Premature Responsibility Among College Students During COVID-19: Survival, Academic Disruption, and Family Burden

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MIROTE This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-9131070/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract This study explored how college students experienced premature responsibility during COVID-19, with particular attention to survival, academic disruption, and family burden. While existing research has widely documented online learning challenges, mental health strain, and educational inequality during the pandemic, less attention has been given to how these pressures converged to reshape students’ roles and responsibilities. Using a qualitative descriptive design and thematic analysis, this study analyzed textual responses from college student participants collected during the COVID-19 period. The findings indicate that students experienced the pandemic not only as an educational disruption but as a broader crisis that restructured their daily lives and social roles. Six themes emerged: survival as an early burden, academic disruption under material constraint, family burden and relational fear, emotional overload and disrupted rest, informational insecurity and the burden of rumor, and forced maturity and the reworking of studenthood. Together, these findings suggest that the pandemic accelerated the assumption of adult-like obligations and blurred the boundary between studenthood and adulthood. The study advances premature responsibility as a useful lens for understanding how crisis conditions reshape the lived realities of college students. Educational Psychology Psychology School Counseling premature responsibility college students COVID-19 academic disruption family burden thematic analysis higher education Introduction The COVID-19 outbreak, formally characterized by the World Health Organization as a pandemic on 11 March 2020, quickly evolved from a public health emergency into a multisectoral crisis with profound educational, social, and economic consequences. In education alone, the disruption was unprecedented: UNESCO reported that more than 1.6 billion learners were affected globally by pandemic-related school closures and interruptions, with the heaviest burdens falling on already vulnerable groups. Rather than functioning as a temporary interruption, the pandemic exposed and widened pre-existing inequalities in access to, support for, and the continuity of learning. Higher education students were especially affected because the pandemic did not simply suspend classroom routines; it reconfigured the conditions under which students lived. Global studies consistently show that college and university students experienced heightened academic frustration, social isolation, and psychological strain during this period. Browning et al. (2021), for instance, identified university students as a particularly vulnerable population whose mental health burden was amplified by abrupt educational change. Similar patterns were reported in the United Kingdom, where Chen and Lucock (2022) documented high levels of psychological distress among university students, and in Switzerland, where Elmer et al. (2020) found that lockdown conditions disrupted both students’ social networks and their mental health. Longitudinal and digital-trace studies also observed worsening stress, anxiety, and behavioral changes among students during the early phases of the pandemic (Huckins et al., 2020). At a broader level, review and meta-analytic work suggest that the effects of the pandemic on students’ academic performance and mental health were especially severe among those from low-income backgrounds, indicating that educational disruption was closely tied to broader material inequality rather than to learning mode alone (Li et al., 2021; Sarmiento et al., 2024). In the Philippines, these pressures were intensified by the abrupt transition to remote and flexible learning across higher education. Local studies documented recurring difficulties involving unstable internet access, limited devices, heavy academic demands, and reduced opportunities for interaction and support. Barrot et al. (2021) found that Filipino students encountered substantial online learning challenges during the pandemic, while other local studies noted that fear of COVID-19, financial difficulty, and academic stress were closely associated with poorer mental health and diminished quality of life among college students (Cleofas et al., 2023; Galanza et al., 2023). Philippine evidence also suggests that pandemic-related educational adjustments occurred within a broader context of emotional and technological burdens, particularly as digital stress, uncertainty, and disrupted routines shaped students’ daily lives. Qualitative work further suggests that Filipino students did not merely experience these disruptions passively; they were also trying to endure, cope with, and make sense of them under uncertain and unstable conditions (Cordero, 2022; Serrano & Reyes, 2023). Yet the significance of the pandemic for students cannot be reduced to mental health or remote instruction alone. A growing body of literature suggests that college students are forced to navigate multiple, overlapping pressures at once: academic adjustment, financial uncertainty, disrupted employment, family demands, and the emotional strain of prolonged uncertainty. Even so, much of the existing scholarship still treats these pressures as separate concerns. Academic disruption, mental health strain, and family hardship are often discussed in parallel, but not always as converging dimensions of a broader transformation in student life. This study addresses that gap by framing college students’ pandemic experiences through the lens of premature responsibility. This concept captures how students, while still situated within higher education, were pushed to assume burdens more commonly associated with adulthood: helping sustain the household, worrying about food and income, protecting vulnerable family members, managing fear, and making survival-oriented decisions while continuing their studies. In this sense, COVID-19 not only interrupted student life; it redefined studenthood itself. This study explored how college students experienced premature responsibility during COVID-19, particularly in relation to survival, academic disruption, and family burden. Foregrounding students’ narratives contributes to a more integrated understanding of how crisis conditions reconfigured the meaning of studenthood. COVID-19 and the Reconfiguration of Student Life The COVID-19 pandemic not only disrupted formal education; it also changed the everyday conditions under which students lived and studied. Across countries, college and university students had to navigate abrupt shifts in learning modes, prolonged uncertainty, reduced social contact, and concerns about health and economic security. Global evidence consistently shows that university students were among the groups most affected by the psychological and academic consequences of the pandemic (Browning et al., 2021). Large-scale cross-national work similarly found that higher education students experienced disruption in academic life, emotional well-being, financial security, and daily routines across multiple countries (Aristovnik et al., 2020). More recent reviews and meta-analytic work likewise suggest that the pandemic had meaningful effects on both academic performance and mental health, with particularly severe consequences for students from low-income backgrounds (Li et al., 2021; Sarmiento et al., 2024). These patterns matter because they suggest that students’ struggles were not confined to classroom adaptation. Instead, they were embedded in wider conditions of vulnerability and disruption. The pandemic did not simply alter how students learned; it also changed the social and emotional conditions under which learning became possible. Academic Disruption in Higher Education One of the most visible consequences of the pandemic was the disruption of academic continuity. In higher education, the transition to online and flexible learning was often described as necessary, but students’ actual experiences were far more uneven. Difficulties with devices, internet access, study space, concentration, and changing instructional expectations became recurring concerns across many settings. Studies from different national contexts also show that remote learning was frequently accompanied by emotional strain, reduced motivation, and lower perceived quality of learning, especially where students’ home environments were not conducive to study (Kapasia et al., 2020; Lischer et al., 2021; Fawaz & Samaha, 2021). Rather than experiencing online learning as a neutral technological adjustment, many students encountered it as a demanding and sometimes exhausting process shaped by their household realities and available resources. In the Philippine context, this issue became especially pronounced. Barrot et al. (2021) found that Filipino students’ online learning challenges during the pandemic were concentrated in areas such as the learning environment, quality of instruction and interaction, technological limitations, and mental health. Their findings are important because they show that academic disruption in the Philippines was never purely technical; it was also entangled with domestic conditions and the emotional consequences of studying in unstable settings. This body of work suggests that academic disruption during COVID-19 should not be treated as a narrow instructional problem. For many students, it was a social and material experience shaped by inequality, instability, and the need to continue studying despite conditions that made ordinary student participation difficult to sustain. Mental Health, Emotional Strain, and Coping Among Students Another well-established strand of the literature concerns the emotional and psychological burden students experienced during the pandemic. Research from different countries has documented heightened levels of anxiety, stress, uncertainty, and emotional exhaustion among higher education students. Studies from China, Bangladesh, the United States, and other settings reported substantial levels of depression, anxiety, and psychological burden among university students during the pandemic (Islam et al., 2020; Ma et al., 2021; Son et al., 2020; Fawaz & Samaha, 2021). Yet what is increasingly clear is that these mental health difficulties cannot be separated from the broader circumstances in which students were living. Distress was often tied not only to fear of illness, but also to uncertainty about the future, disruption of routine, financial instability, and pressure to remain academically functional. Among Filipino university students, this pattern is also evident. Galanza et al. (2023) found that fear of COVID-19 was associated with negative mental health outcomes, but family financial difficulties showed broader associations across both positive and negative dimensions of mental health. Serrano and Reyes (2023) further argued that while the psychological distress of Filipino university students had been well documented, the actual processes through which they coped with distress remained insufficiently explored. Their work helps shift attention from distress alone to the ways students tried to manage, endure, and make sense of crisis. Philippine qualitative work also shows that student mental health during COVID-19 cannot be reduced to isolated symptoms. Cordero (2022), for example, described narratives of anxiety, depression, and personal struggle among selected college students during the pandemic, illustrating how emotional suffering was entangled with lockdowns, educational change, and prolonged uncertainty. Family Burden, Financial Strain, and Layered Vulnerability Although academic stress and mental health are widely discussed in the literature, another dimension deserves more sustained attention: the burden of family and survival responsibilities students carry during the pandemic. In many households, the crisis meant lost income, reduced mobility, food insecurity, business decline, or heightened caregiving demands. For college students, these pressures often existed alongside, rather than apart from, academic expectations. Philippine evidence supports this layered view of student vulnerability. Galanza et al. (2023) showed that family financial difficulties were strongly tied to student mental health, suggesting that household conditions played a central role in shaping well-being during the pandemic. In a related way, Barrot et al. (2021) and Serrano and Reyes (2023) suggest that academic life during COVID-19 was deeply shaped by home environments and the broader pressures surrounding students’ daily lives. The combined evidence suggests that students’ difficulties during COVID-19 were rarely single-issue problems. Financial, resource-related, and psychological burdens often overlapped, as shown in studies linking material strain to poorer student adjustment and well-being during the pandemic (McCurdy et al., 2023). Academic disruption, emotional distress, and household burden often intersect. Students could be dealing with weak internet while also worrying about food, family income, vulnerable relatives, and whether they could remain in school. Such overlap is central to understanding why the