Empowerment, Obligation or Exploitation? Examining the role of Self Help Group members in the implementation of government Schemes

Empowerment, Obligation or Exploitation? 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Examining the role of Self Help Group members in the implementation of government Schemes Anurag Singh This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-9402907/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract Self-Help Groups (SHGs) in India have transitioned from simple credit-based collectives into primary vehicles for government scheme implementation . While SHGs are recognised as tools for women's empowerment, there is a growing trend of using SHG members as state agents, where women's workload is not taken into consideration. The objective of this qualitative field project is to understand activities SHG members engage in beyond credit and examine how they negotiate household responsibilities alongside scheme delivery. The objective is to understand whether this participation in SHG and related activities is perceived by women as empowerment, obligation, or exploitation . Social science/Development studies Social science/Social policy Social science/Sociology 1. Introduction “SHGs—in the context of development interventions—are economically and socially homogenous groups of between 10 and 20 people, usually women, who voluntarily form a unit of self-help with the support of a development agency. Groups meet regularly, and formal leadership is often a feature. Savings and credit are generally the primary activity of SHGs, with loans rotated through the groups from either their own savings or external sources such as NGOs or banks”(Jakimow & Kilby, 2006 ). These groups serve as bridges between women and formal banking institutions; therefore, promoting financial inclusion and access to institutional credit. Within these groups, certain members hold positions such as President, Secretary, Treasurer and Bookkeeper. SHGs have been closely associated with saving and credit as their core function; their role has significantly evolved over the past decade. Increasingly, SHGs are co-opted into the implementation of government schemes, positioning them as critical actors in last-mile service delivery. Donors and the Government are increasingly channelling development projects through community-based organisations, and one such organisation in the community is the Self Help group, which is readily available for implementation work (Gugerty et al., 2019 ). The SHG members have functioned as Business correspondents, ensuring the grassroots-level delivery of banking services. The NRLM introduced Bank Sakhi, a model which positions SHG women as banking agents. This was initially piloted in seven states and then further scaled by various State Livelihood Missions (Gayatri, n.d.). Self-help groups are increasingly being used to mobilise crowds at public events, political rallies, and government programs, where women members face indirect pressure to perform (Chakraborty et al., 2025). In the state of Orissa, the Electricity Act of 2003 proposed the idea of Distribution Franchisees(DFs), where these franchises will help to address the last-mile delivery of the electricity distribution. In this model, DFs employed 142 SHG women for metering, billing, and revenue collection (Swami & Wagle, 2021 ).In the state of Kerala, Kudumbashree network played a significant role in delivering welfare services at the grassroots level in the COVID-19 pandemic by running community kitchens, making masks and sanitisers, they also monitored vulnerable households, and supported relief distribution. (Kudumbashree, n.d.). In the state of Bihar, SHG members were used to implement the Satat Jeevikoparjan Yojna (SJY), which is a playbook designed for government and civil society organisations who are working to eliminate extreme poverty. SJY in 2023 covers 1,62,000 households, and that has largely become possible because SHG members who were involved in executing this scheme in Bihar ( Going the Last Mile , 2023). Though the role of SHGs has gone beyond saving and credit in the last decade, the existing literature around SHGs largely focuses on the effect of SHGs on women's empowerment and financial inclusion. Though some studies examine the effectiveness of SHGs in delivering specific development outcomes, there is very limited attention given to understand the role of SHG members engaged in the last-mile delivery of government services. In particular, their motivations for participation, the nature of their work beyond saving and credit, their challenges and the way they negotiate their household responsibilities alongside domestic responsibilities. This gap is significant because it deals with critical questions like whether this expansion of SHGs' responsibilities, along with empowering them, also increases their workloads, and whether their labour is adequately recognised or compensated. This study explores the activities SHG members are engaged in beyond credit and savings, their role in the implementation of the government scheme and their challenges. The study has been done in Munger District, Bihar. The study uses qualitative interviews with SHG members who are not part of delivering government schemes, Cadres who are involved in delivering government schemes and are also part of SHGs and Jeevika functionaries. This study explores three key Research questions: 1. What types of activities do SHG members engage in beyond saving and credit? 2. What roles do SHG members play in the implementation of government schemes? 3. How do SHG members manage and negotiate their household responsibilities alongside SHG duties and government scheme implementation? This study argues that while the participation of SHG members in the last-mile delivery of government schemes can enhance confidence, mobility and economic contribution of SHG members in the family at the same time, it can also put them at the risk of exploitation. 2. Methodology This Study uses a qualitative research design to explore the role of SHG members in government scheme delivery and understand how they perceive it either as an empowerment obligation or exploitation. A qualitative study was considered useful as it would allow us to understand different respondents' views on government scheme delivery by SHG members. The study was conducted in the villages of Safiabad and Dharhara in Munger district of Bihar for a period of over two months in November and December of 2025. Bihar was chosen because of the active participation of SHG members in the government scheme implementation through Jeevika. The villages in Munger were chosen because of the language familiarity and the personal network of the Researcher. 2.1 Data Collection The data was collected through in-depth semi-structured interviews. A total of 14 interviews were conducted, each lasting between 30 and 70 minutes. All interviews were conducted in Hindi and then translated into English. 2.2 Sampling The study purposely selects participants across three key categories to understand SHG members' roles in government scheme delivery and how they navigate household responsibilities with their cadre work or last-mile delivery of government scheme work. The three categories mentioned are as follows: 1. SHG Members engaged in cadre roles or last-mile service delivery (8 participants): This group included Community Mobilisers (5), a Community Nutrition Resource Person (1), a Master Resource Person (1), and a member associated with Didi Ki Rasoi (1). These participants were primarily from rural backgrounds, belonged to low-income households, and had a minimum level of education up to the 10th standard. 2. SHG Members not engaged in cadre roles (4 participants): These participants were SHG members from rural, low-income households who were not involved in government scheme delivery. All of them had little to no formal education. They were included in the sample to understand their perception of women working as Cadre or women who are implementing government scheme delivery at the last mile. 3. Jeevika Staff (2 participants): Two staff members from Jeevika were interviewed: a Block Program Manager and a Young Professional. These interviews helped to understand how the Jeevika functionaries see the women who are implementing the government scheme delivery role at the grassroots level. All Participants were selected using purposive sampling for the purpose of understanding the role of SHG members delivering government services at the grassroots levels and their challenges. 2.3 Limitations and Challenges My fieldwork began during the Bihar election period (06–11 Nov 2025), and following the Institutional Review Board (IRB) safety guidelines, I could not conduct interviews in a politically charged environment, which limited the time available for data collection. As I was interviewing women, being a male, finding a space for conducting interviews was sometimes tough. Travelling to remote places where public transport was not available was another challenge that I faced throughout my fieldwork. 3. Discussion and Findings This section of my report has the discussion and findings of the study in Munger. I have the qualitative interviews with SHG members, cadres and Jeevika Functionaries in Munger, Bihar, to draw upon for my findings. The findings have expanded far beyond their original role of saving and credit. This transition of expanding the role of SHG members beyond credit and saving has created opportunities for women's participation, income and mobility, but at the same time it has also created new forms of constraints and negotiations. The analysis is organised around three key themes: 1) The emergence of the Cadre-centric model 2) The expanding nature of their responsibilities beyond financial activities, and 3) The everyday negotiations and challenges faced by women in balancing these roles with domestic responsibilities. 