Climate Change, Informal Settlement Governance and Justice-Oriented Urban Adaptation in Ngozi Mine, Bulawayo, Zimbabwe

Climate Change, Informal Settlement Governance and Justice-Oriented Urban Adaptation in Ngozi Mine, Bulawayo, Zimbabwe | Research Square window.SnipcartSettings = { analytics: { enabled: false } }; (function() { var accessVector = localStorage.getItem('access_vector') || ''; window.dataLayer = window.dataLayer || []; if (accessVector) { window.dataLayer.push({ user: { profile: { profileInfo: { snid: accessVector } } } }); } })(); (function(w,d,s,l,i){w[l]=w[l]||[];w[l].push({'gtm.start':new Date().getTime(),event:'gtm.js'});var f=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],j=d.createElement(s),dl=l!='dataLayer'?'&l='+l:'';j.async=true;j.src='https://www.googletagmanager.com/gtm.js?id='+i+dl;f.parentNode.insertBefore(j,f);})(window,document,'script','dataLayer','GTM-K279D39R'); Browse Preprints In Review Journals COVID-19 Preprints AJE Video Bytes Research Tools Research Promotion AJE Professional Editing AJE Rubriq About Preprint Platform In Review Editorial Policies Our Team Advisory Board Help Center Sign In Submit a Preprint Cite Share Download PDF Research Article Climate Change, Informal Settlement Governance and Justice-Oriented Urban Adaptation in Ngozi Mine, Bulawayo, Zimbabwe Witness Dlamini, Vusisizwe Ncube This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-9091739/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Under Review Version 1 posted 10 You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract Informal settlements across the Global South are increasingly exposed to climate-related risks, yet they remain largely excluded from formal urban governance and climate adaptation planning. This study examines the intersection of climate vulnerability, informal settlement governance, and justice-oriented urban adaptation in the Ngozi Mine settlement located on the outskirts of Bulawayo, Zimbabwe. Anchored in the Climate Justice framework and Urban Political Ecology, the research explores how infrastructural inequality, insecure tenure, and governance dynamics shape residents’ exposure to climate hazards and their capacity to adapt. A qualitative case study design was employed, combining semi-structured household questionnaires administered to 166 households with key informant interviews involving municipal officials, community leaders, and representatives of civil society organizations. Thematic analysis and descriptive statistics were used to interpret the data. The findings reveal that households in Ngozi Mine face multiple overlapping climate-related hazards, including water scarcity, heat stress, seasonal flooding, and environmental pollution from the adjacent Richmond landfill. These risks are intensified by limited access to basic services such as water, sanitation, electricity, and durable housing. Despite these constraints, residents demonstrate significant adaptive capacity through livelihood diversification, community cooperation, informal savings groups, and locally developed coping strategies. However, the study identifies substantial governance gaps, particularly limited participation of residents in decision-making processes and the persistent labeling of the settlement as “illegal,” which restricts infrastructure investment and institutional support. The study concludes that climate vulnerability in informal settlements is socially and politically produced through uneven urban development and exclusionary governance structures. Achieving sustainable urban climate adaptation, therefore, requires justice-oriented approaches that recognize informal residents as legitimate stakeholders, strengthen participatory governance, and prioritize equitable infrastructure provision. Climate justice informal settlements urban governance climate adaptation Figures Figure 1 Introduction Informal settlements have become an omnipresent feature of urban development in the Global South, manifesting as a product of rapid urbanization and urban poverty. These communities are often characterized by material impoverishment, cramped housing, unstable tenancy, and insufficient access to basic infrastructure and clean water [ 1 ]. Communities like Ngozi Mine in Bulawayo suffer from extreme material deprivation, which is typified by homes made of plastic and scrap metal and a dearth of sanitary services. Due to their proximity to the Richmond landfill and lack of formal land tenure, these individuals face compounding risks that make climate adaptation more difficult and perpetuate their illegal status [ 2 ]. As Sanusi, (2024) states, such residential illegality and socio-economic marginality often exclude these populations from formal social protection and government support, creating a cycle of poverty and climate vulnerability [ 3 , 4 ]. Consequently, a justice-oriented approach is required to recognize these residents not as criminals, but as active agents utilizing grassroots innovation and personal conversion factors to build resilience within marginalized urban spaces. It is generally the most common feature amongst African countries, where some cities still use colonial justifications to legitimize evictions of poor communities, hence at the same time aggravating their susceptibility to poverty and numerous hazards [ 5 ]. As climate change continues to take a disproportionate toll on these vulnerable populations, the limitations of traditional governance models become apparent. While conservative top-down approaches to poverty and disaster response remain important, current studies indicate that inclusive, justice-oriented approaches are more effective in addressing the deep-seated vulnerability of marginalized communities [ 1 ]. To acknowledge these residents as active actors rather than passive victims or criminals, a justice-oriented paradigm is necessary. Residents of Ngozi Mine create resilience in underserved urban areas by utilizing personal conversion factors and grassroots creativity, underscoring the necessity for government frameworks that support rather than punish informal adaption tactics. Thus, by analyzing the ways in which grassroots initiatives, governance frameworks, and personal conversion factors combine to influence resilience results, this study places Ngozi Mine within larger discussions on urban climate adaptation in the Global South. The study emphasizes the value of inclusive policy frameworks, participatory planning, and acknowledging informal populations as valid actors in climate adaptation by emphasizing justice-oriented approaches. Theoretical Frameworks The Climate Justice Framework This study sits within the Climate Justice framework, which reframes climate change as not simply an environmental or technical issue but as a question of rights, equity, and power. Cross-disciplinary scholarship on climate justice claims both that climate change unfairly impacts populations least responsible for causing it, and responses must center justice in distribution, recognition and participation [ 6 , 7 ]. In urban settings, especially informal settlements, climate vulnerability compounds existing socio-economic marginalization and therefore, adaptation with a justice focus is paramount. Climate justice theory is built upon environmental justice theory. Schlosberg (2007) frames justice as having three interlinked dimensions: distributive justice (fair distribution of environmental goods and bads), procedural justice (the right to a fair say in decision-making), and recognition justice (recognition of the rights, needs, and struggles of marginalized groups) [ 7 ]. Utilizing this framework on Ngozi Mine, distributive justice brings into question whether climate adaptation resources (e.g., drainage systems, housing improvement and water infrastructure) are equitably available to informal residents. If adaptation investments favor territorial units with formal recognition, while overlooking informal settlements in climate governance they run the risk of reproducing structural inequality. Procedural justice requires that residents of Ngozi Mine participate meaningfully in adaptation planning processes. Exclusion from climate decision-making would undermine democratic governance and perpetuate vulnerability. Recognition justice is particularly significant in informal settlement contexts, where residents may be labelled “illegal” or “temporary.” Such classifications can justify infrastructural neglect. Lefebvre (1968/1996) argues that all urban inhabitants possess a “right to the city,” including the right to shape and access urban space [ 8 ]. From this perspective, denying informal settlers adequate adaptation infrastructure constitutes a denial of urban citizenship. Therefore, Climate Justice provides the normative foundation of this study. It enables a critical evaluation of whether governance approaches in Ngozi Mine advance equitable adaptation or reinforce climate injustice. Urban Political Ecology and the Production of Informal Climate Vulnerability While Climate Justice provides the ethical framework, Urban Political Ecology (UPE) offers an analytical lens to understand how climate vulnerability is socially and politically produced. UPE rejects the notion that environmental risks are natural or inevitable. Instead, it argues that urban socio-ecological conditions are shaped by political-economic processes, infrastructural investment patterns, and governance decisions [ 9 , 10 ] Swyngedouw (2004) conceptualizes cities as socio-natural hybrids produced through contested processes of capital accumulation and state intervention. From this perspective, climate risks such as flooding, heat stress, or inadequate water access in informal settlements are not merely environmental phenomena; they are outcomes of spatial planning decisions and uneven infrastructural development [ 10 ]. Harvey (2008) similarly argues that urbanization reflects processes of accumulation by dispossession, where marginalized populations are often relegated to peripheral or environmentally fragile spaces [ 11 ] In the case of Ngozi Mine, the spatial positioning of informal settlements, lack of tenure security, and limited infrastructure provision may reflect broader governance dynamics that structure exposure to climate hazards. Urban Political Ecology directs attention to why informal settlements frequently lack drainage systems, durable housing, and resilient infrastructure. These deficiencies are not accidental; they are embedded in urban political-economic priorities that favor certain spaces over others. Furthermore, UPE highlights that adaptation itself is political. Decisions about where to invest in climate-resilient infrastructure reflect power relations and development priorities. If adaptation strategies privilege economically productive zones while neglecting informal settlements, they may deepen socio-ecological inequality. Thus, Urban Political Ecology enables this study to interpret climate vulnerability in Ngozi Mine as politically produced rather than environmentally determined. It situates local adaptation challenges within broader patterns of urban governance, infrastructural inequality, and spatial marginalization. Study Area The study focuses on the Ngozi Mine informal settlement, which is located on the northern edge of Bulawayo, the second-largest city in Zimbabwe. Ngozi Mine is uniquely situated next to the Richmond Sanitary Landfill, the city's main municipal land-fill, in contrast to conventional residential districts. As Chinjova, (2019) posits, a scarcity of reasonably priced urban housing and worsening economic conditions led to the settlement's creation in 1984 [ 12 ]. The scholar further explains that after the Economic Structural Adjustment Programme (ESAP) in the 1990s, its population grew dramatically, and the 2005 evictions of Operation Murambatsvina (Operation Clean Up) had an even greater effect [12.13]. On the socio-economic front, the community is home to over 300 households (approx. 2,400 residents) who primarily make out a living through informal waste picking, recycling, and scavenging from the landfill. The settlement is characterized by extreme material deprivation, with makeshift homes constructed from plastic, scrap metal, and wood. On the context of environmental and climate risk the area is located in Zimbabwe’s semi-arid Agro-ecological Region IV, hence it faces perennial water shortages and is highly vulnerable to climate-related hazards. Residents endure compounding risks, including toxic smoke from landfill fires, poor air quality, and the lack of basic sanitation, which are exacerbated by heat spikes and erratic rainfall patterns [ 12 ]. As an unregistered and "illegal" settlement, Ngozi Mine is largely excluded from formal municipal service delivery, including clean water, electricity, and waste management. This institutional marginalization places the community at the center of debates regarding urban climate justice and the need for inclusive, participatory planning in the Global South. Figure 1 shows the study area, Richmond Landfill, popularly known as Ngozi Mine. This informal settlement was selected because it is one city’s oldest and most densely populated informal neighbourhood. Despite its varied historical trajectories and experiences, it is characteristics by such properties such as poverty, social exclusion, and marginalization, thereby making it suitable for this study. Research design This study adopted a qualitative case study design to explore climate change, informal settlement governance, and justice-oriented urban adaptation in Ngozi Mine, Bulawayo, Zimbabwe. A qualitative approach was selected because the research interrogates lived experiences of climate vulnerability, perceptions of governance, and processes of recognition and exclusion, phenomena that are socially constructed and embedded in power relations [14.15]. Climate adaptation is increasingly recognized as a political, governance, and relational process rather than a purely technical intervention [ 16 , 17 ]. Understanding how residents experience distributive inequities, procedural exclusion, and recognition struggles requires interpretive inquiry grounded in participants’ narratives [ 7 ]. A case study design enables in-depth exploration of these dynamics within a bounded socio-spatial context and is widely used in urban climate governance research [ 18 ].Ngozi mine was treated as an embedded socio-ecological case where climate risk intersects with informal settlement status, infrastructural marginalization, and urban governance dynamics. Study Population The study population comprised all households in Ngozi Mine informal settlement. According to community records and local administrative estimates, the settlement consists of approximately 300 households. The target population for the quantitative survey, therefore, included all 300 households. For the qualitative component, the population included key governance actors and community representatives, such as municipal officials, ward councilors, environmental officers, community leaders, women’s representatives, and youth representatives. These actors were included due to their involvement in planning, service delivery, or community mobilization processes relevant to climate adaptation. Sampling and Sample Size Determination Households in Ngozi Mine were selected using simple random sampling from the total population of approximately 300 households. Each household had