Social Isolation and the Marginalization of Destitute Women in Vrindavan

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Focusing on socio-cultural, economic, and psychological dimensions. Through in-depth interviews with 50 women, we employed Thematic Analysis to uncover six primary themes: Left Alone by Family and Society, Faith as Comfort or Cage, Unseen in Public, Charity as Help and Humiliation, Broken Identities, and Stuck in Time. The findings reveal how cultural stigmas that label destitute women as inauspicious drive their exclusion from familial and social networks, while religious institutions, though providing shelter, often reinforce restrictive gender norms. Economic precarity and limited access to effective support systems exacerbate their marginalization, with charitable and non-governmental interventions frequently undermining their autonomy and dignity. Nevertheless, subtle acts of resistance demonstrate the women’s resilience. The study advocates for culturally sensitive interventions, including economic empowerment, community-based inclusion programs, and context-appropriate mental health support, to restore agency and dignity. By extending theoretical constructs such as symbolic violence and precarity, this research enhances understanding of gendered exclusion in religious contexts and urges the adoption of participatory policy frameworks to address systemic inequities. Social Isolation Marginalization Destitute Vrindavan Women Widows Figures Figure 1 Figure 2 Introduction Vrindavan, a small city in the Mathura district of Uttar Pradesh, India, holds profound spiritual significance in Hinduism as the legendary birthplace and playground of Lord Krishna, a central deity in the Hindu pantheon revered as the eighth incarnation of Vishnu. Vrindavan is situated about 150 kilometers south of New Delhi and is situated on the banks of the Yamuna River, and is studded with thousands of temples devoted to Krishna and his lover Radha. This holy city attracts millions of pilgrims every year, who come to visit due to its historical and religious significance as a place of bhakti (devotional worship) in the Vaishnava tradition, which emphasizes personal devotion to Krishna (Mishra & Sharma, 2019). Vrindavan has been a spiritual refuge over the centuries. Nevertheless, it is also a refuge of thousands of poor women, mostly widows, but also women abandoned or marginalized, who come to the city in search of comfort, survival, and a place to belong (Varshney & Penna, 2024). Their family and society shun a large number of these women because of the deeply rooted patriarchal values and traditions, and live in ashrams, shelters, or on the streets, sustaining themselves through religious charity and devotional acts. Even though this city is regarded as a sanctuary of devotion and reverence, the harsh realities of these women depict an unfortunate intersection of social isolation and systemic marginalization (Abril, 2022). This phenomenon of widowhood in India has highly significant implications and is deeply ingrained with cultural attitudes perpetuating gender inequality and poverty (Solmanraj, 2022). Social isolation and marginalization are deep and pervasive issues among vulnerable populations globally. Issues related to destitute women, particularly in Indian pilgrimage towns such as Vrindavan, have had multifaceted social, economic, and cultural problems that exacerbate their isolation and marginalization (Wacquant, 1996; Mehlitz, 2022). Vrindavan, the "City of Widows," has traditionally always been a refuge for the woman who, through loss of husband, abandonment, economic condition, or social pressures, is rejected and survives without the support of family members. These women are multi-marginalized owing to cultural expectations, financial vulnerability, and social exclusion, and they are the most marginalized and one of the most invisible groups in Indian society (O'Rourke, 2004; Khanna et al., 2022). The issue of social isolation among these women is multifaceted. Not only are they marginalized by social norms that reject their presence, but they also face economic exclusion due to limited access to work, legal rights, and social security. This isolation has significant mental, emotional, and physical impacts, leading to a deterioration in their overall well-being (Yadav & Rani, 2025; Hasan, 2013). While several non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and some government schemes aim to provide support, their efforts are often insufficient to address the systemic issues that drive these women to Vrindavan in the first place (Bala, 2006). It has been researched that, as a whole, there is general marginalization of widows on the Indian subcontinent. For this reason, social and cultural expectations ensure that she becomes an outcast in case she loses her husband (Sharma, 2014; Pandey & Gupta, 2019). In Vrindavan, these forces are much more vivid because societal belief structures frame widowhood as shameful, leaving the individual without their social status and familial support. This cultural stigma is further compounded by economic challenges. Most widows face severe financial instability, and they often are relegated to dependence on alms or charity for survival (Auyero, 1999; Kubendran, 2020). Background The issue of marginalized widows and destitute women in India is an old cultural and religious practice. Loss of a husband brings along stigma with it; thus, a woman who has lost her husband is never considered a good omen (Paul & Das, 2023). Cultural biases coupled with socio-economic reasons leave most of the widows unattended to, without support, income, or even social standing from the family (Trivedi et al., 2009; Taneja, 2022). The towns of Vrindavan and Varanasi provide no other alternatives but migration, where these migrants reside in charity organizations and temples, which feed them the barest forms of existence. In the towns, one is faced with social marginalization, economic poverty, and inability to access some basic amenities, leading to dependency and negligence (Aarthimeena & Subbulakshmi, 2024; Srivastava & Gautam, 2024). About 20,000 to 30,000 destitute women live in ashrams and community shelters in Vrindavan. They live in conditions of abject poverty, poor health care, and lack of social support (Priyadarshini & Pande, 2021; Mastey, 2009). The town is of considerable religious importance, and NGOs and social organizations are abundant, but these women are outside mainstream society. Their marginalization is further worsened by the lack of family networks, legal protections, and effective social policies, resulting in extreme social isolation and a very low quality of life (Di Cesare, 2015). The Plight of Destitute Women in Vrindavan\ The plight of women in Vrindavan, however, is no less dire. The vast majority of women in this area live in extreme impoverishment, begging for alms, when they beg at all, relying on the very scant support they can get from other people (Bhushan, 2024; Pande, 2020). Moreover, they are greatly disadvantaged in terms of accessibility to food, shelter, and health care, among other basic needs. In addition to this, they have very few employment and economic advancement opportunities because of a lack of qualifications and skills, which makes them more vulnerable to poverty (Manuel, 2014). In addition to this, the cultural and religious spheres contribute a lot to the oppression and domination of these women. Indian society still disapproves of and seeks to marginalize younger widows who remarry; younger widows are especially feared in fear that they will seduce and corrupt other men (Sepulveda-Loyola et al., 2020; Ahmed-Ghosh, 2009). Such stigma is even more acute in Vrindavan, where the concepts of femininity and masculinity are still very much ingrained within the communities. Many of these women prefer to pack up their homes and families and run to the sacred city. Nonetheless, even in the confines of Vrindavan, there is hostility and rejection (Yadav, 2023). The fact that Vrindavan holds a strong position in the religious sphere can help offer comfort as well as reinforce discrimination. Even though the town is considered one of the highest places on the hierarchy of spiritual purity, it also holds stereotypical views about gender (Loine, 2023). The embodiment of these features of being both pure and devoted to a male is certain to stigmatize women who would otherwise be widows, as they would be considered defective or unfulfilled women (King, 2004). Social Isolation and Its Impact Being cut off from all social relations is a common phenomenon of impoverished women in Vrindavan. They are often barred from inviting storms, family gatherings, and community occasions. Such seclusion may cause distress, feelings of suffocation, and hyperactivity (Ranjan, 2001). In addition, it may impede their ability to reach out to support systems, which are vital in handling the stress of difficulties (Shukla et al., 2020). The relevance of social restriction as a factor on the ladies’ physical, psychological, and emotional aspects is very high. Past research has established that social isolation makes people more vulnerable to chronic illnesses, mental disorders, or even death. The oppressed women in Vrindavan may be poor, but they can also face discrimination and exclusion, which is a very toxic mixture (Brandt et al., 2022). Theoretical Framework and Relevance The study examines women’s social isolation and marginalization, employing a variety of perspectives on the theories of social exclusion, gender theory, and intersectionality in order to illustrate the specific problems that poor women in Vrindavan encounter. Social exclusion theory helps explain the context of exclusion of these women in terms of the existing societal norms and structures, while gender theory seeks to explain the situation in terms of discrimination because of their gender and how this form of discrimination is rendered tangible by age, class, caste, poverty, and widowhood (Bharadwaj, 2017)(Singh, 2022). Inclusive and Exclusive criteria Inclusion Criteria Age: Women aged 40 years and above. Residency: Women currently residing in Vrindavan. Marital Status: Widows, separated, or abandoned women. Socioeconomic Status: Women categorized as destitute or living in poverty (as defined by local standards and governmental guidelines). Language: Ability to communicate in Hindi or local dialects for interviews. Voluntary Participation: Women who willingly consent to participate in the study. Exclusion Criteria Age: Women below 40 years of age. Non-Residency: Women who are temporarily visiting Vrindavan (pilgrims or travelers). Marital Status: Married women or those who are not widowed, separated, or abandoned. Economic