3.1. Cadre Centric Model: Women working for the last mile delivery of the scheme 3.1.1 What is a Cadre An SHG member who is educated and can manage tasks like mobilisation, documentation, and operate a mobile phone is often selected as a cadre. These cadres can have different roles in Jeevika's structure, for example, a Community Mobiliser, a CNRP, and a Master Resource Person. These cadres are selected through an exam conducted by Jeevika. These cadres are responsible for delivering the government scheme or welfare initiatives. They are also used for Political Mobilisation that we will discuss further in the report. In interviews, the respondents have said this cadre selection process has evolved over the years. Adarsh, who is a young professional in Jeevika, describes the emergence of the cadre-centric development model as a response to administrative scalability constraints. He says that due to the impossibility of deploying formal staff at every SHG level, local cadres were institutionalised at the Panchayat and Cluster levels to perform mobilisation, bookkeeping, and transaction recording. He further calls the cadre system the operational backbone of Jeevika, transforming grassroots women into cadres delivering government schemes at the last mile. “She asked me if I'm educated and can read, write and calculate. So through that, I got my work. But nowadays it's not like that. There are examinations and interviews. That is how you get selected. Now with an exam, but I was contacted by Jeevika, the old CM, who contacted me. Nothing. At that time, nothing happened. At that time, only documents ran.” (Translated from Hindi) Pinki, Age 40, Community Mobiliser for 8 years Pinki was telling me how, previously, if one had the documents, one could become a cadre, given that she has the network in Jeevika. Now, things have changed, and there is a formal selection process. In my interview with the Block Program Manager of Jeevika in Munger, he said Cadre requirements are numerically determined based on group density, with open recruitment issued through CLFs when vacancies arise. Educational qualifications (minimum matriculation) serve as baseline eligibility. Those who work as a CM (Community Mobilizer) are educated. Since I am not educated, I won't be able to do that work. Akansha, a SHG member who is not a cadre Akansha’s statement reveals an educational hierarchy in the last-mile delivery. By saying that she “won’t be able” to become a Community Mobiliser due to a lack of education, she internally recognises that leadership and administrative roles are reserved for women who are educated. This suggests that while SHGs may be inclusive at the membership level, upward mobility in this organisation is shaped by literacy and educational attainment. After careful selection of the cadre, they are trained for their work. Champa, a young community member, says that she went for the training in Munger Sadar. The BPM says that there is a formal and residential structure of cadre training within Jeevika, typically delivered through six- to seven-day modules facilitated by district- and state-level trainers. Beyond technical instruction on loan management and procedural operations, training emphasises behavioural conduct, communication norms, and appropriate engagement within communities. 3.1.2 What is the Motivation for SHG members to join as Cadre? Many respondents said that monetary incentives work as a key factor for them to join Cadre work, given that there are no other alternative work available in rural Bihar. “We were having some financial problems at home, so we thought that if we worked, we would earn some money, and that would help alleviate some of my financial issues” (Translated from Hindi) -Roopam, Community Mobiliser for 9 Years Roompam frames her motivation to join as a cadre as the practical response to economic hardships faced by her and her family. “I joined the SHG thinking that it is better to be in SHG rather than sitting at home idle.”(Translated from Hindi) -Pinki, Community Mobiliser for Years Pinky’s motivation for joining the SHG is framed in terms of purposeful engagement rather than economic necessity. She says that the other alternative is sitting idle at home; there is no other option, and in her view, working as a cadre is better than sitting at home. 3.1.3 What is the nature of Cadre Responsibilities? The cadre is involved in doing surveys, identifying beneficiaries, school meal preparation, maternal and child health facilitation, and repayment of loans that are taken by SHG members, and they are also responsible for tasks associated with banking intermediaries when formal agents like Bank Sakhis are unavailable. “In the housing scheme (Awaas Yojana), we helped them reach the beneficiaries. After that, the scheme of planting trees in every house, the 'Hariyali' (Greenery) one, has also been done. After that, we are given survey work. We have also implemented the 'Har Ghar Jal Nal' (Water Tap in Every Home) scheme.” (Translated from Hindi) Akansh, Community Mobiliser for 7 Years Akansha says that Cadre are deeply embedded in the implementation of multiple government schemes, including housing (Awaas Yojana), environmental plantation initiatives (Hariyali), water infrastructure programmes (Har Ghar Jal Nal), and various survey activities. These Cadres are also utilised to politically mobilise SHG women. In an interview with a Young Professional in Jeevika, he says SHG members were mobilised for programmes organised by multiple government departments, including Prohibition, Industries, and district-level administrative events, with coordination reportedly reaching 75,000 women across districts. In another interview with the BPM, he says, referring to himself and the system as “ring masters” coordinating approximately 20,000 women, he frames SHGs as highly organised constituencies capable of rapid deployment, particularly in electoral contexts. The government provides full support for that. They gave us 500–600 buses, telling us to go bring them however we must. So, prepare the didis at 3:00 AM. Tell them to come in a red saree or a yellow saree. Bring them, seat them in the assembly, and then take them back Adarsh, a young professional for 3 years at Jeevika Adarsh’s account reveals that there are multiple dimensions of SHG instrumentalisation. The coordinated mobilisation of women through buses, early morning assembly, and a regulated dress code indicates the deployment of SHGs as an organised collective presence for public display in Political Events. 3.2.“Buffer” Between the State and Community 3.2.1 The downward shift of burden The cadre identifies beneficiaries for various schemes in contexts where some receive assistance, and others do not. Cadres become the immediate targets of criticism. When there is a default on the loan, the Cadres have to ensure that the particular SHG member returns the loan. In this process, the l cadre often becomes the target of conflict arising from the loan return. We will go and ask for money door-to-door. We will conduct meetings and ask for money. Sangeeta Kumari, Community Mobiliser for 10 years In cases of delayed repayment, mobilisers are required to conduct door-to-door follow-ups, placing social and emotional pressure on them. In addition to this, in the case of the absence of supporting roles such as Bank Sakhi, the community mobiliser has to do her part of the work, which increases the workload and task overlap. If we tell a 'Didi' in the meeting, "Didi, pay the money. Why won't you pay? You must pay. You have kept it for so long, why won't you pay?"... She says, "I won't pay, I didn't take it from you. I took it from the Government."... Then her husband, her son, they intervene and start arguing Roopam, Community Mobiliser for 9 years Roopam here says that as a lone representative confronting groups of villagers during loan recovery disputes, she faces verbal abuse and gendered challenges, particularly when male family members intervene. Additionally, there is an underlying expectation from the cadres to “remain silent” in serious conflicts while loan recovery, which highlights the vulnerability of the cadres in the community. Thus, the cadre acts as a buffer between the state and the community and community expectations by absorbing any backlash generated while recovering a loan or by any perceived inequities in benefit distribution. In one interview with Baby Mishra, A member of Didi ki Rasoi, an initiative of Jeevika, where SHG members are employed for running canteens in hospitals and schools, she says the salary has not arrived since 11 month. But during the whole conversation, she was very conscious not to criticise Jeevika. Adarsh ( Young Professional in Jeevik ) says this is training, and Jeevika has trained them to speak the Jeevika-aligned narrative. Baby Mishra, rather than openly articulating dissatisfaction with irregularity in payments, adopts a very cautious language; she frames payment delays as manageable. She talks about transport-related difficulties, such as the unavailability of vehicles at night or walking due to the unavailability of vehicles at night, which are logistical and safety concerns and not directly related to Jeevika. Baby