Eagles and Grey Wolves: A Cross-Cultural Analysis of Populist Adjacent Far-Right Groups

Eagles and Grey Wolves: A Cross-Cultural Analysis of Populist Adjacent Far-Right Groups | Authorea try { document.documentElement.classList.add('js'); } catch (e) { } var _gaq = _gaq || []; _gaq.push(['_setAccount', 'G-8VDV14Y67G']); _gaq.push(['_trackPageview']); (function() { var ga = document.createElement('script'); ga.type = 'text/javascript'; ga.async = true; ga.src = ('https:' == document.location.protocol ? 'https://ssl' : 'http://www') + '.google-analytics.com/ga.js'; var s = document.getElementsByTagName('script')[0]; s.parentNode.insertBefore(ga, s); })(); Skip to main content Preprints Collections Wiley Open Research IET Open Research Ecological Society of Japan All Collections About About Authorea FAQs Contact Us Quick Search anywhere Search for preprint articles, keywords, etc. Search Search ADVANCED SEARCH SCROLL Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy This is a preprint and has not been peer reviewed. Data may be preliminary. 6 February 2025 V1 Latest version Share on Eagles and Grey Wolves: A Cross-Cultural Analysis of Populist Adjacent Far-Right Groups Authors : Daniel Barnett 0000-0003-3247-4078 [email protected] , Ana-Maria Bliuc , and Ihsan Yilmaz 0000-0001-8409-3045 Authors Info & Affiliations https://doi.org/10.22541/au.173880923.33024646/v1 Published Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy Version of record Peer review timeline 642 views 233 downloads Contents Abstract Supplementary Material Information & Authors Metrics & Citations View Options References Figures Tables Media Share Abstract This article examines the narrative strategies and identity constructions of two far-right groups, the League of the South (United States) and the Grey Wolves (Turkey), through a cross-cultural lens. Using reflexive thematic analysis, we identify and compare five overarching themes, revealing both shared and unique dynamics shaped by each group’s socio-political context and proximity to power. The League of the South portrays out-group threats, including traditional far-right targets and mainstream Republicans, as existential, emphasizing victimhood and the struggle of an exclusive in-group to establish a neo-Confederate state. In contrast, the Grey Wolves frame their in-group identity within a broader Turkish-Islamic context, integrating national pride and moral superiority with confidence derived from their alignment with Turkey’s ruling coalition. Our findings highlight the role of power in shaping narratives: while the Grey Wolves capitalize on their proximity to power to project strength and stability, the League of the South’s marginal position fosters narratives of defiance and futility. Despite differences, both groups employ moralistic and historical framings to legitimize their aims. This study advances the literature on far-right movements by emphasizing the complex dynamics between identity, power, and context, offering insights into the broader dynamics of far-right populism in WEIRD and non-WEIRD settings. Introduction Political and societal instability due to the emergence of right-wing populism is a phenomenon not limited to a singular region, with countries across the globe dealing with the emergence of populist movements (Jaffrey, 2021; Speed & Mannion, 2020). Populism has emerged in a variety of different formats, whether it be the machismo populism reinforced by former Brazilian president Javier Bolsonaro (Mendonça & Caetano, 2021), the Hindu-nationalist inspired populism of Modi in India (Kinnvall, 2019), or the left-behind inspired populism used by Donald Trump in his successful run for the 2016 United States Presidential election. While these instances of populism all contain unique, context specific traits, they also share common characteristics, at least in part due to communication across borders between populist movements (Wajner, 2022), but also due to the use of similar (shared) narrative structures across the populist spectrum. These ‘superordinate’ narratives used across socio-political contexts include a positioning of the unified ‘people’ against elites, as well as disdain and distrust of media institutions, often coupled with anti-immigration rhetoric (Gagnon et al., 2018). Recent research has examined the specific instances of populist narratives (Nordensvard & Ketola, 2022), their use as strategies to mobilize in-group members (Obradović et al., 2020), and the ways in which religion and nostalgia are leveraged to anchor and galvanize populist support (Yilmaz & Morieson, 2021). Recognizing the common threads and similarities of these narrative across borders and socio-political contexts, recent research has explored populist parties within cross-cultural frameworks (Wettstein et al., 2020). This includes comparative analyses of populist organizational structures across diverse regional and cultural settings (Vittori, 2020) contrasts in visual communication styles between populist and non-populist parties (Farkas et al., 2022), and macro-level regional comparisons of populist actors(Dunin-Wąsowicz et al., 2024). With the growing body of research of populist movements across the globe, including the integration of new forms of populism categorized as religious populism (DeHanas & Shterin, 2018; Porat & Filc, 2022; Yilmaz et al., 2021), comparatively little research has been conducted on how splinter groups and other populist adjacent far-right groups seek to position themselves and their narratives within the larger sphere of populist ideologies. Given the affinity for populist parties and groups to capitalize on the affordances of contemporary technological platforms to spread their message (Finlayson, 2022; Peck, 2023), there is not much research on how these two elements interconnect (Barnett et al., in press). Research has demonstrated that fringe far-right groups can shape centre-right and right-wing party narratives and electoral strategies (Abou-Chadi & Krause, 2020) and facilitate the mainstreaming of far-right narratives (Collins, 2023; Hogan & Haltinner, 2015; Kisyova et al., 2022; Marcks & Pawelz, 2020). However, there is limited research examining the narratives of far-right groups specifically in the context of their connections to populist elements. Online far-right groups and populist movements benefit from the affordances of online platforms, but their narratives and strategies are often shaped by offline events (Bliuc et al., 2019, 2020) this interdependence highlights the need for further investigation into the relationship between these elements. Given the importance of group identity for highly polarised groups (Simon and Klandermans, 2001), particularly splinter groups formed through disagreements with parent organisations (Bliuc et al., 2024) examining identity and narrative differentiation within the context of populist and far-right offshoots presents a valuable opportunity for deeper understanding of these dynamics. Given the negative consequences associated with highly polarised societies (McCoy et al., 2018), the relationship between populism, identity, and far-right splinter groups represents a critical area of inquiry within the broader literature on populism and far-right movements. To contribute to this area of research, we examine the dynamics and connections between far-right and populist groups through a cross-cultural comparison of two far-right organizations within the broader populist political sphere—that is, the League of the South in the United States and the Grey Wolves in Turkey. Both groups are linked to populist elements within their respective countries, with the League of the South having tentative links to mainstream MAGA Republican political element (SPLC, 2024), and the Grey Wolves being the paramilitary arm of the National Action Party (Abdulkader, 2022; Gümrükçü, 2023), a collation party of the current ruling Turkish government. Both groups also incorporate religious narratives into their identity content, enabling a comparison of the narrative types used by Christian and Muslim far-right groups. Given the scarcity of cross-cultural comparisons of far-right groups, especially between WEIRD and non-WEIRD contexts, this paper provides an opportunity to examine and contrast narrative types, strategic approaches, and the effects on each group’s proximity to power on how they construct their collective identities. This comparative analysis is anchored in the inter and