pandemic may have pushed some college students into a form of responsibility that felt unusually heavy for their life stage. Toward the Concept of Premature Responsibility Despite the breadth of pandemic-related research, much of the existing literature continues to examine student experience through separate categories, such as online learning, mental health, coping, or access inequality. These studies are valuable, but they do not always fully capture how these pressures converged in everyday life. What appears less developed in the literature is a focused account of how the pandemic may have altered the role position of college students themselves. The present study addresses this gap through the concept of premature responsibility. This concept refers to the early or intensified assumption of responsibilities commonly associated with adulthood, while students were still expected to occupy the role of learners in higher education. In the dataset analyzed here, this is evident in students’ concerns about work, food, household survival, vulnerable family members, academic continuity, and the need to remain emotionally composed during crisis conditions. Taken together, the literature shows that college students experienced substantial academic, emotional, and household strain during COVID-19. However, these pressures have often been examined as separate concerns. Less attention has been paid to how they converged in students’ lived experiences and altered the meaning of responsibility during a crisis. It is this gap that the present study addresses through the concept of premature responsibility. Research Questions How did college students describe their experiences during COVID-19? In what ways did COVID-19 push college students into premature responsibility? How were survival-related concerns reflected in students’ narratives during the pandemic? How did academic disruption shape their experiences as college students? How did family burden influence their emotional and everyday lives during COVID-19? How did these overlapping pressures reshape students’ sense of responsibility and identity? Methodology Research Design This study employed a qualitative descriptive design and used thematic analysis to examine how college students experienced premature responsibility during COVID-19. A qualitative approach was appropriate because the study sought to understand how students described and interpreted their lived experiences in their own words. Thematic analysis was used because it provides a systematic yet flexible way to identify, analyze, and interpret patterns of meaning across qualitative data (Braun & Clarke, 2006; Braun & Clarke, 2024). Participants and Data Source The study drew on an existing qualitative dataset of responses from college students collected during the COVID-19 period. The available data included both individual responses and focus group discussion (FGD) responses, allowing the study to capture experiences expressed at both personal and group levels. These responses served as the unit of analysis because they contained direct descriptions of students’ fears, burdens, adjustments, and responsibilities during the pandemic. Sampling and Inclusion Criteria The study used purposive sampling of available responses that aligned with the inquiry's focus. Responses were included if they (a) came from college student participants, (b) referred directly to experiences during COVID-19, and (c) contained meaningful statements related to survival, academic disruption, family burden, or associated emotional strain. As a qualitative study, the aim was depth of understanding rather than statistical generalization. Data Analysis The data were analyzed using the six-phase logic of thematic analysis proposed by Braun and Clarke (2006): familiarization with the data, generation of initial codes, searching for themes, reviewing themes, defining and naming themes, and producing the report. The researcher read and reread the responses, generated inductive codes from meaningful segments of text, clustered related codes into broader categories, and refined these into themes. The final thematic structure was organized around the broader phenomenon of premature responsibility, with the dimensions emphasized in the study's title: survival, academic disruption, and family burden. Trustworthiness and Ethical Considerations To enhance rigor, the study attended to credibility, dependability, and transparency in the analytic process. Credibility was supported through repeated immersion in the dataset and careful attention to the wording and context of participants’ responses. Dependability was strengthened by maintaining a clear progression from raw data to codes, categories, and final themes. Transparency was achieved by ensuring that theme development remained grounded in the data and conceptually aligned with the study purpose. For reporting, the manuscript may be aligned with established qualitative guidance such as COREQ (Tong et al., 2007) and SRQR (O’Brien et al., 2014). Because the study used pre-existing qualitative responses, ethical attention centered on confidentiality, respectful representation, and responsible interpretation. Informed consent was obtained from participants during the original data collection process. Permission to conduct the study and use the dataset for the present analysis was sought from the institution where the study was carried out. Participant identities were anonymized in the analysis and should remain so in the manuscript; quotations should be presented in a way that avoids revealing personal identity. Results and Discussion The thematic analysis yielded six interrelated themes that capture how college students experienced premature responsibility during COVID-19. Although the participants spoke from different positions and circumstances, their narratives converged around a broader pattern: the pandemic did not simply interrupt academic life. It also compelled students to think and act in ways more commonly associated with adulthood. Table 1 Summary of themes reflecting premature responsibility among college students during COVID-19 Theme Brief Description Indicative Codes / Meaning Units Illustrative Quotation Interpretive Insight Survival as an Early Burden Students described how the pandemic shifted their attention from ordinary academic concerns to work, food, income, and household survival. finding work; loss of employment; breadwinning; financial need; food insecurity; helplessness “Yung kailangang maghanap ng pagkakakitaan para makabili ako ng gadgets ko… para lang talaga makagraduate ako.” (“I needed to find a source of income so I could buy gadgets… just so I could graduate.”) (R1) Studenthood became tied to economic survival, revealing how students were pushed into provider-like roles while still pursuing higher education. Academic Disruption Under Material Constraint Educational participation was disrupted by lack of gadgets, unstable internet, modular difficulty, and barriers to school access. gadget scarcity; poor connectivity; module difficulty; school requirements; fear of discontinuing studies “Wala namang ganun kaming malaking halaga ng pera para bumili ng gadget… tapos strong connection…” (“We did not have enough money to buy gadgets… and then there was the problem of having a strong internet connection…”) (R1) Academic disruption was not merely instructional; it reflected material inequality and the fragile conditions under which students tried to remain enrolled. Family Burden and Relational Fear Students’ fears were often directed toward the safety, health, and financial welfare of family members rather than toward themselves alone. fear for parents/children/relatives; family business decline; caregiving concern; household worry “Ang unang nag sink sa utak ko is talagang natakot ako hindi para sa akin, kundi po para po sa mga anak ko.” (“The first thing that really sank into my mind was that I was afraid, not for myself, but for my children.”) (FGD3) Pandemic fear was relational and family-centered, showing that students were already carrying emotional and practical responsibilities within the household. Emotional Overload and Disrupted Rest Anxiety, sadness, helplessness, and sleep disturbance reflected the embodied weight of overlapping pressures. insomnia; anxiety before sleep; sadness; stress; helplessness; emotional heaviness “Naka experience po ako ng insomnia at anxiety madalas bago ako matulog.” (“I experienced insomnia and anxiety, often before going to sleep.”) (FGD2) Emotional strain was tied not only to fear of infection, but also to the cumulative burden of survival, schooling, and family responsibility. Informational Insecurity and the Burden of Rumor Students struggled with fake news, gossip, and overwhelming social media information about COVID-19. fake news; rumor; social media confusion; stigma; conflicting information “Sobrang dami ng information about COVID sa social media halo-halo na po. Di mo po alam kung saan ka maniniwala.” (“There was so much information about COVID on social media, all mixed together. You did not know what to believe anymore.”) (FGD2) Information itself became a source of insecurity, requiring students to interpret risk and protect themselves and their families in a confusing environment. Forced Maturity and the Reworking of Studenthood Students described needing to stay calm, think ahead, and regulate themselves under crisis conditions. staying calm; step-by-step thinking; future planning; self-regulation; adaptation “Kailangan maging kalmado ka… para magawa mong step by step…” (“You need to stay calm… so you can do things step by step…”) (R1) The pandemic accelerated adult-like responsibility and reshaped student identity into a more burdened, survival-oriented role. Note. R = individual respondent; FGD = focus group discussion participant. Filipino quotations are followed by English translations for clarity and accessibility. Themes were developed through thematic analysis of student narratives and are presented as interrelated dimensions of premature responsibility. Survival as an Early Burden A strong pattern in the dataset is the shift in students’ concerns from ordinary academic matters to immediate questions of livelihood and basic needs. One respondent explained, “Yung kailangang maghanap ng pagkakakitaan para makabili ako ng gadgets ko… para lang talaga makagraduate ako” (“I needed to find a source of income so I could buy gadgets… just so I could graduate”) (R1). This statement shows that education remained important, but it could no longer be pursued apart from economic survival. To stay a student, the participant first had to become an earner. This burden becomes even more pronounced in the account of a working student who also identified as the breadwinner of the family: “COVID-19 had a great impact on my life as a working student… I am the breadwinner of my family… I was removed from work” (R3). Here, the pandemic disrupted the participant’s dual role as both a student and a family provider. Another student expressed the emotional side of this condition more directly: “Takot po akong lumabas at wala po akong maitulong sa pamilya ko. Helpless po, ganuon” (“I was afraid to go outside, and I felt that I could not help my family. I felt helpless”) (R2). Taken together, these accounts indicate that survival concerns were lived not simply as hardship, but as obligation. This finding resonates with broader evidence showing that students from financially vulnerable backgrounds bore heavier pandemic-related burdens (Sarmiento et al., 2024) and with Philippine studies linking financial strain to poorer student mental health (Galanza et al., 2023). It also aligns with work showing that financial and resource-related losses during the pandemic had direct implications for college students’ adjustment and well-being (McCurdy et al., 2023). Academic Disruption Under Material Constraint Academic disruption was one of the most visible themes in the responses, but the narratives suggest that students did not experience this disruption merely as a problem of changing learning modes. One respondent recalled, “Naalala ko mga experience ko during Lockdown… about the education… wala namang ganun kaming malaking halaga ng pera para bumili ng gadget na yan tapos… strong connection” (“What I remember during lockdown was really about education… we did not have enough money to buy those gadgets, and then there was the problem of having a strong internet connection”) (R1). This quotation makes clear that the challenge was not simply adjustment. It was the absence of the resources needed to make an adjustment possible. In another part of the same response, the participant added that even modules were difficult and that getting them involved involved transportation costs and documentary requirements. Another participant stated, “Ang nasa isip ko po na hindi ko na maipagpapatuloy ang pag-aaral ko” (“What was on my mind was that I might not be able to continue my studies anymore”) (FGD3). What emerges here is academic precarity rather than mere inconvenience. The findings support Philippine research showing that online learning challenges during the pandemic were shaped by technological limitations, home conditions, and emotional strain (Barrot et al., 2021). At a deeper level, the narratives reveal that students were trying to hold on to education because it remained tied to future survival and the hope