Mishra's narrative explains how participation has provided social engagement and purpose here, but wage insecurity and infrastructural constraints remain key challenges for her. 3.2.2 Work pressure and weak Legitimacy Cadres narrate that they have heavy work pressure; for instance, Champa, a Community Mobiliser for 8 years, says that her work includes heavy meeting schedules, increasing documentation requirements, time compression, and insufficient cadre staffing. Additionally, the absence of formal identity cards and uniforms reflects limited institutional recognition, despite being assigned responsibilities such as voter education, preparing and providing meals for polling and police personnel on duty. This lack of an identity card or dress code makes them suffer from name-calling in the community, too. People call them “Jhola wali didi or Dus takiya didi” 3.2.3 “Ghar ka aata hi gila hota hai” : Protest and Punishment Champa, a Community Mobiliser, revealed that she and other cadres demanded identity cards, uniforms, and increased payment, which were rooted in claims for formal recognition and dignity comparable to other frontline workers like ASHA, who get a dress code as a form of Identity. However, this collective action resulted in punitive wage withholding, with four months of payments cut, which were never restored. This produced economic insecurity and fear among cadres. The metaphor here, “Ghar ka aata hi gila hota hai” , which literally translates “spoils the household flour”, is said for the protest. It underscores that domestic needs are the immediate casualties of the protest. Champa further says that no one talks about the protest anymore. Here, the withholding of wages worked as a discipline mechanism for Cadres like Champa. 3.3.“ Hum mana nahi kar sakte ”: Negotiating Cadre work and domestic work 3.3.1 Constrained Agency Cadre says that they have minor flexibility over when to complete a task, but they can not say no to a task given to them. We cannot refuse… otherwise we will lose our jobs. Champa, a Community mobiliser for 8 years She has limited flexibility over timing (“after half an hour… after two hours”), but cannot decline tasks altogether. She can negotiate when but not whether she will complete assigned work. But at the same time, the ongoing economic necessity and the lack of any other option compel their continued participation. he made me quit, saying he would give me that much money. Babita, a Community mobiliser for 8 years Babita said that my husband asked me to leave the cadre work because the payment was less; he said he would give me the amount that I earn here. This narrative tells that cadres have to navigate their own way of domestic approval even after they have made up their mind to continue working as cadres. 3.3.2 Gender Norms and Stereotyping Cadres say that their participation is contingent on their domestic approval. We get support at home to do it. If we don't get support at home, we won't be able to do it. Roopam, a Community Mobiliser for 9 years In the above statement, Roopam highlights the critical need for domestic approval for working as a cadre. She also highlights that she is primarily responsible for cooking, childcare, and educational support within the household, completing these tasks before and after attending meetings. Her daily schedule reflects a layered double shift, where her cadre work is supplementary to her domestic duties rather than a substitute. At another place, the BPM said that “Women should work as Cadre than sitting idle at home”.This kind of framing suggests that there is an underlying gender stereotype that views women’s time outside organised structures as wasteful, reinforcing subtle patriarchal attitudes even within empowerment-oriented programmes. 3.3.3 Subah 5 bje se Raat 10 baje tak Cadre day in the interviews has shown a mostly similar pattern: they start their day around 5:00 am, do their domestic work, then go to cadre work around 11:00 am, return from cadre work at 5:00 pm, and continue their domestic work till 10:00 pm. The cadre conducts up to three meetings per day, combined with travel time, and that can occupy the entire working day, often without structured meal breaks, within an already gendered schedule of domestic labour. Meeting timings are negotiated around SHG members’ availability, which is another time-consuming thing. In addition to the workload, the cadre has to face safety concerns and emotional stress arising from conflict situations such as loan recovery. Akansha, who has been working as an MRP for the last 7 years, tells her challenges related to the job. She says that there is an extensive area that she has to travel for her work, which is spread across multiple Panchayats. She often has to travel on foot in remote areas where autos are not available. She says that a lack of cadre in her area has significantly increased her workload. She talks about her personal challenges at the household level; she is unable to give sufficient time to her children and family members, which highlights the work–life struggle in her role. I wake up sharp at 5:00 AM. After that, all the sweeping, which is our regular chore, cooking, and then leaving for the field by 10 or 10:30. Then coming home by 5:15 or 5:30 PM, then the evening work starts. This is my entire daily schedule. Pinky, a community mobiliser for 8 years This case of Pinky is not alone, and it demonstrates how last-mile delivery by SHG members is sustained through gendered time compression and the normalisation of the double burden. Jeevika’s expectations introduce bureaucratic time discipline into rural women’s lives, and this expectation expands their working hours beyond traditional domestic responsibilities. They have been given a direction: when you wake up early in the morning, how much time does it take to prepare the husband? 11 or 12 o'clock. By 11 o'clock, you become free. Attend meetings after 11:00 AM. And at 4:00 PM or 5:00 PM, we leave you BPM Jeevika, for 12 years The Block Program Manager’s statement here explains how cadre time is structured; it typically starts from late morning after their domestic responsibilities are completed to evening, after which they again recontinue their domestic responsibilities. This assumption that women are “free” only after fulfilling their household duties highlights how cadre time accounts for pre-existing gendered labour; this cadre work time window reinforces rather than redistributes domestic responsibilities. The unquestioned nature of this arrangement suggests that while cadre work may expand women’s role in the public sphere, they do not necessarily transform the traditional gender norms, and leads to double burden and time poverty. 4. Conclusion This study has tried to answer to understand whether the expansion of Self-Help Group (SHG) members in the last-mile delivery of government schemes has led to empowerment, obligation, or exploitation of SHG members who are implementing government schemes at the grassroots. The study focuses on the implications of the expansion of SHG roles beyond saving and credit. The findings suggest that SHG members doing last-mile delivery have become the backbone for Jeevika in order to deliver last-mile delivery of government schemes in Bihar. This transition has opened new possibilities for SHG members to contribute to government scheme delivery, gain mobility, and contribute economically to their households. The participation of SHG members as cadres has helped SHG members to build confidence, learn new skills, and gain identity as cadre workers. On the other hand, the SHG members working as cadres have repetitively highlighted that their engagement is marked with heavy workloads, irregular payments, limited recognition in the community, and exposure to social and emotional risks, especially while putting pressure to return loans taken from the SHG group. Cadres work as “buffers” between the state and the community, absorbing backlash between the state and the community while unequal benefit distribution from the state, that also often without adequate support from Jeevika. Importantly, the study highlights that this form of participation does not fundamentally challenge existing gender norms in society, and it does not redistribute domestic responsibilities. Instead, cadre work is added onto women’s pre-existing domestic responsibilities, which results in double burden and time poverty. The agency of cadre is limited because they need domestic approval for working as cadre, even if they somehow start working due to their economic necessity, and wage insecurity, they can not refuse working for a specific task or demand better conditions. Therefore, SHG members doing last-mile delivery do feel empowered, but they also see cadre work as spaces where new forms of labour extraction and obligation take place. The study suggests a need for policy attention towards fair compensation, formal recognition, workload regulation and grievance mechanisms for cadres. The study also acknowledges that the redistribution of domestic responsibilities is an important change in society, without which the expansion of SHGs in development delivery will come with risks of reinforcing, rather alleviating, already existing inequalities. Declarations Ethics Approval Statement The study was conducted in accordance with ethical research standards. Ethical approval was obtained from the Institutional Review Board of Azim Premji University. Participants Consent Form Informed Consent was obtained from all the participants before they participated in the study. Participants were informed about the purpose of the research, and their voluntary participation and confidentiality were ensured. 