intra-group dynamics as proposed by Social Identity Theory (SIT, Tajfel & Turner, 1979; Turner et al., 1987). In particular, our analysis focuses on understanding how social psychological processes underpin the functioning of these groups —e.g., reinforcing identity content while simultaneously reproducing and adapting the narratives promoted the groups. The Evolving Dynamics of Populism League of the South The League of the South, situated within the broader sphere of far-right groups with loose affiliations to mainstream Republican populist elements, was founded in 1994, primarily by former Southern academics (SPLC, 2024). The stated goal of the League of the South in its founding was to return the Southern United States to a Confederate States of America, with the original Confederate States being joined by a selection of newer states, and thus seceding from the United States (Roberts, 1997). The foundational goal of secession for the League of the South was due to the perceived erosion of Southern values from Northern and liberal out-group elements, who group members believed were destroying the group identity of the South—an identity that was firmly built on the lines of a white, Christian, and predominantly patriarchal Southern society (Hague et al., 2005; Sebest & Hague, 2002). Group dynamics and identity content. According to the self-description of themselves on their website, the League of the South group’s construction of their Southern identity is based on the framing of the United States Civil War as a theological war, one fought between the atheist and illiberal Northern aggressors against the chaste, Christian Southern defenders (Sebest & Hague, 2002). This framing is embedded within the group’s social identity content (Livingstone & Haslam, 2012), originating from religious leaders in the immediate aftermath of the Civil War. It was further refined during the mid-20th century, with Michael Hill, the founder of the League of the South, heavily incorporating this idea into the group’s formation . In particular, the group’s collective identity draws heavily on an ideological interpretation of the Civil War as a theological conflict, framing Confederate soldiers and their leaders as ‘divinely chosen’ by God and anointed by Christianity (Sebest & Hague, 2002). Group members seem to perceive themselves as descendants of divinely ordained soldiers, exemplifying intergroup dynamics (Stott & Reicher, 1998). This framing positions the in-group as moral and pure, in contrast to out-groups depicted as immoral and atheistic. Their interpretation of the theological war thesis also applies conveniently to only their selected in-group members, specifically white Southerners, as the descendants of divinely anointed confederate soldiers, framing elements such as black Americans as an outgroup. This narrowly defined ideal of an in-group member seems justified by the belief that white Southerners descend from a loosely defined, semi-mythical ethnic group identified as Celts (Hague et al., 2005)—an ethnic group that supposedly had influence across large parts of Northern and Western Europe from as early as 1200 BCE, though this claim is disputed by modern historians (Donnelly, 2015). By claiming the in-group can draw lineage from such a loosely defined ancient ethnic group, the League of the South seeks to cast group members, and by an extension, all “true Southerners”, as an oppressed group, beset by non-Celtic Northern descendants. Framing the group’s struggle against out-group elements as part of an ancient conflict reinforces the sense of struggle, aligning in-group members with a battle that spans thousands of years. The group’s positioning in the broader contemporary far-right context. The in-group framing by the League of the South is similar to other far-right groups, in that they look to position themselves as the chosen in-group, often deserving of status due to perceived lineage and destiny related to a specific area (Castle & Parsons, 2019). British isle based far-right groups use similar narrative patterns to the League of the South regarding entitlement to a homeland, specifically against unwanted out-group elements such as minority groups (Atton, 2006). Like other far-right groups, the League of the South skilfully uses the internet as a tool (Åkerlund, 2022; Askanius, 2021), with leaders employing both public social media platforms and their own website to disseminate ideology and strengthen in-group cohesion (Copsey, 2007). Recent activities of the League of the South have involved interactions with other far-right groups and more mainstream Republican elements, including participation in the Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville in 2017 (SPLC, 2024). Coinciding with its attendance at the Unite the Right rally, the group has adopted a more extreme ideological position (SPLC, 2024), with the group further isolating itself from the mainstream, a pattern often characterizing extreme-right groups who eschew mainstream interactions (Ware, 2019) The Grey Wolves The Grey Wolves, formally called the Ülkü Ocakları (Idealist Hearths), originated as the militant wing of Turkey’s Nationalist Action Party (Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi, MHP) in the late 1960s under Alparslan Türkeş’s leadership (Yavuz, 2002; Aras & Bacik, 2000). Based on a staunch nationalist ideology, the group advocates for pan-Turkism, seeking to unify Turkic peoples under a shared political and cultural identity (Tepe, 2000). This vision is closely tied to the “Turkish-Islamic synthesis”, which merges ethnic Turkish nationalism with Sunni Islam (Cengiz, 2021). The ideological framework of the Grey Wolves draws heavily from the principles laid out by Türkeş, who articulated a rigid nationalist ideology centered on the preservation of Turkish identity and the supremacy of the state. His doctrine, Dokuz Işık (Nine Lights), is centred on nationalism, moralism, and development, reflecting a communal and authoritarian vision for Turkey’s future (Cengiz, 2021; Yavuz, 2002). The group’s name, Grey Wolves, derives from Asena, a legendary she-wolf in Turkic mythology, symbolizing their role as defenders of the Turkish nation (Arıkan, 2002; Şabatová, 2022). Group dynamics and identity content . The Grey Wolves’ identity construction is drawn from a pan-Turkic and ethno-nationalist narrative portraying the Turkish nation as besieged by external and internal enemies (Gümrükçü, 2023). This aligns with the MHP’s broader strategy of using fear-driven narratives to consolidate support. The MHP and affiliated organizations, including the Grey Wolves, have historically framed Kurdish separatists, communists, and Islamists as existential threats, legitimizing their nationalist agenda (Yavuz, 2002; Cengiz, 2021). Central to the Grey Wolves’ identity is the concept of the Idealist, or Ülkücü , representing individuals dedicated to the nationalist cause. Idealist Clubs ( Ülkü Ocakları ) play a critical role in ideological indoctrination and community building among youth. The organization’s rigid hierarchy and emphasis on loyalty further reinforce group cohesion (Tepe, 2000; Arıkan, 2002). Despite presenting themselves as defenders of Turkish identity, the Grey Wolves’ exclusionary stance toward minorities—especially Kurds and Alevis—has fuelled tension and conflict. The group was involved in significant political violence during the 1970s, with numerous clashes between far-right factions and leftist groups (Gümrükçü, 2023; Yavuz, 2002). The group’s positioning in the broader contemporary far-right context. In contrast to the League of the South, which operates on the fringes of political power in the United States, the Grey Wolves enjoy a close relationship with Turkey’s ruling coalition, particularly through their ties to the Nationalist Action Party (MHP). Since the 1990s, the MHP’s political re-emergence has facilitated the Grey Wolves’ access to both formal political channels and informal influence within nationalist circles (Yavuz, 2002; Cengiz, 2021). This proximity to power allows the Grey Wolves to project strength and legitimacy by aligning their nationalist rhetoric with Turkey’s official discourse on national security and sovereignty (Öniş, 2003). Through this alignment, the Grey Wolves have positioned themselves as defenders of Turkey’s territorial integrity, particularly in relation to the Kurdish issue, and as protectors of Turkic populations abroad (Şabatová, 2022). The