Stability: Women with stable economic support or financial independence. Health Status: Women with severe mental or physical impairments that hinder participation in interviews or surveys. Non-Consent: Women who do not provide consent or wish to withdraw from the study at any point. Methodology Research Design: Qualitative Methods: In-Depth Interviews An exploratory qualitative research design was adopted to gain insight into the participants’ experiences. The thematic analysis strategy (Braun & Clarke, 2006) was employed to classify the data and identify themes for the thorough analysis of the entire set of data. The study consisted of an in-depth and detailed description and comparative data analysis. Sample Size: 50 women selected from the larger survey group, based on diversity in socio-economic backgrounds and levels of isolation. Interview Type: Semi-structured, open-ended interviews to allow for in-depth discussion. Topics Covered: Personal stories of widowhood, abandonment, or family neglect. Perceptions of isolation and societal treatment. Emotional and psychological struggles (e.g., depression, loneliness). Experiences with government/NGO support programs. Recording and Transcription: All interviews are audio-recorded with consent and later transcribed for analysis. Research Setting and Participants Vrindavan, known for both its religious importance and as a location for many destitute women, was the location for the study on social isolation and marginalization among destitute women in Vrindavan. Drawing in impoverished women impacted by cultural and religious beliefs about widowhood and misfortune, Vrindavan provides both a haven and a site of social exclusion. Selected from a larger survey group depending on different socioeconomic backgrounds and degrees of isolation, the 50 women who participated, all of whom had limited financial stability, minimal family support, and had lived in Vrindavan for more than a year, were over the age of 35. While purposive sampling additionally included community leaders, religious leaders, and social workers familiar with the participants' circumstances, offering insight into the cultural and institutional factors contributing to their marginalization, researchers sought to represent a wide range of experiences among these women using consecutive sampling. Approaching destitute women at local ashrams, community centers, and old-age homes was part of the recruitment process. Two days before the interviews, each participant received an overview of the goal of the study, with informed consent obtained, and information sheets were sent in their preferred language two days later. Semi-structured, open-ended interviews allowed participants to deeply explore their lives, covering issues including personal tales of widowhood, abandonment, or family neglect; views of isolation and society treatment; emotional and psychological struggles (e.g., depression and loneliness); and their experiences with government or NGO support programs. Interviews were audio-recorded with each participant's permission and subsequently transcribed for in-depth review. Particularly, their social isolation, reliance on religious institutions, and the effect of cultural stigmatization on their self-worth and daily life, this study sought to shed light on the intricate experiences of destitute women in Vrindavan. The study also revealed areas of social and financial support deficiency, emphasizing where culturally sensitive treatments might meet the needs of these underprivileged women and raise their quality of living in Vrindavan. Data Collection Tools The research team collaborated in designing semi-structured interview guides by drawing from relevant literature and subject expertise to ensure depth and relevance to the participants' experiences. Two independent researchers who had dealt with destitute women validated the interview guides, lending credibility to the instruments. Focusing on the social and personal elements causing the destitute women of Vrindavan isolation and marginalization, the interview guides were made to capture their subjective experiences. To get socio-demographic data, including economic level, number of years lived in Vrindavan, and family support received, a participant background information questionnaire was developed. The interview guides consisted of 10 open-ended questions so that the respondents could speak more candidly about their personal experiences, perceptions of treatment by society, emotional turmoil, and the experiences they have had with systems of support available to them. This helped researchers understand the numerous factors influencing the lives of destitute women in Vrindavan and identify areas of life where interventions might most helpfully be targeted. Interview process Before starting the interviews, all the participating individuals were requested to provide their consent. Interviews were conducted in a single session with a time duration of 60–70 minutes. 10 from each group were taken for the interview, and research was conducted in Hindi. After determining the inclusion criteria for the participants, destitute women were selected for interview sessions, which were held in a different interview room with no environmental disturbance. All interviews were recorded by using an audiotape and a memo book to note important points during the session. Participants were informed in advance about the recording process. Data Management All interviews conducted in the Hindi language were transcribed and translated by the first author. The author is proficient in Hindi and English. The transcription of the audio-recorded interviews with the destitute women so transcribed was done using the Transcription feature in NVivo for Word documents. The focus of the first author was on preserving the word-for-word accuracy of the transcription as well as recording the emotion on the audio recording - an exclamation mark, a notation of laughter, and so forth. Further specifications involved capturing the context of interruptions, speech pauses, outward tones, and overlapping conversations during the process of creating the transcription. Data Analysis The thematic analysis method was used in this stage to analyze elements, organize and describe codes, and draw the patterns of the data collection. (Braun & Clarke, 2006). Analysis of the transcripts began as a collaborative process. The authors have read and reread the transcripts to understand the data better and have made some notes on the key aspects of the process, both during and after this. After the first few interviews, coding of the data developed a codebook (Braun & Clarke, 2016). The anonymity of the participants of all quartet transcripts was verified by hand after the statements were transcribed and before loading the texts in NVivo. This program was employed to facilitate data coding and the organization of themes. Preliminary codes were developed for the topic guide, which was developed by the theoretical framework of the socio-ecological model (Bronfenbrenner, 1977). In this manuscript, we are looking at the societal and environmental factors that affect the daily lives of destitute women in Vrindavan. The data was further analyzed for mapping of themes and comparative analysis within the document groups using an inductive approach (Fig. 1) (Morse, 2008). The analysis was not purely based on an inductive framework, as themes did not directly represent the words (Banister, 2011) or “emerge” but were actively constructed by the researchers and informed by literature and researchers’ experience and knowledge (Braun & Clarke, 2006; Williams, 2018). Ethical Considerations Informed Consent: All participants were informed of the study's purpose, procedures, and their right to withdraw at any point. Written consent was obtained. Confidentiality: Names and personal identifiers are kept confidential to protect participant privacy. Cultural Sensitivity: Given the vulnerability of the population, particular care is taken to respect cultural norms and individual emotional states during data collection. Compliance with guidelines: All methods were carried out in accordance with relevant guidelines and regulations, with the approvals and instructions provided by local authorities and organizational heads. Results As shown in Table 1, the women varied in age, length of residence in Vrindavan, language, and educational background. Most were elderly, with low literacy levels, and had resided in Vrindavan for extended periods. These characteristics provide a crucial background for understanding how spiritual practices, social exclusion, and coping mechanisms manifest in their daily lives. These demographic details offer important context for interpreting the thematic findings below. Table 1. Demographic Characteristics of the Participants Demographic Characteristic Number of Participants Percentage (%) Age Range (in years) 31-50 11 22% 51-70 23 46% 71 and above 16 32% Educational Level No Formal Education 20 40% Primary 15 30% Secondary 10 20% Higher Education 5 10% Marital Status Widowed 43 85% Separated or abandoned 7 15% Languages Spoken Hindi 40 80% Bengali 7 14% Odia 3 6% Duration in Vrindavan 1-5 years 11 22% 6-10 years 23 46% 11- 15 years 16 32% As shown in figure 2, the word cloud visually represents the most frequent and emotionally charged terms derived from the participants’ narratives during interviews. Prominent words such as “isolation,” “stigma,” “lonely,” and “ignored” highlight the emotional and social exclusion experienced by destitute women in Vrindavan. Terms like “abandoned,” “property,” “shelter,” and “food” reflect the economic vulnerabilities and loss of familial support following widowhood or separation. Spiritual elements such as “prayers,” “Krishna,” “Radha,” and “bhakti” signify the women’s reliance on religious faith as both coping mechanism and social identity. The presence of words like “shame,” “functions,” and “makeup” illustrates the continued impact of cultural stigmas on their everyday lives, especially regarding visibility in public and ritual participation. Overall, the word cloud encapsulates the intertwined nature of emotional pain, social marginalization, economic hardship, and religious life as experienced by the participants. The analysis identified six main themes, each with subthemes, showing how social, cultural, and emotional factors shape the women’s experiences of isolation and marginalization (Braun & Clarke, 2016). Below are the themes with subthemes and codes, supported by quotes and explanations as shown in Table 2. Theme 1- Left Alone by Family and Society Family Rejection Many women felt abandoned by their families after becoming widows, losing their roles and support. One said, “My sons