7. Consent Form “You are invited to participate in a research study about the role of SHG in government scheme implementation. I will collect data about time spent on household work, income-generating activity, roles in SHG and also questions on why or why not SHG members have decided to participate in additional work in implementing government schemes. A detailed note will be taken. Participation is voluntary. You may refuse to participate at any time without any consequences. Your identity will remain confidential, and only anonymised information will be used. Do you provide your consent?” "आपको सरकारी योजनाओं के क्रियान्वयन में स्वयं सहायता समूहों की भूमिका पर एक शोध अध्ययन में भाग लेने के लिए आमंत्रित किया जाता है। मैं घरेलू कामों में लगने वाले समय, स्वयं सहायता समूहों की आय गतिविधियों के बारे में जानकारी एकत्र करूँगा, और यह भी पूछूँगा कि स्वयं सहायता समूहों के सदस्यों ने अतिरिक्त काम में भाग लेने का निर्णय क्यों लिया है या क्यों नहीं। इस पर विस्तृत जानकारी ली जाएगी। भागीदारी स्वैच्छिक है। आप बिना किसी परिणाम के किसी भी समय भाग लेने से इनकार कर सकते हैं। आपकी पहचान गोपनीय रहेगी और केवल गुमनाम जानकारी का ही उपयोग किया जाएगा। क्या आप अपनी सहमति देते हैं? Author Contribution A.S. conceived the study, conducted fieldwork, analysed the data, and wrote the manuscript. References Analytical Report . (n.d.). NRLM. https://nrlm.gov.in/outerReportAction.do?methodName=showReportMaster Article detail. (n.d.). International Journal of Advanced Research. 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World Economic Forum Manandhar DS, Osrin D, Shrestha BP, Mesko N, Morrison J, Tumbahangphe KM, Tamang S, Thapa S, Shrestha D, Thapa B, Shrestha JR, Wade A, Borghi J, Standing H, Manandhar M, De L, Costello AM (2004) Effect of a participatory intervention with women’s groups on birth outcomes in Nepal: Cluster-randomised controlled trial. Lancet 364(9438):970–979. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(04)17021-9 Many faces of gender inequality. (n.d.). Retrieved September 26, 2025, from https://www.sas.upenn.edu/~dludden/MANY%20FACES%20OF%20GENDER%20INEQUALITY.htm Nayak AK, Panigrahi PK, Swain B (2019) Self-help groups in India: Challenges and a roadmap for sustainability. Social Responsib J 16(7):1013–1033. https://doi.org/10.1108/SRJ-02-2019-0054 NRLM (n.d.). Analytical reports. https://nrlm.gov.in/outerReportAction.do?methodName=showReportMaster Professional Assistance for Development Action (PRADAN), Bhanjdeo A, Narain N, Professional Assistance for Development Action (PRADAN), Sheth S, University of Berkeley, California, and, Global Grassroots IMAGO, Walton M, Harvard Kennedy School and IMAGO Global Grassroots (2021) &. Understanding India’s self-help groups: An organisational anatomy of functionality in a district in Madhya Pradesh. International Initiative for Impact Evaluation (3ie). https://doi.org/10.23846/WP0046 Publication T (2014) Challenges of self help group members towards income generation activity. Int J Acc Financial Manage Res (IJAFMR). https://www.academia.edu/7339902/CHALLENGES_OF_SELF_HELP_GROUP_MEMBERS_TOWARDS_INCOME_GENERATION_ACTIVITY Pur KA (2024) From last mile delivery enablers to political leaders—How rural shg women in tamil nadu use convergence scheme as a pathway to political participation. In D. Rajasekhar & R. Manjula (Eds.), Women Leadership, Decentralised Governance and Development (pp. 75–90). Springer Nature Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-97-3709-3_5 Saha S, Annear P, Pathak S (2013) The effect of Self-Help Groups on access to maternal health services: Evidence from rural India. Int J Equity Health 12(1):36. https://doi.org/10.1186/1475-9276-12-36 Siddeswari GK, Gopal PS (2021) Factors influencing the entrepreneurial behaviour of women entrepreneurs of self help groups in Andhra Pradesh. J Environ Biol 42:524–533 Swami S, Wagle S (2021) Addressing last mile electricity distribution problems: Study of performance of shgs in odisha. In M. Bose & A. Modi (Eds.), Proceedings of the 7th International Conference on Advances in Energy Research (pp. 515–523). Springer Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5955-6_48 United Nations (2000) Progress of the world’s women. New York, NY Usmani AK, Anees M (2024) Self-help Groups and Entrepreneurship: An Insight from Literature. Adhyayan: A Journal of Management Sciences, 14(2):57–65 Vasantha S (2014) Challenges of self help group members towards income generation activity. Int J Acc Financial Manage Res 4(2):1–6 World Health Organization (WHO) (2007) Unequal, Unfair, Ineffective And Inefficient Gender Inequity In Health: Why It Exists And How We Can Change It. Final Report to the WHO Commission on Social Determinants of Health, Geneva, Switzerland Additional Declarations No competing interests reported. Cite Share Download PDF Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Research Square lets you share your work early, gain feedback from the community, and start making changes to your manuscript prior to peer review in a journal. As a division of Research Square Company, we’re committed to making research communication faster, fairer, and more useful. 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Also discoverable on Platform About Our Team In Review Editorial Policies Advisory Board Help Center Resources Author Services Accessibility API Access RSS feed Manage Cookie Preferences © Research Square 2026 | ISSN 2693-5015 (online) Privacy Policy Terms of Service Do Not Sell My Personal Information {"props":{"pageProps":{"initialData":{"identity":"rs-9402907","acceptedTermsAndConditions":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"archivedVersions":[],"articleType":"Article","associatedPublications":[],"authors":[{"id":622202648,"identity":"8b23fc55-b6b2-4c31-b084-70cd53a34b60","order_by":0,"name":"Anurag Singh","email":"data:image/png;base64,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","orcid":"","institution":"","correspondingAuthor":true,"prefix":"","firstName":"Anurag","middleName":"","lastName":"Singh","suffix":""}],"badges":[],"createdAt":"2026-04-13 10:54:14","currentVersionCode":1,"declarations":"","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-9402907/v1","doiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-9402907/v1","draftVersion":[],"editorialEvents":[],"editorialNote":"","failedWorkflow":false,"files":[{"id":109172128,"identity":"2a2fd589-64de-4d1d-b9fa-a1958cc5178c","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2026-05-13 09:03:08","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":211332,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-9402907/v1/fd47c451-dcad-413d-a0ca-708086c45d9b.pdf"}],"financialInterests":"No competing interests reported.","formattedTitle":"\u003cp\u003eEmpowerment, Obligation or Exploitation? Examining the role of Self Help Group members in the implementation of government Schemes\u003c/p\u003e","fulltext":[{"header":"1. Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;SHGs\u0026mdash;in the context of development interventions\u0026mdash;are economically and socially homogenous groups of between 10 and 20 people, usually women, who voluntarily form a unit of self-help with the support of a development agency. Groups meet regularly, and formal leadership is often a feature. Savings and credit are generally the primary activity of SHGs, with loans rotated through the groups from either their own savings or external sources such as NGOs or banks\u0026rdquo;(Jakimow \u0026amp; Kilby, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR15\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e). These groups serve as bridges between women and formal banking institutions; therefore, promoting financial inclusion and access to institutional credit. Within these groups, certain members hold positions such as President, Secretary, Treasurer and Bookkeeper.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSHGs have been closely associated with saving and credit as their core function; their role has significantly evolved over the past decade. Increasingly, SHGs are co-opted into the implementation of government schemes, positioning them as critical actors in last-mile service delivery. Donors and the Government are increasingly channelling development projects through community-based organisations, and one such organisation in the community is the Self Help group, which is readily available for implementation work (Gugerty et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). The SHG members have functioned as Business correspondents, ensuring the grassroots-level delivery of banking services. The NRLM introduced Bank Sakhi, a model which positions SHG women as banking agents. This was initially piloted in seven states and then further scaled by various State Livelihood Missions (Gayatri, n.d.). Self-help groups are increasingly being used to mobilise crowds at public events, political rallies, and government programs, where women members face indirect pressure to perform (Chakraborty et al., 2025).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn the state of Orissa, the Electricity Act of 2003 proposed the idea of Distribution Franchisees(DFs), where these franchises will help to address the last-mile delivery of the electricity distribution. In this model, DFs employed 142 SHG women for metering, billing, and revenue collection (Swami \u0026amp; Wagle, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e).In the state of Kerala, Kudumbashree network played a significant role in delivering welfare services at the grassroots level in the COVID-19 pandemic by running community kitchens, making masks and sanitisers, they also monitored vulnerable households, and supported relief distribution. (Kudumbashree, n.d.).