Grey Wolves operate with significant autonomy from the MHP, serving dual functions: mobilizing nationalist youth for electoral support while maintaining militant capabilities for street-level confrontation (Aras & Bacik, 2000; Gümrükçü, 2023). Their violent targeting of leftists, Kurds, and perceived enemies in the 1970s (Kıdal, 2020; Arıkan, 2002) exemplifies a pattern common among far-right movements balancing party politics with militancy. This adaptability has prevented their marginalization or absorption (Tepe, 2000; Cengiz, 2021), as evidenced by their shift to cultural outreach and diaspora engagement in Europe during the early 2000s, followed by renewed militant activism amid regional conflicts in the 2010s (Şabatová, 2022; Kıdal, 2020). The Grey Wolves maintain significant influence through Turkish diaspora communities in Europe, using these networks for recruitment and promoting pan-Turkic nationalism (Çağlar, 1990). Their extremist activities have prompted several European countries to consider or implement bans (Gümrükçü, 2023; Yavuz, 2002). This international presence aligns with their vision of a unified Turkic world and complements Turkey’s geopolitical interests under the current ruling coalition, particularly in the Caucasus, Central Asia, and Balkans (Cengiz, 2021; Şabatová, 2022). The organization faces strategic challenges in balancing radical grassroots rhetoric with political pragmatism to maintain support from mainstream nationalist and conservative elements within the MHP and ruling coalition (Arıkan, 2002; Öniş, 2003). This tension has created internal divisions between confrontational and moderate factions (Kıdal, 2020). Unlike Western far-right movements, the Grey Wolves have successfully integrated into mainstream politics while maintaining militant capabilities (Yavuz, 2002; Tepe, 2000). This distinctive ability to balance institutional alignment with grassroots radicalism ensures their continued influence in Turkish and regional politics (Gümrükçü, 2023; Şabatová, 2022; Aras & Bacik, 2000). The Grey Wolves maintain distinctive proximity to mainstream politics through their alliance with the MHP, a major party in Turkey’s political landscape. This connection enables them to influence national discourse on security, sovereignty, and ethnic identity, while their relationship with the ruling AKP-MHP coalition provides political legitimacy despite their militant rhetoric (Cengiz, 2021; Kıdal, 2020; Yavuz, 2002). Operating semi-autonomously, they balance formal political engagement with grassroots militancy. Their violent history, particularly during the 1970s’ right-left confrontations that claimed thousands of lives (Gümrükçü, 2023; Arıkan, 2002; Kıdal, 2020), established a militant legacy they continue to exploit for maintaining influence and deterring opponents (Aras & Bacik, 2000). Current study Our study seeks to examine the comparative dynamics between two far-right groups through four key research questions, designed to identify both potential differences and similarities. These questions focus on each group’s use of religious narratives, their perceived proximity to populist power, the impact of power proximity on their narratives, and the specific goals embedded in their identity content. In particular, we ask the following research questions: RQ. 1 How does each group use religious narratives as part of their social identity content? RQ. 2 How does each group view itself in proximity to populist parties in power? RQ. 3 How proximity to power may change the narratives for each group? RQ. 4 Within the identity content of each group, is there a clear outcome to be achieved? Method To answer the above questions, we adopt a reflexive thematic analysis approach (Braun & Clarke, 2006, 2019, 2023), to identify the main themes present within each groups’ narratives found amongst the textual data extracted from the groups’ websites. This study’s comparative framework and methodological approach contribute to the broader body of literature on far-right online groups, offering a foundation for future comparative research that can be applied across diverse cultural contexts. Data Collection For our analysis, we collected extensive textual data from the websites of the League of the South, the Grey Wolves, and the National Action Party using the Web Scraper extension in Google Chrome. This process resulted in approximately 5,000 lines of text from the League of the South site and over 9,000 lines from the Grey Wolves and National Action Party sites combined. The data was gathered through multiple scraping phases and subsequently cleaned for analysis. For the text samples selected for the Reflexive Thematic Analysis, DEEPL translation was used for the Turkish language data, which was then translated into English. One of the co-authors, a native Turkish speaker, checked the authenticity of the translations before any analysis was conducted. Reflexive thematic analysis To identify the themes present within the data from both groups, reflexive thematic analysis was employed (Braun & Clarke, 2006, 2019, 2023). Following data collection and cleaning, a random sample of lines from each group was selected to initiate the process of data familiarization. The first author engaged in multiple readings of the dataset to develop an in-depth understanding of its content. Once familiarized with the data, the first author conducted an initial coding round, progressively incorporating new data until reaching coding saturation. To preserve contextual integrity, codes were reviewed holistically, allowing for a comprehensive interpretation of the original intent of the text. After the initial coding round, the first and second authors engaged in discussions to reflect on and refine the coding process. A second coding round was then performed to further sharpen the codes, after which the first author began organizing the codes into thematic structures. Theme generation was initially guided by consultations among the authors, focusing on refining themes to capture core narrative elements. Through iterative discussions and adjustments, theme names were finalized, with all authors achieving consensus on the five resulting themes. Positionality . In conducting the thematic analysis, we approached the data with an awareness of our positionality, recognising that our interpretations are shaped by our perspectives and academic backgrounds. We adopted a reflexive stance, consciously engaging with the material to minimise bias while acknowledging the subjective nature of qualitative research. Our goal was to approach the analysis with openness and critical thought, ensuring that the themes identified were grounded in the data while being informed by our broader understanding of the context. Throughout the thematic analysis process, we attempted to maintain a reflective stance, recognizing that our diverse backgrounds influenced our interpretations. Rather than pursuing a positivist approach to “truth” within the dataset, they balanced detachment—enabling the integration of theoretical and analytical frameworks—with an awareness of the content’s conflict with their personal values. The unsettling nature of the data was consciously incorporated into the reflexive aspects of their findings, rather than dismissed in pursuit of objectivity. The authors also approached the analysis with intellectual humility, aiming to offer insights rather than a comprehensive explanation of the groups’ dynamics, thus allowing for further exploration in future research (Gani & Khan, 2024). Findings Five themes were identified from the data: three pertaining to the Grey Wolves and two to the League of the South. Despite thematic overlap due to both groups’ far-right ideologies, significant contextual distinctions influence the emergence and expression of these themes. These differences will be explored in the findings and discussion sections. “Figure 1 Here” Figure 1. A representation of the League of the South main themes Nebulous threats. The first theme identified for the League of the South pertains to perceptions of out-group threats. This includes both vague, generalised threats to the in-group and more specific, defined threats. The latter encompass traditional far-right targets, such as leftists, Jewish communities, and elites. Within the construction of out-group threat is the interwoven narrative of victimhood, that not only are the enemies of the League of the South looking for their destruction, but