an equal chance of being included, ensuring that all socio-economic and demographic groups within the settlement were represented and minimizing selection bias. Simple random sampling is widely recommended in social and environmental research for small, well-defined populations because it allows for unbiased estimates and strengthens the generalizability of findings within the study area [ 15 , 19 ]. Key informants were purposively selected based on their roles in governance, service provision, or community leadership, including municipal officials, ward councilors, disaster management officers, and NGO representatives. Purposive sampling is commonly used in qualitative research to capture the perspectives of individuals with specialized knowledge or experience relevant to the research questions [ 20 ]. This combination of sampling techniques enabled the study to integrate household-level experiences with institutional insights, providing a comprehensive understanding of the socio-political and environmental dynamics shaping climate adaptation in informal settlements. The sample size for household surveys was calculated using Yamane’s formula, which provides a simplified method for determining sample sizes in studies with a known population [ 21 ]. With a total population of approximately 300 households in Ngozi Mine, a 95% confidence level and a 5% margin of error were adopted to ensure statistically reliable estimates of household characteristics and climate adaptation experiences. Applying the formula n = N/ (1 + N∗e2), Where: n = Sample size N = Population size e = Margin of error The resultant sample size was 172 households. Yamane’s formula is widely used in social science research for small to medium populations because it balances precision with feasibility, providing an adequate sample size for capturing variability in household-level data while remaining manageable for field data collection [ 22 ]. This approach ensured that the selected sample was representative of the settlement population, allowing for meaningful insights into climate vulnerability and informal governance dynamics. Data Collection tools Data for this study were collected using two complementary tools: semi-structured household questionnaires and key informant interview (KII) guides. These instruments were selected to provide rich insights into climate vulnerability, informal settlement governance, and adaptation strategies in Ngozi Mine, Bulawayo. Their design was informed by Climate Justice Theory and Urban Political Ecology (UPE), emphasizing both the lived experiences of marginalized residents and the institutional processes that shape socio-environmental inequalities [ 7 ]. The combination of household- and governance-level perspectives enabled triangulation of community experiences with institutional narratives, strengthening the study’s analytical depth [ 14 ]. Semi-structured questionnaire The semi-structured household questionnaire was administered to selected households in Ngozi Mine. Section A of the questionnaire focused on socio-demographic characteristics, including age, gender, household size, length of residence, tenure status, and livelihood sources. Collecting these data allowed the study to assess how social and economic positions intersect with exposure to climate hazards and access to adaptation resources, reflecting the distributive dimension of climate justice [ 23 ]. Section B explored households’ exposure to climate-related hazards, including flooding, heat stress, water scarcity, and environmental risks associated with the nearby Richmond landfill. Respondents described the severity and consequences of these hazards, providing evidence of how environmental burdens are spatially and socially distributed within informal settlements. Section C examined access to infrastructure and basic services, including water supply, sanitation, drainage systems, electricity, and housing quality. From a UPE perspective, such questions illuminate how infrastructural provision and urban governance shape socio-ecological vulnerability [ 9 ]. Section D investigated household adaptation and coping strategies, including informal livelihood adjustments, community-based initiatives, and external support from government or non-governmental organizations. This section provided insight into both self-organized and institutionally supported responses to climate hazards. Finally, Section E focused on governance, participation, and perceptions of justice. Respondents were asked whether they had been consulted in urban planning, whether they felt recognized by municipal authorities, and whether adaptation resources were distributed equitably. These questions captured procedural and recognition dimensions of climate justice, enabling residents to articulate experiences of marginalization, exclusion, and inequitable treatment [ 7 ]. Key Informant Interview Guides Key informant interviews were conducted using a structured guide with purposively selected stakeholders, including municipal officials, local councilors, planning and disaster management officers, and representatives of civil society organizations. The KIIs addressed four thematic areas: institutional framing of informal settlements, climate adaptation planning and policy implementation, mechanisms for community participation, and resource allocation and infrastructure provision. These interviews provided critical insight into governance priorities, institutional constraints, and political processes that influence adaptation interventions. From an Urban Political Ecology perspective, KIIs revealed how socio-political decisions and infrastructural investments produce, exacerbate, or mitigate vulnerability in informal settlements [ 9 , 24 ]. Data Collection Procedure Data were collected using household questionnaires and key informant interviews to capture both residents’ experiences and institutional perspectives on climate adaptation in Ngozi Mine. Researchers visited households and interviewed municipal officials, ward councilors, disaster management officers, and NGO representatives. All participants were briefed on the study objectives, assured of confidentiality, and provided informed consent before participation [ 14 ]. The semi-structured household questionnaire was administered to 166 households and took approximately 20–40 minutes per interview. Digital tools (Kobo Collect) were used to record responses, allowing real-time data validation. The informant interviews addressed institutional framing of informal settlements, adaptation planning and policy, community participation, and resource allocation. Each interview lasted 45–60 minutes and was audio-recorded with permission. Notes were also taken to capture context and non-verbal cues. Validity and Reliability To ensure reliability and validity, multiple strategies were employed throughout the study. The household questionnaires and key informant interview guides were pretested to verify clarity, consistency, and cultural relevance, allowing adjustments before full-scale data collection. Triangulation of data sources, combining household responses, key informant interviews, and observational insights, enhanced the credibility of the findings by cross-verifying information across participants and perspectives [ 15 ]. Researchers used a consistent data collection procedure and standardized instruments, while digital recording and transcription of interviews minimized errors and preserved accuracy. Ethical rigor, including informed consent and anonymization of participants, further supported the integrity of the data. Collectively, these measures strengthened the dependability and trustworthiness of the study, ensuring that the results accurately reflect the lived experiences of residents and the institutional dynamics shaping climate adaptation in Ngozi Mine. Data Analysis Qualitative data from interviews and open-ended questionnaire items were analyzed using NVivo. Descriptive statistical analyses were used to analyze the socio-demographic characteristics of the respondents. Thematic analysis was used to analyze qualitative data from interviews and open-ended questions. Qualitative data was presented in the form of descriptive words while quantitative data was presented in the form of tables and graphs. Results Response rate Out of the 172 individuals targeted for household data collection, 166 successfully participated, yielding a response rate of 96.5%. Six individuals did not complete participation due to refusal or prioritizing income-generating activities before the interview was concluded. Table 1 Response rate Description Number of Individuals Percentage (%) Targeted Sample Size 172 100% Successfully Interviewed (Completed) 166 96.5% Non-Response (Refused/Incomplete Interviews) 6 3.5% Total 172 100% Demographic Characteristics of Respondents Variable Category Frequency (n) Percent (%) Settlement Ngozi Mine 166 100.0 Gender of Respondents Male 90 54.2 Female 76 45.8 Age of Respondents 18–29 years 39 23.5 30–39 years 51 30.7 40–49 years 41 24.7 50–59 years 18 10.8 60 years and above 17 10.2 Marital Status Married 53 31.9 Never Married 47 28.3 Living as Married/Cohabiting 31 18.7 Separated 11 6.6 Widowed 9 5.4 Divorced 11 6.6 Not Stated 4 2.4 A total of 166 respondents participated in the study, all drawn from the Ngozi Mine informal settlement, representing 100% of the targeted sample. Gender distribution was slightly skewed towards males (n = 90; 54.2%) compared to females (n = 76; 45.8%), reflecting a balanced participation that nonetheless captures the gendered dimensions of labor and vulnerability in informal settlements. Age distribution reveals a predominantly economically active population: 78.9% of respondents were aged between 18 and 49 years, with the largest group being 30–39 years (n = 51; 30.7%), followed by 40–49 years (n = 41; 24.7%), and 18–29 years (n = 39; 23.5%). A minority of respondents were aged 50 years and above (n = 35; 21%), reflecting both a younger settlement demographic and potential out-migration and attrition among older residents due to climate-related or livelihood pressures. Marital status further illustrates social structures within the settlement. Married respondents accounted for 31.9% (n = 53), never married individuals 28.3% (n = 47), and cohabiting individuals 18.7% (n = 31). Smaller proportions were separated (6.6%; n = 11), divorced (6.6%; n = 11), or widowed (5.4%; n = 9), while 2.4% (n = 4) did not state their marital status. Collectively, these demographic patterns underscore a settlement characterized by young to middle-aged adults, whose economic activity and household responsibilities intersect with climate vulnerability and informal governance structures. Household Exposure to Climate-Related Hazards Results indicate that households in Ngozi Mine experience multiple and overlapping climate-related hazards, with water scarcity, heat stress, flooding during heavy rainfall, and environmental pollution from the nearby Richmond landfill cited as the most frequently occurring risks. Water scarcity emerged as the most consistently reported climate stressor. Many respondents reported that prolonged dry periods and unreliable water sources significantly disrupt daily household activities, including cooking, sanitation, and informal economic activities. Several residents explained that the settlement lacks formal municipal water infrastructure, forcing households to rely on distant boreholes or informal water vendors. One respondent was quoted as saying Water is our biggest challenge here. Sometimes the borehole is dry and we have to walk very far. When there is drought, the situation becomes worse because everyone depends on the same few sources. Heat stress was also widely reported, particularly during peak summer months. Residents indicated that the makeshift structures constructed from plastic sheets, scrap metal, and wood intensify indoor temperatures, making living conditions extremely uncomfortable. A female respondent described: When the sun is very hot the houses become like ovens. The iron sheets and plastics trap the heat and it becomes difficult for children and elderly people to stay inside . Seasonal flooding was another commonly reported hazard. Although the area is generally dry, intense rainfall events result in temporary flooding due to the absence of drainage systems and proper road infrastructure. A participant noted: When it rains heavily, the water has nowhere to go. It flows through the houses because there are no proper drains . Environmental hazards linked to the proximity of the Richmond landfill were also highlighted. Residents reported exposure to smoke from landfill fires, poor air quality, and contamination risks. A community member stated: Sometimes the landfill catches fire and thick smoke covers the settlement. We breathe that smoke every day and many people complain about chest problems . These findings demonstrate that climate hazards in Ngozi Mine are not isolated environmental events but interconnected socio-ecological risks, shaped by settlement location and infrastructural deprivation. Access to Infrastructure and Basic Services The results reveal severe infrastructural deficits within the settlement, which significantly increase residents’ vulnerability to climate hazards. Most households reported limited access to safe and reliable water sources, with residents relying on shared boreholes or purchasing water from informal vendors. Water shortages were particularly acute during dry seasons, forcing households to adopt rationing strategies. Sanitation infrastructure was also extremely limited. Many households rely on shared pit latrines, while others use improvised sanitation facilities due to space constraints and lack of resources. One respondent was quoted as saying: We share toilets with many families, and sometimes they get full quickly. When that happens, people are forced to find other ways, which is not healthy. Electricity access was also minimal across the settlement. Most residents reported that they do not have formal electricity connections, relying instead on candles, solar lamps, or illegal connections. Housing quality was another significant concern. The majority of structures were reported to be temporary or semi-permanent, constructed from scrap materials obtained from the landfill or surrounding areas. A participant described their housing conditions: Our houses are made from what we find at the dumpsite. Plastic, wood, and metal sheets. When there are strong winds or heavy rains, the houses can easily be damaged . These findings illustrate how infrastructural inequalities shape environmental vulnerability, reinforcing the Urban Political Ecology perspective that climate risk is socially produced through uneven development and service provision. Household Adaptation and Coping Strategies Despite the multiple risks they face, residents of Ngozi Mine have developed various adaptive strategies to cope with climate and environmental challenges. One of the most common strategies involves livelihood diversification through informal waste recycling and landfill scavenging. Residents collect recyclable materials such as plastics, metals, and cardboard from the landfill and sell them to recycling intermediaries. One of the respondents explained: Most people here survive by collecting plastics and metals from the dumpsite. It is dangerous work, but it is the only way to earn money. Households also reported adjusting