took my property, then left me here. Now, I’m nobody’s mother” (P4). This shows how widowhood cuts off family ties, leaving women without emotional or financial support. Widow Stigma Being a widow labeled them as unlucky: “At weddings, they hide me like a bad omen” (P7). Cultural beliefs push widows out of social events, making them feel unwanted. Theme 2- Faith as Comfort and Cage Religion as Strength Faith in Krishna helped women cope: “Radhe knows my pain. Her tears are mine” (P12). Believing their suffering had a spiritual purpose gave them comfort. Ashram Rules Ashrams provided shelter but had strict rules: “White saris, no sweets, no laughter; we mourn while alive” (P9). These rules limited their freedom, making them feel trapped. Theme 3- Unseen in Public Ignored in Public Women felt invisible despite being in busy places: “We beg near the temple, but pilgrims look through us” (P3). They are physically present but ignored by society. Feeling Worthless Some believed they deserved this treatment: “Maybe I deserve this. My karma is broken” (P5). This shows how societal rejection makes them blame themselves. Theme 4- Charity as Help and Humiliation Begging for Survival Charity was often degrading: “They give roti to earn merit, not to feed me” (P8). People gave food to gain spiritual rewards, not to care for the widows. NGO Support Issues Aid organizations helped but didn’t listen: “They photograph us with blankets but never ask what we need” (P11). This made women feel like objects, not people. Theme 5- Broken Identities Loss of Self Widowhood erased their past roles : “I was a wife, a gardener. Now I’m just ‘that beggar’” (P2). They felt they had lost who they were before. Small Acts of Defiance Some resisted quietly: “Sometimes I wear a hidden red thread- my rebellion” (P6). These small acts helped them feel in control despite their situation. Theme 6- Stuck in Time Endless Days Life felt repetitive and hopeless: “Days repeat like prayers- no change, no end” (P10). Survival took all their energy, leaving no room for dreams. Hope in the Afterlife Many hoped for a better future after death: “Maybe in the next life, Radha will bless me” (P1). This hope shows they feel change is impossible in this life. Table 2 . Themes and Analysis Theme Subtheme Code Participant Quote Analysis Left Alone by Family and Society Family Rejection “Felt abandoned by family” “ My sons took my property, then left me here. Now, I’m nobody’s mother.” (P4) Family abandonment cuts off emotional and financial support, like a social death . Widow Stigma “Seen as a bad omen” “ At weddings, they hide me like a bad omen.” (P7) Cultural beliefs exclude widows from social life, deepening isolation. Faith as Comfort or Cage Religion as Strength “God is with me.” “Radhe knows my pain. Her tears are mine.” (P12) Faith turns pain into spiritual purpose, offering comfort. Ashram Rules “Ashram controls life.” “White saris, no sweets, no laughter—we mourn while alive.” (P9) Ashram rules limit freedom, trapping women in a controlled life. Unseen in Public Ignored in Public “Ignored in public” “We beg near the temple, but pilgrims look through us.” (P3) Widows are physically present but socially ignored, like ghosts . Feeling Worthless “I deserve this.” “Maybe I deserve this. My karma is broken.” (P5) Rejection makes women blame themselves for accepting their suffering. Charity as Help and Humiliation Begging for Survival “Charity for merit” “They give roti to earn merit, not to feed me.” (P8) Charity focuses on donors’ spiritual gain, not widows’ dignity. NGO Support Issues “Aid without voice” “They photograph us with blankets but never ask what we need.” (P11) Aid treats widows as objects, ignoring their real needs. Broken Identities Loss of Self “Lost past roles” “I was a wife, a gardener. Now I’m just ‘that beggar.’” (P2) Widowhood erases past identities, leaving only a marginalized role. Small Acts of Defiance “Acts of defiance” “Sometimes I wear a hidden red thread—my rebellion.” (P6) Small acts help women reclaim a sense of self. Stuck in Time Endless Days “Life without change” “Days repeat like no change, no end.” (P10) Life feels stuck, focused only on survival with no future. Hope in the Afterlife “Hope in next life” “Maybe in the next life, Radha will bless me.” (P1) Hope is placed in the afterlife due to lack of change now. Discussion The findings from this study illuminate the intricate interplay of cultural, social, and economic forces that perpetuate the marginalization and social isolation of destitute widows in Vrindavan. The six identified themes—Left Alone by Family and Society, Faith as Comfort and Cage, Unseen in Public, Charity as Help and Humiliation, Broken Identities, and Stuck in Time reveal a multidimensional crisis that transcends mere economic deprivation, encompassing profound emotional and social exclusion. Cultural Stigma and Social Exile : Left Alone by Family and Society's theme emphasizes how cultural ideas calling widows inauspicious cause their social exile. The moving quotation is "My sons left me here after taking my stuff. Now, I'm no one’s mother (P4), which reflects a type of symbolic violence (Bourdieu, 1977), whereby society standards deprive widows of their familial roles and financial means. This is consistent with Judith Butler's (2004) idea of precarity, in which some groups are made socially disposable and their exclusion is accepted by cultural activities that consider widows as omens of misfortune. P7's experience of being hidden at weddings highlights how such stigmatizing not only separates family ties but also keeps widows out of social events, so reinforcing their marginal position. Religion as a Double-Edged Sword: The theme “Faith as Comfort and Cage” emphasizes the contradictory part religion plays in Vrindavan. As P12's comment, "Radhe knows my pain,” shows, faith in Krishna provides psychological comfort. Her tears belong to me; they hardly help to solve systematic isolation. Pargament's (2000) framework of religious coping explains how spiritual beliefs offer emotional resilience. Yet, the rigorous ashram rules described by P9, "White saris, no sweets, no laughter," reveal how religious institutions can contribute to marginalization. Rooted in cultural grieving rituals, these guidelines reflect Agamben's (1998) idea of "bare life," whereby widows caught in a cycle of controlled survival are kept alive but denied agency. Invisibility and Dehumanization : The Unseen in Public theme shows how widows are physically present but socially invisible. This social erasure fits Honneth's (1995) theory of recognition, according to which the denial of recognition compromises personhood. P5's belief in "broken karma," which reflects the internalizing of worthlessness, highlights how society's rejection fuels self-blame and so intensifies emotional isolation. Charity’s Ambivalence : The Charity as Help and Humiliation theme highlights the degrading aspect of aid. P8's remark that donors give "to earn merit, not to feed me" emphasizes how much charity values the giver's spiritual development above the recipient's dignity. Likewise, P11's criticism of NGOs, "They photograph us with blankets but never ask what we need," highlights a dearth of participatory aid models whereby widows are seen as passive objects rather than agents with voices. This dynamic shows a power disparity whereby aid maintains physical survival but fuels social marginalization. Identity and Resistance : The Broken Identities theme catches the great loss of self as P2 laments being reduced to "that beggar." Still, little acts of rebellion like P6's secret red thread point to micro-resistances that fit Scott's (1985) idea of "guns of the weak." Though small, these behaviors point to a constant need to recover agency inside repressive systems. But the stuck-in-time theme exposes the extreme stasis of their lives; P10's account of days repeating "like prayers, no change, no end" emphasizes a lack of future-oriented hope in this life. P1's reliance on afterlife redemption, as he hopes for Radha's blessing, shows a surrender to present suffering, thus deepening their marginalization. Implications for Intervention Findings suggest that there is permanent damage in the society with stereotypes, and although it is challenging to break cultural standards, both material and psychological needs should be addressed in the course of interventions. Economic empowerment may be achieved through skill-building or microfinance to restore agency, but providing stigma attention may not be adequate. Among the necessary things are community-based programs that encourage social inclusion, such as community awareness programs to destigmatize widowhood or widow-headed cooperatives. Personalized to their religious context, mental health care might assist in reducing the emotional burden of being alone. These interventions have to be participatory so that the solutions reflect the voices of widows since their marginalization from decision-making procedures (such as NGO aid) aggravates. Theoretical Contributions This study extends Bourdieu’s symbolic violence and Butler’s precarity by illustrating how cultural and religious norms in Vrindavan create a unique form of gendered exclusion. It also enriches Agamben’s bare life framework by showing how institutional support (ashrams, NGOs) can inadvertently perpetuate marginalization. The findings call for a nuanced understanding of how religious spaces, while offering refuge, can reinforce social hierarchies. Conclusion The research on destitute widows in Vrindavan reveals a profound interplay of cultural stigma, economic deprivation, and institutional constraints that perpetuate their social isolation and marginalization. The identified themes highlight how widowhood strips women of their identities, relegating them to a liminal existence where religious faith and charity, while providing temporary solace and survival, often reinforce their exclusion from mainstream society. Small acts of resistance demonstrate their resilience, yet their hope for change is frequently deferred to the afterlife, underscoring the depth of their disenfranchisement. To address these challenges, culturally sensitive interventions, such as economic empowerment through skill training, social inclusion via community programs, mental health support rooted in spiritual contexts, participatory aid models, and policy advocacy for property rights, are essential to restore dignity and agency. Future research should explore comparative regional studies and the role of younger generations in shifting cultural attitudes, paving the way for a society where widows are recognized as valued members with purpose and belonging. Declarations Acknowledgements We express gratitude to the participants for sharing their stories and to the research team for their dedication to data collection and analysis. Clinical trial number : Not applicable Funding No funding was received for this study. Data Availability The datasets generated and analyzed during the current study are not publicly available due to restrictions from local authorities and concerns regarding participant privacy and confidentiality. The data will be available from the corresponding author on reasonable request. Conflict of Interest: The authors declare no conflicts of interest. Ethical approval: This study was reviewed, and the requirement for formal ethical approval was waived by the Institutional Ethics Committee (IEC), School of Medical Sciences & Research (Sharda University, Greater Noida, India), and the District Provisional Officer (Mathura, Uttar Pradesh, India). 