of mobility. Family Burden and Relational Fear Another striking pattern in the responses is that students’ fears were often directed outward, toward family members and loved ones. One respondent shared, “Natatakot po ako, kasi naiisip ko po yng mga tita ko na malayo sa amin. Nag aalala ako for them” (“I was afraid because I kept thinking about my aunts who were far from us. I was worried for them”) (R2). This kind of concern appears repeatedly in the dataset and suggests that students were emotionally carrying others' vulnerability as part of their own pandemic experience. The family-centered nature of fear becomes even more pronounced in the statement, “Ang unang nag sink sa utak ko is talagang natakot ako hindi para sa akin, kundi po para po sa mga anak ko” (“The first thing that really sank into my mind was that I was afraid, not for myself, but for my children”) (FGD3). Family burden also emerged through the household's financial decline. One student explained, “Nakausap ko yung mama ko na sobrang lumubog po yung business naming karinderya… Bilang isang anak po masakit po sa akin na namomroblema sila ng sobra sobra” (“I talked to my mother, and our small eatery business had really sunk… As a child, it was painful for me to see them worrying so much”) (FGD2). Read together, these responses point to a form of burden that was relational, moral, and emotionally embodied. This extends existing local evidence showing that family financial difficulty had broad implications for students’ mental health during the pandemic (Galanza et al., 2023). Emotional Overload and Disrupted Rest The responses also show that emotional strain was intense and often physically felt. Several participants described insomnia, disturbed sleep, sadness, anxiety, and mental restlessness. One respondent said, “Hindi po ako makatulog ng maayos… parang nagkaroon ako ng sleep pattern disturbance” (“I could not sleep properly… it felt like I developed a sleep pattern disturbance”) (R2). Another shared, “Naka experience po ako ng insomnia at anxiety madalas bago ako matulog” (“I experienced insomnia and anxiety, often before going to sleep”) (FGD2). These accounts suggest that the pressure students experienced was not confined to daytime academic struggle. It remained with them at night, affecting their capacity to rest. The emotional heaviness of the period is also evident in the statement, “Yung sobrang bigat at sobrang hirap na… Parang ang sakit at ang bigat bigat ng nararamdaman ko hindi lang para sakin, para rin sa ibang tao” (“It felt so heavy and so difficult… It felt painful and so heavy, not only for myself, but for other people as well”) (R3). This pattern is consistent with broader research documenting elevated psychological distress among university students during COVID-19 (Browning et al., 2021), as well as local studies noting anxiety, depression, and emotional struggle among Filipino college students during the pandemic (Cordero, 2022; Serrano & Reyes, 2023). Similar patterns have been documented in interview-based and survey studies from other settings, where stress, anxiety, and disrupted routines were closely tied to uncertainty, isolation, and changing academic demands (Fruehwirth et al., 2021; Son et al., 2020). Still, the present data suggest that distress was not solely due to fear of infection or isolation. It was also tied to the cumulative weight of obligations. Informational Insecurity and the Burden of Rumor A distinct but meaningful theme in the dataset concerns fake news, rumors, stigma, and the confusion generated by excessive information. One participant observed, “Ang na encounter ko… ay yung hindi naman talaga maiiwasan yung mga fake news… Mga tsismis po” (“What I encountered… was something that could not really be avoided—fake news… gossip”) (R3). Another said, “Sobrang dami ng information about COVID sa social media halo-halo na po. Di mo po alam kung saan ka maniniwala” (“There was so much information about COVID on social media, all mixed. You did not know what to believe anymore”) (FGD2). These statements indicate that students were not only dealing with health risks and academic disruption, but also with other issues. They were also trying to navigate an unstable information environment. One participant recounted, “Parang naawa po ako dun sa barkada ko, kasi po may nag post sa kanya sa public sa FB na may COVID siya” (“I felt sorry for my friend because someone posted publicly on Facebook that he had COVID”) (FGD2), showing how misinformation and public exposure could also produce stigma. What stands out in these narratives is that informational insecurity itself became part of the burden students carried. This is consistent with evidence suggesting that digital overload during the pandemic could intensify stress, uncertainty, and emotional strain in educational settings. They had to interpret risk, sort credible information from rumor, and respond to uncertainty in an emotionally charged environment. Forced Maturity and the Reworking of Studenthood Perhaps the most significant theme across the narratives is the sense that students were pushed into a kind of forced maturity. Some participants described the need to remain calm, think strategically, and proceed carefully despite unstable circumstances. One respondent reflected, “Kailangan maging kalmado ka… para magawa mong step by step, kung ano yung kailangan mong apply at kailangan mo pang gawin para maging successful ka” (“You need to stay calm… so you can do things step by step, whatever you need to apply and whatever you still need to do in order to succeed”) (R1). Another related statement reinforces this future-oriented stance: “I really want to prepare for my future… kung pagpapatuloy o kung papaano ako makikisabay sa panahon” (“I really want to prepare for my future… whether in continuing on or in figuring out how I can keep up with the times”) (R1). These narratives suggest that the pandemic did not burden students alone. It also demanded that they act older, steadier, and more strategic than their life stage would ordinarily require. This is where the concept of premature responsibility becomes most visible. Participants were still students, but many were already speaking as planners, contributors, protectors, and emotional stabilizers. The boundary between studenthood and adulthood had become blurred. Integrative Discussion Taken together, the findings suggest that college students during COVID-19 were not merely experiencing academic difficulty or emotional distress as separate problems. Instead, the narratives reveal an overlapping structure of burden in which survival pressure, educational precarity, family obligation, emotional strain, and informational uncertainty converged. These pressures altered not only what students had to manage, but also how they understood their role in everyday life. The concept of premature responsibility helps explain this convergence. It captures the way students were pushed to assume adult-like obligations while still trying to remain learners in higher education. In this respect, the findings extend pandemic-related research that has documented academic disruption, mental health strain, and economic stress by showing how these pressures also reconfigured students’ social roles and developmental positioning (Arnett, 2000; Elder, 1998; Fruehwirth et al., 2021). In the responses examined here, studenthood became tied to economic survival, household concern, emotional control, and future planning. The pandemic, therefore, did more than disrupt schooling. It redefined the meaning of being a college student as more burdensome, relational, and survival-oriented. Conclusion This study examined how college students experienced premature responsibility during COVID-19, with particular attention to survival, academic disruption, and family burden. The findings suggest that these students did not experience the pandemic as a purely educational interruption. Rather, it was lived as a layered crisis that unsettled multiple aspects of everyday life at once. Students were trying to continue their studies, but they were also worrying about food, work, family safety, emotional strain, and the uncertainty of what lay ahead. In this sense, the pandemic not only disrupted student life. It redefined it. Across the narratives, the participants were not positioned solely as learners struggling to adjust to online or modular education. They also appeared as earners, helpers, caregivers, protectors, and emotional managers within households under stress. Their accounts show that the burden of studenthood during COVID-19 extended well beyond academic requirements. It involved the early and intensified assumption of responsibilities more commonly associated with adulthood. This is what makes premature responsibility a useful analytic concept in understanding their experiences. The findings also show that these responsibilities did not emerge in isolated form. Survival pressures, academic precarity, family-centered fear, emotional overload, and informational uncertainty were deeply interconnected. Students were not simply dealing with one problem at a time. They were navigating overlapping burdens that shaped how they thought, felt, and acted in their daily lives. As a result, studenthood during the pandemic became more fragile, more relational, and more survival-oriented than it might otherwise have been. Implications for Theory The study contributes conceptually by advancing premature responsibility as a meaningful lens for understanding college students’ pandemic experiences. Existing scholarship has often examined academic disruption, mental health strain, and family hardship as separate concerns. The present findings suggest that these pressures are better understood as overlapping dimensions of a broader crisis of role and responsibility. The findings also support the usefulness of Emerging Adulthood Theory and the Life Course Perspective in interpreting student experiences during COVID-19. The participants’ narratives suggest that the transition into adult-like roles was not gradual or developmentally paced, but accelerated by crisis. Implications for Practice and Policy The findings carry important implications for higher education institutions. First, they suggest that student difficulty during a crisis should not be understood narrowly as a matter of learning loss, poor internet connection, or emotional stress in isolation. Academic participation is closely tied to students’ household and daily life conditions. Institutions, therefore, need support systems that recognize students not only as learners, but also as individuals embedded in financial, familial, and emotional realities. Second, student support during a crisis should be more holistic. Guidance and counseling services, academic advising, financial assistance, and flexible learning policies may be more effective when they are designed with students’ layered burdens in mind. Students who appear academically disengaged may, in fact, be responding to family strain, survival pressure, or emotional exhaustion rather than to a lack of motivation alone. At the policy level, the study suggests that crisis-responsive higher education should extend beyond instructional continuity. Policies that focus solely on technological access or curriculum delivery may miss the broader realities that affect students’ ability to remain engaged. A more responsive approach would recognize that in times of crisis, student retention and participation are shaped by much more than academic commitment alone. Implications for Future Research Further research may examine premature responsibility in other student populations, including senior high school students, working students, student-parents, or first-generation college students. Future work may also explore whether similar patterns emerge in post-pandemic contexts or under other forms of crisis and disruption. Quantitative or mixed-methods studies could test the usefulness of the concept across broader educational settings. Viewed in this way, the pandemic did not simply interrupt higher education; it accelerated responsibility and altered the lived meaning of studenthood for many college students. Declarations This study was conducted in accordance with established ethical standards for research involving human participants. Ethical approval for this study was granted by the appropriate institutional authority of President Ramon Magsaysay State University. Prior to participation, all respondents were informed about the purpose of the study and their voluntary involvement. Informed consent was obtained from all participants, and they were assured that their responses would remain confidential and used solely for academic research purposes. No identifying information was collected, and participants were free to withdraw from the study at any time without penalty. Ethics approval and consent to participate Informed consent was obtained from participants during the original data collection process. Permission to conduct the study and use the dataset for the present analysis was sought from the institution where the study was carried out. Participant identities were anonymized in the analysis and are not disclosed in this manuscript. Use of AI-assisted language support During the preparation of this manuscript, the authors used an AI-assisted language tool to support language refinement, organization, and clarity. All outputs were reviewed, revised, and verified by the authors, who take full responsibility for the content of the manuscript. Conflict of interest The authors declare no conflict of interest. References Arnett, J. J. (2000). Emerging adulthood: A theory of development from the late teens through the twenties. American Psychologist, 55(5), 469–480. https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066X.55.5.469 Arnett, J. J. (2004). Emerging adulthood: The winding road from the late teens through the twenties. Oxford University Press. Aristovnik, A., Keržič, D., Ravšelj, D., Tomaževič, N., & Umek, L. (2020). Impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on life of higher education students: A global perspective. Sustainability, 12(20), Article 8438. https://doi.org/10.3390/su12208438 Barrot, J. S., Llenares, I. I., & del Rosario, L. S. (2021). Students’ online learning challenges during the pandemic and how they cope with them: The case of the Philippines. Education and Information Technologies, 26(6), 7321–7338. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10639-021-10589-x Braun, V., & Clarke, V. (2006). Using thematic analysis in psychology. Qualitative Research in Psychology, 3(2), 77–101. https://doi.org/10.1191/1478088706qp063oa Braun, V., & Clarke, V. (2024). Supporting best practice in reflexive thematic analysis reporting in palliative medicine: A review of published research and introduction to the reflexive thematic analysis reporting guidelines. Palliative Medicine, 38(6), 608–616. https://doi.org/10.1177/02692163241234800 Browning, M. H. E. M., Larson, L. R., Sharaievska, I., Rigolon, A., McAnirlin, O., Mullenbach, L., Cloutier, S., Vu, T. M., Thomsen, J., Reigner, N., Metcalf, E. C., D’Antonio, A., Helbich, M., Bratman, G. N., & Olvera-Alvarez, H. A. (2021). Psychological impacts from COVID-19 among university students: Risk factors across seven states in the United States. PLOS ONE, 16(1), e0245327. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0245327 Chen, T., & Lucock, M. (2022). The mental health of university students during the COVID-19 pandemic: An online survey in the UK. PLOS ONE, 17(1), e0262562. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0262562 Cleofas, J. V., Rocha, I. C. N., & Parcon, R. G. (2023). COVID-19 pandemic anxiety, academic stress, and quality of life among college students in the Philippines: A mediation study. Cakrawala Pendidikan, 42(1), 1–11. https://doi.org/10.21831/cp.v42i1.47590 Cordero, D. A., Jr. (2022). Down but never out! Narratives on mental health challenges of selected college students during the COVID-19 pandemic in the Philippines: God, self, anxiety, and depression. Journal of Religion and Health, 61, 3337–3355. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10943-021-01476-3 Elder, G. H., Jr. (1998). The life course as developmental theory. Child Development, 69(1), 1–12. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8624.1998.tb06128.x Elmer, T., Mepham, K., & Stadtfeld, C. (2020). Students under lockdown: Comparisons of students’ social networks and mental health before and during the COVID-19 crisis in Switzerland. PLOS ONE, 15(7), e0236337. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0236337 Fawaz, M., & Samaha, A. (2021). E-learning: Depression, anxiety, and stress symptomatology among Lebanese university students during COVID-19 quarantine. Nursing Forum, 56(1), 52–57. https://doi.org/10.1111/nuf.12521 Fruehwirth, J. C., Biswas, S., & Perreira, K. M. (2021). The Covid-19 pandemic and mental health of first-year college students: Examining the effect of Covid-19 stressors using longitudinal data. PLOS ONE, 16(3), e0247999. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0247999 Galanza, M. A. A., Aruta, J. J. B. R., Mateo, N. J., Resurreccion, R. R., & Bernardo, A. B. I. (2023). Mental health of Filipino university students during the COVID-19 pandemic: The distinct associations of fear of COVID-19 and financial difficulties. Educational and Developmental Psychologist, 40(1), 125–130. https://doi.org/10.1080/20590776.2021.1999168 Huckins, J. F., daSilva, A. W., Wang, W., Hedlund, E., Rogers, C., Nepal, S. K., Wu, J., Obuchi, M., Murphy, E. I., Meyer, M. L., Wagner, D. D., Holtzheimer, P. E., & Campbell, A. T. (2020). Mental health and behavior of college students during the early phases of the COVID-19 pandemic: Longitudinal smartphone and ecological momentary assessment study. Journal of Medical Internet Research, 22(6), e20185. https://doi.org/10.2196/20185 Islam, M. A., Barna, S. D., Raihan, H., Khan, M. N. A., & Hossain, M. T. (2020). Depression and anxiety among university students during the COVID-19 pandemic in Bangladesh: A web-based cross-sectional survey. PLOS ONE, 15(8), e0238162. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0238162 Kapasia, N., Paul, P., Roy, A., Saha, J., Zaveri, A., Mallick, R., Barman, B., Das, P., Chouhan, P., & Sen, A. (2020). Impact of lockdown on learning status of undergraduate and postgraduate students during COVID-19 pandemic in West Bengal, India. Children and Youth Services Review, 116, 105194. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.childyouth.2020.105194 Li, Y., Wang, A., Wu, Y., Han, N., & Huang, H. (2021). Impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the mental health of college students: A systematic review and meta-analysis. Frontiers in Psychology, 12, Article 669119. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2021.669119 Lischer, S., Safi, N., & Dickson, C. (2021). Remote learning and students’ mental health during the COVID-19 pandemic: A mixed-method enquiry. Prospects, 51, 589–599. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11125-020-09530-w Ma, Z., Zhao, J., Li, Y., Chen, D., Wang, T., Zhang, Z., Chen, Z., Yu, Q., Jiang, J., Fan, F., & Liu, X. (2021). Mental health problems and correlates among 746,217 college students during the coronavirus disease 2019 outbreak in China. EClinicalMedicine, 31, 100679. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.eclinm.2020.100679 McCurdy, A. L., Fletcher, A. C., & Alligood, B. N. (2023). Financial, resource, and psychological impacts of COVID-19 on U.S. college students: Who is impacted and what are the implications for adjustment and well-being? Children and Youth Services Review, 146, 106932. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.childyouth.2023.106932 O’Brien, B. C., Harris, I. B., Beckman, T. J., Reed, D. A., & Cook, D. A. (2014). Standards for reporting qualitative research: A synthesis of recommendations. Academic Medicine, 89(9), 1245–1251. https://doi.org/10.1097/ACM.0000000000000388 Sarmiento, J. P., Zhai, Y., Aruta, J. J. B. R., & Hall, B. J. (2024). The effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on students’ academic performance and mental health: A review of 88 studies. International Journal of Educational Research Open, 6, 100318. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijedro.2024.100318 Serrano, J. O., & Reyes, M. E. S. (2023). Bending not breaking: Coping among Filipino university students experiencing psychological distress during the global health crisis. Current Psychology, 42, 28857–28867. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12144-022-03823-3 Son, C., Hegde, S., Smith, A., Wang, X., & Sasangohar, F. (2020). Effects of COVID-19 on college students’ mental health in the United States: Interview survey study. Journal of Medical Internet Research, 22(9), e21279. https://doi.org/10.2196/21279 Tong, A., Sainsbury, P., & Craig, J. (2007). Consolidated criteria for reporting qualitative research (COREQ): A 32-item checklist for interviews and focus groups. International Journal for Quality in Health Care, 19(6), 349–357. https://doi.org/10.1093/intqhc/mzm042 UNESCO. (2020). Education: From disruption to recovery. World Health Organization. (2020, March 11). WHO Director-General’s opening remarks at the media briefing on COVID-19 – 11 March 2020. Ye, Z., Yang, X., Zeng, C., Wang, Y., Shen, Z., Li, X., & Lin, D. (2020). Resilience, social support, and coping as mediators between COVID-19-related stressful experiences and acute stress disorder among college students in China. Applied Psychology: Health and Well-Being, 12(4), 1074–1094. https://doi.org/10.1111/aphw.12211 Zhai, Y., Du, X., & Hall, B. J. (2021). Mental health support for college students during the COVID-19 pandemic. The Lancet Child & Adolescent Health, 5(1), 16–17. https://doi.org/10.1016/S2352-4642(20)30374-8 Additional Declarations The authors declare no competing interests. Cite Share Download PDF Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Research Square lets you share your work early, gain feedback from the community, and start making changes to your manuscript prior to peer review in a journal. As a division of Research Square Company, we’re committed to making research communication faster, fairer, and more useful. We do this by developing innovative software and high quality services for the global research community. Our growing team is made up of researchers and industry professionals working together to solve the most critical problems facing scientific publishing. Also discoverable on Platform About Our Team In Review Editorial Policies Advisory Board Help Center Resources Author Services Accessibility API Access RSS feed Manage Cookie Preferences © Research Square 2026 | ISSN 2693-5015 (online) Privacy Policy Terms of Service Do Not Sell My Personal Information {"props":{"pageProps":{"initialData":{"identity":"rs-9131070","acceptedTermsAndConditions":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"archivedVersions":[],"articleType":"Research Article","associatedPublications":[],"authors":[{"id":606450408,"identity":"71cec2be-3fd5-4a27-8259-a0d9f825169d","order_by":0,"name":"BRIX A. MIROTE","email":"data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAZAAAAAyAQMAAABI0h/eAAAABlBMVEX///8AAABVwtN+AAAACXBIWXMAAA7EAAAOxAGVKw4bAAAA80lEQVRIiWNgGAWjYBACAwbGBhAJBMwHEIIMDAewq0fWwsPAlkCsFijgYeAxQBbErcVc+nCb1I2Ce3L27D3fHlfm1CU2sDdvk2DccQenFsu+xGbjHINiYx6es9sNz247nNjAc6xMgvHMM9wOO8PY+DjHICGxRyJ3m2TjtgOJDRI5ZhKMbYfxaWk4DNYi/+YZUAvQYfJvCGqB2cLDBtTCDLSFB78Wyx5GkF8SjHnOpJkbNm47bNzGk1ZskXgGtxZzHvZn0jl/EuTY2w8/ewh0mGw/++GNNz7uwK0FGbAhyMQGonRAtYABI5FaRsEoGAWjYEQAAE8qVIzWUk7nAAAAAElFTkSuQmCC","orcid":"https://orcid.org/0009-0006-7610-9442","institution":"President Ramon Magsaysay State University Castillejos Campus","correspondingAuthor":true,"prefix":"","firstName":"BRIX","middleName":"A.","lastName":"MIROTE","suffix":""}],"badges":[],"createdAt":"2026-03-15 20:56:31","currentVersionCode":1,"declarations":{"humanSubjects":false,"vertebrateSubjects":false,"conflictsOfInterestStatement":false,"humanSubjectEthicalGuidelines":false,"humanSubjectConsent":false,"humanSubjectClinicalTrial":false,"humanSubjectCaseReport":false,"vertebrateSubjectEthicalGuidelines":false},"doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-9131070/v1","doiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-9131070/v1","draftVersion":[],"editorialEvents":[],"editorialNote":"","failedWorkflow":false,"files":[{"id":105034994,"identity":"7b2f25ad-c90e-4f9b-8fe9-89592fb4baa6","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2026-03-20 07:25:09","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":819509,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-9131070/v1/47112024-2805-4d54-917f-1c6dc8bbaebd.pdf"}],"financialInterests":"The authors declare no competing interests.","formattedTitle":"\u003cp\u003ePremature Responsibility Among College Students During COVID-19: Survival, Academic Disruption, and Family Burden\u003c/p\u003e","fulltext":[{"header":"Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe COVID-19 outbreak, formally characterized by the World Health Organization as a pandemic on 11 March 2020, quickly evolved from a public health emergency into a multisectoral crisis with profound educational, social, and economic consequences. In education alone, the disruption was unprecedented: UNESCO reported that more than 1.6 billion learners were affected globally by pandemic-related school closures and interruptions, with the heaviest burdens falling on already vulnerable groups. Rather than functioning as a temporary interruption, the pandemic exposed and widened pre-existing inequalities in access to, support for, and the continuity of learning.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eHigher education students were especially affected because the pandemic did not simply suspend classroom routines; it reconfigured the conditions under which students lived. Global studies consistently show that college and university students experienced heightened academic frustration, social isolation, and psychological strain during this period. Browning et al. (2021), for instance, identified university students as a particularly vulnerable population whose mental health burden was amplified by abrupt educational change. Similar patterns were reported in the United Kingdom, where Chen and Lucock (2022) documented high levels of psychological distress among university students, and in Switzerland, where Elmer et al. (2020) found that lockdown conditions disrupted both students\u0026rsquo; social networks and their mental health. Longitudinal and digital-trace studies also observed worsening stress, anxiety, and behavioral changes among students during the early phases of the pandemic (Huckins et al., 2020). At a broader level, review and meta-analytic work suggest that the effects of the pandemic on students\u0026rsquo; academic performance and mental health were especially severe among those from low-income backgrounds, indicating that educational disruption was closely tied to broader material inequality rather than to learning mode alone (Li et al., 2021; Sarmiento et al., 2024).