daily routines to cope with extreme temperatures, including sleeping outdoors during hot nights and modifying building materials to improve ventilation. Another adaptive strategy involved community cooperation, particularly in maintaining pathways, clearing informal drainage channels, and sharing information about environmental risks. One respondent noted: When there are heavy rains, people come together to dig small trenches to move the water away from houses. Moreover, community savings groups and informal lending arrangements also emerged as important coping mechanisms for managing economic shocks associated with climate hazards. A female participant shared: Women in the community sometimes form savings groups so that we can help each other when there is a problem or when someone needs money for repairs. These findings demonstrate that residents are active agents in managing climate risks, contradicting narratives that portray informal settlers as passive victims. Governance, Participation, and Perceptions of Climate Justice The findings reveal significant governance gaps and limited participation of residents in urban planning and climate adaptation processes. Many respondents reported that they are rarely consulted by municipal authorities regarding settlement planning, service provision, or climate-related interventions. One participant stated: The city council does not come here to ask us about our problems. Decisions are made somewhere else. Residents also expressed concerns about lack of recognition and legal status, which they believe contributes to limited infrastructure investment. A respondent explained: Because they say this place is illegal, they don’t want to bring services. But people are living here and we also need water and sanitation . Some participants described experiences of harassment or eviction threats, which create uncertainty and discourage long-term investment in housing improvements. A community leader commented: People fear that one day the government may come and remove us. That fear makes it difficult for residents to build permanent houses . Despite these governance challenges, some residents reported occasional engagement with non-governmental organizations and local community leaders, who provide limited support for sanitation, health awareness, or livelihood initiatives. These findings highlight the procedural and recognition dimensions of climate justice, as residents experience both exclusion from decision-making processes and lack of institutional acknowledgement. Discussion Response Rate The study achieved a response rate of 96.5%, which is considered exceptionally high in household survey research and enhances the reliability of the findings. High response rates reduce non-response bias and improve the representativeness of survey data, particularly in small and spatially concentrated populations such as informal settlements [ 25 ]. In contexts characterized by precarious livelihoods, such as Ngozi Mine, high participation rates may also indicate residents’ willingness to engage in research that addresses issues affecting their everyday lives. The strong participation rate further suggests that climate-related vulnerabilities and governance challenges are salient issues within the settlement. Previous studies in informal settlements have similarly found that residents are more likely to participate in research when it addresses pressing concerns such as water scarcity, housing insecurity, and environmental hazards [ 26 ]. In this regard, the high response rate may reflect the urgency with which residents view climate-related challenges and infrastructural deficiencies. From a methodological standpoint, the use of community entry procedures and informed consent may also have contributed to the high completion rate. Trust-building processes are particularly important in informal settlements where residents often fear eviction or surveillance by authorities [ 27 ]. Consequently, the high response rate strengthens the credibility of the empirical findings and supports the validity of the interpretations presented in this study. Demographic Characteristics of Respondents The demographic profile of respondents reveals a predominantly young and economically active population, with nearly 79% of residents aged between 18 and 49 years. This demographic structure is consistent with patterns observed in many informal settlements across the Global South, where younger populations migrate to urban peripheries in search of livelihood opportunities [ 28 ]. The slight predominance of male respondents (54.2%) may reflect gendered labour dynamics associated with landfill-based livelihoods. Waste picking and scavenging are often male-dominated activities due to the physically demanding nature of the work and associated health risks [ 29 ]. However, the substantial participation of women (45.8%) highlights the gendered dimensions of climate vulnerability, as women in informal settlements frequently bear disproportionate responsibilities related to water collection, household maintenance, and childcare [ 30 ]. Household Exposure to Climate-Related Hazards The findings reveal that households in Ngozi Mine face multiple and overlapping climate-related hazards, including water scarcity, heat stress, flooding, and environmental pollution from the Richmond landfill. These results align with the broader literature on climate vulnerability in informal settlements, which emphasizes that urban climate risks are rarely experienced in isolation but instead occur as compound hazards that interact with socio-economic vulnerabilities [ 31 ] Water scarcity emerged as the most significant hazard affecting households. In semi-arid regions such as southern Zimbabwe, climate variability and prolonged droughts intensify water shortages, particularly in informal settlements lacking formal infrastructure [ 32 ]. Limited access to water not only affects household consumption but also undermines sanitation, health outcomes, and livelihood activities. From a climate justice perspective, unequal access to water reflects distributive injustices in urban service provision, where marginalized communities are systematically excluded from essential resources [ 23 ]. Heat stress was also widely reported, particularly due to the use of makeshift building materials such as plastic and metal sheets. Research on informal housing demonstrates that such materials often amplify indoor temperatures, creating hazardous living conditions during heatwaves [ 33 ]. Heat stress disproportionately affects vulnerable populations, including children, elderly individuals, and people with pre-existing health conditions. The occurrence of seasonal flooding further illustrates the infrastructural vulnerability of informal settlements. In the absence of drainage systems and proper road infrastructure, heavy rainfall events can rapidly transform minor weather events into localized disasters [ 34 ]. These findings reinforce the argument of Urban Political Ecology that environmental risks are socially produced through uneven infrastructural investment and urban planning decisions [ 9 ]. Finally, the proximity of Ngozi Mine to the Richmond landfill introduces additional environmental health risks, including exposure to smoke, toxic gases, and contaminated waste. Similar studies in landfill-adjacent settlements have documented increased risks of respiratory illnesses and other health complications [ 35 ]. Collectively, these findings demonstrate that climate vulnerability in Ngozi Mine is shaped by the intersection of environmental hazards, infrastructural deprivation, and spatial marginalization. Access to Infrastructure and Basic Services The findings highlight severe infrastructural deficits, particularly in relation to water, sanitation, electricity, and housing quality. Such deficits are characteristic of informal settlements globally, where residents are frequently excluded from formal urban planning processes and municipal service provision [ 28 ]. Studies have shown that residents of informal settlements often pay disproportionately higher prices for water compared to households connected to municipal systems [ 26 ]. This phenomenon reflects structural inequalities in urban service provision and highlights the distributive injustices embedded in urban infrastructure systems. Housing conditions also emerged as a critical dimension of vulnerability. Structures constructed from scrap materials offer limited protection against extreme weather events such as storms, heatwaves, and heavy rainfall. Research in informal settlements has shown that poor housing quality significantly increases disaster risk and undermines adaptive capacity [ 26 ]. From an Urban Political Ecology perspective, these infrastructural inequalities are not accidental but are the outcome of political and economic decisions that prioritize investment in formal urban areas while neglecting marginalized communities [ 10 ]. Consequently, the infrastructural deficits observed in Ngozi Mine illustrate how governance decisions shape the spatial distribution of climate vulnerability. Household Adaptation and Coping Strategies Despite the numerous challenges they face, residents of Ngozi Mine demonstrate significant adaptive capacity and agency. The findings reveal several locally developed coping strategies, including waste recycling livelihoods, housing modifications, community cooperation, and informal savings groups. Waste picking and recycling emerged as a primary livelihood strategy for many residents. Informal waste economies are increasingly recognized as critical survival mechanisms for marginalized urban populations and can contribute to broader environmental sustainability through recycling activities [ 29 ]. However, these livelihoods are often associated with significant health and safety risks due to exposure to hazardous waste materials. Community cooperation also plays an important role in managing climate-related risks. Collective activities such as digging drainage channels and sharing information about hazards illustrate the importance of social capital in enhancing resilience. Social networks and community-based organizations have been shown to significantly strengthen adaptive capacity in vulnerable communities [ 36 ]. The presence of informal savings groups further highlights the role of grassroots financial mechanisms in supporting resilience. Such groups provide a form of micro-financial support that enables households to respond to shocks, repair homes, or meet emergency needs [ 37 ]. Governance, Participation, and Perceptions of Climate Justice The results reveal significant governance challenges, particularly in relation to limited participation, lack of recognition, and insecure tenure. Many residents reported that they are rarely consulted in planning processes and that municipal authorities largely overlook the settlement due to its informal status. This exclusion reflects a broader pattern in which informal settlements are marginalized within urban governance frameworks. Scholars argue that labeling settlements as “illegal” often justifies the withholding of services and infrastructure investments [ 27 ]. Such practices undermine both procedural and recognition dimensions of climate justice [ 7 ]. Procedural injustice is evident in the limited participation of residents in decision-making processes. Inclusive governance is widely recognized as a key component of effective climate adaptation because local communities possess valuable knowledge about environmental risks and adaptation strategies [ 16 ]. When communities are excluded from decision-making, adaptation interventions may fail to address local needs. Recognition injustice is also evident in the persistent labeling of the settlement as illegal. According to Lefebvre’s concept of the “right to the city,” all urban inhabitants should have the right to participate in shaping urban space and accessing urban services [ 8 ]. Denying informal settlers access to infrastructure and planning processes effectively denies them full urban citizenship. Furthermore, the threat of eviction discourages long-term investment in housing improvements and infrastructure. Secure tenure is widely recognized as a fundamental prerequisite for sustainable urban development and climate adaptation [ 28 ]. Overall, these findings highlight the need for governance reforms that prioritize inclusive planning, legal recognition, and participatory adaptation strategies. Justice-oriented urban adaptation requires not only technical solutions but also institutional transformations that address structural inequalities in urban governance. Conclusion and Recommendations This study demonstrates that climate-induced vulnerabilities in informal settlements are deeply intertwined with structural inequities, governance deficits, and social marginalization. In Ngozi Mine, insecure tenure, proximity to environmental hazards, and limited access to formal services amplify exposure to climate risks. Yet, residents employ diverse personal and collective conversion factors to sustain livelihoods and foster community resilience, highlighting the need to recognize agency as central to climate adaptation in the Global South. Justice-oriented adaptation requires a paradigm shift from viewing residents as illegal or passive to recognizing them as legitimate stakeholders capable of co-producing resilience. Policy interventions should prioritize: Securing Land Tenure Legal recognition of informal settlements to enable investment in housing, infrastructure, and adaptive livelihoods. Inclusive Governance Participation of residents in planning and decision-making processes to align adaptation strategies with local needs. Infrastructure and Service Provision Provision of water, sanitation, drainage, and energy services to reduce exposure to climate hazards. Support for Grassroots Innovation Facilitation of community-based adaptation initiatives, including early warning systems, cooperative savings, and waste-based livelihoods. Equity-Focused Climate Policy Integration of climate justice principles to ensure marginalized populations receive targeted support for adaptation and risk reduction. In conclusion, Ngozi Mine exemplifies the complex interplay between social structures, environmental hazards, and human agency in informal urban settlements. Sustainable urban climate adaptation in the Global South requires interventions that are not only technically effective but also socially just, participatory, and attentive to the lived realities of residents. By centering justice, agency, and capability in policy design, governments and development actors can transform vulnerability into opportunity, enabling marginalized communities to navigate climate risks with dignity and resilience. Declarations Authors’ contributions Witness Dlamini: Writing – original draft, Formal analysis, Data curation, Conceptualization. Vusisizwe Ncube: Writing – review & editing, Methodology. Consent to Participate declaration Participation in this study was voluntary, and informed consent was obtained from all participants before they took part in the research. Participants were provided with clear information about the purpose of the study and what their participation involved. They were also informed of their right to decline participation or withdraw from the study at any stage without any penalty or negative consequences. Only individuals who provided their informed consent were included in the study. Ethics declaration Before data collection, permission to conduct the study was obtained from Lupane State University, the Department of Environmental Science, and local government authorities. The study was conducted in accordance with internationally recognized ethical guidelines, specifically the principles outlined in the Declaration of Helsinki and general standards for social science research ethics. The research design and implementation respected the dignity, rights, and welfare of all individuals involved. Declaration of competing interest The authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper. Acknowledgements Not Applicable. Availability of data and materials The datasets generated during and/or analyzed during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request. Consent for publication Not applicable. Funding This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors. Clinical Trial Number Not applicable. ORCIDs Vusisizwe Ncube: https://orcid.org/0009-0001-6458-1479 Witness Dlamini: https://orcid.org/0009-0000-2471-329X References Ndlovu, T., Ndlovu, T. and Ncube, A (2025). Participation as a Capability for Poverty Reduction in Informal Settlements: A Case of Bulawayo Urban, Zimbabwe. Open Journal of Social Sciences , 13(10), pp.18-41 https://doi.org/10.4236/jss.2025.1310002 Lipsitz, G (2024). The danger zone is everywhere: how housing discrimination harms health and steals wealth (Vol. 73). Univ of California Press. Sanusi, Y.A (2024). Exclusion, Vulnerability and Adaptation. Journal of Inclusive Cities and Built Environment , 4(7), pp.iii-viii. Mujeri, M.K. and Mujeri, N (2020). Social and climate change vulnerability. In Bangladesh at Fifty: Moving beyond development traps (pp. 377-444). 