also, they use incorrect terminology and categorizations to frame the League of the South, and thus the group is being incorrectly attributed characteristics. The extract below illustrates well this point: Remember this: by simply being Southern Nationalists, honoring our Confederate past and ancestors and symbols, we are already branded as “white supremacists”, “racists”, etc. ad nauseum. Our enemy lumps us all together under the convenient, catch-all labels (“Nazis,” “bigots,” “anti-Semites”) and has done so for years, so why should we be worried about it now? Their goal is our utter destruction. The dual construction of out-group threats encompasses two key narratives: the claim that out-groups aim to annihilate the group entirely and the accusation that the group is labelled with pejoratives such as “Nazis” or “white supremacists”. This framing serves two purposes. First, it galvanises in-group cohesion by presenting an existential threat. Second, it introduces a more tangible, contestable challenge—the use of pejorative terms—which can be addressed both within in-group settings and through public discourse. There is also an assumption of a perceived unified hostility from out-groups towards “White people” who are collectively labelled as “White Devils” — a narrative suggesting that such hostility may necessitate a collective response, portraying an existential threat as a call to unity and action among in-group members: Our enemies do not draw fine distinctions between us White folks. To them, we are all White Devils. Time and circumstance may force us to join together to fight back and show them just how fierce White Devils can be when our backs are to the wall. This framing reinforces an existential narrative by combining the construction of out-group threats with the portrayal of the in-group as being in a dire, defensive position— “backs against the wall”. This positioning suggests that all group actions are justified as necessary responses to an imminent and existential threat to the group’s survival. This duality of out-group threat moves beyond the more nebulous construction of generic enemies of the in-group to more specific, traditional far-right out-group elements, including in this instance both leftists and Jews, who are often portrayed interwoven in their efforts to destroy far-right groups(Marcks & Pawelz, 2020). The Democrat Party has now become openly a Jew-run party with negroes, mestizos, Muslims, and other assorted non-Whites, along with a large contingent of self-loathing (and very short-sighted) Whites, providing the numerical strength in the streets and at the voting booth. It is avowedly socialist/communist and does not try to hide its affinity for the old Bolsheviks of the previous century. The Democrats have become the political wing of the New Red Terror. They control, directly or indirectly, much of the Establishment infrastructure (media, banks, academia, large corporations, and popular culture in general). And they are virulently anti-White (especially anti-White male) and anti-Christian, seeking, at best, the disenfranchisement and banishment, and at worst, the destruction of both The historical nature of threat posed by leftists is also entrenched with the previously discussed dual construction of enemies, with the use of references to the Red Terror and Bolshevism. This framing emphasises the persistent and enduring nature of the threat, portraying leftists as engaging in a zero-sum effort to dismantle the League of the South. It further asserts that these efforts draw on historical precedents and strategies, aimed at systematically erasing the group’s identity and values. Interestingly amongst the out-group threat posed by nebulous enemies, and the more traditional out-group threat posed against far-right groups by leftists, the League of the South also views the threat posed by mainstream Republicans as in opposition to in-group values. Since our inception in 1994, The League of the South has made it clear to anyone who would listen that the Republican Party was no friend of the South or of “conservatives” in general. We pointed to the leftist origins of the GOP in the 1850s (many German socialists who supported the failed 1848 revolutions in Europe were instrumental in founding the Republican Party) and the obvious anti-South, big government policies of Abe Lincoln as support for our assertions. We even dared show how Ronald Reagan talked a good game but governed like a liberal. But most folks didn’t listen and kept right on voting for the GOP’s candidates, thinking it would make a difference. The historical framing of the out-group threat posed by leftists reinforces the narrative of a longstanding struggle against forces seeking to undermine the League of the South. However, this framing extends to criticise ostensibly conservative figures, such as Ronald Reagan, portraying them as betraying the in-group’s values through overly liberal policies. This contrasts with traditional conservative support for Reagan’s administration, suggesting a nuanced differentiation in the perceived threat. The narrative positions the GOP itself as a threat when in-group members explicitly articulate its opposition to the League’s values. Fifth, the GOP is really a useless mechanism for Southern nationalists. While Moore is like us in many way, he is still not an openly Southern/white nationalist and he does not actively support our independence from the Swamp in DC. This code suggests the threat the GOP poses more explicitly, adding context to the historical nature of threat discussed in the previous code, explicitly revealing that any group/movement or individual not looking to advance in-group goals represents threat to the League of the South. The League of the South’s rigid identity framework and narrowly defined idealisation of in-group members result in even ostensibly allied groups being perceived as existential threats. This reflects the group’s exclusivist stance, where deviations from its strict identity criteria are seen as undermining its core values and survival. The first of the League of the South themes, that of Nebulous threats, presents itself with the out-group threat posed by nebulously constructed enemies of the in-group, but also traditional out-group elements such as leftists and Jews, and then (interestingly) the mainstream GOP. This theme consistently highlights the existential nature of out-group threats, with the League of the South perceiving itself as engaged in a zero-sum struggle for its survival. These threats are depicted as multifaceted, targeting the group’s values and identity from various directions, reinforcing a pervasive sense of vulnerability and conflict. Constructions of out-group threat are influenced by the idealized in-group member being very narrowly defined, specifically white, male, Southern and Christian, and given the salience of these components in relation to the in-group construction, it is then unsurprising that the group lashes out against perceived out-group threat given the nature of its identity construction. The struggle of the chosen few . The second theme concerning the League of the South focuses on in-group identity content. It examines the group’s stated aims, the challenges they face in pursuing these objectives, and their conceptions of in-group membership. Throughout in-group discussions of the aims and goals of the group is also the perception of out-group interference, while not explicitly defined as the previous theme, this is a core tenant in all the narratives related to the League of the South, so while this theme more directly deals with in-group identity and its dynamics, perceptions of out-group threat still run throughout. The League of the South’s foundational aim is to establish a neo-Confederate collection of states that would secede from the United States. In-group discussions frequently centre on this goal and the potential benefits such secession could bring, as illustrated by the following quote: So while there’s still time, I think it would be a good idea if the Southern states (as well as other historic regions) looked into the idea of secession and independence. First, as a lifeboat and next as a really smart thing to do for a prosperous and free future. The South would be an economic powerhouse in the emerging new geopolitical configuration of the world. And yes, we in The League have the facts and figures to prove this. Back around 2000, we released a very