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn the Philippines, these pressures were intensified by the abrupt transition to remote and flexible learning across higher education. Local studies documented recurring difficulties involving unstable internet access, limited devices, heavy academic demands, and reduced opportunities for interaction and support. Barrot et al. (2021) found that Filipino students encountered substantial online learning challenges during the pandemic, while other local studies noted that fear of COVID-19, financial difficulty, and academic stress were closely associated with poorer mental health and diminished quality of life among college students (Cleofas et al., 2023; Galanza et al., 2023). Philippine evidence also suggests that pandemic-related educational adjustments occurred within a broader context of emotional and technological burdens, particularly as digital stress, uncertainty, and disrupted routines shaped students\u0026rsquo; daily lives. Qualitative work further suggests that Filipino students did not merely experience these disruptions passively; they were also trying to endure, cope with, and make sense of them under uncertain and unstable conditions (Cordero, 2022; Serrano \u0026amp; Reyes, 2023).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eYet the significance of the pandemic for students cannot be reduced to mental health or remote instruction alone. A growing body of literature suggests that college students are forced to navigate multiple, overlapping pressures at once: academic adjustment, financial uncertainty, disrupted employment, family demands, and the emotional strain of prolonged uncertainty. Even so, much of the existing scholarship still treats these pressures as separate concerns. Academic disruption, mental health strain, and family hardship are often discussed in parallel, but not always as converging dimensions of a broader transformation in student life.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis study addresses that gap by framing college students\u0026rsquo; pandemic experiences through the lens of premature responsibility. This concept captures how students, while still situated within higher education, were pushed to assume burdens more commonly associated with adulthood: helping sustain the household, worrying about food and income, protecting vulnerable family members, managing fear, and making survival-oriented decisions while continuing their studies. In this sense, COVID-19 not only interrupted student life; it redefined studenthood itself.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis study explored how college students experienced premature responsibility during COVID-19, particularly in relation to survival, academic disruption, and family burden. Foregrounding students\u0026rsquo; narratives contributes to a more integrated understanding of how crisis conditions reconfigured the meaning of studenthood.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eCOVID-19 and the Reconfiguration of Student Life\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe COVID-19 pandemic not only disrupted formal education; it also changed the everyday conditions under which students lived and studied. Across countries, college and university students had to navigate abrupt shifts in learning modes, prolonged uncertainty, reduced social contact, and concerns about health and economic security. Global evidence consistently shows that university students were among the groups most affected by the psychological and academic consequences of the pandemic (Browning et al., 2021). Large-scale cross-national work similarly found that higher education students experienced disruption in academic life, emotional well-being, financial security, and daily routines across multiple countries (Aristovnik et al., 2020). More recent reviews and meta-analytic work likewise suggest that the pandemic had meaningful effects on both academic performance and mental health, with particularly severe consequences for students from low-income backgrounds (Li et al., 2021; Sarmiento et al., 2024).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThese patterns matter because they suggest that students\u0026rsquo; struggles were not confined to classroom adaptation. Instead, they were embedded in wider conditions of vulnerability and disruption. The pandemic did not simply alter how students learned; it also changed the social and emotional conditions under which learning became possible.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eAcademic Disruption in Higher Education\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eOne of the most visible consequences of the pandemic was the disruption of academic continuity. In higher education, the transition to online and flexible learning was often described as necessary, but students\u0026rsquo; actual experiences were far more uneven. Difficulties with devices, internet access, study space, concentration, and changing instructional expectations became recurring concerns across many settings. Studies from different national contexts also show that remote learning was frequently accompanied by emotional strain, reduced motivation, and lower perceived quality of learning, especially where students\u0026rsquo; home environments were not conducive to study (Kapasia et al., 2020; Lischer et al., 2021; Fawaz \u0026amp; Samaha, 2021). Rather than experiencing online learning as a neutral technological adjustment, many students encountered it as a demanding and sometimes exhausting process shaped by their household realities and available resources.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn the Philippine context, this issue became especially pronounced. Barrot et al. (2021) found that Filipino students\u0026rsquo; online learning challenges during the pandemic were concentrated in areas such as the learning environment, quality of instruction and interaction, technological limitations, and mental health. Their findings are important because they show that academic disruption in the Philippines was never purely technical; it was also entangled with domestic conditions and the emotional consequences of studying in unstable settings.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis body of work suggests that academic disruption during COVID-19 should not be treated as a narrow instructional problem. For many students, it was a social and material experience shaped by inequality, instability, and the need to continue studying despite conditions that made ordinary student participation difficult to sustain.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eMental Health, Emotional Strain, and Coping Among Students\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAnother well-established strand of the literature concerns the emotional and psychological burden students experienced during the pandemic. Research from different countries has documented heightened levels of anxiety, stress, uncertainty, and emotional exhaustion among higher education students. Studies from China, Bangladesh, the United States, and other settings reported substantial levels of depression, anxiety, and psychological burden among university students during the pandemic (Islam et al., 2020; Ma et al., 2021; Son et al., 2020; Fawaz \u0026amp; Samaha, 2021). Yet what is increasingly clear is that these mental health difficulties cannot be separated from the broader circumstances in which students were living. Distress was often tied not only to fear of illness, but also to uncertainty about the future, disruption of routine, financial instability, and pressure to remain academically functional.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAmong Filipino university students, this pattern is also evident. Galanza et al. (2023) found that fear of COVID-19 was associated with negative mental health outcomes, but family financial difficulties showed broader associations across both positive and negative dimensions of mental health. Serrano and Reyes (2023) further argued that while the psychological distress of Filipino university students had been well documented, the actual processes through which they coped with distress remained insufficiently explored. Their work helps shift attention from distress alone to the ways students tried to manage, endure, and make sense of crisis.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ePhilippine qualitative work also shows that student mental health during COVID-19 cannot be reduced to isolated symptoms. Cordero (2022), for example, described narratives of anxiety, depression, and personal struggle among selected college students during the pandemic, illustrating how emotional suffering was entangled with lockdowns, educational change, and prolonged uncertainty.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eFamily Burden, Financial Strain, and Layered Vulnerability\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAlthough academic stress and mental health are widely discussed in the literature, another dimension deserves more sustained attention: the burden of family and survival responsibilities students carry during the pandemic. In many households, the crisis meant lost income, reduced mobility, food insecurity, business decline, or heightened caregiving demands. For college students, these pressures often existed alongside, rather than apart from, academic expectations.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ePhilippine evidence supports this layered view of student vulnerability. Galanza et al. (2023) showed that family financial difficulties were strongly tied to student mental health, suggesting that household conditions played a central role in shaping well-being during the pandemic. In a related way, Barrot et al. (2021) and Serrano and Reyes (2023) suggest that academic life during COVID-19 was deeply shaped by home environments and the broader pressures surrounding students\u0026rsquo; daily lives.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe combined evidence suggests that students\u0026rsquo; difficulties during COVID-19 were rarely single-issue problems. Financial, resource-related, and psychological burdens often overlapped, as shown in studies linking material strain to poorer student adjustment and well-being during the pandemic (McCurdy et al., 2023). Academic disruption, emotional distress, and household burden often intersect. Students could be dealing with weak internet while also worrying about food, family income, vulnerable relatives, and whether they could remain in school. Such overlap is central to understanding why the pandemic may have pushed some college students into a form of responsibility that felt unusually heavy for their life stage.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eToward the Concept of Premature Responsibility\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDespite the breadth of pandemic-related research, much of the existing literature continues to examine student experience through separate categories, such as online learning, mental health, coping, or access inequality. These studies are valuable, but they do not always fully capture how these pressures converged in everyday life. What appears less developed in the literature is a focused account of how the pandemic may have altered the role position of college students themselves.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe present study addresses this gap through the concept of premature responsibility. This concept refers to the early or intensified assumption of responsibilities commonly associated with adulthood, while students were still expected to occupy the role of learners in higher education. In the dataset analyzed here, this is evident in students\u0026rsquo; concerns about work, food, household survival, vulnerable family members, academic continuity, and the need to remain emotionally composed during crisis conditions.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTaken together, the literature shows that college students experienced substantial academic, emotional, and household strain during COVID-19. However, these pressures have often been examined as separate concerns. Less attention has been paid to how they converged in students\u0026rsquo; lived experiences and altered the meaning of responsibility during a crisis. It is this gap that the present study addresses through the concept of premature responsibility.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch1\u003eResearch Questions\u003c/h1\u003e\n\u003col\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eHow did college students describe their experiences during COVID-19?\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eIn what ways did COVID-19 push college students into premature responsibility?\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eHow were survival-related concerns reflected in students\u0026rsquo; narratives during the pandemic?