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Slum health: Arresting COVID-19 and improving well-being in urban informal settlements. Journal of Urban Health, 94(3), 348–357. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11524-020-00438-6 Douglas, I., Alam, K., Maghenda, M., McDonnell, Y., McLean, L., & Campbell, J. (2008). Unjust waters: Climate change, flooding and the urban poor in Africa. Environment and Urbanization, 20(1), 187–205. https://doi.org/10.1177/0956247808089156 Vrijheid M (2000). Health effects of residence near hazardous waste landfill sites: a review of epidemiologic literature. Environ Health Perspect. 2000 Mar;108 Suppl 1(Suppl 1):101-12. https://doi.org/10.1289/ehp.00108s1101 Adger, W. N. (2003). Social capital, collective action, and adaptation to climate change. Economic Geography, 79(4), 387–404. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1944-8287.2003.tb00220.x López-Marrero, T., & Tschakert, P. (2011). From theory to practice: building more resilient communities in flood-prone areas. Environment & Urbanization, 23(1), 229-249. https://doi.org/10.1177/0956247810396055 Additional Declarations No competing interests reported. Cite Share Download PDF Status: Under Review Version 1 posted Editorial decision: Revision requested 06 May, 2026 Reviews received at journal 28 Apr, 2026 Reviews received at journal 15 Apr, 2026 Reviewers agreed at journal 15 Apr, 2026 Reviewers agreed at journal 12 Apr, 2026 Reviewers agreed at journal 10 Apr, 2026 Reviewers invited by journal 10 Apr, 2026 Editor assigned by journal 23 Mar, 2026 Submission checks completed at journal 19 Mar, 2026 First submitted to journal 19 Mar, 2026 You are reading this latest preprint version Research Square lets you share your work early, gain feedback from the community, and start making changes to your manuscript prior to peer review in a journal. As a division of Research Square Company, we’re committed to making research communication faster, fairer, and more useful. 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Also discoverable on Platform About Our Team In Review Editorial Policies Advisory Board Help Center Resources Author Services Accessibility API Access RSS feed Manage Cookie Preferences © Research Square 2026 | ISSN 2693-5015 (online) Privacy Policy Terms of Service Do Not Sell My Personal Information {"props":{"pageProps":{"initialData":{"identity":"rs-9091739","acceptedTermsAndConditions":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"archivedVersions":[],"articleType":"Research Article","associatedPublications":[],"authors":[{"id":623660542,"identity":"60bb29b1-33ce-46b6-9ce6-a035e3e05984","order_by":0,"name":"Witness Dlamini","email":"data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAZAAAAAyAQMAAABI0h/eAAAABlBMVEX///8AAABVwtN+AAAACXBIWXMAAA7EAAAOxAGVKw4bAAAAxUlEQVRIiWNgGAWjYFCC5AYGBgMGHn524rUkQrRINpOmBQgMDhOrweB4YuOnGwV3ZIwPsz+TYKixY5CfkUBAy5mHzdI5Bs94zA7zmEkwHEtmYCSkxexGYgNQy2GQFjYJBrYDDMzShLU0/wZpMW4GOezfAQY2IrS0gW0xYGYwk2BsO8DAQ0iL/ZmHbdYgLRJAiywS+5J5JOQf4Nci2Z58+HbOn8P2/O3tD298+GYnJ99zAL8WVAB0Eg8p6kfBKBgFo2AU4AAAQ7886YS4XR0AAAAASUVORK5CYII=","orcid":"","institution":"Lupane State University","correspondingAuthor":true,"prefix":"","firstName":"Witness","middleName":"","lastName":"Dlamini","suffix":""},{"id":623660543,"identity":"207e05dd-baaa-40c4-911e-4d70d1cd8b8a","order_by":1,"name":"Vusisizwe Ncube","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"Lupane State University","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Vusisizwe","middleName":"","lastName":"Ncube","suffix":""}],"badges":[],"createdAt":"2026-03-11 08:09:27","currentVersionCode":1,"declarations":"","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-9091739/v1","doiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-9091739/v1","draftVersion":[],"editorialEvents":[],"editorialNote":"","failedWorkflow":false,"files":[{"id":107303766,"identity":"76962b3f-673b-448e-9445-0f22b27aba06","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2026-04-20 08:03:28","extension":"png","order_by":1,"title":"Figure 1","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":1169171,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eMap for Ngozi Mine, Bulawayo, Zimbabwe\u003c/em\u003e Source: Author 2026\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"1.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-9091739/v1/3f75ba6831fcf09e423b91e5.png"},{"id":107486878,"identity":"2ade4bae-0c74-4e60-a97c-1164673212f4","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2026-04-22 02:39:11","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":1599656,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-9091739/v1/7fe21bc6-8a9a-40b1-b379-864c8ee55895.pdf"}],"financialInterests":"No competing interests reported.","formattedTitle":"Climate Change, Informal Settlement Governance and Justice-Oriented Urban Adaptation in Ngozi Mine, Bulawayo, Zimbabwe","fulltext":[{"header":"Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003eInformal settlements have become an omnipresent feature of urban development in the Global South, manifesting as a product of rapid urbanization and urban poverty. These communities are often characterized by material impoverishment, cramped housing, unstable tenancy, and insufficient access to basic infrastructure and clean water [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1\u003c/span\u003e]. Communities like Ngozi Mine in Bulawayo suffer from extreme material deprivation, which is typified by homes made of plastic and scrap metal and a dearth of sanitary services. Due to their proximity to the Richmond landfill and lack of formal land tenure, these individuals face compounding risks that make climate adaptation more difficult and perpetuate their illegal status [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2\u003c/span\u003e]. As Sanusi, (2024) states, such residential illegality and socio-economic marginality often exclude these populations from formal social protection and government support, creating a cycle of poverty and climate vulnerability [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR3\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e3\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e4\u003c/span\u003e]. Consequently, a justice-oriented approach is required to recognize these residents not as criminals, but as active agents utilizing grassroots innovation and personal conversion factors to build resilience within marginalized urban spaces.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIt is generally the most common feature amongst African countries, where some cities still use colonial justifications to legitimize evictions of poor communities, hence at the same time aggravating their susceptibility to poverty and numerous hazards [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e5\u003c/span\u003e]. As climate change continues to take a disproportionate toll on these vulnerable populations, the limitations of traditional governance models become apparent. While conservative top-down approaches to poverty and disaster response remain important, current studies indicate that inclusive, justice-oriented approaches are more effective in addressing the deep-seated vulnerability of marginalized communities [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1\u003c/span\u003e]. To acknowledge these residents as active actors rather than passive victims or criminals, a justice-oriented paradigm is necessary. Residents of Ngozi Mine create resilience in underserved urban areas by utilizing personal conversion factors and grassroots creativity, underscoring the necessity for government frameworks that support rather than punish informal adaption tactics.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThus, by analyzing the ways in which grassroots initiatives, governance frameworks, and personal conversion factors combine to influence resilience results, this study places Ngozi Mine within larger discussions on urban climate adaptation in the Global South. The study emphasizes the value of inclusive policy frameworks, participatory planning, and acknowledging informal populations as valid actors in climate adaptation by emphasizing justice-oriented approaches.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Theoretical Frameworks","content":"\u003cdiv id=\"Sec3\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eThe Climate Justice Framework\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis study sits within the Climate Justice framework, which reframes climate change as not simply an environmental or technical issue but as a question of rights, equity, and power. Cross-disciplinary scholarship on climate justice claims both that climate change unfairly impacts populations least responsible for causing it, and responses must center justice in distribution, recognition and participation [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e6\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e7\u003c/span\u003e]. In urban settings, especially informal settlements, climate vulnerability compounds existing socio-economic marginalization and therefore, adaptation with a justice focus is paramount.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eClimate justice theory is built upon environmental justice theory. Schlosberg (2007) frames justice as having three interlinked dimensions: distributive justice (fair distribution of environmental goods and bads), procedural justice (the right to a fair say in decision-making), and recognition justice (recognition of the rights, needs, and struggles of marginalized groups) [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e7\u003c/span\u003e]. Utilizing this framework on Ngozi Mine, distributive justice brings into question whether climate adaptation resources (e.g., drainage systems, housing improvement and water infrastructure) are equitably available to informal residents. If adaptation investments favor territorial units with formal recognition, while overlooking informal settlements in climate governance they run the risk of reproducing structural inequality.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eProcedural justice requires that residents of Ngozi Mine participate meaningfully in adaptation planning processes. Exclusion from climate decision-making would undermine democratic governance and perpetuate vulnerability. Recognition justice is particularly significant in informal settlement contexts, where residents may be labelled \u0026ldquo;illegal\u0026rdquo; or \u0026ldquo;temporary.\u0026rdquo; Such classifications can justify infrastructural neglect. Lefebvre (1968/1996) argues that all urban inhabitants possess a \u0026ldquo;right to the city,\u0026rdquo; including the right to shape and access urban space [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e8\u003c/span\u003e]. From this perspective, denying informal settlers adequate adaptation infrastructure constitutes a denial of urban citizenship.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eTherefore, Climate Justice provides the normative foundation of this study. It enables a critical evaluation of whether governance approaches in Ngozi Mine advance equitable adaptation or reinforce climate injustice.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eUrban Political Ecology and the Production of Informal Climate Vulnerability\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWhile Climate Justice provides the ethical framework, Urban Political Ecology (UPE) offers an analytical lens to understand how climate vulnerability is socially and politically produced. UPE rejects the notion that environmental risks are natural or inevitable. Instead, it argues that urban socio-ecological conditions are shaped by political-economic processes, infrastructural investment patterns, and governance decisions [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e9\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e10\u003c/span\u003e]\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSwyngedouw (2004) conceptualizes cities as socio-natural hybrids produced through contested processes of capital accumulation and state intervention. From this perspective, climate risks such as flooding, heat stress, or inadequate water access in informal settlements are not merely environmental phenomena; they are outcomes of spatial planning decisions and uneven infrastructural development [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e10\u003c/span\u003e]. Harvey (2008) similarly argues that urbanization reflects processes of accumulation by dispossession, where marginalized populations are often relegated to peripheral or environmentally fragile spaces [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e11\u003c/span\u003e]\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn the case of Ngozi Mine, the spatial positioning of informal settlements, lack of tenure security, and limited infrastructure provision may reflect broader governance dynamics that structure exposure to climate hazards. Urban Political Ecology directs attention to why informal settlements frequently lack drainage systems, durable housing, and resilient infrastructure. These deficiencies are not accidental; they are embedded in urban political-economic priorities that favor certain spaces over others.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFurthermore, UPE highlights that adaptation itself is political. Decisions about where to invest in climate-resilient infrastructure reflect power relations and development priorities. If adaptation strategies privilege economically productive zones while neglecting informal settlements, they may deepen socio-ecological inequality.