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1","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":72316,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eFlow chart of data management and analysis\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"1.jpg","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7433373/v1/8c0ed84a09adec9ef162c8ed.jpg"},{"id":93132133,"identity":"d52e75aa-ff13-4f97-81b6-52aa360be7cf","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-10-09 11:44:57","extension":"jpg","order_by":2,"title":"Figure 2","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":150879,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eWord cloud based on participants’ responses.\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"2.jpg","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7433373/v1/f690b86003e1bb49a740243c.jpg"},{"id":109296409,"identity":"569c6a29-3160-4c3b-b9fd-419aab97f0ce","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2026-05-15 08:46:52","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":516704,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7433373/v1/ed3e78c6-f0b3-4b83-a628-fd4173cc076c.pdf"}],"financialInterests":"No competing interests reported.","formattedTitle":"Social Isolation and the Marginalization of Destitute Women in Vrindavan","fulltext":[{"header":"Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003eVrindavan, a small city in the Mathura district of Uttar Pradesh, India, holds profound spiritual significance in Hinduism as the legendary birthplace and playground of Lord Krishna, a central deity in the Hindu pantheon revered as the eighth incarnation of Vishnu. Vrindavan is situated about 150 kilometers south of New Delhi and is situated on the banks of the Yamuna River, and is studded with thousands of temples devoted to Krishna and his lover Radha. This holy city attracts millions of pilgrims every year, who come to visit due to its historical and religious significance as a place of bhakti (devotional worship) in the Vaishnava tradition, which emphasizes personal devotion to Krishna (Mishra \u0026amp; Sharma, 2019). Vrindavan has been a spiritual refuge over the centuries. Nevertheless, it is also a refuge of thousands of poor women, mostly widows, but also women abandoned or marginalized, who come to the city in search of comfort, survival, and a place to belong (Varshney \u0026amp; Penna, 2024). Their family and society shun a large number of these women because of the deeply rooted patriarchal values and traditions, and live in ashrams, shelters, or on the streets, sustaining themselves through religious charity and devotional acts. Even though this city is regarded as a sanctuary of devotion and reverence, the harsh realities of these women depict an unfortunate intersection of social isolation and systemic marginalization (Abril, 2022). This phenomenon of widowhood in India has highly significant implications and is deeply ingrained with cultural attitudes perpetuating gender inequality and poverty (Solmanraj, 2022).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSocial isolation and marginalization are deep and pervasive issues among vulnerable populations globally. Issues related to destitute women, particularly in Indian pilgrimage towns such as Vrindavan, have had multifaceted social, economic, and cultural problems that exacerbate their isolation and marginalization (Wacquant, 1996; Mehlitz, 2022).\u0026nbsp;Vrindavan, the \u0026quot;City of Widows,\u0026quot; has traditionally always been a refuge for the woman who, through loss of husband, abandonment, economic condition, or social pressures, is rejected and survives without the support of family members. These women are multi-marginalized owing to cultural expectations, financial vulnerability, and social exclusion, and they are the most marginalized and one of the most invisible groups in Indian society\u0026nbsp;(O\u0026apos;Rourke, 2004;\u0026nbsp;Khanna et al.,\u0026nbsp;2022).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe issue of social isolation among these women is multifaceted. Not only are they marginalized by social norms that reject their presence, but they also face economic exclusion due to limited access to work, legal rights, and social security. This isolation has significant mental, emotional, and physical impacts, leading to a deterioration in their overall well-being (Yadav \u0026amp; Rani, 2025;\u0026nbsp;Hasan, 2013). While several non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and some government schemes aim to provide support, their efforts are often insufficient to address the systemic issues that drive these women to Vrindavan in the first place (Bala, 2006).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIt has been researched that, as a whole, there is general marginalization of widows on the Indian subcontinent. For this reason, social and cultural expectations ensure that she becomes an outcast in case she loses her husband (Sharma, 2014; Pandey \u0026amp; Gupta, 2019). In Vrindavan, these forces are much more vivid because societal belief structures frame widowhood as shameful, leaving the individual without their social status and familial support. This cultural stigma is further compounded by economic challenges. Most widows face severe financial instability, and they often are relegated to dependence on alms or charity for survival (Auyero, 1999; Kubendran, 2020).\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Background","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe issue of marginalized widows and destitute women in India is an old cultural and religious practice. Loss of a husband brings along stigma with it; thus, a woman who has lost her husband is never considered a good omen (Paul \u0026amp; Das, 2023).\u0026nbsp;Cultural biases coupled with socio-economic reasons leave most of the widows unattended to, without support, income, or even social standing from the family (Trivedi et al., 2009; Taneja, 2022). The towns of Vrindavan and Varanasi provide no other alternatives but migration, where these migrants reside in charity organizations and temples, which feed them the barest forms of existence. In the towns, one is faced with social marginalization, economic poverty, and inability to access some basic amenities, leading to dependency and negligence (Aarthimeena \u0026amp; Subbulakshmi, 2024; Srivastava \u0026amp; Gautam, 2024).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAbout 20,000 to 30,000 destitute women live in ashrams and community shelters in Vrindavan. They live in conditions of abject poverty, poor health care, and lack of social support (Priyadarshini \u0026amp; Pande, 2021; Mastey, 2009). The town is of considerable religious importance, and NGOs and social organizations are abundant, but these women are outside mainstream society. Their marginalization is further worsened by the lack of family networks, legal protections, and effective social policies, resulting in extreme social isolation and a very low quality of life (Di Cesare, 2015).\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe Plight of Destitute Women in Vrindavan\\\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe plight of women in Vrindavan, however, is no less dire. The vast majority of women in this area live in extreme impoverishment, begging for alms, when they beg at all, relying on the very scant support they can get from other people (Bhushan, 2024; Pande, 2020). Moreover, they are greatly disadvantaged in terms of accessibility to food, shelter, and health care, among other basic needs. In addition to this, they have very few employment and economic advancement opportunities because of a lack of qualifications and skills, which makes them more vulnerable to poverty (Manuel, 2014).\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn addition to this, the cultural and religious spheres contribute a lot to the oppression and domination of these women. Indian society still disapproves of and seeks to marginalize younger widows who remarry; younger widows are especially feared in fear that they will seduce and corrupt other men\u0026nbsp;(Sepulveda-Loyola et al., 2020; Ahmed-Ghosh, 2009). Such stigma is even more acute in Vrindavan, where the concepts of femininity and masculinity are still very much ingrained within the communities. Many of these women prefer to pack up their homes and families and run to the sacred city. Nonetheless, even in the confines of Vrindavan, there is hostility and rejection\u0026nbsp;(Yadav, 2023).\u0026nbsp;The fact that Vrindavan holds a strong position in the religious sphere can help offer comfort as well as reinforce discrimination. Even though the town is considered one of the highest places on the hierarchy of spiritual purity, it also holds stereotypical views about gender (Loine, 2023).\u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;The embodiment of these features of being both pure and devoted to a male is certain to stigmatize women who would otherwise be widows, as they would be considered defective or unfulfilled women\u0026nbsp;(King, 2004).\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSocial Isolation and Its Impact\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBeing cut off from all social relations is a common phenomenon of impoverished women in Vrindavan. They are often barred from inviting storms, family gatherings, and community occasions. Such seclusion may cause distress, feelings of suffocation, and hyperactivity\u0026nbsp;(Ranjan, 2001). In addition, it may impede their ability to reach out to support systems, which are vital in handling the stress of difficulties\u0026nbsp;(Shukla et al., 2020).