\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eHow did academic disruption shape their experiences as college students?\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eHow did family burden influence their emotional and everyday lives during COVID-19?\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eHow did these overlapping pressures reshape students\u0026rsquo; sense of responsibility and identity?\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"},{"header":"Methodology","content":"\u003ch2\u003eResearch Design\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis study employed a qualitative descriptive design and used thematic analysis to examine how college students experienced premature responsibility during COVID-19. A qualitative approach was appropriate because the study sought to understand how students described and interpreted their lived experiences in their own words. Thematic analysis was used because it provides a systematic yet flexible way to identify, analyze, and interpret patterns of meaning across qualitative data (Braun \u0026amp; Clarke, 2006; Braun \u0026amp; Clarke, 2024).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eParticipants and Data Source\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe study drew on an existing qualitative dataset of responses from college students collected during the COVID-19 period. The available data included both individual responses and focus group discussion (FGD) responses, allowing the study to capture experiences expressed at both personal and group levels. These responses served as the unit of analysis because they contained direct descriptions of students\u0026rsquo; fears, burdens, adjustments, and responsibilities during the pandemic.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eSampling and Inclusion Criteria\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe study used purposive sampling of available responses that aligned with the inquiry\u0026apos;s focus. Responses were included if they (a) came from college student participants, (b) referred directly to experiences during COVID-19, and (c) contained meaningful statements related to survival, academic disruption, family burden, or associated emotional strain. As a qualitative study, the aim was depth of understanding rather than statistical generalization.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eData Analysis\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe data were analyzed using the six-phase logic of thematic analysis proposed by Braun and Clarke (2006): familiarization with the data, generation of initial codes, searching for themes, reviewing themes, defining and naming themes, and producing the report. The researcher read and reread the responses, generated inductive codes from meaningful segments of text, clustered related codes into broader categories, and refined these into themes. The final thematic structure was organized around the broader phenomenon of premature responsibility, with the dimensions emphasized in the study\u0026apos;s title: survival, academic disruption, and family burden.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eTrustworthiness and Ethical Considerations\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTo enhance rigor, the study attended to credibility, dependability, and transparency in the analytic process. Credibility was supported through repeated immersion in the dataset and careful attention to the wording and context of participants\u0026rsquo; responses. Dependability was strengthened by maintaining a clear progression from raw data to codes, categories, and final themes. Transparency was achieved by ensuring that theme development remained grounded in the data and conceptually aligned with the study purpose. For reporting, the manuscript may be aligned with established qualitative guidance such as COREQ (Tong et al., 2007) and SRQR (O\u0026rsquo;Brien et al., 2014).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBecause the study used pre-existing qualitative responses, ethical attention centered on confidentiality, respectful representation, and responsible interpretation. Informed consent was obtained from participants during the original data collection process. Permission to conduct the study and use the dataset for the present analysis was sought from the institution where the study was carried out. Participant identities were anonymized in the analysis and should remain so in the manuscript; quotations should be presented in a way that avoids revealing personal identity.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Results and Discussion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe thematic analysis yielded six interrelated themes that capture how college students experienced premature responsibility during COVID-19. Although the participants spoke from different positions and circumstances, their narratives converged around a broader pattern: the pandemic did not simply interrupt academic life. It also compelled students to think and act in ways more commonly associated with adulthood.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eTable 1\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003cem\u003eSummary of themes reflecting premature responsibility among college students during COVID-19\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cdiv align=\"\"\u003e\n \u003ctable border=\"1\" cellspacing=\"0\" cellpadding=\"0\"\u003e\n \u003cthead\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 120px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eTheme\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 130px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eBrief Description\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 144px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eIndicative Codes / Meaning Units\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 182px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eIllustrative Quotation\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 144px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eInterpretive Insight\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003c/thead\u003e\n \u003ctbody\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 120px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eSurvival as an Early Burden\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 130px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eStudents described how the pandemic shifted their attention from ordinary academic concerns to work, food, income, and household survival.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 144px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003efinding work; loss of employment; breadwinning; financial need; food insecurity; helplessness\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 182px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;Yung kailangang maghanap ng pagkakakitaan para makabili ako ng gadgets ko\u0026hellip; para lang talaga makagraduate ako.\u0026rdquo; (\u0026ldquo;I needed to find a source of income so I could buy gadgets\u0026hellip; just so I could graduate.\u0026rdquo;) (R1)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 144px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eStudenthood became tied to economic survival, revealing how students were pushed into provider-like roles while still pursuing higher education.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 120px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eAcademic Disruption Under Material Constraint\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 130px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eEducational participation was disrupted by lack of gadgets, unstable internet, modular difficulty, and barriers to school access.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 144px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003egadget scarcity; poor connectivity; module difficulty; school requirements; fear of discontinuing studies\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 182px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;Wala namang ganun kaming malaking halaga ng pera para bumili ng gadget\u0026hellip; tapos strong connection\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo; (\u0026ldquo;We did not have enough money to buy gadgets\u0026hellip; and then there was the problem of having a strong internet connection\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo;) (R1)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 144px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eAcademic disruption was not merely instructional; it reflected material inequality and the fragile conditions under which students tried to remain enrolled.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 120px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFamily Burden and Relational Fear\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 130px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eStudents\u0026rsquo; fears were often directed toward the safety, health, and financial welfare of family members rather than toward themselves alone.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 144px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003efear for parents/children/relatives; family business decline; caregiving concern; household worry\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 182px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;Ang unang nag sink sa utak ko is talagang natakot ako hindi para sa akin, kundi po para po sa mga anak ko.\u0026rdquo; (\u0026ldquo;The first thing that really sank into my mind was that I was afraid, not for myself, but for my children.\u0026rdquo;) (FGD3)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 144px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003ePandemic fear was relational and family-centered, showing that students were already carrying emotional and practical responsibilities within the household.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 120px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eEmotional Overload and Disrupted Rest\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 130px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eAnxiety, sadness, helplessness, and sleep disturbance reflected the embodied weight of overlapping pressures.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 144px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003einsomnia; anxiety before sleep; sadness; stress; helplessness; emotional heaviness\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 182px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;Naka experience po ako ng insomnia at anxiety madalas bago ako matulog.\u0026rdquo; (\u0026ldquo;I experienced insomnia and anxiety, often before going to sleep.\u0026rdquo;) (FGD2)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 144px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eEmotional strain was tied not only to fear of infection, but also to the cumulative burden of survival, schooling, and family responsibility.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 120px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eInformational Insecurity and the Burden of Rumor\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 130px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eStudents struggled with fake news, gossip, and overwhelming social media information about COVID-19.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 144px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003efake news; rumor; social media confusion; stigma; conflicting information\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 182px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;Sobrang dami ng information about COVID sa social media halo-halo na po. Di mo po alam kung saan ka maniniwala.\u0026rdquo; (\u0026ldquo;There was so much information about COVID on social media, all mixed together. You did not know what to believe anymore.\u0026rdquo;) (FGD2)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 144px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eInformation itself became a source of insecurity, requiring students to interpret risk and protect themselves and their families in a confusing environment.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 120px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eForced Maturity and the Reworking of Studenthood\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 130px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eStudents described needing to stay calm, think ahead, and regulate themselves under crisis conditions.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 144px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003estaying calm; step-by-step thinking; future planning; self-regulation; adaptation\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 182px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;Kailangan maging kalmado ka\u0026hellip; para magawa mong step by step\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo; (\u0026ldquo;You need to stay calm\u0026hellip; so you can do things step by step\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo;) (R1)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 144px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThe pandemic accelerated adult-like responsibility and reshaped student identity into a more burdened, survival-oriented role.