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThus, Urban Political Ecology enables this study to interpret climate vulnerability in Ngozi Mine as politically produced rather than environmentally determined. It situates local adaptation challenges within broader patterns of urban governance, infrastructural inequality, and spatial marginalization.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eStudy Area\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe study focuses on the Ngozi Mine informal settlement, which is located on the northern edge of Bulawayo, the second-largest city in Zimbabwe. Ngozi Mine is uniquely situated next to the Richmond Sanitary Landfill, the city's main municipal land-fill, in contrast to conventional residential districts. As Chinjova, (2019) posits, a scarcity of reasonably priced urban housing and worsening economic conditions led to the settlement's creation in 1984 [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e12\u003c/span\u003e]. The scholar further explains that after the Economic Structural Adjustment Programme (ESAP) in the 1990s, its population grew dramatically, and the 2005 evictions of Operation Murambatsvina (Operation Clean Up) had an even greater effect [12.13].\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOn the socio-economic front, the community is home to over 300 households (approx. 2,400 residents) who primarily make out a living through informal waste picking, recycling, and scavenging from the landfill. The settlement is characterized by extreme material deprivation, with makeshift homes constructed from plastic, scrap metal, and wood. On the context of environmental and climate risk the area is located in Zimbabwe\u0026rsquo;s semi-arid Agro-ecological Region IV, hence it faces perennial water shortages and is highly vulnerable to climate-related hazards. Residents endure compounding risks, including toxic smoke from landfill fires, poor air quality, and the lack of basic sanitation, which are exacerbated by heat spikes and erratic rainfall patterns [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e12\u003c/span\u003e]. As an unregistered and \"illegal\" settlement, Ngozi Mine is largely excluded from formal municipal service delivery, including clean water, electricity, and waste management. This institutional marginalization places the community at the center of debates regarding urban climate justice and the need for inclusive, participatory planning in the Global South.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFigure \u003cspan refid=\"Fig1\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e1\u003c/span\u003e shows the study area, Richmond Landfill, popularly known as Ngozi Mine. This informal settlement was selected because it is one city\u0026rsquo;s oldest and most densely populated informal neighbourhood. Despite its varied historical trajectories and experiences, it is characteristics by such properties such as poverty, social exclusion, and marginalization, thereby making it suitable for this study.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eResearch design\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis study adopted a qualitative case study design to explore climate change, informal settlement governance, and justice-oriented urban adaptation in Ngozi Mine, Bulawayo, Zimbabwe. A qualitative approach was selected because the research interrogates lived experiences of climate vulnerability, perceptions of governance, and processes of recognition and exclusion, phenomena that are socially constructed and embedded in power relations [14.15].\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eClimate adaptation is increasingly recognized as a political, governance, and relational process rather than a purely technical intervention [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e16\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR17\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e17\u003c/span\u003e]. Understanding how residents experience distributive inequities, procedural exclusion, and recognition struggles requires interpretive inquiry grounded in participants\u0026rsquo; narratives [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e7\u003c/span\u003e]. A case study design enables in-depth exploration of these dynamics within a bounded socio-spatial context and is widely used in urban climate governance research [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e18\u003c/span\u003e].Ngozi mine was treated as an embedded socio-ecological case where climate risk intersects with informal settlement status, infrastructural marginalization, and urban governance dynamics.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eStudy Population\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe study population comprised all households in Ngozi Mine informal settlement. According to community records and local administrative estimates, the settlement consists of approximately 300 households. The target population for the quantitative survey, therefore, included all 300 households. For the qualitative component, the population included key governance actors and community representatives, such as municipal officials, ward councilors, environmental officers, community leaders, women\u0026rsquo;s representatives, and youth representatives. These actors were included due to their involvement in planning, service delivery, or community mobilization processes relevant to climate adaptation.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec8\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eSampling and Sample Size Determination\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eHouseholds in Ngozi Mine were selected using simple random sampling from the total population of approximately 300 households. Each household had an equal chance of being included, ensuring that all socio-economic and demographic groups within the settlement were represented and minimizing selection bias. Simple random sampling is widely recommended in social and environmental research for small, well-defined populations because it allows for unbiased estimates and strengthens the generalizability of findings within the study area [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR15\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e15\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR19\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e19\u003c/span\u003e]. Key informants were purposively selected based on their roles in governance, service provision, or community leadership, including municipal officials, ward councilors, disaster management officers, and NGO representatives. Purposive sampling is commonly used in qualitative research to capture the perspectives of individuals with specialized knowledge or experience relevant to the research questions [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR20\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e20\u003c/span\u003e]. This combination of sampling techniques enabled the study to integrate household-level experiences with institutional insights, providing a comprehensive understanding of the socio-political and environmental dynamics shaping climate adaptation in informal settlements.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe sample size for household surveys was calculated using Yamane\u0026rsquo;s formula, which provides a simplified method for determining sample sizes in studies with a known population [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR21\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e21\u003c/span\u003e]. With a total population of approximately 300 households in Ngozi Mine, a 95% confidence level and a 5% margin of error were adopted to ensure statistically reliable estimates of household characteristics and climate adaptation experiences. Applying the formula n\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;N/ (1\u0026thinsp;+\u0026thinsp;N\u0026lowast;e2), Where:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003en\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;Sample size\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eN\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;Population size\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003ee\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;Margin of error\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe resultant sample size \u003cem\u003ewas\u003c/em\u003e 172 households. Yamane\u0026rsquo;s formula is widely used in social science research for small to medium populations because it balances precision with feasibility, providing an adequate sample size for capturing variability in household-level data while remaining manageable for field data collection [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e22\u003c/span\u003e]. This approach ensured that the selected sample was representative of the settlement population, allowing for meaningful insights into climate vulnerability and informal governance dynamics.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eData Collection tools\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eData for this study were collected using two complementary tools: semi-structured household questionnaires and key informant interview (KII) guides. These instruments were selected to provide rich insights into climate vulnerability, informal settlement governance, and adaptation strategies in Ngozi Mine, Bulawayo. Their design was informed by Climate Justice Theory and Urban Political Ecology (UPE), emphasizing both the lived experiences of marginalized residents and the institutional processes that shape socio-environmental inequalities [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e7\u003c/span\u003e]. The combination of household- and governance-level perspectives enabled triangulation of community experiences with institutional narratives, strengthening the study\u0026rsquo;s analytical depth [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e14\u003c/span\u003e].\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eSemi-structured questionnaire\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe semi-structured household questionnaire was administered to selected households in Ngozi Mine. Section A of the questionnaire focused on socio-demographic characteristics, including age, gender, household size, length of residence, tenure status, and livelihood sources. Collecting these data allowed the study to assess how social and economic positions intersect with exposure to climate hazards and access to adaptation resources, reflecting the distributive dimension of climate justice [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e23\u003c/span\u003e].\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSection B explored households\u0026rsquo; exposure to climate-related hazards, including flooding, heat stress, water scarcity, and environmental risks associated with the nearby Richmond landfill. Respondents described the severity and consequences of these hazards, providing evidence of how environmental burdens are spatially and socially distributed within informal settlements. Section C examined access to infrastructure and basic services, including water supply, sanitation, drainage systems, electricity, and housing quality. From a UPE perspective, such questions illuminate how infrastructural provision and urban governance shape socio-ecological vulnerability [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e9\u003c/span\u003e].\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSection D investigated household adaptation and coping strategies, including informal livelihood adjustments, community-based initiatives, and external support from government or non-governmental organizations. This section provided insight into both self-organized and institutionally supported responses to climate hazards. Finally, Section E focused on governance, participation, and perceptions of justice. Respondents were asked whether they had been consulted in urban planning, whether they felt recognized by municipal authorities, and whether adaptation resources were distributed equitably. These questions captured procedural and recognition dimensions of climate justice, enabling residents to articulate experiences of marginalization, exclusion, and inequitable treatment [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e7\u003c/span\u003e].\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec11\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eKey Informant Interview Guides\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eKey informant interviews were conducted using a structured guide with purposively selected stakeholders, including municipal officials, local councilors, planning and disaster management officers, and representatives of civil society organizations. The KIIs addressed four thematic areas: institutional framing of informal settlements, climate adaptation planning and policy implementation, mechanisms for community participation, and resource allocation and infrastructure provision. These interviews provided critical insight into governance priorities, institutional constraints, and political processes that influence adaptation interventions. From an Urban Political Ecology perspective, KIIs revealed how socio-political decisions and infrastructural investments produce, exacerbate, or mitigate vulnerability in informal settlements [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e9\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e24\u003c/span\u003e].\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec12\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eData Collection Procedure\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eData were collected using household questionnaires and key informant interviews to capture both residents\u0026rsquo; experiences and institutional perspectives on climate adaptation in Ngozi Mine. Researchers visited households and interviewed municipal officials, ward councilors, disaster management officers, and NGO representatives. All participants were briefed on the study objectives, assured of confidentiality, and provided informed consent before participation [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e14\u003c/span\u003e].\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe semi-structured household questionnaire was administered to 166 households and took approximately 20\u0026ndash;40 minutes per interview. Digital tools (Kobo Collect) were used to record responses, allowing real-time data validation. The informant interviews addressed institutional framing of informal settlements, adaptation planning and policy, community participation, and resource allocation. Each interview lasted 45\u0026ndash;60 minutes and was audio-recorded with permission. Notes were also taken to capture context and non-verbal cues.