Choosing without choice: On compulsion, education and the future in the narratives of newly arrived men

Choosing without choice: On compulsion, education and the future in the narratives of newly arrived men | Research Square window.SnipcartSettings = { analytics: { enabled: false } }; (function() { var accessVector = localStorage.getItem('access_vector') || ''; window.dataLayer = window.dataLayer || []; if (accessVector) { window.dataLayer.push({ user: { profile: { profileInfo: { snid: accessVector } } } }); } })(); (function(w,d,s,l,i){w[l]=w[l]||[];w[l].push({'gtm.start':new Date().getTime(),event:'gtm.js'});var f=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],j=d.createElement(s),dl=l!='dataLayer'?'&l='+l:'';j.async=true;j.src='https://www.googletagmanager.com/gtm.js?id='+i+dl;f.parentNode.insertBefore(j,f);})(window,document,'script','dataLayer','GTM-K279D39R'); Browse Preprints In Review Journals COVID-19 Preprints AJE Video Bytes Research Tools Research Promotion AJE Professional Editing AJE Rubriq About Preprint Platform In Review Editorial Policies Our Team Advisory Board Help Center Sign In Submit a Preprint Cite Share Download PDF Research Article Choosing without choice: On compulsion, education and the future in the narratives of newly arrived men Hamid Asghari, Enni Paul This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-7627112/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Published Journal Publication published 24 Apr, 2026 Read the published version in Vocations and Learning → Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract This article explores how newly arrived men with migrant backgrounds narrate their vocational education and career choices in relation to societal demands and expectations in Sweden, and how the expression must (Swedish: måste ) is given meaning within these accounts. It also examines how experiences of agency take shape in encounters with structural conditions such as temporary residence permits, income requirements, introduction programmes, and labour market discourses. The study draws on twelve semi-structured interviews with men attending Swedish adult vocational education (Yrkesvux) who arrived in Sweden during or after the 2015 European migrant crisis. The analysis was conducted using a narrative thematic approach and theoretically informed by Basil Bernstein’s concepts of pedagogic discourse, symbolic control, and linguistic codes. The analysis identifies how must is used to describe constrained agency: as a response to legal and economic compulsion; as strategic adaptation when previous qualifications are not recognised; as an expression of existential pressure and responsibility; and as a reflection of unacknowledged resources and inequality. The study contributes a linguistic and narrative dimension to research on integration and labour market participation. By analysing how the informants make sense of their trajectories in terms of things that they must do, it becomes possible to illuminate how migration-related and educational requirements are recontextualised in everyday life and shape life choices that often appear necessary rather than voluntary. These insights may inform policy and practice within adult education and labour market initiatives. Newly arrived students Vocational education Agency Narrative analysis Symbolic control Introduction In the autumn of 2015, Sweden received an unprecedented number of asylum seekers as part of the broader European migrant crisis. Initially characterised by a welcoming approach, the Swedish reception system soon faced political and administrative pressure, leading to a shift in migration policy (Author 1, 2025; Baptista et al., 2016 ). From late 2015 onwards, a series of legislative changes were introduced, including temporary residence permits, stricter income requirements, and more limited pathways to permanent residency and family reunification (Author 1, 2025). These changes have had profound implications for newly arrived individuals, particularly in terms of how education and employment became instrumental for legal stay. The narratives analysed in this study must be understood in light of this policy shift, which redefined the conditions for integration and shaped the everyday realities of those arriving during and after this period (Author 1, 2025; Author 2, 2023). This study aims to explore how newly arrived men with migrant backgrounds articulate their choices of vocation and vocational education in their own narratives. All participants were current or former students in adult vocational education (Yrkesvux) and had arrived in Sweden during or after the 2015 European migrant crisis. Yrkesvux is a municipal vocational education programme at upper-secondary level for adults without a complete secondary education. It combines vocational training with subjects such as Swedish, English, and mathematics to facilitate pathways to employment. Students also acquire practical vocational skills through workplace-based learning (Skolverket, 2023 ). The focus of this study is particularly on how the expression must (Swedish: måste ) is used as a linguistic marker to describe life situations shaped by demands, constraints, and conditional opportunities. In the participants’ narratives, must emerges as a recurring expression in relation to crucially important aspects of life having to do with residence permits, education, and work – something that differs from previous interviews with Swedes or individuals with long-term residence in Sweden (Author 1, 2023a , 2023b ), where must primarily appeared in everyday contexts. Previous research has shown that newly arrived individuals’ opportunities to establish themselves in the labour market are shaped in relation to educational background, work experience, language skills, and access to social networks (Dahlstedt & Fejes, 2018 ; Spehar, 2021 ). At the same time, this group encounters structural conditions, such as residential segregation, discrimination, and temporary residence permits, which frame their possibilities to navigate education and working life (Çelikaksoy & Wadensjö, 2017 ; Spehar, 2021 ). The design of introduction programmes can, in this context, both open and delimit individuals’ scope for action, as they often direct participants towards certain occupations or educational tracks (Author 1, 2023b , 2025). Local labour market needs also influence the fact that newly arrived individuals are offered training in sectors with high demand for labour, such as health and social care (Muhrman & Andersson, 2022 ). Despite extensive research on integration and labour market participation, there is a lack of qualitative studies focusing on how newly arrived men themselves narrate their experiences of vocational choices as something they must do. The use of must can be understood as a linguistic marker for how societal demands are given meaning not only in everyday life but also in relation to life-changing decisions, and how these demands shape individuals’ experiences of choice and constraint. Moreover, in a study on the positioning of trade unions regarding changes in employment protection, Mulinari and Neergaard ( 2023 ) show how whiteness and class intersect in shaping different union strategies, where silence on race does not imply the absence of racialised effects but rather contributes to reinforcing them. Similarly, Mulinari ( 2024 ) demonstrates how time becomes racialised in labour market projects targeting foreign-born women, where their time is rendered invisible, controlled, and wasted in the name of integration. In this article, the concept of racialisation is used in line with Mulinari ( 2024 ) to describe how migration policy, labour market structures, and institutional practices produce differentiated conditions for participation and recognition, often along lines of perceived origin, legal status, and cultural background. Although race is not used as a direct analytical category in this study, racialisation is understood as a process through which certain groups – such as newly arrived migrants – are positioned as different and subject to specific expectations and constraints. According to Dahlstedt, Gruber and Rydell ( 2024 ), time has increasingly come to characterise contemporary Swedish migration policy through an emphasis on migrants’ individual responsibility to meet specific, often time-limited, requirements. Such requirements may involve rapid labour market entry by learning Swedish within a certain timeframe to qualify for education, completing training in a sector with labour shortages, and subsequently securing employment to fulfil conditions for residence permits. Drawing on these analyses, this study examines how the expression must in newly arrived men’s narratives can be understood as part of the same racialised logic, where time, demands, and labour market conditions intersect in constructing unequal life trajectories. Our study thus highlights an often-overlooked aspect of the integration process – how subjective experiences of compulsion and constraint are expressed in narratives about vocational choices. The findings may contribute to developing more nuanced integration and education policies that take into account individuals’ narrated experiences, as well as provide insights for career counsellors, employment officers, and policymakers regarding how newly arrived individuals can be better supported in their efforts to secure employment, and navigate vocational education pathways. Based on this problematisation, the study examines how newly arrived men with migrant backgrounds narrate their vocational education and career choices in terms of the expression must . By analysing these narratives, the study explores how these men describe their choices in relation to societal demands and expectations, and how must is given meaning within their accounts. It further highlights how experiences of agency take shape in encounters with structural conditions such as temporary residence permits, income requirements, introduction programmes, and labour market discourses. The following section presents previous research on labour market participation, agency, and racialised structures in relation to newly arrived migrants in Sweden, with a particular focus on adult men participating in vocational education. This is followed by an introduction to the theoretical framework underpinning the analysis, and a methodological account of how the narratives were collected and analysed. The article concludes with a presentation of the findings, highlighting key themes in the participants’ narratives, and a discussion that situates the results in relation to previous research and the contribution of the study to knowledge. Previous research Two studies by Paula Mulinari provide important perspectives on how racialised structures shape labour market relations in Sweden. In a study conducted with Neergaard (2023), the authors analyse how three trade unions, dominated by white men, position themselves in relation to changes in employment protection. They show how the silence on race in union rhetoric does not imply the absence of racialised effects but rather contributes to reproducing inequalities through discourses of flexibility, responsibility, and competence. In a later study (Mulinari, 2024 ), the concept of temporal racism is introduced to analyse how time becomes racialised in labour market projects targeting foreign-born women. The study demonstrates how women’s time is rendered invisible, controlled, and wasted, shaping foreign-born women into a specific type of labour force within low-paid and insecure occupations. This form of temporal racism, where time is racialised and regulated through institutional demands, may also influence the situation of newly arrived men. As the narratives in this study show, time becomes a decisive factor in shaping vocational choices, legal status, and the possibility of establishing a stable life. Both studies make visible how racialised mechanisms operate through everyday practices and discourses rather than through explicit expressions of racism. This broader logic of racialisation is further developed in recent studies that examine how time functions as a structuring force in migrants’ transitions through education and work. XXX, YYY and Author 2 (accepted) discuss how racial time shapes migrants’ stalled transitions through education and into the labor market, often resulting in prolonged schooling, unemployment, or precarious work. They highlight that the persistent gap between policy ideals and lived realities necessitates a critical reassessment of integration programs. Research on migration and labour market participation has shown how structural conditions shape individuals’ possibilities and constraints in relation to vocational choices. Kwon ( 2020 ) highlights how internal migration within a country is shaped by local labour and housing markets, and how these, in turn, relate to individuals’ decisions to relocate in order to improve their living conditions. Using a spatial equilibrium framework, the study illustrates that migration is not solely an expression of individual will but also a response to structural imbalances and demands, which is relevant for understanding how the expression must is given meaning in migrants’ narratives about vocational choices. The spatial equilibrium framework refers to a theoretical model used in migration and labour market research to analyse how individuals distribute themselves geographically in relation to differences in labour markets, housing markets, and living costs. The basic idea is that people move until the benefits (e.g., wages, housing costs, quality of life) are roughly equal across locations, creating a form of equilibrium. In Kwon ( 2020 ), this framework is used to show that migration is not only a matter of individual preferences but also a response to structural imbalances and demands. In a study by Ferreira et al. ( 2020 ), the authors focus on global trends in poverty, inequality, and growth, emphasising the importance of inclusive growth for achieving sustainable development. They show how migration, economic restructuring, and political conditions intersect to create different forms of agency – or lack thereof – for different groups. In relation to newly arrived men’s experiences of labour market participation, this research is central for understanding how societal demands and discourses on self-sufficiency and integration shape individuals’ experiences of choice and compulsion. According to Dowling et al. ( 2013 ), cultural and structural conditions intersect in shaping experiences of compulsion and choice in working life. Cultural differences such as values, norms, and patterns of socialisation are given meaning in how individuals interpret demands and opportunities in different work contexts. These cultural