well-received study called The South As Its Own Nation. We made a good argument that has gotten even stronger over the last two decades. While the overarching group aim seems rooted in supposed economic stability (as evidenced in a previously published in-group report), there is also the more loosely defined aspect of the group’s aim, justified within the group as a rational and advantageous course of action for Southerners, reinforcing its appeal among in-group member. The lack of extensive justification for this aim may stem from the discourse occurring on the in-group’s dedicated website, where participants are likely already aligned with the group’s objectives. As a result, discussions focus more on consolidating and reinforcing these aims rather than persuading members through a sales-like approach. This would be consistent with previous work on Stormfront, where it was demonstrated that over time users posting behaviours became more radical and more frequent, with less engagement with core conceptions of aims and goals (Kleinberg et al., 2021). The group’s aims are further supported by claims of growing support, reflected in discussions emphasising the strengthening of their message over time. This is bolstered by in-group projections suggesting broader alignment with their cause, reinforcing the perception of legitimacy and momentum: In many ways the average working class Southerner is more receptive than ever to our message. Why does this matter? I would say our message of Southern Nationalism has the perfect audience and reception. Texas proves as such as we see another independence movement, the Texas Nationalist Movement (TNM), push for secession. This theme suggests that the LOS seeks to project the construction of large-scale support for their group aims, not only appealing to class-based divisions by stating that working class Southerners would find the message appealing, but also that specific movements fit within the targeted in-group aims. This in-group projection of larger scale appeal also has elements of social creativity (van Bezouw et al., 2021) integrated into it, by stating that there is larger scale support for the cause, they look to reframe the inter-group comparisons, seeming equal to larger, more powerful groups due to supposed support. To achieve the group’s aim stated of an independent, neo-confederate collection of states, the LOS discusses the struggle to achieve said aims, framing their struggle in a historical context, similar to some constructions of out-group threat, in that they have been in constant opposition to the group and its goals since the founding of the original confederacy. There is no way forward until we first go back to 1861. It is there we must begin. We must fight the same philosophical war over slavery and a hierarchal social order versus abolition and an equalitarian social order. This is the place the Constitution and the American way of life were overthrown. There will be no victory, not even a partial one, until this battle is fought and won by the South. The group’s aims are also framed around the belief in broad support for their cause. This is evidenced by in-group claims that their message has grown stronger over time and through instances of in-group projection, portraying the LOS as representing the South as a whole. This projection contrasts with the group’s narrowly defined criteria for in-group membership, highlighting a tension between their expansive claims and exclusivist identity. The group seeks to balance their identity and specifically how they deal with the competing constructions of both a very narrow ingroup criteria but also the struggle to achieve their group aims demonstrative of a regional struggle, by once again engaging in social creativity and in-group projection by stating Also, Kennedy revises the history of the traditional South by stating that it was a place that stood for individual liberty. Kennedy calls this “the individualistic heritage of the South.” His full quote is this: “This concept, equality of results, is in direct opposition to the traditional individualistic belief of our Southern heritage.” (page 247) I contest this perspective. The quotes I have given from Jefferson Davis, Alexander Stephens, and the Texas Articles of Secession undeniably demonstrate that our people have carried a “group” identity with them that has been the touchstone upon which we have been attacked by the equalitarian United States. In their reconstruction of the idea of a unified Southern group identity, the LOS provides a telling insight into their in-group struggles, aims and identity. By constructing their group identity in opposition to supposed historical accounts of Southern identity, this demonstrates a group looking to not only galvanize a larger supporter base, but also consolidate in-group members by saying that support for in-group aims is Southern wide, and that there is a silent majority of Southern support. A high-status group does not need to demonstrate to in-group members that support is present, as power dynamics and in-group comparisons demonstrate this (Metiu, 2006), which will be highlighted in the Grey Wolves codes on the People and the Nation, where there is an assumed level of confidence and support for the group. Demonstrative of a lower status group who must selectively celebrate even small perceived victories, the League of the South celebrate a minor mobilization effort as indicative of advancing the goals and aims of the group: Yesterday, The League of the South conducted a small-unit operation at the site of the Emmett Till memorial plaque on the banks of the Tallahatchie River near Glendora, Mississippi (see the Media section of this website for our video). Eight of us, including Mississippi State Chairman Shaun Winkler, drove for about three hours into the heart of darkness, the rural Mississippi Delta, where just recently black extremists vowed that no “White extremist” would dare set foot…. Over the last year and a half, we have also done similar operations at the Edmund Pettus bridge in Selma, Alabama, and Central High School in Little Rock, Arkansas. Who knows where we’ll show up next on our continuing LS Civil Rights Tour? By parading the achievement of a small collective of in-group members as advancing the group struggle towards to its aim, the members can demonstrate that their collective action is achieving goals, thus promoting group efficacy and increasing in-group identification (van Zomeren et al., 2010). However, while this mobilization effort is celebrated amongst the in-group, there is also an underlying futility to the efforts, in the sense that the group aims look to establish a new confederate state of America, and this effort does nothing towards achieving that broader aim. Thus, the group celebrates a rather meaningless mobilization effort, with the hope that it looks to satisfy the core needs of its members, otherwise continued membership decay will occur (Chun & Choi, 2014), and given the broad aims of the group, this seems unlikely. The second theme involving the League of the South addresses the group’s aims, struggles, and perceptions of in-group identity. The League articulates its overarching goal of establishing a neo-Confederate state and frames this struggle within a historical context, tracing its efforts back to the foundation of the original Confederate states. Throughout the theme, the group engages in in-group projection, asserting that their cause enjoys support from working-class Southerners who are ostensibly prepared to enact the changes necessary to achieve the League’s goals. This projection, combined with the emphasis on celebrating minor acts of collective action, reinforces the group’s marginal status, showing a reliance on small achievements to maintain the morale and engagement of its members. “Figure 2 Here” jabbrv-ltwa-all.ldf jabbrv-ltwa-en.ldf Figure 2. A representation of the Grey Wolves’ main themes Political rivals home and abroad. The first theme concerning the Grey Wolves addresses out-group threats, which are framed differently compared to the League of the South. These threats originate from various domestic and international political rivals. Unlike the League of the South, the Grey Wolves perceive these threats with less existential urgency, often adopting a dismissive tone that diminishes the perceived severity of the danger. One of the main opposition elements to the Grey Wolves domestically is the Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi (CHP), a center-left party who are critical of the Grey Wolves and the National Action Party, and as a result make up a large proportion of the codes found within this theme. The CHP, which has become the chronic problem of Turkish politics, is a group that has shamelessly committed all kinds of treason against the Turkish nation and the spiritual heritage of the Great Leader Mustafa Kemal Atatürk by cooperating with the HDP / PKK behind closed doors. When discussing the threat posed by the CHP to in-group members, there is an underlying assumption that not only are the Grey Wolves under threat, but so is the larger Turkish nation, a framing that is more explicitly discussed in the later theme. The Grey Wolves perceive the CHP as willing to collaborate with both political and non-political actors to threaten not only their group but also the Turkish nation. This collaboration is framed as a deliberate effort to undermine in-group members and their broader nationalistic objectives. This point is illustrated by the next quote: The pioneers and leaders of this process of incitement are the CHP and HDP, and the diseased stakeholders of the Alliance of Villet. In addition, some non-governmental organizations, some sold-out intellectuals, a handful of recruited academics, three or five hired pens and their sponsors are enemies of Turkey. Not only do the Grey Wolves frame domestic political opponents as a threat to Turkey (in this instance, the CHP and HDP), but also non-descriptive NGOs, intellectuals, academics and journalists are also portrayed as enemies of Turkey. It is only the Grey Wolves who are given the moralistic framing as being indicative of true Turkish values. The vague threat posed by non-descriptive enemies in the second half of the quote is one that overlaps with the League of the South, with other quotes demonstrating the threat posed by nebulously defined out-group elements: Actions that seek opportunities to confuse Turkey, to plunge it into darkness and chaos The provocative provocations of the circles probing the ground and looking for a pretext for occupation are waiting in the wings to take hold on the stage and on the streets. The framing of out-group threats by the Grey Wolves mirrors that of the League of the South, with nebulous out-groups depicted as endangering the in-group and its values. However, the Grey Wolves express greater confidence in their ability to counter these threats, whether vaguely defined or explicitly identified, such as foreign powers allegedly infiltrating domestic Turkish politics, as illustrated below: Everything is obvious, even if the foreign admirers in our country are bleeding inside, even if the faces of the losers who are looking for a platform to lean on foreign powers looking for subcontractors are hanging. Because it is not wise to plaster the sun with slime. The Grey Wolves acknowledge the threats posed by out-groups while simultaneously issuing a subtle warning that any actions against the in-group would result in adverse consequences for the out-group. This warning is often conveyed through metaphorical language, a recurring feature in the Grey Wolves’ discourse. The theme of political rivals’ home and abroad for the Grey Wolves demonstrates the perceptions of out-group threat the in-group faces, a common shared in-group element with the League of the South, however the contextual differences of the Grey Wolves lead to important distinctions. Given the closer proximity to power for the Grey Wolves in comparison to the League of the South, out-group threat differs in that that threats are posed by both domestic political rivals and international elements that look to harm the Grey Wolves and by extension the larger Turkish nation. The Grey Wolves acknowledge the threats posed by out-groups but pair this with subtle warnings, often conveyed metaphorically, that any action against the in-group would result in negative outcomes for the out-group. This theme reflects an underlying confidence, with threats perceived as similarly existential to those faced by the League of the South. However, the Grey Wolves are portrayed as being better equipped to address these challenges. This projection of strength aligns with their proximity to electoral politics and mirrors the broader narrative of the ruling coalition in Turkey, which seeks to position itself as capable of addressing national issues. The people and the nation. The second theme concerning the Grey Wolves focuses on in-group identity content, encompassing their framing of the in-group, the veneration of the past, and its integration into their identity. This theme also explores the interaction between their identity and the broader construct of Turkish identity. Unlike the League of the South, the Grey Wolves adopt a broader framing of the in-group, aiming to unify members around their core definition of “Turkishness”. With the Grey Wolves operating as the paramilitary arm of the National Action Party and being a group who has historically been associated with Turkish youth (Abdulkader, 2022; Arikan, 2002), they self-define the group as indicative of the pride of the Turkish nation, with the group fighting the enemies of the nation. Nationalist-Ulkücü youth is the heart of Turkish youth. Its roots are in Ötüken, its source is in Lake Issyk-Kul and its fight is with the enemies of Turks and Islam. This youth is our crown jewel, our pride. Interestingly, the self-definition of the group integrates the conception of not only being the protectors of Turks, but also Islam, trying to balance the concept of being both secular and holy warriors, a common theme that the National Action Party has demonstrated since its foundation, with the deification of its founder being another example indicative of this straddling between worlds (Tepe, 2000; Yavuz, 2002). The group also looks to position its identity as one indicative of fairness and openness, a group who wants to integrate this broader construction of Turkish identity within an egalitarian framework of discussion and debate, as optically this seems appealing from an electoral perspective, though given past actions of the Grey Wolves it stands very much in contrast (Abdulkader, 2022). Every legitimate opinion should be freely voiced in this Parliament within democratic boundaries, just as it was in the 1920s. The Turkish Grand National Assembly is the representative institution of the will and sovereignty of the Turkish nation. This is the main headquarters of national sensitivities, national goals, national unity and brotherhood. Sovereignty belongs unconditionally to the nation. There is no power before or above the nation. Once again, the identity of the group is firmly rooted in the construction of a broader Turkish framework, with the in-group looking to frame themselves as ideal examples of what it means to be Turkish, which include values such as unity and brotherhood. This code also reflects the integration with the foundation of the Turkish state as highly relevant to in-group identity, and the positive values associated with it. Interestingly the construction of Turkish identity as related to the in-group is never defined, rather it is framed as a broad construction, attempting to strategically associate positive values of the foundation of the Turkish state, and integrating the idea of sacrifice and struggle of the in-group to achieve the ideal outcome for those sharing Turkish identity: Day by day, human beings are becoming more and more people who only eat and drink, who only pursue other basic needs, who are completely silent about humanitarian and conscientious catastrophes, who do not have the opportunity to think about why they exist and why they live. in the grip of a cycle of catastrophe that drifts on and on, unable to find it. With the sacrificial struggle and efforts of our mothers, sisters and young people, this cycle is ours. Turkish-Islamic civilization will break the shackles on its feet with a new move of ascension. The overarching framing of Turkish identity as related to struggle is demonstrated by this quote displaying the in-group as distinct from those who are not as enlightened as them, but also that through the sacrifice and struggle of in-group members, in this instance mothers, sisters and young people, the ideal aim of the in-group can be achieved, the integration of a pan Turkish-Islamic state. The aim of the group in this code is demonstrated, though