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe relevance of social restriction as a factor on the ladies’ physical, psychological, and emotional aspects is very high. Past research has established that social isolation makes people more vulnerable to chronic illnesses, mental disorders, or even death. The oppressed women in Vrindavan may be poor, but they can also face discrimination and exclusion, which is a very toxic mixture (Brandt et al., 2022).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTheoretical Framework and Relevance\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe study examines women’s social isolation and marginalization, employing a variety of perspectives on the theories of social exclusion, gender theory, and intersectionality in order to illustrate the specific problems that poor women in Vrindavan encounter. Social exclusion theory helps explain the context of exclusion of these women in terms of the existing societal norms and structures, while gender theory seeks to explain the situation in terms of discrimination because of their gender and how this form of discrimination is rendered tangible by age, class, caste, poverty, and widowhood (Bharadwaj, 2017)(Singh, 2022).\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eInclusive and Exclusive criteria\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch4\u003eInclusion Criteria\u003c/h4\u003e\n\u003cul type=\"disc\"\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eAge: Women aged 40 years and above.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eResidency: Women currently residing in Vrindavan.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eMarital Status: Widows, separated, or abandoned women.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eSocioeconomic Status: Women categorized as destitute or living in poverty (as defined by local standards and governmental guidelines).\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eLanguage: Ability to communicate in Hindi or local dialects for interviews.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eVoluntary Participation: Women who willingly consent to participate in the study.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ul\u003e\n\u003ch4\u003eExclusion Criteria\u003c/h4\u003e\n\u003cul type=\"disc\"\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eAge: Women below 40 years of age.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eNon-Residency: Women who are temporarily visiting Vrindavan (pilgrims or travelers).\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eMarital Status: Married women or those who are not widowed, separated, or abandoned.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eEconomic Stability: Women with stable economic support or financial independence.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eHealth Status: Women with severe mental or physical impairments that hinder participation in interviews or surveys.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eNon-Consent: Women who do not provide consent or wish to withdraw from the study at any point.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ul\u003e"},{"header":"Methodology","content":"\u003col\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eResearch Design: \u0026nbsp;Qualitative Methods: In-Depth Interviews\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAn exploratory qualitative research design was adopted to gain insight into the participants’ experiences. The thematic analysis strategy (Braun \u0026amp; Clarke, 2006) was employed to classify the data and identify themes for the thorough analysis of the entire set of data. The study consisted of an in-depth and detailed description and comparative data analysis.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cul\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eSample Size: 50 women selected from the larger survey group, based on diversity in socio-economic backgrounds and levels of isolation.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eInterview Type: Semi-structured, open-ended interviews to allow for in-depth discussion.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eTopics Covered:\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003ePersonal stories of widowhood, abandonment, or family neglect.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003ePerceptions of isolation and societal treatment.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eEmotional and psychological struggles (e.g., depression, loneliness).\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eExperiences with government/NGO support programs.\u003cul\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eRecording and Transcription: All interviews are audio-recorded with consent and later transcribed for analysis.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003c/ul\u003e\n \u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ul\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003cstrong\u003eResearch Setting and Participants\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eVrindavan,\u0026nbsp;known for both its religious importance and as a location for many destitute women,\u0026nbsp;was the location for the study on social isolation and marginalization among destitute women in Vrindavan. Drawing in impoverished women impacted by cultural and religious beliefs about widowhood and misfortune, Vrindavan provides both a haven and a site of social exclusion. Selected from a larger survey group depending on different socioeconomic backgrounds and degrees of isolation, the 50 women who participated, all of whom had limited financial stability, minimal family support, and had lived in Vrindavan for more than a year, were over the age of 35. While purposive sampling additionally included community leaders, religious leaders, and social workers familiar with the participants' circumstances, offering insight into the cultural and institutional factors contributing to their marginalization, researchers sought to represent a wide range of experiences among these women using consecutive sampling.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eApproaching destitute\u0026nbsp;women at local ashrams, community centers, and old-age homes was part of the recruitment process. Two days before the interviews, each participant received an overview of the goal of the study, with informed consent obtained, and information sheets were sent in their preferred language two days later. Semi-structured, open-ended interviews allowed participants to deeply explore their lives, covering issues including personal tales of widowhood, abandonment, or family neglect; views of isolation and society treatment; emotional and psychological struggles (e.g., depression and loneliness); and their experiences with government or NGO support programs. Interviews were audio-recorded with each participant's permission and subsequently transcribed for in-depth review.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eParticularly, their social isolation, reliance on religious institutions, and the effect of cultural stigmatization on their self-worth and daily life, this study sought to shed light on the intricate experiences of destitute women in Vrindavan. The study also revealed areas of social and financial support deficiency, emphasizing where culturally sensitive treatments might meet the needs of these underprivileged women and raise their quality of living in Vrindavan.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eData Collection Tools\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe research team collaborated in designing semi-structured interview guides by drawing from relevant literature and subject expertise to ensure depth and relevance to the participants' experiences.\u0026nbsp;Two independent researchers who had dealt with destitute\u0026nbsp;women validated the interview guides, lending credibility to the instruments.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFocusing on the social and personal elements causing the destitute women of Vrindavan isolation and marginalization, the interview guides were made to capture their subjective experiences. To get socio-demographic data, including economic level, number of years lived in Vrindavan, and family support received, a participant background information questionnaire was developed.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe interview guides consisted of 10 open-ended questions so that the respondents could speak more candidly about their personal experiences, perceptions of treatment by society, emotional turmoil, and the experiences they have had with systems of support available to them. This helped researchers understand the numerous factors influencing the lives of destitute women in Vrindavan and identify areas of life where interventions might most helpfully be targeted.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eInterview process\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBefore starting the interviews, all the participating individuals were requested to provide their consent. Interviews were conducted in a single session with a time duration of 60–70 minutes. 10 from each group were taken for the interview, and research was conducted in Hindi. After determining the inclusion criteria for the participants, destitute women were selected for interview sessions, which were held in a different interview room with no environmental disturbance. All interviews were recorded by using an audiotape and a memo book to note important points during the session. Participants were informed in advance about the recording process.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eData Management\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAll interviews conducted in the Hindi language were transcribed and translated by the first author. The author is proficient in Hindi and English. \u0026nbsp; The transcription of the audio-recorded interviews with the destitute women so transcribed was done using the Transcription feature in NVivo for Word documents. The focus of the first author was on preserving the word-for-word accuracy of the transcription as well as recording the emotion on the audio recording - an exclamation mark, a notation of laughter, and so forth. Further specifications involved capturing the context of interruptions, speech pauses, outward tones, and overlapping conversations during the process of creating the transcription.