patterns influence how organisational practices are understood and how individuals narrate what they perceive that they must do in order to navigate institutional demands and achieve a sense of stability or legitimacy in their professional lives. Structural conditions such as global governance models, standardisation of routines, and strategies for human resource management – for instance recruitment, reward systems, and competence development – along with local adaptations, are also given meaning in the participants’ accounts of agency. The authors further highlight how international labour relations and institutional frameworks can be understood as meaning-making contexts where global and national regulations shape how working conditions are experienced. This is relevant for the present study, as societal demands such as temporary residence permits, income requirements, and introduction programmes can be understood as conditions shaping how participants narrate their experiences of vocational education and career choices. Previous research has also shown how labour market policies and institutional practices shape individuals’ experiences of agency, particularly in encounters with public authorities. Berggren et al. ( 2021 ) demonstrate how officials at the Swedish Social Insurance Agency use strategies such as fragmenting everyday activities and limiting contact with applicants to implement cutbacks, which obscures the individual’s perspective and shifts the focus from rights to cost control. Similar patterns are evident in Benerdal’s ( 2021 ) study of local labour market initiatives in three rural municipalities, where newly arrived individuals are positioned through discourses of resources and deficits. Through so-called DUA agreements – collaborative arrangements between municipalities and the Public Employment Service – educational tracks are created that aim to promote labour market entry but risk reproducing inequality by directing individuals towards low-wage occupations without formal qualifications. Both studies illustrate how the expression must in participants’ narratives can be understood in light of structural and discursive conditions where individuals’ scope for choice is shaped by policy, place, and institutional logics. These studies can be linked to a broader shift in how employment and integration have increasingly come to be constructed as individualised processes (Nyström, Fejes, & Mešić, 2023 ). In policy discourses, vocational education emerges as a means of shaping employable and integratable subjects who are expected to adapt continuously to the (changing) demands of the labour market, for example by being prepared to update their skills or reconsider their vocational choices (Garsten & Jacobsson, 2004 ; Masoud, 2024 ; Salo, Nylund & Henning Loeb, 2024). In this way, responsibility for employability and societal inclusion is placed on the individual. In summary, previous research demonstrates how labour market policies, institutional practices, and racialised structures intersect in constructing agency, opportunities for choice, and demands. These studies provide important analytical entry points for understanding how the expression must is given meaning in newly arrived men’s narratives about vocational education and career choices. By relating participants’ narratives to these structural and discursive conditions, the study contributes to a deeper understanding of how societal demands are shaped, negotiated, and experienced in everyday life. Theoretical framework To analyse how the expression must is given meaning in participants’ narratives about vocational education and career choices, and how societal demands are constructed and shape experiences of agency, this study draws on Basil Bernstein’s sociological theory of education, language, and symbolic control. Over several decades, Bernstein developed a comprehensive conceptual framework to analyse how education operates as a system of symbolic control, shaping and reproducing social inequality through language, pedagogy, and institutional structures. A central contribution in Bernstein ( 2003b ) is precisely this concept of pedagogic discourse, which he defines as a specific form of communication where knowledge is not merely transmitted but also constructed and regulated through social and cultural mechanisms. According to Bernstein ( 2018 ), pedagogic discourse consists of two components: the instructional discourse (what is taught) and the regulative discourse (how the learner is shaped as a subject). These discourses are not neutral; they carry societal values and norms that regulate who gains access to what knowledge, and under what conditions. In relation to this study, it becomes relevant to analyse how participants are shaped as employable and integratable subjects through education and work, and how this subjectification is regulated through requirements related to language, identity documentation, and self-sufficiency. Bernstein ( 2003b ) introduces the distinction between recognition rules and realisation rules. These rules govern how individuals perceive a context (recognition) and how they act within it (realisation), which in turn matters for their ability to participate in and make sense of educational content. Bernstein ( 2003b ) shows how these rules are linked to social class and how they contribute to reproducing inequalities within the education system. An important part of Bernstein’s ( 1964 ) theory is the distinction between elaborated and restricted codes. Elaborated code is characterised by more explicit, abstract, and context-independent language, which is often privileged in schools, whereas restricted code is more context-bound and dependent on shared understanding within a social group. These linguistic codes help explain why students from different social classes have unequal conditions for success in education. Children from different social backgrounds have varying access to the codes required to interpret and participate in school discourses, which influences their opportunities to succeed. Bernstein argues that middle-class children are more likely to have access to the privileged ways of understanding and expressing themselves that schools reward. In other words, Bernstein ( 2003b ) emphasises that education is not a neutral process but an arena where cultural and ideological values are transmitted and legitimised. Analysing how pedagogic discourse is structured makes it possible to reveal the hidden mechanisms that regulate who gains access to what knowledge, and under what conditions. Bernstein ( 2003a ) develops the concepts of classification and framing as central tools for analysing how knowledge is organised and how the content and interaction of teaching are regulated in different educational contexts. Classification refers to the strength of the boundaries between different knowledge areas, roles, or institutions, while framing concerns control over what is to be learned, how it is to be learned, and at what pace (Bernstein, 2018 ). These concepts are used to make visible how formal and informal rules in education contribute to maintaining social hierarchies. Bernstein shows how certain linguistic forms – particularly those typical of the middle class – become institutionalised as the norm in schools, shaping students’ access to knowledge (Bernstein, 2003d ). He links linguistic forms to different curriculum models, such as the collection code (with strong subject boundaries) and the integrated code (with cross-disciplinary structures), which in turn influence students’ ability to navigate the education system (Bernstein, 2003a ). Bernstein’s ( 2003c ) basic premise is that children from different social classes are socialised into different linguistic forms, which affects both how they communicate and how they are perceived in school. The education system tends to privilege linguistic codes more common among the middle class, which can disadvantage working-class children – not because of lack of ability, but because of differences in linguistic socialisation. Children from homes with strong literacy practices, argumentative culture, and access to symbolic capital often find it easier to navigate school requirements, especially in environments with weak classification and framing, where rules are more implicit. Although Bernstein focused on class, his theory can also be used to explain newly arrived students’ encounters with an education system whose linguistic codes may be unfamiliar to those with different cultural backgrounds, which can shape their opportunities to construct educational trajectories. Bernstein ( 2003d ) argues that teachers should not only reflect on students’ language use, but also critically examine their own teaching practices and the organisation of learning, in order to identify how pedagogic structures may advantage or disadvantage students from different linguistic and cultural backgrounds. His theory thus offers a powerful analytical tool for understanding how education can contribute to – or counteract – social inequality. While Bernstein ( 2003c ) focused on the role of language in relation to socialisation, Bernstein ( 2003d ) directs attention to the institutional function of schools for transmitting knowledge, norms, and values. Bernstein ( 2003d ) deepens his analysis of how the education system functions as a mechanism for social reproduction. For example, in education systems with weak framing, students are given considerable freedom to choose courses and design their educational pathways. According to Bernstein ( 2018 ), this can be perceived as an expression of choice and individualisation, but such freedom also entails increased responsibility for the student, which can create confusion and inequality, particularly for those lacking access to guidance or cultural capital. Bernstein ( 2018 ) starts out from the insight that pedagogic discourse is not neutral but a social construction regulated by societal power structures. It determines not only what counts as legitimate knowledge but also how this knowledge should be presented and by whom. Bernstein’s theory is therefore crucial for understanding how the educational and vocational choices of the participants in the present study are shaped in relation to highly structured educational tracks, where choice is often constrained by migration policy and labour market requirements. Another key concept in Bernstein ( 2003d ) is the distinction between visible and invisible pedagogy. Visible pedagogy is characterised by clear structure, strong teacher control, and explicit goals, whereas invisible pedagogy is more implicit, learner-centred, and dependent on subtle social cues. Bernstein links these pedagogical forms to the cultural capital of different social classes and shows how some students benefit from the ways in which schools communicate and structure learning, while others risk exclusion. For students with a migration background, the taken-for-granted assumptions embedded in invisible pedagogy can present considerable challenges in navigating the education system. Bernstein (2000) also develops the concept of recontextualisation as a central element of the pedagogic device, which describes how knowledge is produced, transformed, and transmitted within the education system. This process is closely connected to questions of power and control. Knowledge moves from a field of production, where it is created (e.g., within academia), to a recontextualising field, where it is reshaped into pedagogic discourse. This field is further divided into an official field (governed by state and institutional actors) and a pedagogic field (where teachers and schools interpret and implement the discourse). Finally, knowledge reaches the field of reproduction, where it is communicated to students. Recontextualisation is therefore not a neutral process but an ideologically charged practice in which different actors compete to define what counts as legitimate knowledge. This concept can be understood in relation to how migration policy requirements are translated into concrete educational pathways and vocational choices, where individuals’ narratives of must can be seen as responses to these recontextualised demands. Through Bernstein’s theory, it becomes possible to analyse how participants’ narratives do not merely express individual experiences but also reflect how education, work, and migration are embedded in structures of control, recognition, and regulation. Bernstein’s theory can also contribute to a deeper understanding of how participants’ previous experiences and modes of expression are valued differently when encountering Swedish institutions. This highlights how linguistic and cultural resources are not only means of communication but also carry social value that shapes individuals’ opportunities for recognition and success within the education system. Interviews as a research method The study is based on twelve semi-structured interviews (Kvale & Brinkmann, 2009 ) with men with migrant backgrounds, conducted by the first author during 2024 and 2025. Each participant was interviewed once, allowing for in-depth conversations within the framework of a semi-structured interview guide. Each interview lasted between 45 minutes and one hour. This method was chosen to enable rich conversations in which participants were given space to reflect on their experiences in an environment perceived as safe and confidential. All participants had arrived in Sweden during or after the increased reception of refugees in 2015, either as refugees or through family reunification. The participants represent a diversity of countries of origin, occupational backgrounds, and legal statuses, ranging from temporary residence permits to Swedish citizenship. While the participants originate from a range of migration contexts, the study does not focus on their countries of origin or reasons for migration. Instead, it centres on what emerges from their narratives about navigating vocational education and work within the Swedish system. The interviews were conducted face-to-face, either at the participants’ adult vocational schools or at their workplaces. The study adopts a social constructionist perspective on interviews (Kvale & Brinkmann, 2009 ), viewing the conversation as an interactive process in which meaning is co-constructed between interviewer and participant. The questions were not only a means of gathering information but also a way of creating shared meaning around each participant’s life situation, vocational choices, and educational pathways. A strength of semi-structured interviews is that they allow space for participants’ own narratives and perspectives while enabling comparisons across interviews. A potential limitation is that the interview situation can be shaped by power relations, language