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn the state of Bihar, SHG members were used to implement the Satat Jeevikoparjan Yojna (SJY), which is a playbook designed for government and civil society organisations who are working to eliminate extreme poverty. SJY in 2023 covers 1,62,000 households, and that has largely become possible because SHG members who were involved in executing this scheme in Bihar (\u003cem\u003eGoing the Last Mile\u003c/em\u003e, 2023).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThough the role of SHGs has gone beyond saving and credit in the last decade, the existing literature around SHGs largely focuses on the effect of SHGs on women's empowerment and financial inclusion. Though some studies examine the effectiveness of SHGs in delivering specific development outcomes, there is very limited attention given to understand the role of SHG members engaged in the last-mile delivery of government services. In particular, their motivations for participation, the nature of their work beyond saving and credit, their challenges and the way they negotiate their household responsibilities alongside domestic responsibilities.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis gap is significant because it deals with critical questions like whether this expansion of SHGs' responsibilities, along with empowering them, also increases their workloads, and whether their labour is adequately recognised or compensated.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis study explores the activities SHG members are engaged in beyond credit and savings, their role in the implementation of the government scheme and their challenges. The study has been done in Munger District, Bihar. The study uses qualitative interviews with SHG members who are not part of delivering government schemes, Cadres who are involved in delivering government schemes and are also part of SHGs and Jeevika functionaries.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis study explores three key Research questions:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003col\u003e \u003cspan\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003e1. What types of activities do SHG members engage in beyond saving and credit?\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003c/span\u003e \u003cspan\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003e2. What roles do SHG members play in the implementation of government schemes?\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003c/span\u003e \u003cspan\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003e3. How do SHG members manage and negotiate their household responsibilities alongside SHG duties and government scheme implementation?\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003c/span\u003e \u003c/ol\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e This study argues that while the participation of SHG members in the last-mile delivery of government schemes can enhance confidence, mobility and economic contribution of SHG members in the family at the same time, it can also put them at the risk of exploitation.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"2. Methodology","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis Study uses a qualitative research design to explore the role of SHG members in government scheme delivery and understand how they perceive it either as an empowerment obligation or exploitation. A qualitative study was considered useful as it would allow us to understand different respondents' views on government scheme delivery by SHG members.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe study was conducted in the villages of Safiabad and Dharhara in Munger district of Bihar for a period of over two months in November and December of 2025. Bihar was chosen because of the active participation of SHG members in the government scheme implementation through Jeevika. The villages in Munger were chosen because of the language familiarity and the personal network of the Researcher.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec3\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e2.1 Data Collection\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe data was collected through in-depth semi-structured interviews. A total of 14 interviews were conducted, each lasting between 30 and 70 minutes. All interviews were conducted in Hindi and then translated into English.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec4\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e2.2 Sampling\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003e The study purposely selects participants across three key categories to understand SHG members' roles in government scheme delivery and how they navigate household responsibilities with their cadre work or last-mile delivery of government scheme work. The three categories mentioned are as follows:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003col\u003e\u003cspan\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003e1. SHG Members engaged in cadre roles or last-mile service delivery (8 participants): This group included Community Mobilisers (5), a Community Nutrition Resource Person (1), a Master Resource Person (1), and a member associated with Didi Ki Rasoi (1). These participants were primarily from rural backgrounds, belonged to low-income households, and had a minimum level of education up to the 10th standard.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003e2. SHG Members not engaged in cadre roles (4 participants): These participants were SHG members from rural, low-income households who were not involved in government scheme delivery. All of them had little to no formal education. They were included in the sample to understand their perception of women working as Cadre or women who are implementing government scheme delivery at the last mile.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003e3. Jeevika Staff (2 participants): Two staff members from Jeevika were interviewed: a Block Program Manager and a Young Professional. These interviews helped to understand how the Jeevika functionaries see the women who are implementing the government scheme delivery role at the grassroots level.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/ol\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e All Participants were selected using purposive sampling for the purpose of understanding the role of SHG members delivering government services at the grassroots levels and their challenges.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec5\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e2.3 Limitations and Challenges\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003e My fieldwork began during the Bihar election period (06\u0026ndash;11 Nov 2025), and following the Institutional Review Board (IRB) safety guidelines, I could not conduct interviews in a politically charged environment, which limited the time available for data collection. As I was interviewing women, being a male, finding a space for conducting interviews was sometimes tough. Travelling to remote places where public transport was not available was another challenge that I faced throughout my fieldwork.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"3. Discussion and Findings","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis section of my report has the discussion and findings of the study in Munger. I have the qualitative interviews with SHG members, cadres and Jeevika Functionaries in Munger, Bihar, to draw upon for my findings. The findings have expanded far beyond their original role of saving and credit. This transition of expanding the role of SHG members beyond credit and saving has created opportunities for women's participation, income and mobility, but at the same time it has also created new forms of constraints and negotiations.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe analysis is organised around three key themes:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003e1) The emergence of the Cadre-centric model\u003c/h3\u003e\n\n\u003ch3\u003e2) The expanding nature of their responsibilities beyond financial activities, and\u003c/h3\u003e\n\n\u003ch3\u003e3) The everyday negotiations and challenges faced by women in balancing these roles with domestic responsibilities.\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cdiv id=\"Sec10\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e3.1. Cadre Centric Model: Women working for the last mile delivery of the scheme\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec11\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e3.1.1 What is a Cadre\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eAn SHG member who is educated and can manage tasks like mobilisation, documentation, and operate a mobile phone is often selected as a cadre. These cadres can have different roles in Jeevika's structure, for example, a Community Mobiliser, a CNRP, and a Master Resource Person. These cadres are selected through an exam conducted by Jeevika. These cadres are responsible for delivering the government scheme or welfare initiatives. They are also used for Political Mobilisation that we will discuss further in the report. In interviews, the respondents have said this cadre selection process has evolved over the years.