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003c/tbody\u003e\n \u003c/table\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eNote.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003eR = individual respondent; FGD = focus group discussion participant. Filipino quotations are followed by English translations for clarity and accessibility. Themes were developed through thematic analysis of student narratives and are presented as interrelated dimensions of premature responsibility.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eSurvival as an Early Burden\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eA strong pattern in the dataset is the shift in students\u0026rsquo; concerns from ordinary academic matters to immediate questions of livelihood and basic needs. One respondent explained, \u0026ldquo;Yung kailangang maghanap ng pagkakakitaan para makabili ako ng gadgets ko\u0026hellip; para lang talaga makagraduate ako\u0026rdquo; (\u0026ldquo;I needed to find a source of income so I could buy gadgets\u0026hellip; just so I could graduate\u0026rdquo;) (R1). This statement shows that education remained important, but it could no longer be pursued apart from economic survival. To stay a student, the participant first had to become an earner.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis burden becomes even more pronounced in the account of a working student who also identified as the breadwinner of the family: \u0026ldquo;COVID-19 had a great impact on my life as a working student\u0026hellip; I am the breadwinner of my family\u0026hellip; I was removed from work\u0026rdquo; (R3). Here, the pandemic disrupted the participant\u0026rsquo;s dual role as both a student and a family provider. Another student expressed the emotional side of this condition more directly: \u0026ldquo;Takot po akong lumabas at wala po akong maitulong sa pamilya ko. Helpless po, ganuon\u0026rdquo; (\u0026ldquo;I was afraid to go outside, and I felt that I could not help my family. I felt helpless\u0026rdquo;) (R2).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTaken together, these accounts indicate that survival concerns were lived not simply as hardship, but as obligation. This finding resonates with broader evidence showing that students from financially vulnerable backgrounds bore heavier pandemic-related burdens (Sarmiento et al., 2024) and with Philippine studies linking financial strain to poorer student mental health (Galanza et al., 2023). It also aligns with work showing that financial and resource-related losses during the pandemic had direct implications for college students\u0026rsquo; adjustment and well-being (McCurdy et al., 2023).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eAcademic Disruption Under Material Constraint\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAcademic disruption was one of the most visible themes in the responses, but the narratives suggest that students did not experience this disruption merely as a problem of changing learning modes. One respondent recalled, \u0026ldquo;Naalala ko mga experience ko during Lockdown\u0026hellip; about the education\u0026hellip; wala namang ganun kaming malaking halaga ng pera para bumili ng gadget na yan tapos\u0026hellip; strong connection\u0026rdquo; (\u0026ldquo;What I remember during lockdown was really about education\u0026hellip; we did not have enough money to buy those gadgets, and then there was the problem of having a strong internet connection\u0026rdquo;) (R1).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis quotation makes clear that the challenge was not simply adjustment. It was the absence of the resources needed to make an adjustment possible. In another part of the same response, the participant added that even modules were difficult and that getting them involved involved transportation costs and documentary requirements. Another participant stated, \u0026ldquo;Ang nasa isip ko po na hindi ko na maipagpapatuloy ang pag-aaral ko\u0026rdquo; (\u0026ldquo;What was on my mind was that I might not be able to continue my studies anymore\u0026rdquo;) (FGD3).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWhat emerges here is academic precarity rather than mere inconvenience. The findings support Philippine research showing that online learning challenges during the pandemic were shaped by technological limitations, home conditions, and emotional strain (Barrot et al., 2021). At a deeper level, the narratives reveal that students were trying to hold on to education because it remained tied to future survival and the hope of mobility.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eFamily Burden and Relational Fear\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAnother striking pattern in the responses is that students\u0026rsquo; fears were often directed outward, toward family members and loved ones. One respondent shared, \u0026ldquo;Natatakot po ako, kasi naiisip ko po yng mga tita ko na malayo sa amin. Nag aalala ako for them\u0026rdquo; (\u0026ldquo;I was afraid because I kept thinking about my aunts who were far from us. I was worried for them\u0026rdquo;) (R2). This kind of concern appears repeatedly in the dataset and suggests that students were emotionally carrying others\u0026apos; vulnerability as part of their own pandemic experience.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe family-centered nature of fear becomes even more pronounced in the statement, \u0026ldquo;Ang unang nag sink sa utak ko is talagang natakot ako hindi para sa akin, kundi po para po sa mga anak ko\u0026rdquo; (\u0026ldquo;The first thing that really sank into my mind was that I was afraid, not for myself, but for my children\u0026rdquo;) (FGD3). Family burden also emerged through the household\u0026apos;s financial decline. One student explained, \u0026ldquo;Nakausap ko yung mama ko na sobrang lumubog po yung business naming karinderya\u0026hellip; Bilang isang anak po masakit po sa akin na namomroblema sila ng sobra sobra\u0026rdquo; (\u0026ldquo;I talked to my mother, and our small eatery business had really sunk\u0026hellip; As a child, it was painful for me to see them worrying so much\u0026rdquo;) (FGD2).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eRead together, these responses point to a form of burden that was relational, moral, and emotionally embodied. This extends existing local evidence showing that family financial difficulty had broad implications for students\u0026rsquo; mental health during the pandemic (Galanza et al., 2023).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eEmotional Overload and Disrupted Rest\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe responses also show that emotional strain was intense and often physically felt. Several participants described insomnia, disturbed sleep, sadness, anxiety, and mental restlessness. One respondent said, \u0026ldquo;Hindi po ako makatulog ng maayos\u0026hellip; parang nagkaroon ako ng sleep pattern disturbance\u0026rdquo; (\u0026ldquo;I could not sleep properly\u0026hellip; it felt like I developed a sleep pattern disturbance\u0026rdquo;) (R2). Another shared, \u0026ldquo;Naka experience po ako ng insomnia at anxiety madalas bago ako matulog\u0026rdquo; (\u0026ldquo;I experienced insomnia and anxiety, often before going to sleep\u0026rdquo;) (FGD2).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThese accounts suggest that the pressure students experienced was not confined to daytime academic struggle. It remained with them at night, affecting their capacity to rest. The emotional heaviness of the period is also evident in the statement, \u0026ldquo;Yung sobrang bigat at sobrang hirap na\u0026hellip; Parang ang sakit at ang bigat bigat ng nararamdaman ko hindi lang para sakin, para rin sa ibang tao\u0026rdquo; (\u0026ldquo;It felt so heavy and so difficult\u0026hellip; It felt painful and so heavy, not only for myself, but for other people as well\u0026rdquo;) (R3).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis pattern is consistent with broader research documenting elevated psychological distress among university students during COVID-19 (Browning et al., 2021), as well as local studies noting anxiety, depression, and emotional struggle among Filipino college students during the pandemic (Cordero, 2022; Serrano \u0026amp; Reyes, 2023). Similar patterns have been documented in interview-based and survey studies from other settings, where stress, anxiety, and disrupted routines were closely tied to uncertainty, isolation, and changing academic demands (Fruehwirth et al., 2021; Son et al., 2020). Still, the present data suggest that distress was not solely due to fear of infection or isolation. It was also tied to the cumulative weight of obligations.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eInformational Insecurity and the Burden of Rumor\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eA distinct but meaningful theme in the dataset concerns fake news, rumors, stigma, and the confusion generated by excessive information. One participant observed, \u0026ldquo;Ang na encounter ko\u0026hellip; ay yung hindi naman talaga maiiwasan yung mga fake news\u0026hellip; Mga tsismis po\u0026rdquo; (\u0026ldquo;What I encountered\u0026hellip; was something that could not really be avoided\u0026mdash;fake news\u0026hellip; gossip\u0026rdquo;) (R3). Another said, \u0026ldquo;Sobrang dami ng information about COVID sa social media halo-halo na po. Di mo po alam kung saan ka maniniwala\u0026rdquo; (\u0026ldquo;There was so much information about COVID on social media, all mixed. You did not know what to believe anymore\u0026rdquo;) (FGD2).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThese statements indicate that students were not only dealing with health risks and academic disruption, but also with other issues. They were also trying to navigate an unstable information environment. One participant recounted, \u0026ldquo;Parang naawa po ako dun sa barkada ko, kasi po may nag post sa kanya sa public sa FB na may COVID siya\u0026rdquo; (\u0026ldquo;I felt sorry for my friend because someone posted publicly on Facebook that he had COVID\u0026rdquo;) (FGD2), showing how misinformation and public exposure could also produce stigma.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWhat stands out in these narratives is that informational insecurity itself became part of the burden students carried. This is consistent with evidence suggesting that digital overload during the pandemic could intensify stress, uncertainty, and emotional strain in educational settings. They had to interpret risk, sort credible information from rumor, and respond to uncertainty in an emotionally charged environment.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eForced Maturity and the Reworking of Studenthood\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ePerhaps the most significant theme across the narratives is the sense that students were pushed into a kind of forced maturity. Some participants described the need to remain calm, think strategically, and proceed carefully despite unstable circumstances. One respondent reflected, \u0026ldquo;Kailangan maging kalmado ka\u0026hellip; para magawa mong step by step, kung ano yung kailangan mong apply at kailangan mo pang gawin para maging successful ka\u0026rdquo; (\u0026ldquo;You need to stay calm\u0026hellip; so you can do things step by step, whatever you need to apply and whatever you still need to do in order to succeed\u0026rdquo;) (R1).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAnother related statement reinforces this future-oriented stance: \u0026ldquo;I really want to prepare for my future\u0026hellip; kung pagpapatuloy o kung papaano ako makikisabay sa panahon\u0026rdquo; (\u0026ldquo;I really want to prepare for my future\u0026hellip; whether in continuing on or in figuring out how I can keep up with the times\u0026rdquo;) (R1). These narratives suggest that the pandemic did not burden students alone. It also demanded that they act older, steadier, and more strategic than their life stage would ordinarily require.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis is where the concept of premature responsibility becomes most visible. Participants were still students, but many were already speaking as planners, contributors, protectors, and emotional stabilizers. The boundary between studenthood and adulthood had become blurred.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eIntegrative Discussion\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTaken together, the findings suggest that college students during COVID-19 were not merely experiencing academic difficulty or emotional distress as separate problems. Instead, the narratives reveal an overlapping structure of burden in which survival pressure, educational precarity, family obligation, emotional strain, and informational uncertainty converged. These pressures altered not only what students had to manage, but also how they understood their role in everyday life.