barriers, or the participant’s wish to present themselves in a certain way. To address this, the interviews were conducted with sensitivity to participants’ modes of expression and with an awareness that narratives are shaped in relation to the context in which they are told. The interviews focused on participants’ experiences of vocational choices and education, and how these choices were described in relation to their life situations. During the analysis, must emerged as a central concept recurring in several narratives, interpreted as an expression of constrained agency rather than free choice. For a more detailed analysis, six participants were selected based on variation in country of origin, previous work experience, residence status, and type of vocational education. These participants, referred to by the pseudonyms Elian, Narel, Tivan, Savin, Darel, and Ruvan, were considered representative of the broader group in terms of how they used the expression must in their narratives. Analysis of the interview material The analysis was carried out using a narrative thematic approach (Lieblich et al., 1998 ), focusing on how the participants narrate their experiences of vocational education, work, and life conditions in relation to migration policy requirements. All interviews were fully transcribed and then analysed in several steps. Initially, each narrative was read carefully to identify central themes, with particular attention to the use of the expression must and its function in the narratives. Subsequently, recurring patterns and variations in how must was used were coded and categorised. The analysis was informed by Bernstein’s theory of pedagogic discourse (Bernstein, 2018 ), symbolic control (Bernstein, 2003b ), and the role of language in social reproduction (Bernstein, 2003c ). Particularly relevant were the concepts of recognition and realisation rules (Bernstein, 2003b ), classification and framing, and recontextualisation (Bernstein, 2003a ). These concepts were used to understand how participants interpret and navigate the demands placed on them through the education system and migration policy, and how these demands are transformed into personal strategies and narratives about what one must do to stay, make a living, or create a future. The analysis also considered the interview situation as a socially constructed context in which meaning is co-created between interviewer and participant (Kvale & Brinkmann, 2009 ). This means that the narratives are not viewed as objective accounts of reality but as subjective interpretations shaped in relation to questions, experiences, and expectations. By combining narrative analysis with a sociological theoretical framework, it was possible to make visible how individual narratives both reflect and challenge the structural conditions shaping newly arrived men’s life trajectories in Sweden. Ethical considerations The study followed the ethical guidelines of the Swedish Research Council ( 2024 ) and was approved by the Swedish Ethical Review Authority for research involving adult migrants enrolled in vocational education. Participants were informed orally and in writing about the purpose of the study, the voluntary nature of participation, the right to withdraw at any time, and how the material would be used in research publications and teaching. Written consent was obtained from all participants. To protect anonymity, pseudonyms were used and identifying details were removed from transcripts and quotations. As the interviews addressed potentially sensitive issues related to migration and life conditions, particular care was taken to create a safe interview environment and to avoid pressuring participants to share more than they wished. Findings The findings are presented in relation to the research focus of the present study and highlight how the participants’ narratives make visible societal demands, the meaning of the expression must , and experiences of agency. The presentation begins with Elian’s account. He was 26 years old in 2024 when interviewed: When I came to Sweden and showed that I needed protection, I was granted a temporary residence permit. But now the rules have changed. To stay longer, I must show that I have a good income. It feels unfair. I feel that I must earn a lot of money, as if I were living a luxury life, but that’s not possible for me. […] I took a course to work in the hotel and restaurant sector. After that, I got a job as a dishwasher. I like my job, but the salary is low. It’s not enough to meet the new requirements. Now I must earn even more money to stay in Sweden. But in my job, it’s almost impossible to earn that much. Elian’s narrative illustrates how must functions as a linguistic marker for a life governed by legal and economic compulsion rather than personal choice. His vocational choice does not appear as an expression of interest or ambition but as a necessary step to meet conditions linked to residence permits. Despite completing vocational training, securing employment, and being able to support himself, this is still insufficient to meet the requirements for residence, which changed during his time in Sweden. By repeatedly stating that he must earn more money (even though his job does not allow for it), a constrained scope for action emerges, where the future appears conditional and uncertain. Here, must expresses a form of compulsion that is structurally embedded and shapes both everyday life and life choices. Narel, who was 23 years old when interviewed in 2024, explains: In my home country, it’s not common to have ID documents, especially in villages. When I was born, my father wasn’t required to arrange any ID, because it wasn’t needed. We wrote my birthday in our holy book, like everyone does in the village. […] When I came to Sweden, I had to prove who I was, but it was difficult. I was still allowed to stay through the Upper Secondary School Act. Then I started studying to become an assistant nurse, not because I wanted to, but because I had to find a job within six months after finishing the programme. I thought: okay, I’ll study care. I got a job and could extend my residence permit. […] But now the rules have changed again. Now I must have an approved ID from my home country to stay. But how can I get that? I don’t want to work in elderly care anymore. I want to become a car mechanic and change jobs. But I don’t dare, because if I earn less, there’s a risk I’ll be deported. So now I just have to accept the situation and keep working where I am. Narel’s account illustrates how must expresses a dual form of compulsion: legal, through the requirement to secure employment quickly in order to remain in the country, and existential, through being forced to stay in a job he does not want. His decision to enrol in a care programme was directly linked to the residence permit rules in place at the time. Under the temporary Upper Secondary School Act (Gymnasielagen), young people who had turned 18 could obtain extended residence permits if they remained enrolled in upper secondary school and secured legal, typically full-time, employment within six months of completing their education. Narel’s wish to retrain as a car mechanic now clashes with the fear of losing his right to stay. Here, must becomes an expression of how the future is shaped by uncertainty and by rules that restrict the possibility of changing course. Similarly to Narel, Savin’s decision to enrol in a vocational programme was also tied to the Upper Secondary School Act. Savin was 25 years old when interviewed in 2024: I come from a family where many have higher education. My goal was always to become an electronics engineer. But I received a deportation order. Then came the Upper Secondary School Act, and because of that, I had to choose a vocational programme that could lead to a job and a good salary. I chose the electricity and energy programme. […] After the programme, I got a job, and thanks to that and my income, I got permanent residence. Now I want to follow my dream and become an electronics engineer. To do that, I must take courses at Komvux to qualify for university. But I also have to earn money because my partner and I had a baby last year. I have a family to support. […] So I must work while studying. I have to work evenings and weekends to keep up with my studies. I’ve been lucky to get a job where it’s possible to work evenings and weekends. Savin describes how his dream of becoming an electronics engineer had to be set aside in favour of a strategic choice of vocational training that could lead to employment and a sufficient income to meet the conditions for residence at the time. Even after obtaining permanent residence, must continues to structure his everyday life. He must work to support his family while studying to reach his original goal – qualifying for university. To do this, he needs to complete upper secondary courses at Komvux, that is, the preparatory courses included in the academic tracks he felt compelled to forgo to avoid risking non-compliance with the Upper Secondary School Act. Here, must becomes an expression of a life in constant negotiation between responsibility and ambition within structural conditions that shape educational choices. Responsibility for family also stands out in Tivan’s narrative. Tivan, who was 28 years old when interviewed in 2025, explains: I have lived in Sweden for nine years and have been studying Swedish the whole time. Last year, I completed SFI (Swedish for Immigrants). With the help of my social worker, I started studying to become an assistant nurse at Yrkesvux. For the first time in a long time, I feel hope. I have a placement at a care home through the school, and I hope to get a job there when I finish the programme next year. […] I must get a job. I must earn money; otherwise, I can’t get my life in order. I must create a normal life for my child. To do that, I must get a job. That’s why I really hope I will get one. In Tivan’s account, must is used to express a strong internal pressure to create stability, not only for himself but also for his child. His hope for the future is tied to the possibility of employment, yet this hope is simultaneously conditioned by a repeated must . It is not about freedom of choice but about a perceived necessity to meet requirements in order to achieve a normal life . Darel was 32 years old when first interviewed in 2025. Similar to Savin and Narel’s accounts, Darel expresses that his vocational choice in Sweden was not his first choice: I was 24 when I came to Sweden. I fled the war in my home country. After a while, I got permanent residence. In my home country, I had studied to become a nurse. But it was difficult to get a job in Sweden, especially without Swedish qualifications. So I had to study again here. […] To study at university in Sweden, you must first take many courses at Komvux. I thought that would take too long. So I decided to become an assistant nurse instead. I took a course at Yrkesvux and got a job as an assistant nurse. […] Now I want to become a Swedish citizen. But it has become harder. I haven’t submitted my application yet. I’ve heard a new law is coming. So I must wait until the new law comes into effect. Darel’s narrative shows how must is used to describe an adaptation to a system where previous qualifications are not recognised. Despite already having a nursing degree from his home country, he was forced to start over to become an assistant nurse in Sweden. He chose a shorter and therefore more “feasible” route that provided quicker access to employment but involved a downgrading of his professional status. Here, must expresses a form of institutionally structured detour, where the individual’s prior experience is disregarded, and the future is postponed while waiting for new citizenship regulations. An uncertain future also characterises Ruvan’s narrative. Ruvan was 30 years old when interviewed in 2025: I came to Sweden five years ago. I had to flee my home country because of the war. When I arrived, I applied for asylum and was granted a residence permit, but only temporary. I’ve had it twice, but each time only for a short period. […] Last year, I completed a turning and milling course for adults at Yrkesvux. After that, I got a job as an industrial worker, and I still work there. But now the Migration Agency says I can’t extend my residence permit. They say I must prove who I am. But when I fled, I had to leave everything behind. I had no papers with me. […] Now I must prove my identity, but I have no documents. They also say I’m not cooperating, but I don’t understand what I’m supposed to do. I work, I pay taxes, I earn enough, but still, I can’t stay. I can’t even stay through my job. […] Sometimes I think I must move to another country in Europe and start over there. I don’t know if that’s possible, but I must do something. I can’t live like this anymore. I don’t know what to do. Ruvan’s narrative is marked by a recurring must that conveys a sense of desperation and powerlessness. Despite working, paying taxes, and having a vocational qualification, he experiences that he does not meet the requirements to remain in the country. Here, must becomes an expression of existential pressureto act, to move, to do something in a situation where no options seem truly viable. Analytical introduction to the narratives The following section presents how the expression must is used across the participants’ narratives. Drawing on Bernstein’s concepts of pedagogic discourse, symbolic control, and linguistic codes, the analysis shows how must functions as a linguistic indicator of agency shaped by external constraints. Across the six narratives, must appears in relation to legal and economic compulsion (Elian, Narel, Ruvan), strategic adaptation to institutional logics (Savin, Darel), existential responsibility (Tivan, Savin), and the struggle for recognition of prior experience and knowledge (Darel, Ruvan). These aspects are not isolated but intersect in complex ways, reflecting how migration policy, adult education, and labour market discourses shape the participants’ life trajectories. The analysis that follows uses Bernstein’s theoretical framework to interpret how these expressions of must reveal the workings of symbolic control and the regulative discourse in adult education and integration policy. Must as an expression of legal and economic compulsion The narratives of Elian, Narel, and Ruvan reveal how the right to remain in Sweden is contingent upon fulfilling specific requirements related to employment and income. In these situations, must signals a constrained agency shaped by external demands, which are recontextualised into vocational and educational decisions. Participants describe choosing programmes not based on personal interest, but on their perceived ability to meet legal conditions. Bernstein’s ( 2003b ) concept of realisation rules helps illuminate how individuals learn to recognise what is expected of them and act accordingly within institutional frameworks. For example, the Upper Secondary School Act is narrated as a mechanism that channels individuals into vocational tracks expected to lead quickly to employment, thereby satisfying residence permit criteria. Must as strategic adaptation to recontextualised demands The narratives of Savin and Darel illustrate how participants make strategic choices to navigate a system where previous education is not recognised. They move between different discourses in which their own educational goals and values are renegotiated in relation to what is acknowledged as valid and what is made possible within the system. Using Bernstein’s (2000) concept of recontextualisation, it becomes clear how migration policy and education-related requirements are transformed into concrete educational tracks. Participants are compelled to adapt to these tracks to gain recognition and access to rights. Here, must expresses a form of symbolic control, where life choices are shaped by institutional logics rather than personal ambitions. Must as existential pressure and responsibility In the narratives of Tivan and Savin, must is used to express an internalised pressure to create stability for oneself and one’s family. Here, must is linked to the regulative discourse (Bernstein, 2018 ), where the individual is shaped as a responsible subject expected to meet requirements for self-sufficiency, integration, and self-realisation. This illustrates how education and work are not only pathways to employment and social inclusion but also arenas where subjects are formed in line with societal norms of productivity and responsibility. The goals expressed are not primarily about self-fulfilment through education but about meeting social and economic compulsion to gain legitimacy as a parent. Must as an expression of unacknowledged resources and inequality In the narratives of Darel and Ruvan, it becomes evident that previous experiences, education, and identities are not recognised within the Swedish system. Through Bernstein’s ( 2003c , 2018 ) concepts of recognition rules and the distinction between elaborated and restricted codes, this can be understood as an illustration of how recognition rules operate to privilege certain forms of expression and knowledge, while marginalising others. Recognition rules concern what forms of expression and resources are acknowledged as legitimate in a given context. Darel and Ruvan possess vocational skills and experience, but their ways of expressing these – often grounded in practical and context-bound codes (restricted codes) – do not align with the linguistic and institutional norms that characterise the Swedish education and migration system, where more formalised and abstract communication (elaborated codes) is privileged. This creates a power imbalance where their resources are rendered invisible and their scope for action is constrained. The narratives show how social structures encode what counts as valuable knowledge and legitimate identities, which in turn shapes possibilities for action. In this context, must becomes a linguistic marker of the struggle for recognition within a system where some experiences and forms of expression are valued more highly than others. Concluding reflections on the narratives Taken together, the participants’ narratives show that must functions as a linguistic indicator of lives shaped by demands rather than choices. Vocational decisions often appear as strategic responses to migration policy and economic conditions rather than as expressions of interest or ambition. Through Bernstein’s concepts, it becomes clear how participants navigate a system in which their previous experiences and forms of expression are often not recognised. Here, must does not only signal individual pressure but also a form of symbolic control, where education and work are recontextualised as conditions for belonging. This illustrates how the education system and labour market operate as mechanisms of social regulation, where some subject positions appear more legitimate than others. Their use of must demonstrates that integration cannot be understood as a linear process in which education automatically leads to employment and belonging. Instead, a complex web of demands, rules, and conditions emerges, recontextualised into everyday life. Discussion This study has explored how newly arrived men narrate their vocational education and career choices in terms of the expression must , and how these narratives reflect societal demands and structural conditions. The findings indicate that must functions as a linguistic marker for lives shaped by legal, economic, and social constraints rather than by free choice. The narratives of the six participants show how power structures are expressed in language and everyday life, where political and legal decisions take on concrete, often restrictive, consequences in shaping educational and occupational trajectories. This is articulated linguistically through descriptions of what must be done. Changing and changeable migration laws, with requirements for self-sufficiency or identity documentation, are recontextualised into the participants’ lives and acquire practical and personal significance. The narratives highlight that the educational and vocational choices of newly arrived men cannot be seen as free but rather as a means to meet requirements for residence permits or to secure an income when previous educational credentials from their home countries are not recognised within the Swedish system. In other words, the purpose of education is recontextualised from personal development to an instrumental survival strategy, where time (Dahlstedt, Gruber & Rydell, 2024 ; Mulinari, 2024 ) becomes a decisive factor in the choices men describe as necessary. Educational and occupational choices are thus shaped by an institutional order that, following Mulinari ( 2024 ), can be understood as racialised – in the sense that newly arrived men are positioned through migration policy and labour market discourses in ways that produce unequal conditions for recognition and agency. The study also shows how education is recontextualised from personal development to a strategic means of meeting legal and economic compulsion for residence. This resonates with previous research (Dahlstedt & Fejes, 2018 ; Benerdal, 2021 ) but adds a linguistic dimension through the analysis of must as an expression of compulsion. In this sense, must signals not only external demands but also internalised norms of responsibility, self-sufficiency, and integration. Through Bernstein’s concept of regulative discourse, it becomes evident that adult education is not solely about knowledge transmission but also about shaping subjects who embody normative ideals of productivity and independence. This moral dimension of integration policy, where individuals are expected to act within narrow timeframes, becomes even more apparent when viewed through the lens of Bernstein’s concept of regulative discourse. The regulative discourse structures not only what forms of knowledge are considered valuable, but also what kind of person the adult newly arrived man is expected to become. In this sense, adult education aimed at newly arrived individuals can be described as morally coded: its function is to shape good citizens who can contribute economically and meet normative ideals of responsibility, parenthood, and independence (cf. Mulinari, 2024 ; Nyström, Fejes, & Mešić, 2023 ), thereby positioning themselves as integratable (Masoud, 2024 ) subjects. Migrants’ previous education and experience are often rendered invisible, creating a power imbalance where some linguistic and cultural resources are recognised as legitimate while others are marginalised. Through Bernstein’s distinction between elaborated and restricted codes, it becomes clear that the participants’ ways of expressing their experiences do not always align with the codes privileged in the education and migration system. This contributes to limiting their scope for action and frames their narratives as struggles for recognition. The study also demonstrates that integration cannot be understood as a linear process in which education automatically leads to employment and belonging. Instead, a complex web of demands, rules, and conditions emerges, recontextualised into everyday life. By analysing must, the study reveals how structural demands are internalised in everyday reasoning. It contributes to a deeper understanding of how societal demands are internalised, negotiated, and at times contested in newly arrived men’s narratives. It also highlights that language does not merely reflect reality but actively constructs it. Analysing must makes visible how power, time, and responsibility are distributed within the integration process. This has important implications for policy and practice, suggesting that adult education and labour market initiatives need to be designed with greater attention to individuals’ previous experiences and with less emphasis on rigid time constraints. The findings of this study confirm and deepen several patterns identified in previous research while also contributing new perspectives. Earlier studies have shown how newly arrived individuals’ labour market participation is shaped by structural conditions such as educational background, language skills, and migration policy regulations (Dahlstedt & Fejes, 2018 ; Spehar, 2021 ). In our study, the analysis of the expression must reveals how structural conditions are internalised and given meaning – not only in everyday life, but also in relation to life-changing decisions about education, work, and residence. This adds a linguistic and narrative dimension that has received less attention in previous research. The finding that must marks a moral dimension of responsibility and self-sufficiency resonates with Benerdal’s ( 2021 ) and Nyström, Fejes & Mešić’s ( 2023 ) analyses of how labour market policy individualises the responsibility for establishment – that is, for newly arrived individuals’ entry into work and education. Our results nuance this picture by showing that such individualisation occurs not only through policy, but also through linguistic practices, where must signals a moral imperative tied to autonomy and societal expectations. The study also relates to Mulinari and Neergaard’s ( 2023 ) discussion of racialised structures in working life. Through Bernstein’s concepts, it becomes evident how recognition and realisation rules create an order in which some linguistic and cultural resources are valued more highly than others. In the context of the present study, this difference in valuation means that newly arrived men’s previous experiences and qualifications are often rendered invisible, leading to a downgrading of their occupational status – a pattern also identified by Ferreira et al. ( 2020 ) in a global perspective. Our study contributes here with a micro-analysis of how these power structures take shape in individual narratives through a discourse of obligation: must . Finally, the findings show that time functions as a central dimension in the integration process, which resonates with Mulinari ( 2024 ), Dahlstedt, Gruber and Rydell ( 2024 ) and XXX, YYY and Author 2 (accepted). Through the expression must , it becomes clear how temporal demands – such as the need to establish quickly, meet income requirements, adapt to changing requirements for residence permits, or complete supplementary studies – create a sense of constant pressure. Integration, therefore, cannot be understood as a linear process based on free choice and agency. Instead, it emerges as a process shaped by negotiation, constraint, and shifting conditions. Conclusion The study demonstrates that linguistic expressions such as must can serve as analytical keys for understanding how power and demands are internalised in newly arrived men’s narratives about education and work. By analysing these narratives, it becomes evident how migration policy regulations, labour market needs, and the structures of the education system intersect in shaping life choices that often appear necessary rather than voluntary. This contributes to a deeper understanding of integration as a process characterised by changing conditions, time constraints, and recognition structures, rather than as a linear path towards inclusion. Future research should examine how similar linguistic markers are used in other groups, such as women or young people, to explore how different categories relate to the same structural logics. It would also be valuable to investigate how professional actors within adult education and labour market initiatives interpret and reproduce these demands, as well as what possibilities exist for creating greater scope for action for individuals in the process of labour market establishment and social inclusion. Declarations Funding: This research received no external funding and was carried out with the full agreement of the university at which the authors are employed. Data Availability: For ethical reasons, and in accordance with the Swedish Research Council’s guidelines on research ethics, the interview material from this study cannot be shared. However, transcribed and de-identified data may be made available upon reasonable request. Conflict of Interest: The authors declare no competing interests. Author Contribution All interviews were conducted solely by the first author, H.A. In accordance with the requirements set by the Swedish Ethical Review Authority, which prohibits the sharing of non-anonymised interview material co-author, E.P., has only had access to the transcribed and de-identified material relevant to this study. Her role in relation to the interview data has been to support the analytical process and to ensure that the interpretation of the narratives was carried out in a scientifically sound and ethically responsible manner.In addition to institutional support from Karlstad University and Stockholm University, the participating students generously contributed their time and experiences. References Author 1. (2023a). Author 1. (2023b). Author 1. (2025). Author 2. (2023). XXX, YYY, & Author 2. (accepted). Baptista, I., Benjaminsen, L., Busch-Geertsema, V., Pleace, N., & Striano, M. (2016). Asylum seekers, refugees and homelessness: The humanitarian crisis and the homelessness sector in Europe . EOH Comparative studies on homelessness. Benerdal, M. (2021). Tailored workplace education for immigrants in rural Sweden: working with resources and deficits. Journal of Education and Work , 34 (2), 170-182. https://doi.org/10.1080/13639080.2021.1897548 Berggren, U. J., Melin, E. U., & Bergman, A.