, the downfall of remote work flexibility is actually counteracted by the principally gig economy anonymity which excludes workers from traditional workplace relationships \u0026ndash; with co-workers, managers, clients, etc. \u0026ndash; and this in turn affects their meaningful social network building as well as their work performance, productivity, and ability to find meaning in their work (Grant, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2007\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSecondly, they do not abide to legal or psychological long-term relationship with a specific organization. Digital technologies stimulate short-term contracts, substituting long-term ones, adding this way uncertainty of the future, a main concern especially for people living in advanced economies (WDR, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR68\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e), imposing them to predict and plan for downtimes (Alberti et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). Thirdly, regarding importance of work, gig workers who use online platforms frequently view their work as a career and desire it to be meaningful, which makes deciding on a career path unclear a significant obstacle for them (Kost et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR39\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; Wong et al., 2020). While workers in companies typically know what their next step in their careers is and prepare for it, careers for gig workers are unpredictable, dangerous, and developed gradually over a number of relationships, projects, and settings (Becker, 1984; Faulkner, 1983). Fourthly, when it comes to the meaning of work, those who are more open to working in the sharing economy tend to give their jobs greater significance in the social and environmental domains meaning that the sharing economy appears more meaningful than traditional employment (de Stefano, 2016). However, employees on these platforms face unequal power dynamics and have little to no control over the commission and performance standards associated with their jobs ((Taylor et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR64\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eRegarding the understanding of work, online freelance platforms using algorithmic management techniques typically assure high levels of accessibility (Popiel, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR58\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e), flexibility (Howcroft \u0026amp; Bergvall-K\u0026aring;reborn, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR35\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e; WDR, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR68\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e), autonomy (Gandini, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e; Nemkova et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR51\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e), task variety, and complexity (Lee \u0026amp; Sirgy, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR40\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; Wood et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR69\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). (Petriglieri et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR56\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; Wood et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR69\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e) evaluate gig workers are part of a work ecosystem where they have less control (autonomy) on their work. Being the platform worldwide, employees experience high level of competition and it becomes difficult for them to raise rates (Wood et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR69\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). Platform work effect on work/life balance is multifaceted (Sorn et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR61\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). On one hand, platform work offers flexibility (Graham et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR25\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e; Nadler, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR50\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e), potentially enabling workers to better balance their professional and personal lives, but the precarious nature of gig work and income instability can create stress and disrupt work/life equilibrium (Schor et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR60\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). Work/life balance has a key impact in quality of life, influencing job satisfaction and organizational commitment (Lee \u0026amp; Sirgy, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR40\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; Leit\u0026atilde;o et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR41\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). (Autin et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e) emphasize the importance of satisfying psychological needs to foster meaningful work, questioning about how these needs are met in an environment characterized by high autonomy but low job security and organizational belonging. Operating primarily on algorithmic control (O\u0026rsquo;Connor, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR54\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e; Wood et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR69\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e), the online labour platforms can result in low pay and social isolation, leading to overwork, sleep deprivation, exhaustion, and unsocial and irregular work hours (Wood et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR69\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSpread worldwide, remote platform work gives a possibility for work in all countries where there is specialized knowledge (Barnes et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e; Bonina et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e), creating the so-called virtual labour migration (Dunn, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR21\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e), without the necessity of the worker himself moving physically. (Sutherland