similarly to the broader construction of what it means to be Turkish, the specific aspects of that aim are not clearly defined. Overall, this theme captures perceptions of in-group identity, membership, broader constructions of Turkish identity, and group aims. The Grey Wolves seem to venerate the youth of the Turkish nation, framing them in semi mythical terms as the hope and future of the nation, while also being the prime example of what their conception of Turkish identity represents. Compared to the League of the South, the in-group construction at first appears broader, in the sense that the GW frame the in-group and its members as holistic and encompassing of al of Turkey, though given the groups actions, specifically against non-Turkish minority groups (ref), this broader construction is most likely due to the pandering associated with electoral politics. In-group aims are discussed, specifically the creation of a Turkish-Islamic caliphate, however beyond vague allusions to an in-group goal, specific steps are not mentioned. Upholding the ideals. The third and final theme involved with the Grey Wolves involves constructions of in-group morality, specifically how the group looks to frame itself as highly moral, but also how that morality is constructed within the foundation of the Turkish state, and comparatively in opposition to other, non-moral actors. The Grey Wolves frame themselves as moral actors who exemplify the best aspects of the human experience, positioning themselves above those who would lie and slander their way towards goals and outcomes: Lying is violating human dignity. Truthfulness and honesty is to raise human dignity. The Nationalist Movement Party is on the side of the truth, in the right stance, in a straight struggle. The end of liars is in sight. From now on, they will run away and we will chase them. Not only do the group look to position themselves as on the right side of truth, raising the standard of human dignity, they also look to actively engage with and hinder the expansion of immoral actors. Given their proximity to electoral politics, actively framing themselves as combatting supposed immoral actors contributes to increasing their appeal to those who might not be as inclined to support them. This general in-group morality extends more specifically to the youth of the Turkish nation as well Likewise, the Turkish youth is a great willpower and a high dignity of perception that aspires to ascend to the summit towers by connecting to its soul root, that does not let go of humility, that adopts love and respect as a guide, and that has its own unique style. Given the main demographic of the Grey Wolves has historically been Turkish youth this is not necessarily surprising in terms of positive in-group morality, but the rich language used throughout the code not only describes several positive attributes associated with the in-group, but also evokes a sense of a divinely decreed in-group. Not only are there positive traits associated with the group, but there is also the sense that they are actively framing themselves as divinely decreed, chosen by God to be exemplary of those values. The use of rich, evocative language is not limited to descriptions of its in-group members currently, but also in a similar matter to the theme referring to the identity content of the Grey Wolves, integrating constructions of morality with Turkish origins. The Nationalist Turkish Youth has reached the blessed consciousness of the Nutuk; it has adopted Atatürk’s ideals and has the wisdom not to be a tool for the dirty politics of the CHP, which makes Atatürk’s bones ache. Not only have the Grey Wolves achieved nirvana in the sense that they have integrated the foundational myths of morality found in the Nutuk speech delivered by Ataturk, but also, they exemplify this morality, to the point that their opposition in the CHP, being non-moral actors themselves, make the bones of Ataturk ache. The achievement of a blessed consciousness, or in the previous code the high of dignity of perception, integrate constructions of a higher state of being, one that runs throughout the theme, and marks the in-group’s construction of morality in an almost semi-ethereal state, reflecting how the competing aspects of secularism and religiosity are present within the Grey Wolves. In sum, this final theme dealing with the Grey Wolves looked at constructions of in-group morality, and how the group looks to frame morality as an integral part of its in-group identity. Morality is constructed in almost ethereal sense of the word, with the group exemplifying the paradoxical nature of its construction, existing within the secular Turkish state but also demonstrating morality construction interwoven with religiosity and a divine state of being. Overall, the themes identified in the League of the South and the Grey Wolves highlight their distinct yet overlapping narrative strategies shaped by their contexts and proximity to power (see Table 1). Both groups construct out-group threats as existential to their in-groups, but the League of the South emphasizes nebulous threats, including even potential allies, reflecting their marginalized status. In contrast, the Grey Wolves exude confidence, framing threats from domestic rivals and international elements as surmountable challenges. In-group identity content diverges significantly. The League of the South focuses on the “struggle of the chosen few,” celebrating minor actions to maintain cohesion despite their limited political influence. Meanwhile, the Grey Wolves articulate a broader Turkish-Islamic identity, positioning themselves as integral to national pride and future goals. Morality is a central theme for the Grey Wolves, framing their in-group as divinely ordained and morally exemplary. This contrasts with the League of the South, whose narratives emphasize historical victimhood and a yearning for a neo-Confederate state. Proximity to power fundamentally differentiates the groups: the Grey Wolves derive strength and confidence from their alignment with Turkey’s ruling coalition, while the League of the South’s lack of influence results in a narrative of futility and defiance. “Table 1 Here” Table 1. Summary of the themes identified across the two groups. jabbrv-ltwa-all.ldf jabbrv-ltwa-en.ldf Discussion In relation to how these group integrate religious narratives into their social identity content, our analysis shows that, contrary to our expectations, these groups do not tend to use explicit religious narratives within their identity content. This is potentially due to the fact that as politicized collective identities, there is a salience associated with the identity that identities formed around non-political issues do not share, thus the assumption that in-group members already all share the same values, specifically referring to assumptions about religiosity. However, both the Grey Wolves and the League of the South subtly frame themselves as embodying spiritual or religious ideals. The Grey Wolves use language suggesting they have achieved an elevated, almost transcendent state, characterised by higher consciousness or enlightenment. In contrast, the League of the South frames their struggle for a neo-Confederacy as divinely ordained, aligning with the values of the religious war thesis. Some narratives explicitly state that their actions and goals are conducted under God’s grace. Both groups view themselves as “the Chosen”, guided by a higher power, with their real-world actions entwined with a perceived divine mission. This overlap suggests a shared synthesis of temporal objectives and spiritual justification. In relation to our second question, “How does each group view itself in proximity to populist parties in power?”, our analysis suggests that the League of the South does not align with a populist party in power as evidently as the Grey Wolves do. The League of the South demonstrates a greater tendency to criticise populist parties in power, particularly the GOP, which might otherwise be perceived as a natural ally. The League of the South acknowledges that the GOP has never been an ally, asserting that only parties explicitly endorsing their goals can be considered allies. This reflects the centrality of their objectives, framing anyone not overtly supportive as an enemy. For example, while Roy Moore is both a GOP candidate and a Southerner, his failure to actively support the League renders him a threat. In