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec13\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eValidity and Reliability\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eTo ensure reliability and validity, multiple strategies were employed throughout the study. The household questionnaires and key informant interview guides were pretested to verify clarity, consistency, and cultural relevance, allowing adjustments before full-scale data collection. Triangulation of data sources, combining household responses, key informant interviews, and observational insights, enhanced the credibility of the findings by cross-verifying information across participants and perspectives [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR15\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e15\u003c/span\u003e]. Researchers used a consistent data collection procedure and standardized instruments, while digital recording and transcription of interviews minimized errors and preserved accuracy. Ethical rigor, including informed consent and anonymization of participants, further supported the integrity of the data. Collectively, these measures strengthened the dependability and trustworthiness of the study, ensuring that the results accurately reflect the lived experiences of residents and the institutional dynamics shaping climate adaptation in Ngozi Mine.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec14\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eData Analysis\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eQualitative data from interviews and open-ended questionnaire items were analyzed using NVivo. Descriptive statistical analyses were used to analyze the socio-demographic characteristics of the respondents. Thematic analysis was used to analyze qualitative data from interviews and open-ended questions. Qualitative data was presented in the form of descriptive words while quantitative data was presented in the form of tables and graphs.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Results","content":"\u003cdiv id=\"Sec16\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eResponse rate\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eOut of the 172 individuals targeted for household data collection, 166 successfully participated, yielding a response rate of 96.5%. Six individuals did not complete participation due to refusal or prioritizing income-generating activities before the interview was concluded.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"gridtable\"\u003e\u003ctable float=\"Yes\" id=\"Tab1\" border=\"1\"\u003e \u003ccaption language=\"En\"\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionNumber\"\u003eTable 1\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionContent\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eResponse rate\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/caption\u003e \u003ccolgroup cols=\"3\"\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c1\" colnum=\"1\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"char\" char=\".\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c2\" colnum=\"2\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c3\" colnum=\"3\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cthead\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eDescription\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eNumber of Individuals\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003ePercentage (%)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/thead\u003e \u003ctbody\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eTargeted Sample Size\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e172\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e100%\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eSuccessfully Interviewed (Completed)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e166\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e96.5%\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eNon-Response (Refused/Incomplete Interviews)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e6\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e3.5%\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eTotal\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e172\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e100%\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/tbody\u003e \u003c/colgroup\u003e \u003c/table\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec17\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eDemographic Characteristics of Respondents\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"gridtable\"\u003e\u003ctable float=\"No\" id=\"Taba\" border=\"1\"\u003e \u003ccolgroup cols=\"4\"\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c1\" colnum=\"1\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c2\" colnum=\"2\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"char\" char=\".\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c3\" colnum=\"3\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"char\" char=\".\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c4\" colnum=\"4\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cthead\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eVariable\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eCategory\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eFrequency (n)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003ePercent (%)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/thead\u003e \u003ctbody\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eSettlement\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eNgozi Mine\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e166\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e100.0\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eGender of Respondents\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eMale\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e90\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e54.2\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eFemale\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e76\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e45.8\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eAge of Respondents\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e18\u0026ndash;29 years\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e39\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e23.5\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e30\u0026ndash;39 years\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e51\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e30.7\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e40\u0026ndash;49 years\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e41\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e24.7\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e50\u0026ndash;59 years\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e18\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e10.8\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e60 years and above\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e17\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e10.2\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eMarital Status\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eMarried\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e53\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e31.9\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eNever Married\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e47\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e28.3\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eLiving as Married/Cohabiting\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e31\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e18.7\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eSeparated\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e11\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e6.6\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eWidowed\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e9\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e5.4\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eDivorced\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e11\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e6.6\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eNot Stated\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e4\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e2.4\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/tbody\u003e \u003c/colgroup\u003e \u003c/table\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eA total of 166 respondents participated in the study, all drawn from the Ngozi Mine informal settlement, representing 100% of the targeted sample. Gender distribution was slightly skewed towards males (n\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;90; 54.2%) compared to females (n\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;76; 45.8%), reflecting a balanced participation that nonetheless captures the gendered dimensions of labor and vulnerability in informal settlements. Age distribution reveals a predominantly economically active population: 78.9% of respondents were aged between 18 and 49 years, with the largest group being 30\u0026ndash;39 years (n\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;51; 30.7%), followed by 40\u0026ndash;49 years (n\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;41; 24.7%), and 18\u0026ndash;29 years (n\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;39; 23.5%). A minority of respondents were aged 50 years and above (n\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;35; 21%), reflecting both a younger settlement demographic and potential out-migration and attrition among older residents due to climate-related or livelihood pressures.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eMarital status further illustrates social structures within the settlement. Married respondents accounted for 31.9% (n\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;53), never married individuals 28.3% (n\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;47), and cohabiting individuals 18.7% (n\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;31). Smaller proportions were separated (6.6%; n\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;11), divorced (6.6%; n\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;11), or widowed (5.4%; n\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;9), while 2.4% (n\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;4) did not state their marital status. Collectively, these demographic patterns underscore a settlement characterized by young to middle-aged adults, whose economic activity and household responsibilities intersect with climate vulnerability and informal governance structures.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec18\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eHousehold Exposure to Climate-Related Hazards\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eResults indicate that households in Ngozi Mine experience multiple and overlapping climate-related hazards, with water scarcity, heat stress, flooding during heavy rainfall, and environmental pollution from the nearby Richmond landfill cited as the most frequently occurring risks.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eWater scarcity emerged as the most consistently reported climate stressor. Many respondents reported that prolonged dry periods and unreliable water sources significantly disrupt daily household activities, including cooking, sanitation, and informal economic activities. Several residents explained that the settlement lacks formal municipal water infrastructure, forcing households to rely on distant boreholes or informal water vendors.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOne respondent was quoted as saying\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eWater is our biggest challenge here. Sometimes the borehole is dry and we have to walk very far. When there is drought, the situation becomes worse because everyone depends on the same few sources.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eHeat stress was also widely reported, particularly during peak summer months. Residents indicated that the makeshift structures constructed from plastic sheets, scrap metal, and wood intensify indoor temperatures, making living conditions extremely uncomfortable.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eA female respondent described:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eWhen the sun is very hot the houses become like ovens. The iron sheets and plastics trap the heat and it becomes difficult for children and elderly people to stay inside\u003c/em\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSeasonal flooding was another commonly reported hazard. Although the area is generally dry, intense rainfall events result in temporary flooding due to the absence of drainage systems and proper road infrastructure.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eA participant noted:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eWhen it rains heavily, the water has nowhere to go. It flows through the houses because there are no proper drains\u003c/em\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eEnvironmental hazards linked to the proximity of the Richmond landfill were also highlighted. Residents reported exposure to smoke from landfill fires, poor air quality, and contamination risks.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eA community member stated:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eSometimes the landfill catches fire and thick smoke covers the settlement. We breathe that smoke every day and many people complain about chest problems\u003c/em\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThese findings demonstrate that climate hazards in Ngozi Mine are not isolated environmental events but interconnected socio-ecological risks, shaped by settlement location and infrastructural deprivation.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec19\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eAccess to Infrastructure and Basic Services\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe results reveal severe infrastructural deficits within the settlement, which significantly increase residents\u0026rsquo; vulnerability to climate hazards.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eMost households reported limited access to safe and reliable water sources, with residents relying on shared boreholes or purchasing water from informal vendors. Water shortages were particularly acute during dry seasons, forcing households to adopt rationing strategies. Sanitation infrastructure was also extremely limited. Many households rely on shared pit latrines, while others use improvised sanitation facilities due to space constraints and lack of resources.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOne respondent was quoted as saying:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eWe share toilets with many families, and sometimes they get full quickly. When that happens, people are forced to find other ways, which is not healthy.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eElectricity access was also minimal across the settlement. Most residents reported that they do not have formal electricity connections, relying instead on candles, solar lamps, or illegal connections. Housing quality was another significant concern. The majority of structures were reported to be temporary or semi-permanent, constructed from scrap materials obtained from the landfill or surrounding areas.