et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR63\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e) evaluate that online freelancers search ways to improve their personal influence and work flexibility, while bearing the burden to continually upgrade their skills in order to be highly ranked in the job market (Howcroft \u0026amp; Bergvall-K\u0026aring;reborn, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR35\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). Computer programmers who are unemployed and live in remote areas of the world can use freelance websites to list their skills and get hired by foreign companies (Denkenberger et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e; WDR, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR68\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003ePlatform work often comes with substantial drawbacks such as job insecurity, a lack of social benefits and potential income instability (Nemkova et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR51\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e) which can lead in decreased job satisfaction and personal well-being (Allan et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR3\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). In particular, meaningfulness has gained prominence in the field of human resource development due to its correlation with high levels of engagement (Alagaraja \u0026amp; Shuck, 2015; Fairlie, 2011; Kahn, 1990; Shuck, 2011), curiosity about the potential and purpose of human beings (Chalofsky \u0026amp; Cavallero, 2013; Chalofsky \u0026amp; Krishna, 2009; Fairlie, 2011) (Bailey et al., 2018), and job and life satisfaction (Allan, Batz-Barbarich, et al., 2018; Lysova et al., 2019; Steger et al., 2012). In the literature on ethics, meaningful work is regarded as \"a fundamental human need\" (Yeoman, 2014: 235), and Marxist political economy emphasizes the significance of work as a means of realizing one's creative potential (Marx, 1977).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn recent decades, studies on meaningful work have shown that the construct is salient across different populations and has important implications for well-being both at work and in other life domains (Autin et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Steger \u0026amp; Dik, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR62\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e). Specifically, meaningful work has been found to predict work-related outcomes such as job satisfaction, work engagement and performance, and work motivation (Rosso et al., 2010). Thus, identifying what facilitates meaningful work, in particular for gig workers, is essential to understanding the full scope of well-being, both, in work and other domains of a person\u0026rsquo;s life.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003ePrecarity has negative effects that go beyond money; lack of unionization rights (Hassard \u0026amp; Morris, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; Sutherland et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR63\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e) and high work intensity is prevalent across nations (Wood et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR69\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). Human resource management has here a crucial role in developing supportive policies that enable freelancers to craft their own meaningful work experiences (Nemkova et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR51\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). Therefore, scholars have called for a more thorough investigation of the lived experiences and psychological concerns of remote platform workers due to the growing prevalence, variety, and significance of this type of work (Caza et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"3. Gig work in Albania","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe WB6 have also witnesses the emergence of PE through new business models (Andjelkovic et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). The adoption of digital platforms in this region has been influenced by various factors, including economic conditions, technological infrastructure, and the demand for flexible work opportunities (Petrušić \u0026amp; Đukanović, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR57\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e; Ungerer et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR65\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). In the WB6 context, digitalization has emerged as opportunity for economic growth, increased competiveness, and enhanced connectivity, intensifying PE\u0026rsquo;s impact on migration intention is notable (Kasimati, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR38\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). As the region faces economic challenges, many individuals have turned to online platform work to generate income. This phenomenon may influence migration patterns, as individuals seek opportunities outside their home countries (Vučeković et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR67\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023b\u003c/span\u003e). PE represents a dynamic and evolving economic model with both potentials and drawbacks. Its impact on the WB6, particularly concerning meaningful and decent work needs to be analysed in more detail.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFor the case of Albania, gig work has brought forth several potentials and opportunities, and offers workers greater flexibility and autonomy over their schedules and locations (Dionizi et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR19\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). The main freelance platform in Albania is Upwork 2022\u003csup\u003e2\u003c/sup\u003e. The typical Albanian \u0026ldquo;upwork-er\u0026rdquo; is younger and more gender balanced than the general working population. They are after casual rather than stable work.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eTherefore, this study provides valuable input for policymakers, platform operators, and workers themselves to understand the dynamics and potential growth areas within the gig economy in Albania. In this line, we evaluate the prevailing status of freelance labour, and suggest guidelines to meet demands and alleviate the challenges faced by platform workers in terms of finding meaning in their work.