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAdarsh, who is a young professional in Jeevika, describes the emergence of the cadre-centric development model as a response to administrative scalability constraints. He says that due to the impossibility of deploying formal staff at every SHG level, local cadres were institutionalised at the Panchayat and Cluster levels to perform mobilisation, bookkeeping, and transaction recording. He further calls the cadre system the operational backbone of Jeevika, transforming grassroots women into cadres delivering government schemes at the last mile.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;She asked me if I'm educated and can read, write and calculate. So through that, I got my work. But nowadays it's not like that. There are examinations and interviews. That is how you get selected. Now with an exam, but I was contacted by Jeevika, the old CM, who contacted me. Nothing. At that time, nothing happened. At that time, only documents ran.\u0026rdquo; (Translated from Hindi)\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cul\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003ePinki, Age 40, Community Mobiliser for 8 years\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003c/ul\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003ePinki was telling me how, previously, if one had the documents, one could become a cadre, given that she has the network in Jeevika. Now, things have changed, and there is a formal selection process. In my interview with the Block Program Manager of Jeevika in Munger, he said Cadre requirements are numerically determined based on group density, with open recruitment issued through CLFs when vacancies arise. Educational qualifications (minimum matriculation) serve as baseline eligibility.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eThose who work as a CM (Community Mobilizer) are educated. Since I am not educated, I won't be able to do that work.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cul\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003eAkansha, a SHG member who is not a cadre\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003c/ul\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAkansha\u0026rsquo;s statement reveals an educational hierarchy in the last-mile delivery. By saying that she \u0026ldquo;won\u0026rsquo;t be able\u0026rdquo; to become a Community Mobiliser due to a lack of education, she internally recognises that leadership and administrative roles are reserved for women who are educated. This suggests that while SHGs may be inclusive at the membership level, upward mobility in this organisation is shaped by literacy and educational attainment.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAfter careful selection of the cadre, they are trained for their work. Champa, a young community member, says that she went for the training in Munger Sadar. The BPM says that there is a formal and residential structure of cadre training within Jeevika, typically delivered through six- to seven-day modules facilitated by district- and state-level trainers. Beyond technical instruction on loan management and procedural operations, training emphasises behavioural conduct, communication norms, and appropriate engagement within communities.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec12\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e3.1.2 What is the Motivation for SHG members to join as Cadre?\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eMany respondents said that monetary incentives work as a key factor for them to join Cadre work, given that there are no other alternative work available in rural Bihar.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;We were having some financial problems at home, so we thought that if we worked, we would earn some money, and that would help alleviate some of my financial issues\u0026rdquo; (Translated from Hindi)\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e-Roopam, Community Mobiliser for 9 Years\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eRoompam frames her motivation to join as a cadre as the practical response to economic hardships faced by her and her family.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;I joined the SHG thinking that it is better to be in SHG rather than sitting at home idle.\u0026rdquo;(Translated from Hindi)\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e-Pinki, Community Mobiliser for Years\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003ePinky\u0026rsquo;s motivation for joining the SHG is framed in terms of purposeful engagement rather than economic necessity. She says that the other alternative is sitting idle at home; there is no other option, and in her view, working as a cadre is better than sitting at home.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec13\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e3.1.3 What is the nature of Cadre Responsibilities?\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe cadre is involved in doing surveys, identifying beneficiaries, school meal preparation, maternal and child health facilitation, and repayment of loans that are taken by SHG members, and they are also responsible for tasks associated with banking intermediaries when formal agents like Bank Sakhis are unavailable.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;In the housing scheme (Awaas Yojana), we helped them reach the beneficiaries. After that, the scheme of planting trees in every house, the 'Hariyali' (Greenery) one, has also been done. After that, we are given survey work. We have also implemented the 'Har Ghar Jal Nal' (Water Tap in Every Home) scheme.\u0026rdquo; (Translated from Hindi)\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cul\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003eAkansh, Community Mobiliser for 7 Years\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003c/ul\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAkansha says that Cadre are deeply embedded in the implementation of multiple government schemes, including housing (Awaas Yojana), environmental plantation initiatives (Hariyali), water infrastructure programmes (Har Ghar Jal Nal), and various survey activities.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThese Cadres are also utilised to politically mobilise SHG women. In an interview with a Young Professional in Jeevika, he says SHG members were mobilised for programmes organised by multiple government departments, including Prohibition, Industries, and district-level administrative events, with coordination reportedly reaching 75,000 women across districts. In another interview with the BPM, he says, referring to himself and the system as \u0026ldquo;ring masters\u0026rdquo; coordinating approximately 20,000 women, he frames SHGs as highly organised constituencies capable of rapid deployment, particularly in electoral contexts.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe government provides full support for that. They gave us 500\u0026ndash;600 buses, telling us to go bring them however we must. So, prepare the didis at 3:00 AM. Tell them to come in a red saree or a yellow saree. Bring them, seat them in the assembly, and then take them back\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cul\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003eAdarsh, a young professional for 3 years at Jeevika\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003c/ul\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAdarsh\u0026rsquo;s account reveals that there are multiple dimensions of SHG instrumentalisation. The coordinated mobilisation of women through buses, early morning assembly, and a regulated dress code indicates the deployment of SHGs as an organised collective presence for public display in Political Events.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec14\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e3.2.\u0026ldquo;Buffer\u0026rdquo; Between the State and Community\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec15\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e3.2.1 The downward shift of burden\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe cadre identifies beneficiaries for various schemes in contexts where some receive assistance, and others do not. Cadres become the immediate targets of criticism. When there is a default on the loan, the Cadres have to ensure that the particular SHG member returns the loan. In this process, the l cadre often becomes the target of conflict arising from the loan return.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eWe will go and ask for money door-to-door. We will conduct meetings and ask for money.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cul\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003eSangeeta Kumari, Community Mobiliser for 10 years\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003c/ul\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn cases of delayed repayment, mobilisers are required to conduct door-to-door follow-ups, placing social and emotional pressure on them. In addition to this, in the case of the absence of supporting roles such as Bank Sakhi, the community mobiliser has to do her part of the work, which increases the workload and task overlap.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eIf we tell a 'Didi' in the meeting, \"Didi, pay the money. Why won't you pay? You must pay. You have kept it for so long, why won't you pay?