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eA participant described their housing conditions:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eOur houses are made from what we find at the dumpsite. Plastic, wood, and metal sheets. When there are strong winds or heavy rains, the houses can easily be damaged\u003c/em\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThese findings illustrate how infrastructural inequalities shape environmental vulnerability, reinforcing the Urban Political Ecology perspective that climate risk is socially produced through uneven development and service provision.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec20\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eHousehold Adaptation and Coping Strategies\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eDespite the multiple risks they face, residents of Ngozi Mine have developed various adaptive strategies to cope with climate and environmental challenges. One of the most common strategies involves livelihood diversification through informal waste recycling and landfill scavenging. Residents collect recyclable materials such as plastics, metals, and cardboard from the landfill and sell them to recycling intermediaries.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOne of the respondents explained:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eMost people here survive by collecting plastics and metals from the dumpsite. It is dangerous work, but it is the only way to earn money.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eHouseholds also reported adjusting daily routines to cope with extreme temperatures, including sleeping outdoors during hot nights and modifying building materials to improve ventilation. Another adaptive strategy involved community cooperation, particularly in maintaining pathways, clearing informal drainage channels, and sharing information about environmental risks.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOne respondent noted:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eWhen there are heavy rains, people come together to dig small trenches to move the water away from houses.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eMoreover, community savings groups and informal lending arrangements also emerged as important coping mechanisms for managing economic shocks associated with climate hazards.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eA female participant shared:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eWomen in the community sometimes form savings groups so that we can help each other when there is a problem or when someone needs money for repairs.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThese findings demonstrate that residents are active agents in managing climate risks, contradicting narratives that portray informal settlers as passive victims.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec21\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eGovernance, Participation, and Perceptions of Climate Justice\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003e The findings reveal significant governance gaps and limited participation of residents in urban planning and climate adaptation processes. Many respondents reported that they are rarely consulted by municipal authorities regarding settlement planning, service provision, or climate-related interventions.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOne participant stated:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe city council does not come here to ask us about our problems. Decisions are made somewhere else.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eResidents also expressed concerns about lack of recognition and legal status, which they believe contributes to limited infrastructure investment.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eA respondent explained:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eBecause they say this place is illegal, they don\u0026rsquo;t want to bring services. But people are living here and we also need water and sanitation\u003c/em\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSome participants described experiences of harassment or eviction threats, which create uncertainty and discourage long-term investment in housing improvements.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eA community leader commented:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003ePeople fear that one day the government may come and remove us. That fear makes it difficult for residents to build permanent houses\u003c/em\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDespite these governance challenges, some residents reported occasional engagement with non-governmental organizations and local community leaders, who provide limited support for sanitation, health awareness, or livelihood initiatives. These findings highlight the procedural and recognition dimensions of climate justice, as residents experience both exclusion from decision-making processes and lack of institutional acknowledgement.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Discussion","content":"\u003cdiv id=\"Sec23\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eResponse Rate\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe study achieved a response rate of 96.5%, which is considered exceptionally high in household survey research and enhances the reliability of the findings. High response rates reduce non-response bias and improve the representativeness of survey data, particularly in small and spatially concentrated populations such as informal settlements [\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e25\u003c/span\u003e]. In contexts characterized by precarious livelihoods, such as Ngozi Mine, high participation rates may also indicate residents’ willingness to engage in research that addresses issues affecting their everyday lives.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe strong participation rate further suggests that climate-related vulnerabilities and governance challenges are salient issues within the settlement. Previous studies in informal settlements have similarly found that residents are more likely to participate in research when it addresses pressing concerns such as water scarcity, housing insecurity, and environmental hazards [\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e26\u003c/span\u003e]. In this regard, the high response rate may reflect the urgency with which residents view climate-related challenges and infrastructural deficiencies.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFrom a methodological standpoint, the use of community entry procedures and informed consent may also have contributed to the high completion rate. Trust-building processes are particularly important in informal settlements where residents often fear eviction or surveillance by authorities [\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e27\u003c/span\u003e]. Consequently, the high response rate strengthens the credibility of the empirical findings and supports the validity of the interpretations presented in this study.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec24\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eDemographic Characteristics of Respondents\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe demographic profile of respondents reveals a predominantly young and economically active population, with nearly 79% of residents aged between 18 and 49 years. This demographic structure is consistent with patterns observed in many informal settlements across the Global South, where younger populations migrate to urban peripheries in search of livelihood opportunities [\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e28\u003c/span\u003e].\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe slight predominance of male respondents (54.2%) may reflect gendered labour dynamics associated with landfill-based livelihoods. Waste picking and scavenging are often male-dominated activities due to the physically demanding nature of the work and associated health risks [\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e29\u003c/span\u003e]. However, the substantial participation of women (45.8%) highlights the gendered dimensions of climate vulnerability, as women in informal settlements frequently bear disproportionate responsibilities related to water collection, household maintenance, and childcare [\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e30\u003c/span\u003e].\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec25\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eHousehold Exposure to Climate-Related Hazards\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe findings reveal that households in Ngozi Mine face multiple and overlapping climate-related hazards, including water scarcity, heat stress, flooding, and environmental pollution from the Richmond landfill. These results align with the broader literature on climate vulnerability in informal settlements, which emphasizes that urban climate risks are rarely experienced in isolation but instead occur as compound hazards that interact with socio-economic vulnerabilities [\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e31\u003c/span\u003e]\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eWater scarcity emerged as the most significant hazard affecting households. In semi-arid regions such as southern Zimbabwe, climate variability and prolonged droughts intensify water shortages, particularly in informal settlements lacking formal infrastructure [\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e32\u003c/span\u003e]. Limited access to water not only affects household consumption but also undermines sanitation, health outcomes, and livelihood activities. From a climate justice perspective, unequal access to water reflects distributive injustices in urban service provision, where marginalized communities are systematically excluded from essential resources [\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e23\u003c/span\u003e].\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eHeat stress was also widely reported, particularly due to the use of makeshift building materials such as plastic and metal sheets. Research on informal housing demonstrates that such materials often amplify indoor temperatures, creating hazardous living conditions during heatwaves [\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e33\u003c/span\u003e]. Heat stress disproportionately affects vulnerable populations, including children, elderly individuals, and people with pre-existing health conditions.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe occurrence of seasonal flooding further illustrates the infrastructural vulnerability of informal settlements. In the absence of drainage systems and proper road infrastructure, heavy rainfall events can rapidly transform minor weather events into localized disasters [\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e34\u003c/span\u003e]. These findings reinforce the argument of Urban Political Ecology that environmental risks are socially produced through uneven infrastructural investment and urban planning decisions [\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e9\u003c/span\u003e].\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFinally, the proximity of Ngozi Mine to the Richmond landfill introduces additional environmental health risks, including exposure to smoke, toxic gases, and contaminated waste. Similar studies in landfill-adjacent settlements have documented increased risks of respiratory illnesses and other health complications [\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e35\u003c/span\u003e]. Collectively, these findings demonstrate that climate vulnerability in Ngozi Mine is shaped by the intersection of environmental hazards, infrastructural deprivation, and spatial marginalization.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec26\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eAccess to Infrastructure and Basic Services\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe findings highlight severe infrastructural deficits, particularly in relation to water, sanitation, electricity, and housing quality. Such deficits are characteristic of informal settlements globally, where residents are frequently excluded from formal urban planning processes and municipal service provision [\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e28\u003c/span\u003e]. Studies have shown that residents of informal settlements often pay disproportionately higher prices for water compared to households connected to municipal systems [\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e26\u003c/span\u003e]. This phenomenon reflects structural inequalities in urban service provision and highlights the distributive injustices embedded in urban infrastructure systems. Housing conditions also emerged as a critical dimension of vulnerability. Structures constructed from scrap materials offer limited protection against extreme weather events such as storms, heatwaves, and heavy rainfall. Research in informal settlements has shown that poor housing quality significantly increases disaster risk and undermines adaptive capacity [\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e26\u003c/span\u003e].\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFrom an Urban Political Ecology perspective, these infrastructural inequalities are not accidental but are the outcome of political and economic decisions that prioritize investment in formal urban areas while neglecting marginalized communities [\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e10\u003c/span\u003e]. Consequently, the infrastructural deficits observed in Ngozi Mine illustrate how governance decisions shape the spatial distribution of climate vulnerability.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec27\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eHousehold Adaptation and Coping Strategies\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eDespite the numerous challenges they face, residents of Ngozi Mine demonstrate significant adaptive capacity and agency. The findings reveal several locally developed coping strategies, including waste recycling livelihoods, housing modifications, community cooperation, and informal savings groups. Waste picking and recycling emerged as a primary livelihood strategy for many residents. Informal waste economies are increasingly recognized as critical survival mechanisms for marginalized urban populations and can contribute to broader environmental sustainability through recycling activities [\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e29\u003c/span\u003e]. However, these livelihoods are often associated with significant health and safety risks due to exposure to hazardous waste materials. Community cooperation also plays an important role in managing climate-related risks. Collective activities such as digging drainage channels and sharing information about hazards illustrate the importance of social capital in enhancing resilience. Social networks and community-based organizations have been shown to significantly strengthen adaptive capacity in vulnerable communities [\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e36\u003c/span\u003e]. The presence of informal savings groups further highlights the role of grassroots financial mechanisms in supporting resilience. Such groups provide a form of micro-financial support that enables households to respond to shocks, repair homes, or meet emergency needs [\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e37\u003c/span\u003e].