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eData Analysis\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe thematic analysis method was used in this stage to analyze elements, organize and describe codes, and draw the patterns of the data collection. (Braun \u0026amp; Clarke, 2006). Analysis of the transcripts began as a collaborative process. The authors have read and reread the transcripts to understand the data better and have made some notes on the key aspects of the process, both during and after this. After the first few interviews, coding of the data developed a codebook (Braun \u0026amp; Clarke, 2016). The anonymity of the participants of all quartet transcripts was verified by hand after the statements were transcribed and before loading the texts in NVivo. This program was employed to facilitate data coding and the organization of themes. Preliminary codes were developed for the topic guide, which was developed by the theoretical framework of the socio-ecological model (Bronfenbrenner, 1977). In this manuscript, we are looking at the societal and environmental factors that affect the daily lives of destitute women in Vrindavan. The data was further analyzed for mapping of themes and comparative analysis within the document groups using an inductive approach (Fig. 1) (Morse, 2008). The analysis was not purely based on an inductive framework, as themes did not directly represent the words (Banister, 2011) or “emerge” but were actively constructed by the researchers and informed by literature and researchers’ experience and knowledge (Braun \u0026amp; Clarke, 2006; Williams, 2018).\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch4\u003eEthical Considerations\u003c/h4\u003e\n\u003cul\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eInformed Consent: All participants were informed of the study\u0026apos;s purpose, procedures, and their right to withdraw at any point. Written consent was obtained.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eConfidentiality: Names and personal identifiers are kept confidential to protect participant privacy.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eCultural Sensitivity: Given the vulnerability of the population, particular care is taken to respect cultural norms and individual emotional states during data collection.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eCompliance with guidelines: \u0026nbsp;All methods were carried out in accordance with relevant guidelines and regulations, with the approvals and instructions provided by local authorities and organizational heads.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ul\u003e"},{"header":"Results","content":"\u003cp\u003eAs shown in Table 1, the women varied in age, length of residence in Vrindavan, language, and educational background. Most were elderly, with low literacy levels, and had resided in Vrindavan for extended periods. These characteristics provide a crucial background for understanding how spiritual practices, social exclusion, and coping mechanisms manifest in their daily lives. These demographic details offer important context for interpreting the thematic findings below.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eTable 1.\u003c/strong\u003e Demographic Characteristics of the Participants\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ctable border=\"1\" cellspacing=\"0\" cellpadding=\"0\" align=\"\"\u003e\n \u003ctbody\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eDemographic Characteristic\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eNumber of Participants\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003ePercentage (%)\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAge Range (in years)\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e31-50\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e11\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e22%\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e51-70\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e23\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e46%\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e71 and above\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e16\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e32%\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eEducational Level\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eNo Formal Education\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e20\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e40%\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003ePrimary\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e15\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e30%\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eSecondary\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e10\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e20%\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eHigher Education\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e5\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e10%\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eMarital Status\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eWidowed\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e43\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e85%\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eSeparated or\u0026nbsp;abandoned\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e7\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e15%\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eLanguages Spoken\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eHindi\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e40\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e80%\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eBengali\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e7\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e14%\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eOdia\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e3\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e6%\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eDuration in Vrindavan\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e1-5 years\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e11\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e22%\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e6-10 years\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e23\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e46%\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e11- 15 years\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e16\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 189px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e32%\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003c/tbody\u003e\n\u003c/table\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAs shown in figure 2, the word cloud visually represents the most frequent and emotionally charged terms derived from the participants\u0026rsquo; narratives during interviews. Prominent words such as \u0026ldquo;isolation,\u0026rdquo; \u0026ldquo;stigma,\u0026rdquo; \u0026ldquo;lonely,\u0026rdquo; and \u0026ldquo;ignored\u0026rdquo; highlight the emotional and social exclusion experienced by destitute women in Vrindavan. Terms like \u0026ldquo;abandoned,\u0026rdquo; \u0026ldquo;property,\u0026rdquo; \u0026ldquo;shelter,\u0026rdquo; and \u0026ldquo;food\u0026rdquo; reflect the economic vulnerabilities and loss of familial support following widowhood or separation. Spiritual elements such as \u0026ldquo;prayers,\u0026rdquo; \u0026ldquo;Krishna,\u0026rdquo; \u0026ldquo;Radha,\u0026rdquo; and \u0026ldquo;bhakti\u0026rdquo; signify the women\u0026rsquo;s reliance on religious faith as both coping mechanism and social identity. The presence of words like \u0026ldquo;shame,\u0026rdquo; \u0026ldquo;functions,\u0026rdquo; and \u0026ldquo;makeup\u0026rdquo; illustrates the continued impact of cultural stigmas on their everyday lives, especially regarding visibility in public and ritual participation. Overall, the word cloud encapsulates the intertwined nature of emotional pain, social marginalization, economic hardship, and religious life as experienced by the participants.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe analysis identified six main themes, each with subthemes, showing how social, cultural, and emotional factors shape the women\u0026rsquo;s experiences of isolation and marginalization\u0026nbsp;(Braun \u0026amp; Clarke, 2016). Below are the themes with subthemes and codes, supported by quotes and explanations as shown in Table 2.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTheme 1- \u0026nbsp;Left Alone by Family and Society\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003col style=\"list-style-type: lower-roman;\"\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eFamily Rejection\u003cbr\u003eMany women felt abandoned by their families after becoming widows, losing their roles and support. One said, \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;My sons took my property, then left me here. Now, I\u0026rsquo;m nobody\u0026rsquo;s mother\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (P4). This shows how widowhood cuts off family ties, leaving women without emotional or financial support.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eWidow Stigma\u003cbr\u003eBeing a widow labeled them as unlucky: \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;At weddings, they hide me like a bad omen\u0026rdquo;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e(P7). Cultural beliefs push widows out of social events, making them feel unwanted.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTheme 2- Faith as Comfort and Cage\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003col style=\"list-style-type: lower-roman;\"\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eReligion as Strength\u003cbr\u003eFaith in Krishna helped women cope: \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Radhe knows my pain. Her tears are mine\u0026rdquo;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e(P12). Believing their suffering had a spiritual purpose gave them comfort.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eAshram Rules\u003cbr\u003eAshrams provided shelter but had strict rules: \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;White saris, no sweets, no laughter; we mourn while alive\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (P9). These rules limited their freedom, making them feel trapped.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTheme 3- Unseen in Public\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003col style=\"list-style-type: lower-roman;\"\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eIgnored in Public\u003cbr\u003eWomen felt invisible despite being in busy places: \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;We beg near the temple, but pilgrims look through us\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (P3). They are physically present but ignored by society.