\"... She says, \"I won't pay, I didn't take it from you. I took it from the Government.\"... Then her husband, her son, they intervene and start arguing\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cul\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003eRoopam, Community Mobiliser for 9 years\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003c/ul\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eRoopam here says that as a lone representative confronting groups of villagers during loan recovery disputes, she faces verbal abuse and gendered challenges, particularly when male family members intervene. Additionally, there is an underlying expectation from the cadres to \u0026ldquo;remain silent\u0026rdquo; in serious conflicts while loan recovery, which highlights the vulnerability of the cadres in the community.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThus, the cadre acts as a buffer between the state and the community and community expectations by absorbing any backlash generated while recovering a loan or by any perceived inequities in benefit distribution.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn one interview with Baby Mishra, A member of Didi ki Rasoi, an initiative of Jeevika, where SHG members are employed for running canteens in hospitals and schools, she says the salary has not arrived since 11 month. But during the whole conversation, she was very conscious not to criticise Jeevika. Adarsh ( Young Professional in Jeevik ) says this is training, and Jeevika has trained them to speak the Jeevika-aligned narrative. Baby Mishra, rather than openly articulating dissatisfaction with irregularity in payments, adopts a very cautious language; she frames payment delays as manageable. She talks about transport-related difficulties, such as the unavailability of vehicles at night or walking due to the unavailability of vehicles at night, which are logistical and safety concerns and not directly related to Jeevika. Baby Mishra's narrative explains how participation has provided social engagement and purpose here, but wage insecurity and infrastructural constraints remain key challenges for her.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec16\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e3.2.2 Work pressure and weak Legitimacy\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eCadres narrate that they have heavy work pressure; for instance, Champa, a Community Mobiliser for 8 years, says that her work includes heavy meeting schedules, increasing documentation requirements, time compression, and insufficient cadre staffing. Additionally, the absence of formal identity cards and uniforms reflects limited institutional recognition, despite being assigned responsibilities such as voter education, preparing and providing meals for polling and police personnel on duty.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis lack of an identity card or dress code makes them suffer from name-calling in the community, too. People call them \u0026ldquo;Jhola wali didi or Dus takiya didi\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec17\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e3.2.3\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Ghar ka aata hi gila hota hai\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e: Protest and Punishment\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eChampa, a Community Mobiliser, revealed that she and other cadres demanded identity cards, uniforms, and increased payment, which were rooted in claims for formal recognition and dignity comparable to other frontline workers like ASHA, who get a dress code as a form of Identity. However, this collective action resulted in punitive wage withholding, with four months of payments cut, which were never restored. This produced economic insecurity and fear among cadres. The metaphor here, \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Ghar ka aata hi gila hota hai\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e, which literally translates \u0026ldquo;spoils the household flour\u0026rdquo;, is said for the protest. It underscores that domestic needs are the immediate casualties of the protest. Champa further says that no one talks about the protest anymore. Here, the withholding of wages worked as a discipline mechanism for Cadres like Champa.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec18\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e3.3.\u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003eHum mana nahi kar sakte\u003c/em\u003e\u0026rdquo;: Negotiating Cadre work and domestic work\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec19\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e3.3.1 Constrained Agency\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eCadre says that they have minor flexibility over when to complete a task, but they can not say no to a task given to them.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eWe cannot refuse\u0026hellip; otherwise we will lose our jobs.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cul\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003eChampa, a Community mobiliser for 8 years\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003c/ul\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eShe has limited flexibility over timing (\u0026ldquo;after half an hour\u0026hellip; after two hours\u0026rdquo;), but cannot decline tasks altogether. She can negotiate when but not whether she will complete assigned work. But at the same time, the ongoing economic necessity and the lack of any other option compel their continued participation.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003ehe made me quit, saying he would give me that much money.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cul\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003eBabita, a Community mobiliser for 8 years\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003c/ul\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eBabita said that my husband asked me to leave the cadre work because the payment was less; he said he would give me the amount that I earn here. This narrative tells that cadres have to navigate their own way of domestic approval even after they have made up their mind to continue working as cadres.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec20\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e3.3.2 Gender Norms and Stereotyping\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eCadres say that their participation is contingent on their domestic approval.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eWe get support at home to do it. If we don't get support at home, we won't be able to do it.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cul\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003eRoopam, a Community Mobiliser for 9 years\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003c/ul\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn the above statement, Roopam highlights the critical need for domestic approval for working as a cadre. She also highlights that she is primarily responsible for cooking, childcare, and educational support within the household, completing these tasks before and after attending meetings. Her daily schedule reflects a layered double shift, where her cadre work is supplementary to her domestic duties rather than a substitute.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAt another place, the BPM said that \u0026ldquo;Women should work as Cadre than sitting idle at home\u0026rdquo;.This kind of framing suggests that there is an underlying gender stereotype that views women\u0026rsquo;s time outside organised structures as wasteful, reinforcing subtle patriarchal attitudes even within empowerment-oriented programmes.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec21\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e3.3.3 Subah 5 bje se Raat 10 baje tak\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eCadre day in the interviews has shown a mostly similar pattern: they start their day around 5:00 am, do their domestic work, then go to cadre work around 11:00 am, return from cadre work at 5:00 pm, and continue their domestic work till 10:00 pm. The cadre conducts up to three meetings per day, combined with travel time, and that can occupy the entire working day, often without structured meal breaks, within an already gendered schedule of domestic labour. Meeting timings are negotiated around SHG members\u0026rsquo; availability, which is another time-consuming thing. In addition to the workload, the cadre has to face safety concerns and emotional stress arising from conflict situations such as loan recovery. Akansha, who has been working as an MRP for the last 7 years, tells her challenges related to the job. She says that there is an extensive area that she has to travel for her work, which is spread across multiple Panchayats. She often has to travel on foot in remote areas where autos are not available. She says that a lack of cadre in her area has significantly increased her workload. She talks about her personal challenges at the household level; she is unable to give sufficient time to her children and family members, which highlights the work\u0026ndash;life struggle in her role.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eI wake up sharp at 5:00 AM. After that, all the sweeping, which is our regular chore, cooking, and then leaving for the field by 10 or 10:30. Then coming home by 5:15 or 5:30 PM, then the evening work starts. This is my entire daily schedule.