-S. (2021). Strategies of austerity used in needs assessments for personal assistance – changing Swedish social policy for persons with disabilities. European journal of social work , 24 (3), 380-392. https://doi.org/10.1080/13691457.2019.1639627 Bernstein, B. (1964). Elaborated and restricted codes: Their social origins and some consequences. American Anthropologist , 66 (6), 55–69. https://doi.org/10.1525/aa.1964.66.suppl_3.02a00030 Bernstein, B. (2003a). Class, codes and control: Applied studies towards a sociology of language (Vol. 2). Psychology Press. Bernstein, B. (2003b). The structuring of pedagogic discourse . Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203011263 Bernstein, B. (2003c). Theoretical studies towards a sociology of language . Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203014035 Bernstein, B. (2003d). Towards a theory of educational transmissions . Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203011430 Bernstein, B. (2018). On the classification and framing of educational knowledge. In R. Brown (Ed.), Knowledge, education, and cultural change (pp. 365-392). Routledge. Çelikaksoy, A., & Wadensjö, E. (2017). Policies, practices and prospects: the unaccompanied minors in Sweden. Social Work & Society , 15 (1), 1-16. Dahlstedt, M., & Fejes, A. (2018). Futures in line? Occupational choice among migrant adult students in Sweden. International Journal of Lifelong Education , 38 (1), 76-87. https://doi.org/10.1080/02601370.2018.1497719 Dahlstedt, M., Gruber, S., & Rydell, M. (2024). Inkluderingens banor: En longitudinell studie av skyddssökande människors levda erfarenheter i migrationens Sverige. Sociologisk Forskning , 61 (2), 171-191. https://doi.org/10.37062/sf.61.25711 Dowling, P. J., Festing, M., & Engle, A. D. (2013). International human resource management . Cengage Learning EMEA. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11575-014-0236-1 Ferreira, I. A., Salvucci, V., & Tarp, F. (2020). Poverty, inequality, and growth: Trends, policies, and controversies. In K. F. Zimmermann (Ed.), Handbook of labor, human resources and population economics (pp. 1-45). Springer International Publishing. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-57365-6_343-1 Garsten, C., & Jacobsson, K. (2004). Learning to be employable: An introduction. In C. Garsten & K. Jacobsson (Eds.), Learning to be employable: New agendas on work, responsibility and learning in a globalizing world (pp. 1-22). Palgrave Macmillan London. Kvale, S., & Brinkmann, S. (2009). Interviews: Learning the craft of qualitative research interviewing . Sage Publications. Kwon, E. (2020). Migration, labor markets, and housing. In K. F. Zimmermann (Ed.), Handbook of labor, human resources and population economics (pp. 1-18). Springer International Publishing. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-57365-6_425-1 Lieblich, A., Tuval-Mashiach, R., & Zilber, T. (1998). Narrative research: Reading, analysis and interpretation . Sage Publications. Masoud, A. (2024). Constructing the integrateable refugee and immigrant through integration policies and practices in Finland [Doctoral dissertation, University of Helsinki]. http://hdl.handle.net/10138/569997 Muhrman, K., & Andersson, P. (2022). Adult education in Sweden in the wake of marketisation. Studies in the Education of Adults , 54 (1), 25-42. https://doi.org/10.1080/02660830.2021.1984060 Mulinari, P. (2024). Temporal racism and the invisibilization of work: Or why some can eat ice cream with their kids while others cannot. Nordic Journal of Migration Research . https://doi.org/10.33134/njmr.631 Mulinari, P., & Neergaard, A. (2023). Trade unions negotiating the Swedish model: racial capitalism, whiteness and the invisibility of race. Race & Class , 64 (4), 48-66. https://doi.org/10.1177/03063968231153561 Nyström, S., Fejes, A., & Mešić, N. (2023). Social inclusion beyond education and work: Migrants’ meaning‐making towards social inclusion. Social Inclusion , 11 (4), 5-12. https://doi.org/10.17645/si.v11i4.6984 Skolverket. (2023). Anordna yrkesutbildning inom regionalt yrkesvux . https://www.skolverket.se/skolutveckling/anordna-och-administrera-utbildning/anordna-utbildning-inom-komvux/yrkesutbildning-inom-komvux/anordna-yrkesutbildning-inom-regionalt-yrkesvux Salo, P., Nylund, M., & Loeb, I. H. (2024). Vad är väsentligt för att lyckas i arbetet som yrkeslärare? En studie av yrkeslärarstudenters berättelser [What is essential for success in vocational teachers’ work? A study of vocational teacher students’ stories]. Nordic Journal of Vocational Education and Training , 14 (4), 72-99. https://doi.org/10.3384/njvet.2242-458X.2414472 Spehar, A. (2021). Navigating institutions for integration: Perceived institutional barriers of access to the labour market among refugee women in Sweden. Journal of Refugee Studies , 34 (4), 3907-3925. https://doi.org/10.1093/jrs/feaa140 Swedish Research Council. (2024). Good Research Practice . Vetenskapsrådet. https://www.vr.se/english/analysis/reports/our-reports/2025-07-03-good-research-practice-2024.html Additional Declarations No competing interests reported. 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Initially characterised by a welcoming approach, the Swedish reception system soon faced political and administrative pressure, leading to a shift in migration policy (Author 1, 2025; Baptista et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e). From late 2015 onwards, a series of legislative changes were introduced, including temporary residence permits, stricter income requirements, and more limited pathways to permanent residency and family reunification (Author 1, 2025). These changes have had profound implications for newly arrived individuals, particularly in terms of how education and employment became instrumental for legal stay. The narratives analysed in this study must be understood in light of this policy shift, which redefined the conditions for integration and shaped the everyday realities of those arriving during and after this period (Author 1, 2025; Author 2, 2023).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis study aims to explore how newly arrived men with migrant backgrounds articulate their choices of vocation and vocational education in their own narratives. All participants were current or former students in adult vocational education (Yrkesvux) and had arrived in Sweden during or after the 2015 European migrant crisis. Yrkesvux is a municipal vocational education programme at upper-secondary level for adults without a complete secondary education. It combines vocational training with subjects such as Swedish, English, and mathematics to facilitate pathways to employment. Students also acquire practical vocational skills through workplace-based learning (Skolverket, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR29\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). The focus of this study is particularly on how the expression \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e (Swedish: \u003cem\u003emåste\u003c/em\u003e) is used as a linguistic marker to describe life situations shaped by demands, constraints, and conditional opportunities. In the participants’ narratives, \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e emerges as a recurring expression in relation to crucially important aspects of life having to do with residence permits, education, and work – something that differs from previous interviews with Swedes or individuals with long-term residence in Sweden (Author 1, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023a\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023b\u003c/span\u003e), where \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e primarily appeared in everyday contexts.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003ePrevious research has shown that newly arrived individuals’ opportunities to establish themselves in the labour market are shaped in relation to educational background, work experience, language skills, and access to social networks (Dahlstedt \u0026amp; Fejes, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; Spehar, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). At the same time, this group encounters structural conditions, such as residential segregation, discrimination, and temporary residence permits, which frame their possibilities to navigate education and working life (Çelikaksoy \u0026amp; Wadensjö, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR15\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e; Spehar, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). The design of introduction programmes can, in this context, both open and delimit individuals’ scope for action, as they often direct participants towards certain occupations or educational tracks (Author 1, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023b\u003c/span\u003e, 2025). Local labour market needs also influence the fact that newly arrived individuals are offered training in sectors with high demand for labour, such as health and social care (Muhrman \u0026amp; Andersson, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR25\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). Despite extensive research on integration and labour market participation, there is a lack of qualitative studies focusing on how newly arrived men themselves narrate their experiences of vocational choices as something they \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e do. The use of \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e can be understood as a linguistic marker for how societal demands are given meaning not only in everyday life but also in relation to life-changing decisions, and how these demands shape individuals’ experiences of choice and constraint.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eMoreover, in a study on the positioning of trade unions regarding changes in employment protection, Mulinari and Neergaard (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR27\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e) show how whiteness and class intersect in shaping different union strategies, where silence on race does not imply the absence of racialised effects but rather contributes to reinforcing them. Similarly, Mulinari (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e) demonstrates how time becomes racialised in labour market projects targeting foreign-born women, where their time is rendered invisible, controlled, and wasted in the name of integration. In this article, the concept of racialisation is used in line with Mulinari (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e) to describe how migration policy, labour market structures, and institutional practices produce differentiated conditions for participation and recognition, often along lines of perceived origin, legal status, and cultural background. Although race is not used as a direct analytical category in this study, racialisation is understood as a process through which certain groups – such as newly arrived migrants – are positioned as different and subject to specific expectations and constraints. According to Dahlstedt, Gruber and Rydell (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR17\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e), time has increasingly come to characterise contemporary Swedish migration policy through an emphasis on migrants’ individual responsibility to meet specific, often time-limited, requirements. Such requirements may involve rapid labour market entry by learning Swedish within a certain timeframe to qualify for education, completing training in a sector with labour shortages, and subsequently securing employment to fulfil conditions for residence permits. Drawing on these analyses, this study examines how the expression \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e in newly arrived men’s narratives can be understood as part of the same racialised logic, where time, demands, and labour market conditions intersect in constructing unequal life trajectories.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eOur study thus highlights an often-overlooked aspect of the integration process – how subjective experiences of compulsion and constraint are expressed in narratives about vocational choices. The findings may contribute to developing more nuanced integration and education policies that take into account individuals’ narrated experiences, as well as provide insights for career counsellors, employment officers, and policymakers regarding how newly arrived individuals can be better supported in their efforts to secure employment, and navigate vocational education pathways. Based on this problematisation, the study examines how newly arrived men with migrant backgrounds narrate their vocational education and career choices in terms of the expression \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e. By analysing these narratives, the study explores how these men describe their choices in relation to societal demands and expectations, and how \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e is given meaning within their accounts. It further highlights how experiences of agency take shape in encounters with structural conditions such as temporary residence permits, income requirements, introduction programmes, and labour market discourses.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe following section presents previous research on labour market participation, agency, and racialised structures in relation to newly arrived migrants in Sweden, with a particular focus on adult men participating in vocational education. This is followed by an introduction to the theoretical framework underpinning the analysis, and a methodological account of how the narratives were collected and analysed. The article concludes with a presentation of the findings, highlighting key themes in the participants’ narratives, and a discussion that situates the results in relation to previous research and the contribution of the study to knowledge.