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec4\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e3.1. The Albanian context\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe online platform economy in Albania, although still emerging, has experienced substantial growth in recent years. Its development can be attributed to various factors, such as technological advancements, globalization, governmental policies, and a growing demand for flexible work arrangements. The impact of technological change on the Albanian economy was made evident especially during and after the Covid-19 pandemic outbreak when digitalisation trends accelerated at a noticeable rate. During this time, international platforms such as Upwork, Freelancer and Guru became accessible to the Albanian population, enabling the connection of global clients. Working for online platforms, geographically tethered or cloud work, emerged as new forms of employment in the dynamic labour market of Albania.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eMeanwhile the Albanian government has recognized the potential of the online platform economy and has taken steps to promote and regulate it. Various initiatives have been launched to support digital literacy, encourage entrepreneurship, and ensure a favourable legal framework for online businesses, such as the Coding Programme, which provides financial support (50\u0026ndash;100%) for the youngsters to learn coding and programming. Technological advancements have allowed more people to access online work and services, broadening the base of both providers and consumers. Albania\u0026rsquo;s focus on education and skills development, particularly in IT and digital fields, has played a critical role in preparing the workforce for the online platform economy. Universities and vocational schools are increasingly offering courses that align with the demands of the digital market. Consequently, the online platform economy has become an essential part of Albania\u0026rsquo;s economic landscape, creating new job opportunities, especially for the youth. It has helped small businesses and individual entrepreneurs to reach a wider audience and compete in the global market. However, along with opportunities, the online platform economy presents certain challenges and risks, including security, privacy, and inequality, and ultimately loss of meaning in one\u0026rsquo;s work.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eBased on the Gigmetar\u003csup\u003e3\u003c/sup\u003e data analysis for the WB6 region, Albania ranks third in terms of gig workers, boasting 444.7 such workers for every 100,000 inhabitant, standing behind North Macedonia which leads the table with 633.8 gig workers for 100,000 residents, and Serbia, with 459.9 gig workers for the same population size.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eGraph 1: Gig workers in Upwork per 100.000 inhabitants\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn the Albanian market, Upwork commands the largest portion of gig workers at 59.84%, followed by Freelancer at 33.01% and Guru at 7.16%. The demographic profile of gig workers in Albania, as gleaned from the Gigmetar data, provides insights into the composition and characteristics of this part of the labour market. The data reveals a dynamic and growing gig economy in Albania, with a notable presence on major platforms such as Upwork.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eGraph 2: Gig workers by the three main platforms\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe gender distribution, though skewed towards males, is relatively balanced compared to other countries in the region with 44.2% females and 55.8% males, although some discrepancies exist in earnings between male and female workers.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAlbania\u0026rsquo;s gig economy is diversified and robust, with significant participation across various sectors like creative fields (23.4%, the highest engagement in the gig economy), software development (21.2%, showing the significance of the tech sector), and clerical and data entry (18.6%). The professional services are the least represented sector in Albania, suggesting a focus on other lower (less skilled) professional fields. However, Albania has a relatively balanced distribution across various professions, in contrast to countries like Serbia, which have a significant focus on creative, and multimedia (35.3%), and Bosnia and Herzegovina emphasize clerical and data entry (32.3%).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAlbania\u0026rsquo;s total earnings in the platform Upwork (USD88 245.78) are moderate compared to other countries, with Romania (USD223 482.62) and Serbia (USD228 351.80) having the highest earnings, and Montenegro (USD28 125.66) having the lowest. Albania\u0026rsquo;s hourly wages are in the mid-range compared to other countries, with Croatia (USD25.14) and Hungary (USD24.21) having higher hourly wages, and North Macedonia (USD17.22) having the lowest.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eGraph 3: Gig workers by gender\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"4. Methods: data collection and analysis","content":"\u003cdiv id=\"Sec6\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.1. Data collection\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe study on the gig economy in Albania has been conducted employing qualitative research methods to offer an in-depth view of the current state and trends of the platform ecosystem may not capture the subjective experiences and sentiments of the workers. That is why a set of 20 semi-structured in-depth interviews were conducted with gig workers for the Upwork platform in Albania. We identified potential interviewees from the Gigmetar database which collects big data using web scrapping for public profiles in Upwork. Next, invitations for onsite or online participation were sent. When selecting the interviewees geographical location was considered keeping in mind the main cities platform workers live, Tirana, Durres, and Shkodra.