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cul\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003ePinky, a community mobiliser for 8 years\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003c/ul\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis case of Pinky is not alone, and it demonstrates how last-mile delivery by SHG members is sustained through gendered time compression and the normalisation of the double burden. Jeevika\u0026rsquo;s expectations introduce bureaucratic time discipline into rural women\u0026rsquo;s lives, and this expectation expands their working hours beyond traditional domestic responsibilities.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eThey have been given a direction: when you wake up early in the morning, how much time does it take to prepare the husband? 11 or 12 o'clock. By 11 o'clock, you become free. Attend meetings after 11:00 AM. And at 4:00 PM or 5:00 PM, we leave you\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cul\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003eBPM Jeevika, for 12 years\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003c/ul\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe Block Program Manager\u0026rsquo;s statement here explains how cadre time is structured; it typically starts from late morning after their domestic responsibilities are completed to evening, after which they again recontinue their domestic responsibilities. This assumption that women are \u0026ldquo;free\u0026rdquo; only after fulfilling their household duties highlights how cadre time accounts for pre-existing gendered labour; this cadre work time window reinforces rather than redistributes domestic responsibilities. The unquestioned nature of this arrangement suggests that while cadre work may expand women\u0026rsquo;s role in the public sphere, they do not necessarily transform the traditional gender norms, and leads to double burden and time poverty.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"4. Conclusion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis study has tried to answer to understand whether the expansion of Self-Help Group (SHG) members in the last-mile delivery of government schemes has led to empowerment, obligation, or exploitation of SHG members who are implementing government schemes at the grassroots. The study focuses on the implications of the expansion of SHG roles beyond saving and credit. The findings suggest that SHG members doing last-mile delivery have become the backbone for Jeevika in order to deliver last-mile delivery of government schemes in Bihar.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis transition has opened new possibilities for SHG members to contribute to government scheme delivery, gain mobility, and contribute economically to their households. The participation of SHG members as cadres has helped SHG members to build confidence, learn new skills, and gain identity as cadre workers.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOn the other hand, the SHG members working as cadres have repetitively highlighted that their engagement is marked with heavy workloads, irregular payments, limited recognition in the community, and exposure to social and emotional risks, especially while putting pressure to return loans taken from the SHG group. Cadres work as \u0026ldquo;buffers\u0026rdquo; between the state and the community, absorbing backlash between the state and the community while unequal benefit distribution from the state, that also often without adequate support from Jeevika.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eImportantly, the study highlights that this form of participation does not fundamentally challenge existing gender norms in society, and it does not redistribute domestic responsibilities. Instead, cadre work is added onto women\u0026rsquo;s pre-existing domestic responsibilities, which results in double burden and time poverty. The agency of cadre is limited because they need domestic approval for working as cadre, even if they somehow start working due to their economic necessity, and wage insecurity, they can not refuse working for a specific task or demand better conditions.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eTherefore, SHG members doing last-mile delivery do feel empowered, but they also see cadre work as spaces where new forms of labour extraction and obligation take place. The study suggests a need for policy attention towards fair compensation, formal recognition, workload regulation and grievance mechanisms for cadres. The study also acknowledges that the redistribution of domestic responsibilities is an important change in society, without which the expansion of SHGs in development delivery will come with risks of reinforcing, rather alleviating, already existing inequalities.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003cp\u003eEthics Approval Statement The study was conducted in accordance with ethical research standards. Ethical approval was obtained from the Institutional Review Board of Azim Premji University.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eParticipants Consent Form Informed Consent was obtained from all the participants before they participated in the study. Participants were informed about the purpose of the research, and their voluntary participation and confidentiality were ensured.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e \u003ch2\u003e7. Consent Form\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;You are invited to participate in a research study about the role of SHG in government scheme implementation. I will collect data about time spent on household work, income-generating activity, roles in SHG and also questions on why or why not SHG members have decided to participate in additional work in implementing government schemes. A detailed note will be taken. Participation is voluntary. You may refuse to participate at any time without any consequences. Your identity will remain confidential, and only anonymised information will be used. Do you provide your consent?\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\"आपको सरकारी योजनाओं के क्रियान्वयन में स्वयं सहायता समूहों की भूमिका पर एक शोध अध्ययन में भाग लेने के लिए आमंत्रित किया जाता है। मैं घरेलू कामों में लगने वाले समय, स्वयं सहायता समूहों की आय गतिविधियों के बारे में जानकारी एकत्र करूँगा, और यह भी पूछूँगा कि स्वयं सहायता समूहों के सदस्यों ने अतिरिक्त काम में भाग लेने का निर्णय क्यों लिया है या क्यों नहीं। इस पर विस्तृत जानकारी ली जाएगी। भागीदारी स्वैच्छिक है। आप बिना किसी परिणाम के किसी भी समय भाग लेने से इनकार कर सकते हैं। आपकी पहचान गोपनीय रहेगी और केवल गुमनाम जानकारी का ही उपयोग किया जाएगा। क्या आप अपनी सहमति देते हैं?\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eAuthor Contribution\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eA.S. conceived the study, conducted fieldwork, analysed the data, and wrote the manuscript.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e\u003cem\u003eAnalytical Report\u003c/em\u003e. (n.d.). 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Final Report to the WHO Commission on Social Determinants of Health, Geneva, Switzerland\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":true,"hideJournal":true,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-9402907/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-9402907/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003e \u003cb\u003eSelf-Help Groups (SHGs)\u003c/b\u003e in India have transitioned from simple credit-based collectives into primary vehicles for \u003cb\u003egovernment scheme implementation\u003c/b\u003e. While SHGs are recognised as tools for women's empowerment, there is a growing trend of using SHG members as state agents, where women's workload is not taken into consideration.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe objective of this \u003cb\u003equalitative field project\u003c/b\u003e is to understand activities SHG members engage in beyond credit and examine how they \u003cb\u003enegotiate household responsibilities\u003c/b\u003e alongside scheme delivery. The objective is to understand whether this participation in SHG and related activities is perceived by women as \u003cb\u003eempowerment, obligation, or exploitation\u003c/b\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"Empowerment, Obligation or Exploitation? Examining the role of Self Help Group members in the implementation of government Schemes","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2026-04-16 18:28:51","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-9402907/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"0c3ef0bb-b63e-4838-878c-97f9a1f0b2e1","owner":[],"postedDate":"April 16th, 2026","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"posted","subjectAreas":[{"id":66471489,"name":"Social science/Development studies"},{"id":66471490,"name":"Social science/Social policy"},{"id":66471491,"name":"Social science/Sociology"}],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2026-05-13T09:02:32+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2026-04-16 18:28:51","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-9402907","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-9402907","identity":"rs-9402907","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"XKTyCvWXoU3ODBz1xrDgd","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}