contrast, the Grey Wolves, as part of Turkey’s ruling coalition, view populist parties in power more favourably and align themselves with them. However, they maintain a subtle distinction by framing themselves as moral actors without explicitly extending this status to Erdoğan’s party. This suggests an implicit “first among equals” dynamic, reflecting a mindset akin to “two legs good, four legs better” Does proximity to power change the narratives for each group? In relation to our third question, proximity to power is arguably the most significant factor influencing the narratives of each group. Power serves as the ultimate mitigating force, shaping how each group constructs and communicates its identity, threats, and goals. For the Grey Wolves, their integration into Turkey’s ruling coalition allows for a narrative aligned with populist parties, while still maintaining an implicit distinction as moral actors. For the League of the South, lacking alignment with political power, their narratives centre on opposition, framing even potential allies like the GOP as adversaries if they do not actively support the group’s goals. This contrast highlights the extent to which access to power reframes the strategies and rhetoric of each group. For the League of the South given their far proximity to power, there is an underlying sadness in the narratives put forward by the group, which translates itself to the fact that out-group threat is so salient. Essentially, the group knows that their goals will never be achieved, thus they have to compensate and lash out at all those elements which they believe are actively trying to harm them, not wanting to deal with the fact that conceptually, given their distance from actual power structures that they could use to implement the group ideology, they have very little hope of achieving their aims. This in contrast to the Grey Wolves, who given their proximity to power and the fact they have achieved status in terms of electoral success and the underlying assumption that everyone knows what they are, they are confident in their position. Instead of engaging in the strategies of social creativity that the League of the South must, which are strategies employed by lower status groups in order to balance the playing field so to speak, the Grey Wolves engage in Social Competition, viewing their rivals as inferior to them. There is a confidence that comes with achieving success, more so for the fact that for the National Action Party, they have achieved major electoral success previously while maintain the values that run deep within the party and the Grey Wolves. So not only is the confidence of the Grey Wolves built upon the fact they claim lineage from the creation of a new state, but also the party they are associated with has been contemporarily quite successful, so they are building their group dynamics, their identity, from a place of power. This is compared to the League of the South, whose identity is entirely constructed from the failure of the Confederacy, thus they compensate as a group not only for the failure of their origin, but also the failure that since the League of the South has existed, they have achieved very little. Proximity to power amplifies and projects the core identity values found at the heart of each group, for the League of the South the lack of power exemplifies the futility of the chosen few, for the Grey Wolves being in power amplifies the confidence found within the group in the success it has achieved. In addressing the question of whether within the identity content of each group, is there a clear outcome to be achieved, we find that, in examining the identity content of each group, the clarity of outcomes varies significantly. For the Grey Wolves, explicit goals are loosely defined. While they broadly advocate for a Turkish-Islamic state, the specifics of what this state entails remain vague. Their narrative focuses on presenting this state as an inherently desirable outcome, without offering detailed constructions or a concrete plan to achieve it. In contrast, the League of the South articulates a more defined goal of establishing a neo-Confederate state, linking their identity content directly to this ambition. The proximity to power may be a factor here in the sense that having achieved success, they do not need to sell a grandiose vision of what their goals are, rather they just have to allude to them to keep the core needs (i.e., the core needs of group members from a social identity perspective, having group goals, with those goals needing to be realized rather than just discussed (Haslam, 2014)).of the group happy. Discussions of efficacy in collectively mobilizing towards those goals for the Grey Wolves also do not need to be discussed, in the sense that given the status of the group, and the fact that group members do actively engage in real world activities, highlighting how the group moves towards its actions in satisfying group members is not very relevant. Core needs being met by group success. Comparatively, the League of the South also has a clear outcome for the goal in mind, that is the construction of the neo-confederacy. However, given the previous points regarding the fact that their lack of proximity to power means that the goal is quite unachievable, there is no clear pathway the group can take to achieve its outcome. As a result of the underlying knowledge that the goal is somewhat unachievable, the LOS must celebrate minor examples of collective action as indicative of satisfying the core needs of the group, though ultimately given the declining lack of membership, this is very much a last-ditch attempt, the struggle between trying to maintain the core needs of the group as well as actively trying to achieve goals. Overall, our findings align with previous research on the far-right, highlighting the interplay of shared characteristics across groups (e.g., as observed in Gagnon’s (2020) work on Canadian far-right groups), while also acknowledging the influence of specific contextual factors in shaping unique identity and group components. This analysis also reinforces Collins’s (2023) work on collective anxiety, which demonstrates how new issues are introduced to sustain in-group dynamics. However, the role of power is particularly noteworthy here. Proximity to power appears to shift group dynamics, reducing the reliance on continuously introducing new rallying topics. Instead, power provides structural security, allowing in-group cohesion to stabilise around existing narratives and objectives. A key aspect of this analysis is the deliberate use of subjectivity in our approach, as we did not seek to quantify the data. This aligns with our aim of exploring the dynamics of these groups through a qualitative lens, allowing for richer interpretation of the content. The research questions were intentionally designed to serve our objectives, offering a focused perspective rather than striving for exhaustive interpretation. Our goal has been to provide a snapshot of the group dynamics these groups exhibit. Furthermore, the absence of participant pressure in the environments where the analysed content was produced likely mirrors, to some extent, the social reality in which group members operate. Future research should incorporate more non-WEIRD far-right groups, addressing the gap in existing studies that often overlook these groups. Expanding the comparative framework could further explore whether the shared constructions observed across far-right groups are truly universal. Additionally, incorporating quantitative methods could provide generalizable insights into group dynamics and offer a means to validate findings through alternative analytical techniques. jabbrv-ltwa-all.ldf jabbrv-ltwa-en.ldf Conclusion This study compared the League of the South and the Grey Wolves to explore how far-right groups construct identity and narrative within distinct cultural and political contexts. Analysis of their proximity to power revealed its influence on their rhetoric, strategies, and dynamics. The Grey Wolves, integrated into Turkey’s ruling coalition, demonstrate stability and confidence in identity framing, while the League of the South, with limited political influence, relies on narratives of victimhood and resistance to maintain cohesion. These findings highlight the critical impact of structural and political contexts on far-right group behaviour. 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