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe interviews were conducted online and onsite and audio registered. To collect the data a set of structured questions was generated, and piloted with five focus group members, which were also supplemented with open questions. We chose the semi-structured interview approach, as it provides us with the freedom to adapt interview questions as new knowledge emerges from interviews. Each interview lasted approximately 30 to 40 minutes and we recorded all the interviews. All interviews and discussions were conducted with informed consent, ensuring confidentiality and adherence to ethical guide. The interviews were transcribed to enable further analysis, and we took notes during the interviews to use in the data analysis.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe typology of online platform workers we have interviewed work as project \u0026ndash; based or task-based ones who are typically well \u0026ndash; qualified and work as IT, teachers, managers, trainers, consultants, interpreters, architects, creative works etc. Most of the interviewees have been introduced to Upwork or other platforms from their friends highlighting so the importance of network in this sector.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec7\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.2. Data analysis\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe interview data analysis was guided by the Gioia method which outlines a comprehensive method for inductive concept development that strikes a balance between the (sometimes contradictory) need to create new concepts inductively and the strict rigor requirements of our esteemed journals (Gioia et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e). This is a qualitative methodological technique for creating a data analysis that can meet the strict requirements of reliable research. (Magnani \u0026amp; Gioia, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR45\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e) argue that this method represents a holistic approach to concept development that balances the (often) conflicting need to develop new concepts inductively, while meeting the high standards for rigor demanded by top journals. The Gioia method is founded in Grounded Theory approaches which is used for building theory and it enables in-depth understanding and explanation (not merely description) of phenomena and their underlying processes (Magnani \u0026amp; Gioia, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR45\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAs with inductive research, our analytical process was iterative and in some cases overlapped with data collection; that being said, there are distinct phases in the analytical process that can be identified, and these are listed below, where we refined and iterated our conclusions about theoretical mechanisms based on the empirical material.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFirst-Order Analysis (Open Coding) of our analysis process involved reading the in-depth interviews transcripts to gain a thorough understanding of the work experiences of the interviewed workers. We further proceeded to the identification of informant terms such as extract words, phrases, and concepts from the data as expressed by the participants and we annotated specific sections with initial codes to represent the content of the interview. This included the labelling of the data with informant-centric codes without imposing any theoretical framework. This stage focuses on staying true to the participants' language and perspectives. Therefore, this stage was completed with the extraction of coded statements regarding meaning of work perception of 20 Upwork freelancers in Shkoder, Durres, and Tirana.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSecond-Order Analysis (Axial Coding) of the analysis included the clustering of the first-order codes. We organize the first-order codes into more abstract second-order concepts based on similarities and patterns (Charmaz, 1990; Van Maanen, 1979). These higher-level themes or concepts categories represent the underlying phenomena that shared a commonality of content (Dubois \u0026amp; Gadde, 2002). This stage involves more interpretation and the beginning of theoretical integration.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn the third stage of the analysis process we employed the aggregate dimensions which combine the second-order themes into broader, overarching dimensions that capture the core elements of the studied phenomenon. This led us to the theoretical saturation by proceeding to refine the dimensions until no new themes or dimensions emerge from additional data.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn order to analyse the data we have created a diagram, which represents a visualisation of the data structure. Figure\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Fig1\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e1\u003c/span\u003e illustrates the progression from first-order codes to second-order themes and aggregate dimensions. This helps in illustrating the relationships and hierarchy within the data.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFollowing the second phase of the analysis, we developed three aggregate themes that addressed the progressive aspects of meaning of work in the platform economy, as well as nine categories that explained experiences of working in digital platform. Three aggregate themes, temporal and administrative, comprising three to five second-order categories each emerged, which involved incorporating the meaning of work perspective into the analysis and specifically examining how the dimensions of meaningful work manifest themselves in the categories identified in the preceding stages.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOur contribution towards the meaning of work domains relates mainly to boundaryless careers (Hall \u0026amp; Mirvis, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1995\u003c/span\u003e) and protean careers (Hall, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR27\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2004\u003c/span\u003e) versus the more traditional careers. Career mobility, defined as being open to change and actively pursuing diverse experiences, is what people who have boundaryless careers embrace (Forrier, Sels \u0026amp; Stynen, 2009). A person who is \"career mobile\" is not limited by traditional hierarchical structures or career paths; instead, they actively navigate across roles, projects, and collaborations that enhance their knowledge, skills, and networks. This applies to movement both inside and outside the organization. According to career development jargon, a person with a protean career is one who consistently engages in self-evaluation, self-direction, and self-development. This person's adaptability allows them to take advantage of new opportunities when they arise, venture into new markets, and continuously redefine success according to their own standards and in light of shifting workplace conditions.