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eFeeling Worthless\u003cbr\u003eSome believed they deserved this treatment: \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Maybe I deserve this. My karma is broken\u0026rdquo;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e(P5). This shows how societal rejection makes them blame themselves.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTheme 4- \u0026nbsp;Charity as Help and Humiliation\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003col style=\"list-style-type: lower-roman;\"\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eBegging for Survival\u003cbr\u003eCharity was often degrading: \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;They give roti to earn merit, not to feed me\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (P8). People gave food to gain spiritual rewards, not to care for the widows.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eNGO Support Issues\u003cbr\u003eAid organizations helped but didn\u0026rsquo;t listen: \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;They photograph us with blankets but never ask what we need\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (P11). This made women feel like objects, not people.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTheme 5- \u0026nbsp;Broken Identities\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003col style=\"list-style-type: lower-roman;\"\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eLoss of Self\u003cbr\u003eWidowhood erased their past roles\u003cem\u003e: \u0026ldquo;I was a wife, a gardener. Now I\u0026rsquo;m just \u0026lsquo;that beggar\u0026rsquo;\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (P2). They felt they had lost who they were before.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eSmall Acts of Defiance\u003cbr\u003eSome resisted quietly: \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Sometimes I wear a hidden red thread- my rebellion\u0026rdquo;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e(P6). These small acts helped them feel in control despite their situation.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTheme 6- Stuck in Time\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003col style=\"list-style-type: lower-roman;\"\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eEndless Days\u003cbr\u003eLife felt repetitive and hopeless: \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Days repeat like prayers- no change, no end\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (P10). Survival took all their energy, leaving no room for dreams.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eHope in the Afterlife\u003cbr\u003eMany hoped for a better future after death: \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Maybe in the next life, Radha will bless me\u0026rdquo;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e(P1). This hope shows they feel change is impossible in this life.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eTable 2\u003c/strong\u003e. Themes and Analysis\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ctable border=\"1\" cellspacing=\"0\" cellpadding=\"0\"\u003e\n \u003ctbody\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eTheme\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eSubtheme\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;Code\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eParticipant Quote\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAnalysis\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eLeft Alone by Family and Society\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFamily Rejection\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;Felt abandoned by family\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003eMy sons took my property, then left me here. Now, I\u0026rsquo;m nobody\u0026rsquo;s mother.\u0026rdquo; (P4)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFamily abandonment cuts off emotional and financial support, like a \u003cem\u003esocial death\u003c/em\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eWidow Stigma\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;Seen as a bad omen\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003eAt weddings, they hide me like a bad omen.\u0026rdquo; (P7)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eCultural beliefs exclude widows from social life, deepening isolation.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFaith as Comfort or Cage\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eReligion as Strength\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;God is with me.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Radhe knows my pain. Her tears are mine.\u0026rdquo; (P12)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFaith turns pain into spiritual purpose, offering comfort.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eAshram Rules\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;Ashram controls life.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;White saris, no sweets, no laughter\u0026mdash;we mourn while alive.\u0026rdquo; (P9)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eAshram rules limit freedom, trapping women in a controlled life.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eUnseen in Public\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eIgnored in Public\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;Ignored in public\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;We beg near the temple, but pilgrims look through us.\u0026rdquo; (P3)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eWidows are physically present but socially ignored, like \u003cem\u003eghosts\u003c/em\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFeeling Worthless\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;I deserve this.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Maybe I deserve this. My karma is broken.\u0026rdquo; (P5)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eRejection makes women blame themselves for accepting their suffering.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eCharity as Help and Humiliation\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eBegging for Survival\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;Charity for merit\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;They give roti to earn merit, not to feed me.\u0026rdquo; (P8)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eCharity focuses on donors\u0026rsquo; spiritual gain, not widows\u0026rsquo; dignity.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eNGO Support Issues\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;Aid without voice\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;They photograph us with blankets but never ask what we need.\u0026rdquo; (P11)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eAid treats widows as objects, ignoring their real needs.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eBroken Identities\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eLoss of Self\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;Lost past roles\u0026rdquo;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;I was a wife, a gardener. Now I\u0026rsquo;m just \u0026lsquo;that beggar.\u0026rsquo;\u0026rdquo; (P2)\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eWidowhood erases past identities, leaving only a marginalized role.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eSmall Acts of Defiance\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;Acts of defiance\u0026rdquo;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Sometimes I wear a hidden red thread\u0026mdash;my rebellion.\u0026rdquo; (P6)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eSmall acts help women reclaim a sense of self.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eStuck in Time\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eEndless Days\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;Life without change\u0026rdquo;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Days repeat like no change, no end.\u0026rdquo; (P10)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eLife feels stuck, focused only on survival with no future.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eHope in the Afterlife\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;Hope in next life\u0026rdquo;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Maybe in the next life, Radha will bless me.\u0026rdquo; (P1)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 114px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eHope is placed in the afterlife due to lack of change now.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003c/tbody\u003e\n\u003c/table\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Discussion ","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe findings from this study illuminate the intricate interplay of cultural, social, and economic forces that perpetuate the marginalization and social isolation of destitute widows in Vrindavan. The six identified themes\u0026mdash;Left Alone by Family and Society, Faith as Comfort and Cage, Unseen in Public, Charity as Help and Humiliation, Broken Identities, and Stuck in Time reveal a multidimensional crisis that transcends mere economic deprivation, encompassing profound emotional and social exclusion.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eCultural Stigma and Social Exile\u003c/strong\u003e: Left Alone by Family and Society\u0026apos;s theme emphasizes how cultural ideas calling widows inauspicious cause their social exile. The moving quotation is \u0026quot;My sons left me here after taking my stuff. Now, I\u0026apos;m no one\u0026rsquo;s mother (P4), which reflects a type of symbolic violence (Bourdieu, 1977), whereby society standards deprive widows of their familial roles and financial means. This is consistent with Judith Butler\u0026apos;s (2004) idea of precarity, in which some groups are made socially disposable and their exclusion is accepted by cultural activities that consider widows as omens of misfortune. P7\u0026apos;s experience of being hidden at weddings highlights how such stigmatizing not only separates family ties but also keeps widows out of social events, so reinforcing their marginal position.