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe concept of premature responsibility helps explain this convergence. It captures the way students were pushed to assume adult-like obligations while still trying to remain learners in higher education. In this respect, the findings extend pandemic-related research that has documented academic disruption, mental health strain, and economic stress by showing how these pressures also reconfigured students\u0026rsquo; social roles and developmental positioning (Arnett, 2000; Elder, 1998; Fruehwirth et al., 2021). In the responses examined here, studenthood became tied to economic survival, household concern, emotional control, and future planning. The pandemic, therefore, did more than disrupt schooling. It redefined the meaning of being a college student as more burdensome, relational, and survival-oriented.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Conclusion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis study examined how college students experienced premature responsibility during COVID-19, with particular attention to survival, academic disruption, and family burden. The findings suggest that these students did not experience the pandemic as a purely educational interruption. Rather, it was lived as a layered crisis that unsettled multiple aspects of everyday life at once. Students were trying to continue their studies, but they were also worrying about food, work, family safety, emotional strain, and the uncertainty of what lay ahead. In this sense, the pandemic not only disrupted student life. It redefined it.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAcross the narratives, the participants were not positioned solely as learners struggling to adjust to online or modular education. They also appeared as earners, helpers, caregivers, protectors, and emotional managers within households under stress. Their accounts show that the burden of studenthood during COVID-19 extended well beyond academic requirements. It involved the early and intensified assumption of responsibilities more commonly associated with adulthood. This is what makes premature responsibility a useful analytic concept in understanding their experiences.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe findings also show that these responsibilities did not emerge in isolated form. Survival pressures, academic precarity, family-centered fear, emotional overload, and informational uncertainty were deeply interconnected. Students were not simply dealing with one problem at a time. They were navigating overlapping burdens that shaped how they thought, felt, and acted in their daily lives. As a result, studenthood during the pandemic became more fragile, more relational, and more survival-oriented than it might otherwise have been.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec22\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eImplications for Theory\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe study contributes conceptually by advancing premature responsibility as a meaningful lens for understanding college students\u0026rsquo; pandemic experiences. Existing scholarship has often examined academic disruption, mental health strain, and family hardship as separate concerns. The present findings suggest that these pressures are better understood as overlapping dimensions of a broader crisis of role and responsibility.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe findings also support the usefulness of Emerging Adulthood Theory and the Life Course Perspective in interpreting student experiences during COVID-19. The participants\u0026rsquo; narratives suggest that the transition into adult-like roles was not gradual or developmentally paced, but accelerated by crisis.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec23\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eImplications for Practice and Policy\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe findings carry important implications for higher education institutions. First, they suggest that student difficulty during a crisis should not be understood narrowly as a matter of learning loss, poor internet connection, or emotional stress in isolation. Academic participation is closely tied to students\u0026rsquo; household and daily life conditions. Institutions, therefore, need support systems that recognize students not only as learners, but also as individuals embedded in financial, familial, and emotional realities.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSecond, student support during a crisis should be more holistic. Guidance and counseling services, academic advising, financial assistance, and flexible learning policies may be more effective when they are designed with students\u0026rsquo; layered burdens in mind. Students who appear academically disengaged may, in fact, be responding to family strain, survival pressure, or emotional exhaustion rather than to a lack of motivation alone.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAt the policy level, the study suggests that crisis-responsive higher education should extend beyond instructional continuity. Policies that focus solely on technological access or curriculum delivery may miss the broader realities that affect students\u0026rsquo; ability to remain engaged. A more responsive approach would recognize that in times of crisis, student retention and participation are shaped by much more than academic commitment alone.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec24\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eImplications for Future Research\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eFurther research may examine premature responsibility in other student populations, including senior high school students, working students, student-parents, or first-generation college students. Future work may also explore whether similar patterns emerge in post-pandemic contexts or under other forms of crisis and disruption. Quantitative or mixed-methods studies could test the usefulness of the concept across broader educational settings.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eViewed in this way, the pandemic did not simply interrupt higher education; it accelerated responsibility and altered the lived meaning of studenthood for many college students.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cspan\u003eThis study was conducted in accordance with established ethical standards for research involving human participants. Ethical approval for this study was granted by the appropriate institutional authority of President Ramon Magsaysay State University. Prior to participation, all respondents were informed about the purpose of the study and their voluntary involvement. Informed consent was obtained from all participants, and they were assured that their responses would remain confidential and used solely for academic research purposes. No identifying information was collected, and participants were free to withdraw from the study at any time without penalty.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eEthics approval and consent to participate\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eInformed consent was obtained from participants during the original data collection process. Permission to conduct the study and use the dataset for the present analysis was sought from the institution where the study was carried out. Participant identities were anonymized in the analysis and are not disclosed in this manuscript.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eUse of AI-assisted language support\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDuring the preparation of this manuscript, the authors used an AI-assisted language tool to support language refinement, organization, and clarity. All outputs were reviewed, revised, and verified by the authors, who take full responsibility for the content of the manuscript.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eConflict of interest\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe authors declare no conflict of interest.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eArnett, J. J. (2000). Emerging adulthood: A theory of development from the late teens through the twenties. American Psychologist, 55(5), 469\u0026ndash;480. https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066X.55.5.469\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eArnett, J. J. (2004). Emerging adulthood: The winding road from the late teens through the twenties. Oxford University Press.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eAristovnik, A., Keržič, D., Rav\u0026scaron;elj, D., Tomaževič, N., \u0026amp; Umek, L. (2020). Impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on life of higher education students: A global perspective. 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PLOS ONE, 15(7), e0236337. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0236337\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eFawaz, M., \u0026amp; Samaha, A. (2021). E-learning: Depression, anxiety, and stress symptomatology among Lebanese university students during COVID-19 quarantine. Nursing Forum, 56(1), 52\u0026ndash;57. https://doi.org/10.1111/nuf.12521\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eFruehwirth, J. C., Biswas, S., \u0026amp; Perreira, K. M. (2021). The Covid-19 pandemic and mental health of first-year college students: Examining the effect of Covid-19 stressors using longitudinal data. PLOS ONE, 16(3), e0247999. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0247999\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eGalanza, M. A. A., Aruta, J. J. B. R., Mateo, N. J., Resurreccion, R. R., \u0026amp; Bernardo, A. B. I. (2023). Mental health of Filipino university students during the COVID-19 pandemic: The distinct associations of fear of COVID-19 and financial difficulties. 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Resilience, social support, and coping as mediators between COVID-19-related stressful experiences and acute stress disorder among college students in China. Applied Psychology: Health and Well-Being, 12(4), 1074\u0026ndash;1094. https://doi.org/10.1111/aphw.12211\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eZhai, Y., Du, X., \u0026amp; Hall, B. J. (2021). Mental health support for college students during the COVID-19 pandemic. The Lancet Child \u0026amp; Adolescent Health, 5(1), 16\u0026ndash;17. https://doi.org/10.1016/S2352-4642(20)30374-8\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":true,"hideJournal":true,"highlight":"","institution":"President Ramon Magsaysay State University","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":true,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"premature responsibility, college students, COVID-19, academic disruption, family burden, thematic analysis, higher education","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-9131070/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-9131070/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eThis study explored how college students experienced premature responsibility during COVID-19, with particular attention to survival, academic disruption, and family burden. While existing research has widely documented online learning challenges, mental health strain, and educational inequality during the pandemic, less attention has been given to how these pressures converged to reshape students\u0026rsquo; roles and responsibilities. Using a qualitative descriptive design and thematic analysis, this study analyzed textual responses from college student participants collected during the COVID-19 period. The findings indicate that students experienced the pandemic not only as an educational disruption but as a broader crisis that restructured their daily lives and social roles. Six themes emerged: survival as an early burden, academic disruption under material constraint, family burden and relational fear, emotional overload and disrupted rest, informational insecurity and the burden of rumor, and forced maturity and the reworking of studenthood. Together, these findings suggest that the pandemic accelerated the assumption of adult-like obligations and blurred the boundary between studenthood and adulthood. The study advances premature responsibility as a useful lens for understanding how crisis conditions reshape the lived realities of college students.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"Premature Responsibility Among College Students During COVID-19: Survival, Academic Disruption, and Family Burden","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2026-03-19 08:20:56","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-9131070/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"e45cb747-264b-48e8-bcc0-e75b98eb2994","owner":[],"postedDate":"March 19th, 2026","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"posted","subjectAreas":[{"id":64533973,"name":"Educational Psychology"},{"id":64533974,"name":"Psychology"},{"id":64533975,"name":"School Counseling"}],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2026-03-19T08:20:56+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2026-03-19 08:20:56","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-9131070","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-9131070","identity":"rs-9131070","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"XKTyCvWXoU3ODBz1xrDgd","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}

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