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"5. Findings","content":"\u003cp\u003eA first differentiation regarding meaning of work in the gig economy depends whether this job is a main or supplementary source of income. From our interviews, we realised that most of the workers prefer to work part-time in the online platform, for some main reasons: They do not want to lose the main job (which is often in a public institution) or they do not want to completely detach from the social life. Nevertheless, there is a difference between young people, which consider social life quite divided from the work environment, and older ones, more traditional in the importance of work networks in the social life. Additional incomes are the main reason of choosing to work for an online platform.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe clustering of the concepts shows that for Albanian gig workers, the meaning of work encompasses a complex interplay of flexibility, economic necessity, and personal autonomy, tempered by the challenges of financial insecurity, lack of benefits, and the absence of clear career paths. Understanding these dimensions helps in evaluating the diverse experiences and needs of gig workers in the modern platform economy. Beyond empowerment, flexibility and social inclusion as positive sides of gig work in freelancing platforms such as Upwork, there are a few negative aspects of gig work such as that the rise in gig employment is a reflection of the normalization of working conditions that were previously considered typical of bad jobs (Kalleberg et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR37\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2000\u003c/span\u003e; Kalleberg \u0026amp; Dunn, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR36\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe issue of work-life balance relates to the ability to set their own schedules, though this can be offset by the need to work irregular or long hours to ensure sufficient income. Working without a definite timetable and choosing the time of working by themselves is one of the main advantages online platform workers continuously highlighted. However, this is a two-sided sword that should be carefully managed because, in the interviewees\u0026rsquo; words \u0026ldquo;this freedom becomes a trap, no days off, no holidays, not the right division between the day and night.\u0026rdquo; It also was mentioned that this type of work induced a lot of stress due to the unpredictability of work and income, combined with the lack of traditional employment protections, can lead to stress and affect overall well-being.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eA further key finding suggests the growth in gig work reflects the normalisation of what in the past would constitute poor working conditions. Taken together, the findings highlight limitations of theoretical models of job quality due to an emphasis on traditional employment. (Myhill et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR49\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). Gig work can be isolating, as many roles involve working alone without the social interactions common in traditional workplaces.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOne of the main advantages of working for this platform, interviewees consider the fact that Upwork is like a guarantee for them, so they do not prefer to talk privately to the employer, unless it is a very trustful one. Platform workers do not consider necessary the introduction of new regulations and policies form the state, nevertheless in the Albanian Law there is not yet a proper division between the self-employed \u0026ndash; employed or freelancer status for this category of workers.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOnline platforms offer a variety of employment possibilities diversifying the opportunities even for people with disabilities, a marginalised group which is still not targeted with the right policies in Albania. Gig work can provide opportunities to utilize and hone specific skills, sometimes allowing workers to pursue their passions or interests.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis helps breach the issue of social integration of marginally excluded workers such as disabled, female, and those who lack formal university education. In this sense, Upwork offers a means to upward mobility and equalisation of opportunities for competitive labour markets.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eReputation systems play a crucial role in the functioning of most online platforms and marketplaces, facilitating short-term and one-off relationships that would otherwise be hindered by a lack of trust. This raises concerns about the erosion of meaning in work for workers in the platform economy as well as the emergence and growth of this industry. After tasks are finished, clients rate workers on Upwork based on a variety of dimensions. The platforms then combine these ratings to decide which employees are given priority in search results and algorithmic suggestions (Wood \u0026amp; Lehdonvirta, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR70\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). Work is thus automatically directed toward individuals who are judged to be reliable and of high quality based on a variety of customer feedback metrics; prospective clients are also given access to these scores in order to assist them in making decisions about pseudonymous workers, who are frequently located in a foreign country (Wood \u0026amp; Lehdonvirta, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR70\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe questions here focuses on whether and how a growing segment of the freelancing workforce that works for these platforms finds meaningful work. Nemkova