\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec28\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eGovernance, Participation, and Perceptions of Climate Justice\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe results reveal significant governance challenges, particularly in relation to limited participation, lack of recognition, and insecure tenure. Many residents reported that they are rarely consulted in planning processes and that municipal authorities largely overlook the settlement due to its informal status. This exclusion reflects a broader pattern in which informal settlements are marginalized within urban governance frameworks. Scholars argue that labeling settlements as “illegal” often justifies the withholding of services and infrastructure investments [\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e27\u003c/span\u003e]. Such practices undermine both procedural and recognition dimensions of climate justice [\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e7\u003c/span\u003e]. Procedural injustice is evident in the limited participation of residents in decision-making processes. Inclusive governance is widely recognized as a key component of effective climate adaptation because local communities possess valuable knowledge about environmental risks and adaptation strategies [\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e16\u003c/span\u003e]. When communities are excluded from decision-making, adaptation interventions may fail to address local needs.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eRecognition injustice is also evident in the persistent labeling of the settlement as illegal. According to Lefebvre’s concept of the “right to the city,” all urban inhabitants should have the right to participate in shaping urban space and accessing urban services [\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e8\u003c/span\u003e]. Denying informal settlers access to infrastructure and planning processes effectively denies them full urban citizenship. Furthermore, the threat of eviction discourages long-term investment in housing improvements and infrastructure. Secure tenure is widely recognized as a fundamental prerequisite for sustainable urban development and climate adaptation [\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e28\u003c/span\u003e]. Overall, these findings highlight the need for governance reforms that prioritize inclusive planning, legal recognition, and participatory adaptation strategies. Justice-oriented urban adaptation requires not only technical solutions but also institutional transformations that address structural inequalities in urban governance.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec29\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Conclusion and Recommendations","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis study demonstrates that climate-induced vulnerabilities in informal settlements are deeply intertwined with structural inequities, governance deficits, and social marginalization. In Ngozi Mine, insecure tenure, proximity to environmental hazards, and limited access to formal services amplify exposure to climate risks. Yet, residents employ diverse personal and collective conversion factors to sustain livelihoods and foster community resilience, highlighting the need to recognize agency as central to climate adaptation in the Global South. Justice-oriented adaptation requires a paradigm shift from viewing residents as illegal or passive to recognizing them as legitimate stakeholders capable of co-producing resilience. Policy interventions should prioritize:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e \u003cstrong\u003eSecuring Land Tenure\u003c/strong\u003e \u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eLegal recognition of informal settlements to enable investment in housing, infrastructure, and adaptive livelihoods.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e \u003cstrong\u003eInclusive Governance\u003c/strong\u003e \u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eParticipation of residents in planning and decision-making processes to align adaptation strategies with local needs.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e \u003cstrong\u003eInfrastructure and Service Provision\u003c/strong\u003e \u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eProvision of water, sanitation, drainage, and energy services to reduce exposure to climate hazards.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e \u003cstrong\u003eSupport for Grassroots Innovation\u003c/strong\u003e \u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eFacilitation of community-based adaptation initiatives, including early warning systems, cooperative savings, and waste-based livelihoods.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e \u003cstrong\u003eEquity-Focused Climate Policy\u003c/strong\u003e \u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIntegration of climate justice principles to ensure marginalized populations receive targeted support for adaptation and risk reduction.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn conclusion, Ngozi Mine exemplifies the complex interplay between social structures, environmental hazards, and human agency in informal urban settlements. Sustainable urban climate adaptation in the Global South requires interventions that are not only technically effective but also socially just, participatory, and attentive to the lived realities of residents. By centering justice, agency, and capability in policy design, governments and development actors can transform vulnerability into opportunity, enabling marginalized communities to navigate climate risks with dignity and resilience.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAuthors\u0026rsquo; contributions\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWitness Dlamini: Writing \u0026ndash; original draft, Formal analysis, Data curation, Conceptualization. Vusisizwe Ncube: Writing \u0026ndash; review \u0026amp; editing, Methodology.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eConsent to Participate declaration\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eParticipation in this study was voluntary, and informed consent was obtained from all participants before they took part in the research. Participants were provided with clear information about the purpose of the study and what their participation involved. They were also informed of their right to decline participation or withdraw from the study at any stage without any penalty or negative consequences. Only individuals who provided their informed consent were included in the study.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eEthics declaration\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBefore data collection, permission to conduct the study was obtained from Lupane State University, the Department of Environmental Science, and local government authorities. The study was conducted in accordance with internationally recognized ethical guidelines, specifically the principles outlined in the Declaration of Helsinki and general standards for social science research ethics. The research design and implementation respected the dignity, rights, and welfare of all individuals involved.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eDeclaration of competing interest\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAcknowledgements\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eNot Applicable.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAvailability of data and materials\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe datasets generated during and/or analyzed during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eConsent for publication\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eNot applicable.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eFunding\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eClinical Trial Number\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eNot applicable.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eORCIDs\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eVusisizwe Ncube: \u0026nbsp;https://orcid.org/0009-0001-6458-1479\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWitness Dlamini: https://orcid.org/0009-0000-2471-329X\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eNdlovu, T., Ndlovu, T. and Ncube, A (2025). 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Environ Health Perspect. 2000 Mar;108 Suppl 1(Suppl 1):101-12. https://doi.org/10.1289/ehp.00108s1101\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eAdger, W. N. (2003). Social capital, collective action, and adaptation to climate change. Economic Geography, 79(4), 387\u0026ndash;404. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1944-8287.2003.tb00220.x\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eL\u0026oacute;pez-Marrero, T., \u0026amp; Tschakert, P. (2011). From theory to practice: building more resilient communities in flood-prone areas. Environment \u0026amp; Urbanization, 23(1), 229-249. https://doi.org/10.1177/0956247810396055\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":false,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"discover-cities","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"Learn more about [Discover Cities](https://www.springer.com/journal/44327)","snPcode":"44327","submissionUrl":"https://submission.springernature.com/new-submission/44327/3","title":"Discover Cities","twitterHandle":"","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":true,"editorialSystem":"stoa","reportingPortfolio":"Discover Series","inReviewEnabled":true,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"Climate justice, informal settlements, urban governance, climate adaptation","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-9091739/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-9091739/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eInformal settlements across the Global South are increasingly exposed to climate-related risks, yet they remain largely excluded from formal urban governance and climate adaptation planning. This study examines the intersection of climate vulnerability, informal settlement governance, and justice-oriented urban adaptation in the Ngozi Mine settlement located on the outskirts of Bulawayo, Zimbabwe. Anchored in the Climate Justice framework and Urban Political Ecology, the research explores how infrastructural inequality, insecure tenure, and governance dynamics shape residents\u0026rsquo; exposure to climate hazards and their capacity to adapt. A qualitative case study design was employed, combining semi-structured household questionnaires administered to 166 households with key informant interviews involving municipal officials, community leaders, and representatives of civil society organizations. Thematic analysis and descriptive statistics were used to interpret the data.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe findings reveal that households in Ngozi Mine face multiple overlapping climate-related hazards, including water scarcity, heat stress, seasonal flooding, and environmental pollution from the adjacent Richmond landfill. These risks are intensified by limited access to basic services such as water, sanitation, electricity, and durable housing. Despite these constraints, residents demonstrate significant adaptive capacity through livelihood diversification, community cooperation, informal savings groups, and locally developed coping strategies. However, the study identifies substantial governance gaps, particularly limited participation of residents in decision-making processes and the persistent labeling of the settlement as \u0026ldquo;illegal,\u0026rdquo; which restricts infrastructure investment and institutional support.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe study concludes that climate vulnerability in informal settlements is socially and politically produced through uneven urban development and exclusionary governance structures. Achieving sustainable urban climate adaptation, therefore, requires justice-oriented approaches that recognize informal residents as legitimate stakeholders, strengthen participatory governance, and prioritize equitable infrastructure provision.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"Climate Change, Informal Settlement Governance and Justice-Oriented Urban Adaptation in Ngozi Mine, Bulawayo, Zimbabwe","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2026-04-20 08:03:24","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-9091739/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0},{"type":"decision","content":"Revision requested","date":"2026-05-06T06:31:48+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorInvitedReview","content":"","date":"2026-04-28T09:32:44+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorInvitedReview","content":"","date":"2026-04-15T13:00:56+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"316773207219912833289525698626284218473","date":"2026-04-15T08:17:14+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"34771481563699292543591362284703817756","date":"2026-04-12T19:36:59+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"242016686740856067982041354156007174474","date":"2026-04-10T18:17:27+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewersInvited","content":"","date":"2026-04-10T07:42:03+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorAssigned","content":"","date":"2026-03-23T13:57:25+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"checksComplete","content":"","date":"2026-03-19T16:54:19+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"submitted","content":"Discover Cities","date":"2026-03-19T15:55:04+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"discover-cities","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"Learn more about [Discover Cities](https://www.springer.com/journal/44327)","snPcode":"44327","submissionUrl":"https://submission.springernature.com/new-submission/44327/3","title":"Discover Cities","twitterHandle":"","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":true,"editorialSystem":"stoa","reportingPortfolio":"Discover Series","inReviewEnabled":true,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"3f867b6e-6ae8-4861-9431-0870fca83d91","owner":[],"postedDate":"April 20th, 2026","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[{"type":"decision","content":"Revision requested","date":"2026-05-06T06:31:48+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""}],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"under-review","subjectAreas":[],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2026-05-15T10:38:40+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2026-04-20 08:03:24","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-9091739","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-9091739","identity":"rs-9091739","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"XKTyCvWXoU3ODBz1xrDgd","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}