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\n\n\n"},{"header":"Previous research","content":"\u003cp\u003eTwo studies by Paula Mulinari provide important perspectives on how racialised structures shape labour market relations in Sweden. In a study conducted with Neergaard (2023), the authors analyse how three trade unions, dominated by white men, position themselves in relation to changes in employment protection. They show how the silence on race in union rhetoric does not imply the absence of racialised effects but rather contributes to reproducing inequalities through discourses of flexibility, responsibility, and competence. In a later study (Mulinari, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e), the concept of temporal racism is introduced to analyse how time becomes racialised in labour market projects targeting foreign-born women. The study demonstrates how women’s time is rendered invisible, controlled, and wasted, shaping foreign-born women into a specific type of labour force within low-paid and insecure occupations. This form of temporal racism, where time is racialised and regulated through institutional demands, may also influence the situation of newly arrived men. As the narratives in this study show, time becomes a decisive factor in shaping vocational choices, legal status, and the possibility of establishing a stable life. Both studies make visible how racialised mechanisms operate through everyday practices and discourses rather than through explicit expressions of racism. This broader logic of racialisation is further developed in recent studies that examine how time functions as a structuring force in migrants’ transitions through education and work. XXX, YYY and Author 2 (accepted) discuss how racial time shapes migrants’ stalled transitions through education and into the labor market, often resulting in prolonged schooling, unemployment, or precarious work. They highlight that the persistent gap between policy ideals and lived realities necessitates a critical reassessment of integration programs.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eResearch on migration and labour market participation has shown how structural conditions shape individuals’ possibilities and constraints in relation to vocational choices. Kwon (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e) highlights how internal migration within a country is shaped by local labour and housing markets, and how these, in turn, relate to individuals’ decisions to relocate in order to improve their living conditions. Using a spatial equilibrium framework, the study illustrates that migration is not solely an expression of individual will but also a response to structural imbalances and demands, which is relevant for understanding how the expression \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e is given meaning in migrants’ narratives about vocational choices. The spatial equilibrium framework refers to a theoretical model used in migration and labour market research to analyse how individuals distribute themselves geographically in relation to differences in labour markets, housing markets, and living costs. The basic idea is that people move until the benefits (e.g., wages, housing costs, quality of life) are roughly equal across locations, creating a form of equilibrium. In Kwon (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e), this framework is used to show that migration is not only a matter of individual preferences but also a response to structural imbalances and demands.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn a study by Ferreira et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR19\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e), the authors focus on global trends in poverty, inequality, and growth, emphasising the importance of inclusive growth for achieving sustainable development. They show how migration, economic restructuring, and political conditions intersect to create different forms of agency – or lack thereof – for different groups. In relation to newly arrived men’s experiences of labour market participation, this research is central for understanding how societal demands and discourses on self-sufficiency and integration shape individuals’ experiences of choice and compulsion.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAccording to Dowling et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e), cultural and structural conditions intersect in shaping experiences of compulsion and choice in working life. Cultural differences such as values, norms, and patterns of socialisation are given meaning in how individuals interpret demands and opportunities in different work contexts. These cultural patterns influence how organisational practices are understood and how individuals narrate what they perceive that they must do in order to navigate institutional demands and achieve a sense of stability or legitimacy in their professional lives. Structural conditions such as global governance models, standardisation of routines, and strategies for human resource management – for instance recruitment, reward systems, and competence development – along with local adaptations, are also given meaning in the participants’ accounts of agency. The authors further highlight how international labour relations and institutional frameworks can be understood as meaning-making contexts where global and national regulations shape how working conditions are experienced. This is relevant for the present study, as societal demands such as temporary residence permits, income requirements, and introduction programmes can be understood as conditions shaping how participants narrate their experiences of vocational education and career choices.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003ePrevious research has also shown how labour market policies and institutional practices shape individuals’ experiences of agency, particularly in encounters with public authorities. Berggren et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e) demonstrate how officials at the Swedish Social Insurance Agency use strategies such as fragmenting everyday activities and limiting contact with applicants to implement cutbacks, which obscures the individual’s perspective and shifts the focus from rights to cost control. Similar patterns are evident in Benerdal’s (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e) study of local labour market initiatives in three rural municipalities, where newly arrived individuals are positioned through discourses of resources and deficits. Through so-called DUA agreements – collaborative arrangements between municipalities and the Public Employment Service – educational tracks are created that aim to promote labour market entry but risk reproducing inequality by directing individuals towards low-wage occupations without formal qualifications. Both studies illustrate how the expression \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e in participants’ narratives can be understood in light of structural and discursive conditions where individuals’ scope for choice is shaped by policy, place, and institutional logics. These studies can be linked to a broader shift in how employment and integration have increasingly come to be constructed as individualised processes (Nyström, Fejes, \u0026amp; Mešić, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). In policy discourses, vocational education emerges as a means of shaping employable and integratable subjects who are expected to adapt continuously to the (changing) demands of the labour market, for example by being prepared to update their skills or reconsider their vocational choices (Garsten \u0026amp; Jacobsson, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR20\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2004\u003c/span\u003e; Masoud, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e; Salo, Nylund \u0026amp; Henning Loeb, 2024). In this way, responsibility for employability and societal inclusion is placed on the individual.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn summary, previous research demonstrates how labour market policies, institutional practices, and racialised structures intersect in constructing agency, opportunities for choice, and demands. These studies provide important analytical entry points for understanding how the expression \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e is given meaning in newly arrived men’s narratives about vocational education and career choices. By relating participants’ narratives to these structural and discursive conditions, the study contributes to a deeper understanding of how societal demands are shaped, negotiated, and experienced in everyday life.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Theoretical framework","content":"\u003cp\u003eTo analyse how the expression \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e is given meaning in participants’ narratives about vocational education and career choices, and how societal demands are constructed and shape experiences of agency, this study draws on Basil Bernstein’s sociological theory of education, language, and symbolic control. Over several decades, Bernstein developed a comprehensive conceptual framework to analyse how education operates as a system of symbolic control, shaping and reproducing social inequality through language, pedagogy, and institutional structures. A central contribution in Bernstein (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003b\u003c/span\u003e) is precisely this concept of pedagogic discourse, which he defines as a specific form of communication where knowledge is not merely transmitted but also constructed and regulated through social and cultural mechanisms. According to Bernstein (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e), pedagogic discourse consists of two components: the instructional discourse (what is taught) and the regulative discourse (how the learner is shaped as a subject). These discourses are not neutral; they carry societal values and norms that regulate who gains access to what knowledge, and under what conditions. In relation to this study, it becomes relevant to analyse how participants are shaped as employable and \u003cem\u003eintegratable\u003c/em\u003e subjects through education and work, and how this subjectification is regulated through requirements related to language, identity documentation, and self-sufficiency.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eBernstein (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003b\u003c/span\u003e) introduces the distinction between recognition rules and realisation rules. These rules govern how individuals perceive a context (recognition) and how they act within it (realisation), which in turn matters for their ability to participate in and make sense of educational content. Bernstein (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003b\u003c/span\u003e) shows how these rules are linked to social class and how they contribute to reproducing inequalities within the education system. An important part of Bernstein’s (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1964\u003c/span\u003e) theory is the distinction between elaborated and restricted codes. Elaborated code is characterised by more explicit, abstract, and context-independent language, which is often privileged in schools, whereas restricted code is more context-bound and dependent on shared understanding within a social group. These linguistic codes help explain why students from different social classes have unequal conditions for success in education. Children from different social backgrounds have varying access to the codes required to interpret and participate in school discourses, which influences their opportunities to succeed. Bernstein argues that middle-class children are more likely to have access to the privileged ways of understanding and expressing themselves that schools reward. In other words, Bernstein (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003b\u003c/span\u003e) emphasises that education is not a neutral process but an arena where cultural and ideological values are transmitted and legitimised. Analysing how pedagogic discourse is structured makes it possible to reveal the hidden mechanisms that regulate who gains access to what knowledge, and under what conditions.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eBernstein (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003a\u003c/span\u003e) develops the concepts of classification and framing as central tools for analysing how knowledge is organised and how the content and interaction of teaching are regulated in different educational contexts. Classification refers to the strength of the boundaries between different knowledge areas, roles, or institutions, while framing concerns control over what is to be learned, how it is to be learned, and at what pace (Bernstein, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). These concepts are used to make visible how formal and informal rules in education contribute to maintaining social hierarchies. Bernstein shows how certain linguistic forms – particularly those typical of the middle class – become institutionalised as the norm in schools, shaping students’ access to knowledge (Bernstein, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003d\u003c/span\u003e). He links linguistic forms to different curriculum models, such as the collection code (with strong subject boundaries) and the integrated code (with cross-disciplinary structures), which in turn influence students’ ability to navigate the education system (Bernstein, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003a\u003c/span\u003e). Bernstein’s (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003c\u003c/span\u003e) basic premise is that children from different social classes are socialised into different linguistic forms, which affects both how they communicate and how they are perceived in school. The education system tends to privilege linguistic codes more common among the middle class, which can disadvantage working-class children – not because of lack of ability, but because of differences in linguistic socialisation. Children from homes with strong literacy practices, argumentative culture, and access to symbolic capital often find it easier to navigate school requirements, especially in environments with weak classification and framing, where rules are more implicit.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAlthough Bernstein focused on class, his theory can also be used to explain newly arrived students’ encounters with an education system whose linguistic codes may be unfamiliar to those with different cultural backgrounds, which can shape their opportunities to construct educational trajectories. Bernstein (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003d\u003c/span\u003e) argues that teachers should not only reflect on students’ language use, but also critically examine their own teaching practices and the organisation of learning, in order to identify how pedagogic structures may advantage or disadvantage students from different linguistic and cultural backgrounds. His theory thus offers a powerful analytical tool for understanding how education can contribute to – or counteract – social inequality.