et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR51\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e) discover that workers in remote platforms feel less in control, less empowered, and less meaningful work as a result of harsh and unfair rating systems. Empirical evidence suggest that in general, workers want to do meaningful work. They want purpose behind their work. Workers across all generations are prioritizing purpose, flexibility, and personalized experiences over job stability and security (Altman et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). Kost et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR39\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e) identified multiple sources of reduced meaningfulness for gig workers, namely micro tasking, isolation, lack of organisational architecture, and the fact that platforms hire cheap and easily replaceable labour. Gig workers are basically virtual and easily found and replaceable (Gray and Suri, 2019).\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"6. Discussion and conclusion","content":"\u003cp\u003eWhile the labour market and the relationships between employers and employees in the online sector have evolved fast, the public institutions need still time to adapt to this dynamic new sector. According to the Regional Employment Office Representative, different digital services are offered to the employers when searching for employees, or to the unemployed such as to look for a job; to apply for a job; to find new trainings possibilities (Coding Programme among them) etc. But there are still not proper policies and trainings to target online work. Even though there is a lack for employees in all sectors, companies prefer to find workers through other means, still they do not trust in public institutions as intermediaries. This lack of awareness on the importance of this employment sector is seen in the way questions are organised in the Labour Force Survey where there are not proper questions to tackle this category of workers. Since Albania has the most specialized and best paid workforce in the platform economy, this could be something that the new Skills and Employment Strategy 2023\u0026ndash;2030 could exploit on so many levels such as skills development, handling migration issues because there can be \"movement\" of labour services without workers necessarily moving/immigrating to the place where they work; ICT curriculum developments; Profiling of the VET curricula; trainings for digital literacy etc.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eTo effectively address risks, analysis should go beyond the worker to include other players in the gig economy: consumers, providers, and regulators. For instance, governments and regulators bear the responsibility of mitigating risks related to data privacy, labour standards, and worker classification (Taylor et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR64\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOnline platforms often disrupt traditional business models, leading to new innovations and changes in how industries operate. It creates diverse working opportunities from part-time gig work to full-time remote positions, catering to different skills and preferences. Nevertheless, the unique nature of online platform economy often requires new or adapted regulations to ensure fair competition, protect consumers, and govern labour practices. It heavily relies on and drives technological advancements, including AI, machine learning, data analytics, and more, to enhance user experience and efficiency. It continues to grow and evolve, influenced by technological innovations, societal needs, and regulatory landscapes.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe online platform economy refers to the economic activities that are facilitated by digital platforms connecting various users, such as businesses, consumers, and individual providers. The 'social model' of industrialized countries, a structure built very gradually on three dimensions \u0026ndash; place, time and action since the end of the 19th century, is weakened as a result of the virtualization of the work relationship which de facto allows the global integration of work (regardless of cultural and linguistic barriers). Online work platforms have led the way. If this work can now be accomplished on a screen, it can also be done on the other side of the world. This is the new 'law' that workers throughout the world are now having to live with (Degryse, 2023).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eBy examining how gig workers interact with customers and technology, Cameron (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e) provide valuable insights into how human resource management can facilitate meaningful work experiences in non-traditional work settings where direct management oversight is limited or absent. Digitalization brought disruptions in human resource practices, which brings the need for human resource to adapt and innovate, leveraging digital technologies not only to enhance operational efficiency, but also enriching the meaningfulness or work (Minbaeva, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR46\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDue to the technological advancements, the nature of work changing (Cascio \u0026amp; Montealegre, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e; Colbert et al., 2016), workers are now directly requesting welfare benefits for the government rather than through their employers, calling into question the continued applicability of the current labour laws (WDR, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR68\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e) as their legal categorization excludes them from social protection afforded by employers (Moore \u0026amp; Newsome, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR47\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003ePolicymakers in lower- and middle-income nations, as well as organizations tasked with promoting economic development, have generally viewed the rise of gig work more favourably (WDR, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR68\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e), even if the business becoming more and more digital, the potential for tax evasion increases (WDR, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR68\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). (Nogueira et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR53\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e) offer a framework relating labour practices to social sustainability and organizational performance, which can be adapted to enhance working conditions within PE. In the digital economy, these new business models present challenges that regulations fail to address. In many respects, tax systems no longer serve their intended purposes (WDR, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR68\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eGig workers can choose when, where, and how much they work, providing work-life balance that suits their needs, serving for many as a supplementary source of income. Gig work allows individuals to monetize underutilized assets, such as their vehicles or spare rooms, providing financial relief (Farrell et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e) and consumers benefit from the convenience and cost-effectiveness of platform-based services, access to a wide range of goods and services is just a few clicks away, often at a competitive price (Hoang et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). On the other hand, gig workers often lack the employment protections and benefits enjoyed by traditional employees (Donovan et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR20\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e), facing income instability, lack of job security, and limited access to healthcare, retirements, and other benefits (Halliday, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR29\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e; Schor et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR60\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). Some platforms are blamed of exploiting workers by setting low wages, implementing deactivation policies, and maintaining control over their labour without providing traditional employment benefits (Rogers, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR59\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOur findings suggest that despite the growth, there are many challenges that the online platform economy in Albania faces. Some of the main challenges platform workers face are payment-processing issues due to limited international banking integration, digital security concerns, and the need for more comprehensive regulatory frameworks to protect both workers and consumers. The data was gathered through in-depth interviews with platform workers. The analysis from the interviews provide insights in the dynamics of Albania\u0026rsquo;s gig economy, offering potential guidance for growth and development within the labour market. The in-depth interviews offered a personalized insight into the lived experiences of the gig workers, giving a possibility to comprehend the nuances of their working conditions, challenges faced, opportunities, and benefits. Comparatively, Albania seems to be a strong player in the Western Balkans\u0026rsquo; gig economy, with a broad base in different sectors and a more equitable gender distribution. The future of Albania\u0026rsquo;s online platform economy looks promising, with potential for further expansion and diversification. Investments in technology, continuous government support, and collaboration with international entities may drive the sector to new heights in the coming years.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis multi-faceted approach ensures a rich, comprehensive, and grounded understanding of the subject, which forms the basis for analysis and recommendations made in this report. Analysing the data from Gigmetar, Albania\u0026rsquo;s gig economy shows a balanced distribution across various professions with a slightly higher focus on creative and multimedia. The gender distribution in comparatively equitable, with a higher percentage of females than most other countries in the region. Income levels and earning are moderate, reflecting the balanced nature of the distribution across sectors. Policymakers in Albania may focus on further diversifying the gig economy and improving overall earnings, possibly through targeted educational and professional development\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSome of the main challenges platform workers face during their job are: time management skills, unfavourable gap between their qualification, the task they take for the platform and the payment they get; lack of skills to properly use the platform and especially to negotiate wages and timetables.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe future of the gig economy in Albania holds great promise but also presents considerable challenges. It represents a paradigm shift in the way work is conducted and how labour market is structured. The implications are multifaceted, and addressing them requires concerted effort by government, industry, and society. (Andjelkovic et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e) evaluate three basic indicators for setting the readiness of a specific economy for digital transformation: level of internet usage, level of internet access in the households and level of overall digital skills. Studies show the covid era gave a burst to the internet usage and governments has gone through some initiatives to burst digital literacy for young people to consider engaging in the gig economy (DataReportal, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR17\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Leka, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR42\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021a\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR43\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021b\u003c/span\u003e). The future of the gig economy in Albania, reflecting the growing trends of flexible work arrangements and digital platforms, has wide-range implications.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003ch2\u003eDeclaration of interest\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe authors report no conflicts of interest. The authors alone are responsible for the content and writing of this article.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eAcknowledgements\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe authors acknowledge that no financial support was received for conducting this study.