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eReligion as a Double-Edged Sword: The theme \u0026ldquo;Faith as Comfort and Cage\u0026rdquo; emphasizes the contradictory part religion plays in Vrindavan. As P12\u0026apos;s comment, \u0026quot;Radhe knows my pain,\u0026rdquo; shows, faith in Krishna provides psychological comfort. Her tears belong to me; they hardly help to solve systematic isolation. Pargament\u0026apos;s (2000) framework of religious coping explains how spiritual beliefs offer emotional resilience. Yet, the rigorous ashram rules described by P9, \u0026quot;White saris, no sweets, no laughter,\u0026quot; reveal how religious institutions can contribute to marginalization. Rooted in cultural grieving rituals, these guidelines reflect Agamben\u0026apos;s (1998) idea of \u0026quot;bare life,\u0026quot; whereby widows caught in a cycle of controlled survival are kept alive but denied agency.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eInvisibility and Dehumanization\u003c/strong\u003e: The \u003cem\u003eUnseen in Public\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003cem\u003etheme shows how widows are physically present but socially invisible. This social erasure fits Honneth\u0026apos;s (1995) theory of recognition, according to which the denial of recognition compromises personhood. P5\u0026apos;s belief in \u0026quot;broken karma,\u0026quot; which reflects the internalizing of worthlessness, highlights how society\u0026apos;s rejection fuels self-blame and so intensifies emotional isolation.\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eCharity\u0026rsquo;s Ambivalence\u003c/strong\u003e: The \u003cem\u003eCharity as Help and Humiliation\u003c/em\u003e theme highlights the degrading aspect of aid. P8\u0026apos;s remark that donors give \u0026quot;to earn merit, not to feed me\u0026quot; emphasizes how much charity values the giver\u0026apos;s spiritual development above the recipient\u0026apos;s dignity. Likewise, P11\u0026apos;s criticism of NGOs, \u0026quot;They photograph us with blankets but never ask what we need,\u0026quot; highlights a dearth of participatory aid models whereby widows are seen as passive objects rather than agents with voices. This dynamic shows a power disparity whereby aid maintains physical survival but fuels social marginalization.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eIdentity and Resistance\u003c/strong\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e:\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003eThe \u003cem\u003eBroken Identities\u003c/em\u003e theme catches the great loss of self as P2 laments being reduced to \u0026quot;that beggar.\u0026quot; Still, little acts of rebellion like P6\u0026apos;s secret red thread point to micro-resistances that fit Scott\u0026apos;s (1985) idea of \u0026quot;guns of the weak.\u0026quot; Though small, these behaviors point to a constant need to recover agency inside repressive systems. But the stuck-in-time theme exposes the extreme stasis of their lives; P10\u0026apos;s account of days repeating \u0026quot;like prayers, no change, no end\u0026quot; emphasizes a lack of future-oriented hope in this life. P1\u0026apos;s reliance on afterlife redemption, as he hopes for Radha\u0026apos;s blessing, shows a surrender to present suffering, thus deepening their marginalization.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eImplications for Intervention\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFindings suggest that there is permanent damage in the society with stereotypes, and although it is challenging to break cultural standards, both material and psychological needs should be addressed in the course of interventions. Economic empowerment may be achieved through skill-building or microfinance to restore agency, but providing stigma attention may not be adequate. Among the necessary things are community-based programs that encourage social inclusion, such as community awareness programs to destigmatize widowhood or widow-headed cooperatives. Personalized to their religious context, mental health care might assist in reducing the emotional burden of being alone. These interventions have to be participatory so that the solutions reflect the voices of widows since their marginalization from decision-making procedures (such as NGO aid) aggravates.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eTheoretical Contributions\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis study extends Bourdieu\u0026rsquo;s symbolic violence and Butler\u0026rsquo;s precarity by illustrating how cultural and religious norms in Vrindavan create a unique form of gendered exclusion. It also enriches Agamben\u0026rsquo;s bare life framework by showing how institutional support (ashrams, NGOs) can inadvertently perpetuate marginalization. The findings call for a nuanced understanding of how religious spaces, while offering refuge, can reinforce social hierarchies.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Conclusion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe research on destitute widows in Vrindavan reveals a profound interplay of cultural stigma, economic deprivation, and institutional constraints that perpetuate their social isolation and marginalization. The identified themes highlight how widowhood strips women of their identities, relegating them to a liminal existence where religious faith and charity, while providing temporary solace and survival, often reinforce their exclusion from mainstream society. Small acts of resistance demonstrate their resilience, yet their hope for change is frequently deferred to the afterlife, underscoring the depth of their disenfranchisement. To address these challenges, culturally sensitive interventions, such as economic empowerment through skill training, social inclusion via community programs, mental health support rooted in spiritual contexts, participatory aid models, and policy advocacy for property rights, are essential to restore dignity and agency. Future research should explore comparative regional studies and the role of younger generations in shifting cultural attitudes, paving the way for a society where widows are recognized as valued members with purpose and belonging.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAcknowledgements\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWe express gratitude to the participants for sharing their stories and to the research team for their dedication to data collection and analysis.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eClinical trial number\u003c/strong\u003e: Not applicable\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eFunding\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eNo funding was received for this study.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eData Availability\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe datasets generated and analyzed during the current study are not publicly available due to restrictions from local authorities and concerns regarding participant privacy and confidentiality. The data will be available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eConflict of Interest: The authors declare no conflicts of interest.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eEthical approval: This study was reviewed, and the requirement for formal ethical approval was waived by the Institutional Ethics Committee (IEC), School of Medical Sciences \u0026amp; Research (Sharda University, Greater Noida, India), and the District Provisional Officer (Mathura, Uttar Pradesh, India).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eConsent to participate: Written informed consent was obtained from the head of the old age home and all participants prior to their inclusion in the study.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eConsent to publish: Participants provided consent for the anonymized data and findings of this study to be published in academic outlets.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eAarthimeena S, \u0026amp; Subbulakshmi, M. (2024). 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(2023). \u0026lsquo;Half dead survivor\u0026rsquo; (A debate on \u0026lsquo;Chand\u0026rsquo; special issue: 1923). \u003cem\u003eCogent Arts \u0026amp; Humanities\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e10\u003c/em\u003e(1). https://doi.org/10.1080/23311983.2023.2195219\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":true,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"Social Isolation, Marginalization, Destitute, Vrindavan, Women, Widows","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7433373/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-7433373/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eThis qualitative study investigates the social isolation and marginalization of destitute women, predominantly widows, in Vrindavan, India. Focusing on socio-cultural, economic, and psychological dimensions. Through in-depth interviews with 50 women, we employed Thematic Analysis to uncover six primary themes: Left Alone by Family and Society, Faith as Comfort or Cage, Unseen in Public, Charity as Help and Humiliation, Broken Identities, and Stuck in Time. The findings reveal how cultural stigmas that label destitute women as inauspicious drive their exclusion from familial and social networks, while religious institutions, though providing shelter, often reinforce restrictive gender norms. Economic precarity and limited access to effective support systems exacerbate their marginalization, with charitable and non-governmental interventions frequently undermining their autonomy and dignity. Nevertheless, subtle acts of resistance demonstrate the women\u0026rsquo;s resilience. The study advocates for culturally sensitive interventions, including economic empowerment, community-based inclusion programs, and context-appropriate mental health support, to restore agency and dignity. By extending theoretical constructs such as symbolic violence and precarity, this research enhances understanding of gendered exclusion in religious contexts and urges the adoption of participatory policy frameworks to address systemic inequities.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"Social Isolation and the Marginalization of Destitute Women in Vrindavan","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2025-10-09 11:44:53","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7433373/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"35ee07fb-8e9d-464a-b5ff-50edcec90f7c","owner":[],"postedDate":"October 9th, 2025","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"posted","subjectAreas":[],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2026-05-14T10:10:58+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2025-10-09 11:44:53","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-7433373","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-7433373","identity":"rs-7433373","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"8U1c8b4HqxoKbykW_rLl7","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}