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eWhile Bernstein (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003c\u003c/span\u003e) focused on the role of language in relation to socialisation, Bernstein (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003d\u003c/span\u003e) directs attention to the institutional function of schools for transmitting knowledge, norms, and values. Bernstein (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003d\u003c/span\u003e) deepens his analysis of how the education system functions as a mechanism for social reproduction. For example, in education systems with weak framing, students are given considerable freedom to choose courses and design their educational pathways. According to Bernstein (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e), this can be perceived as an expression of choice and individualisation, but such freedom also entails increased responsibility for the student, which can create confusion and inequality, particularly for those lacking access to guidance or cultural capital. Bernstein (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e) starts out from the insight that pedagogic discourse is not neutral but a social construction regulated by societal power structures. It determines not only what counts as legitimate knowledge but also how this knowledge should be presented and by whom. Bernstein’s theory is therefore crucial for understanding how the educational and vocational choices of the participants in the present study are shaped in relation to highly structured educational tracks, where choice is often constrained by migration policy and labour market requirements.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAnother key concept in Bernstein (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003d\u003c/span\u003e) is the distinction between visible and invisible pedagogy. Visible pedagogy is characterised by clear structure, strong teacher control, and explicit goals, whereas invisible pedagogy is more implicit, learner-centred, and dependent on subtle social cues. Bernstein links these pedagogical forms to the cultural capital of different social classes and shows how some students benefit from the ways in which schools communicate and structure learning, while others risk exclusion. For students with a migration background, the taken-for-granted assumptions embedded in invisible pedagogy can present considerable challenges in navigating the education system.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eBernstein (2000) also develops the concept of recontextualisation as a central element of the pedagogic device, which describes how knowledge is produced, transformed, and transmitted within the education system. This process is closely connected to questions of power and control. Knowledge moves from a field of production, where it is created (e.g., within academia), to a recontextualising field, where it is reshaped into pedagogic discourse. This field is further divided into an official field (governed by state and institutional actors) and a pedagogic field (where teachers and schools interpret and implement the discourse). Finally, knowledge reaches the field of reproduction, where it is communicated to students. Recontextualisation is therefore not a neutral process but an ideologically charged practice in which different actors compete to define what counts as legitimate knowledge. This concept can be understood in relation to how migration policy requirements are translated into concrete educational pathways and vocational choices, where individuals’ narratives of \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e can be seen as responses to these recontextualised demands.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThrough Bernstein’s theory, it becomes possible to analyse how participants’ narratives do not merely express individual experiences but also reflect how education, work, and migration are embedded in structures of control, recognition, and regulation. Bernstein’s theory can also contribute to a deeper understanding of how participants’ previous experiences and modes of expression are valued differently when encountering Swedish institutions. This highlights how linguistic and cultural resources are not only means of communication but also carry social value that shapes individuals’ opportunities for recognition and success within the education system.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Interviews as a research method","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe study is based on twelve semi-structured interviews (Kvale \u0026amp; Brinkmann, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR21\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e) with men with migrant backgrounds, conducted by the first author during 2024 and 2025. Each participant was interviewed once, allowing for in-depth conversations within the framework of a semi-structured interview guide. Each interview lasted between 45 minutes and one hour. This method was chosen to enable rich conversations in which participants were given space to reflect on their experiences in an environment perceived as safe and confidential. All participants had arrived in Sweden during or after the increased reception of refugees in 2015, either as refugees or through family reunification. The participants represent a diversity of countries of origin, occupational backgrounds, and legal statuses, ranging from temporary residence permits to Swedish citizenship. While the participants originate from a range of migration contexts, the study does not focus on their countries of origin or reasons for migration. Instead, it centres on what emerges from their narratives about navigating vocational education and work within the Swedish system. The interviews were conducted face-to-face, either at the participants’ adult vocational schools or at their workplaces. The study adopts a social constructionist perspective on interviews (Kvale \u0026amp; Brinkmann, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR21\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e), viewing the conversation as an interactive process in which meaning is co-constructed between interviewer and participant. The questions were not only a means of gathering information but also a way of creating shared meaning around each participant’s life situation, vocational choices, and educational pathways.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eA strength of semi-structured interviews is that they allow space for participants’ own narratives and perspectives while enabling comparisons across interviews. A potential limitation is that the interview situation can be shaped by power relations, language barriers, or the participant’s wish to present themselves in a certain way. To address this, the interviews were conducted with sensitivity to participants’ modes of expression and with an awareness that narratives are shaped in relation to the context in which they are told. The interviews focused on participants’ experiences of vocational choices and education, and how these choices were described in relation to their life situations. During the analysis, \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e emerged as a central concept recurring in several narratives, interpreted as an expression of constrained agency rather than free choice. For a more detailed analysis, six participants were selected based on variation in country of origin, previous work experience, residence status, and type of vocational education. These participants, referred to by the pseudonyms Elian, Narel, Tivan, Savin, Darel, and Ruvan, were considered representative of the broader group in terms of how they used the expression \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e in their narratives.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch3\u003eAnalysis of the interview material\u003c/h3\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe analysis was carried out using a narrative thematic approach (Lieblich et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1998\u003c/span\u003e), focusing on how the participants narrate their experiences of vocational education, work, and life conditions in relation to migration policy requirements. All interviews were fully transcribed and then analysed in several steps. Initially, each narrative was read carefully to identify central themes, with particular attention to the use of the expression \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e and its function in the narratives. Subsequently, recurring patterns and variations in how \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e was used were coded and categorised.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe analysis was informed by Bernstein’s theory of pedagogic discourse (Bernstein, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e), symbolic control (Bernstein, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003b\u003c/span\u003e), and the role of language in social reproduction (Bernstein, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003c\u003c/span\u003e). Particularly relevant were the concepts of recognition and realisation rules (Bernstein, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003b\u003c/span\u003e), classification and framing, and recontextualisation (Bernstein, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003a\u003c/span\u003e). These concepts were used to understand how participants interpret and navigate the demands placed on them through the education system and migration policy, and how these demands are transformed into personal strategies and narratives about what one \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e do to stay, make a living, or create a future. The analysis also considered the interview situation as a socially constructed context in which meaning is co-created between interviewer and participant (Kvale \u0026amp; Brinkmann, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR21\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e). This means that the narratives are not viewed as objective accounts of reality but as subjective interpretations shaped in relation to questions, experiences, and expectations. By combining narrative analysis with a sociological theoretical framework, it was possible to make visible how individual narratives both reflect and challenge the structural conditions shaping newly arrived men’s life trajectories in Sweden.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch3\u003eEthical considerations\u003c/h3\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe study followed the ethical guidelines of the Swedish Research Council (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e) and was approved by the Swedish Ethical Review Authority for research involving adult migrants enrolled in vocational education. Participants were informed orally and in writing about the purpose of the study, the voluntary nature of participation, the right to withdraw at any time, and how the material would be used in research publications and teaching. Written consent was obtained from all participants. To protect anonymity, pseudonyms were used and identifying details were removed from transcripts and quotations. As the interviews addressed potentially sensitive issues related to migration and life conditions, particular care was taken to create a safe interview environment and to avoid pressuring participants to share more than they wished.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Findings","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe findings are presented in relation to the research focus of the present study and highlight how the participants’ narratives make visible societal demands, the meaning of the expression \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e, and experiences of agency. The presentation begins with Elian’s account. He was 26 years old in 2024 when interviewed:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eWhen I came to Sweden and showed that I needed protection, I was granted a temporary residence permit. But now the rules have changed. To stay longer, I must show that I have a good income. It feels unfair. I feel that I must earn a lot of money, as if I were living a luxury life, but that’s not possible for me. […] I took a course to work in the hotel and restaurant sector. After that, I got a job as a dishwasher. I like my job, but the salary is low. It’s not enough to meet the new requirements. Now I must earn even more money to stay in Sweden. But in my job, it’s almost impossible to earn that much.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eElian’s narrative illustrates how \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e functions as a linguistic marker for a life governed by legal and economic compulsion rather than personal choice. His vocational choice does not appear as an expression of interest or ambition but as a necessary step to meet conditions linked to residence permits. Despite completing vocational training, securing employment, and being able to support himself, this is still insufficient to meet the requirements for residence, which changed during his time in Sweden. By repeatedly stating that he \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e earn more money (even though his job does not allow for it), a constrained scope for action emerges, where the future appears conditional and uncertain. Here, \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e expresses a form of compulsion that is structurally embedded and shapes both everyday life and life choices.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eNarel, who was 23 years old when interviewed in 2024, explains:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn my home country, it’s not common to have ID documents, especially in villages. When I was born, my father wasn’t required to arrange any ID, because it wasn’t needed. We wrote my birthday in our holy book, like everyone does in the village. […] When I came to Sweden, I had to prove who I was, but it was difficult. I was still allowed to stay through the Upper Secondary School Act. Then I started studying to become an assistant nurse, not because I wanted to, but because I had to find a job within six months after finishing the programme. I thought: okay, I’ll study care. I got a job and could extend my residence permit. […] But now the rules have changed again. Now I must have an approved ID from my home country to stay. But how can I get that? I don’t want to work in elderly care anymore. I want to become a car mechanic and change jobs. But I don’t dare, because if I earn less, there’s a risk I’ll be deported. So now I just have to accept the situation and keep working where I am.