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eAlberti, G., Bessa, I., Hardy, K., Trappmann, V., \u0026amp; Umney, C. (2018). In, Against and Beyond Precarity: Work in Insecure Times. \u003cem\u003eWork, Employment and Society\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e32\u003c/em\u003e(3), 447\u0026ndash;457. https://doi.org/10.1177/0950017018762088\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eAllan, B. 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J., Graham, M., Lehdonvirta, V., \u0026amp; Hjorth, I. (2019). Good Gig, Bad Gig: Autonomy and Algorithmic Control in the Global Gig Economy. \u003cem\u003eWork, Employment and Society\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e33\u003c/em\u003e(1), 56\u0026ndash;75. https://doi.org/10.1177/0950017018785616\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eWood, A. J., \u0026amp; Lehdonvirta, V. (2023). Platforms Disrupting Reputation: Precarity and Recognition Struggles in the Remote Gig Economy. \u003cem\u003eSociology\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e57\u003c/em\u003e(5), 999\u0026ndash;1016. https://doi.org/10.1177/00380385221126804\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"},{"header":"Footnotes","content":"\u003col\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e The WB6 ranked relatively high by the number of freelancers in the 2020 report from the Online Labour Index (OLI), which provides information on the current state of the freelance (gig) economy. Serbia is ranked 12th, Bosnia and Herzegovina is ranked 47th, North Macedonia is ranked 70th, Montenegro is ranked 110th, and Albania 14th on a global scale (Stephany et al., 2021).\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e \u003cspan class=\"ExternalRef\"\u003e\u003cspan class=\"RefSource\"\u003ehttps://gigmetar.publicpolicy.rs/en/gigmeter/\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan address=\"https://gigmetar.publicpolicy.rs/en/gigmeter/\" targettype=\"URL\" class=\"RefTarget\"\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Par25\" class=\"Para\"\u003eThe quantitative analysis was primarily performed using Gigmetar, a specialized tool developed to gather and analyse data related to gig workers. Data were extracted from major freelance platforms such as Upwork, Freelancer and Guru, which encompassed information from nine countries, including Albania. Key variables such as the number of workers, earnings, type of work, and more were extracted to understand the dynamics of platform work in the region. As the quantitative data is focused on tangible aspects and numbers.\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e \u003cspan class=\"ExternalRef\"\u003e\u003cspan class=\"RefSource\"\u003ehttps://gigmetar.publicpolicy.rs/en/gigmeter/\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan address=\"https://gigmetar.publicpolicy.rs/en/gigmeter/\" targettype=\"URL\" class=\"RefTarget\"\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Par31\" class=\"Para\"\u003eThe quantitative analysis was primarily performed using Gigmetar, a specialized tool developed to gather and analyse data related to gig workers. Data were extracted from major freelance platforms such as Upwork, Freelancer and Guru, which encompassed information from nine countries, including Albania. Key variables such as the number of workers, earnings, type of work, and more were extracted to understand the dynamics of platform work in the region. As the quantitative data is focused on tangible aspects and numbers.\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":true,"hideJournal":true,"highlight":"","institution":"University of Shkodra \"Luigj Gurakuqi\"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":true,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"gig work, Albania, meaning of work, Gioia method, platform economy","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-4788150/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-4788150/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eThis study investigates the work experiences of Albanian gig workers in Upwork freelancing platform within the lenses of meaning of work. By offering evidence on more creative and complex remote employment, this study contributes to the growing body of literature on digital freelancing and bridges the scholarship on digital platforms, meaningful work, and entrepreneurship/self-employment to capture the complex nature of experiential work practices on remote digital platforms.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn total, 20 semi-structured interviews with gig workers in Tirana, Shkoder and Durres, offered a personalized insight into the lived experiences of the platform gig workers, giving a possibility to comprehend the nuances of their working conditions, challenges faced, opportunities, and benefits. To analyse the data we used the Gioia method.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOur findings suggest that the clustering of the concepts shows that for Albanian gig workers, the meaning of work encompasses a complex interplay of flexibility, economic necessity, and personal autonomy, tempered by the challenges of financial insecurity, lack of benefits, and the absence of clear career paths. This study is to offer an exhaustive insight into the world of remote (gig/platform) work in Albania as an under-researched context.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"A study of freelancers’ work experiences in the Albanian gig economy – is there any meaning after all?","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2024-07-24 08:35:39","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-4788150/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"ffbc809c-8327-4cac-a6a2-90a88b35a88f","owner":[],"postedDate":"July 24th, 2024","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"posted","subjectAreas":[{"id":35005842,"name":"Social Policy"}],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2024-07-24T08:35:39+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2024-07-24 08:35:39","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-4788150","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-4788150","identity":"rs-4788150","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"qtupq5eGEP_6zYnWcrvyt","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}