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eNarel’s account illustrates how \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e expresses a dual form of compulsion: legal, through the requirement to secure employment quickly in order to remain in the country, and existential, through being forced to stay in a job he does not want. His decision to enrol in a care programme was directly linked to the residence permit rules in place at the time. Under the temporary Upper Secondary School Act (Gymnasielagen), young people who had turned 18 could obtain extended residence permits if they remained enrolled in upper secondary school and secured legal, typically full-time, employment within six months of completing their education. Narel’s wish to retrain as a car mechanic now clashes with the fear of losing his right to stay. Here, \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e becomes an expression of how the future is shaped by uncertainty and by rules that restrict the possibility of changing course.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSimilarly to Narel, Savin’s decision to enrol in a vocational programme was also tied to the Upper Secondary School Act. Savin was 25 years old when interviewed in 2024:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eI come from a family where many have higher education. My goal was always to become an electronics engineer. But I received a deportation order. Then came the Upper Secondary School Act, and because of that, I had to choose a vocational programme that could lead to a job and a good salary. I chose the electricity and energy programme. […] After the programme, I got a job, and thanks to that and my income, I got permanent residence. Now I want to follow my dream and become an electronics engineer. To do that, I must take courses at Komvux to qualify for university. But I also have to earn money because my partner and I had a baby last year. I have a family to support. […] So I must work while studying. I have to work evenings and weekends to keep up with my studies. I’ve been lucky to get a job where it’s possible to work evenings and weekends.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSavin describes how his dream of becoming an electronics engineer had to be set aside in favour of a strategic choice of vocational training that could lead to employment and a sufficient income to meet the conditions for residence at the time. Even after obtaining permanent residence, \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e continues to structure his everyday life. He \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e work to support his family while studying to reach his original goal – qualifying for university. To do this, he needs to complete upper secondary courses at Komvux, that is, the preparatory courses included in the academic tracks he felt compelled to forgo to avoid risking non-compliance with the Upper Secondary School Act. Here, \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e becomes an expression of a life in constant negotiation between responsibility and ambition within structural conditions that shape educational choices.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eResponsibility for family also stands out in Tivan’s narrative. Tivan, who was 28 years old when interviewed in 2025, explains:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eI have lived in Sweden for nine years and have been studying Swedish the whole time. Last year, I completed SFI (Swedish for Immigrants). With the help of my social worker, I started studying to become an assistant nurse at Yrkesvux. For the first time in a long time, I feel hope. I have a placement at a care home through the school, and I hope to get a job there when I finish the programme next year. […] I must get a job. I must earn money; otherwise, I can’t get my life in order. I must create a normal life for my child. To do that, I must get a job. That’s why I really hope I will get one.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn Tivan’s account, \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e is used to express a strong internal pressure to create stability, not only for himself but also for his child. His hope for the future is tied to the possibility of employment, yet this hope is simultaneously conditioned by a repeated \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e. It is not about freedom of choice but about a perceived necessity to meet requirements in order to achieve \u003cem\u003ea normal life\u003c/em\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDarel was 32 years old when first interviewed in 2025. Similar to Savin and Narel’s accounts, Darel expresses that his vocational choice in Sweden was not his first choice:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eI was 24 when I came to Sweden. I fled the war in my home country. After a while, I got permanent residence. In my home country, I had studied to become a nurse. But it was difficult to get a job in Sweden, especially without Swedish qualifications. So I had to study again here. […] To study at university in Sweden, you must first take many courses at Komvux. I thought that would take too long. So I decided to become an assistant nurse instead. I took a course at Yrkesvux and got a job as an assistant nurse. […] Now I want to become a Swedish citizen. But it has become harder. I haven’t submitted my application yet. I’ve heard a new law is coming. So I must wait until the new law comes into effect.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDarel’s narrative shows how \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e is used to describe an adaptation to a system where previous qualifications are not recognised. Despite already having a nursing degree from his home country, he was \u003cem\u003eforced\u003c/em\u003e to start over to become an assistant nurse in Sweden. He chose a shorter and therefore more “feasible” route that provided quicker access to employment but involved a downgrading of his professional status. Here, \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e expresses a form of institutionally structured detour, where the individual’s prior experience is disregarded, and the future is postponed while waiting for new citizenship regulations.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAn uncertain future also characterises Ruvan’s narrative. Ruvan was 30 years old when interviewed in 2025:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eI came to Sweden five years ago. I had to flee my home country because of the war. When I arrived, I applied for asylum and was granted a residence permit, but only temporary. I’ve had it twice, but each time only for a short period. […] Last year, I completed a turning and milling course for adults at Yrkesvux. After that, I got a job as an industrial worker, and I still work there. But now the Migration Agency says I can’t extend my residence permit. They say I must prove who I am. But when I fled, I had to leave everything behind. I had no papers with me. […] Now I must prove my identity, but I have no documents. They also say I’m not cooperating, but I don’t understand what I’m supposed to do. I work, I pay taxes, I earn enough, but still, I can’t stay. I can’t even stay through my job. […] Sometimes I think I must move to another country in Europe and start over there. I don’t know if that’s possible, but I must do something. I can’t live like this anymore. I don’t know what to do.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eRuvan’s narrative is marked by a recurring \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e that conveys a sense of desperation and powerlessness. Despite working, paying taxes, and having a vocational qualification, he experiences that he does not meet the requirements to remain in the country. Here, \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e becomes an expression of existential pressureto act, to move, to do something in a situation where no options seem truly viable.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eAnalytical introduction to the narratives\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe following section presents how the expression \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e is used across the participants’ narratives. Drawing on Bernstein’s concepts of pedagogic discourse, symbolic control, and linguistic codes, the analysis shows how \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e functions as a linguistic indicator of agency shaped by external constraints. Across the six narratives, \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e appears in relation to legal and economic compulsion (Elian, Narel, Ruvan), strategic adaptation to institutional logics (Savin, Darel), existential responsibility (Tivan, Savin), and the struggle for recognition of prior experience and knowledge (Darel, Ruvan). These aspects are not isolated but intersect in complex ways, reflecting how migration policy, adult education, and labour market discourses shape the participants’ life trajectories. The analysis that follows uses Bernstein’s theoretical framework to interpret how these expressions of \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e reveal the workings of symbolic control and the regulative discourse in adult education and integration policy.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch3\u003eMust as an expression of legal and economic compulsion\u003c/h3\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe narratives of Elian, Narel, and Ruvan reveal how the right to remain in Sweden is contingent upon fulfilling specific requirements related to employment and income. In these situations, \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e signals a constrained agency shaped by external demands, which are recontextualised into vocational and educational decisions. Participants describe choosing programmes not based on personal interest, but on their perceived ability to meet legal conditions. Bernstein’s (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003b\u003c/span\u003e) concept of realisation rules helps illuminate how individuals learn to recognise what is expected of them and act accordingly within institutional frameworks. For example, the Upper Secondary School Act is narrated as a mechanism that channels individuals into vocational tracks expected to lead quickly to employment, thereby satisfying residence permit criteria.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch3\u003eMust as strategic adaptation to recontextualised demands\u003c/h3\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe narratives of Savin and Darel illustrate how participants make strategic choices to navigate a system where previous education is not recognised. They move between different discourses in which their own educational goals and values are renegotiated in relation to what is acknowledged as valid and what is made possible within the system. Using Bernstein’s (2000) concept of recontextualisation, it becomes clear how migration policy and education-related requirements are transformed into concrete educational tracks. Participants are compelled to adapt to these tracks to gain recognition and access to rights. Here, \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e expresses a form of symbolic control, where life choices are shaped by institutional logics rather than personal ambitions.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eMust as existential pressure and responsibility\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn the narratives of Tivan and Savin, \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e is used to express an internalised pressure to create stability for oneself and one’s family. Here, \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e is linked to the regulative discourse (Bernstein, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e), where the individual is shaped as a responsible subject expected to meet requirements for self-sufficiency, integration, and self-realisation. This illustrates how education and work are not only pathways to employment and social inclusion but also arenas where subjects are formed in line with societal norms of productivity and responsibility. The goals expressed are not primarily about self-fulfilment through education but about meeting social and economic compulsion to gain legitimacy as a parent.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eMust as an expression of unacknowledged resources and inequality\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn the narratives of Darel and Ruvan, it becomes evident that previous experiences, education, and identities are not recognised within the Swedish system. Through Bernstein’s (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003c\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e) concepts of recognition rules and the distinction between elaborated and restricted codes, this can be understood as an illustration of how recognition rules operate to privilege certain forms of expression and knowledge, while marginalising others. Recognition rules concern what forms of expression and resources are acknowledged as legitimate in a given context. Darel and Ruvan possess vocational skills and experience, but their ways of expressing these – often grounded in practical and context-bound codes (restricted codes) – do not align with the linguistic and institutional norms that characterise the Swedish education and migration system, where more formalised and abstract communication (elaborated codes) is privileged. This creates a power imbalance where their resources are rendered invisible and their scope for action is constrained. The narratives show how social structures encode what counts as valuable knowledge and legitimate identities, which in turn shapes possibilities for action. In this context, \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e becomes a linguistic marker of the struggle for recognition within a system where some experiences and forms of expression are valued more highly than others.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eConcluding reflections on the narratives\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eTaken together, the participants’ narratives show that \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e functions as a linguistic indicator of lives shaped by demands rather than choices. Vocational decisions often appear as strategic responses to migration policy and economic conditions rather than as expressions of interest or ambition. Through Bernstein’s concepts, it becomes clear how participants navigate a system in which their previous experiences and forms of expression are often not recognised. Here, \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e does not only signal individual pressure but also a form of symbolic control, where education and work are recontextualised as conditions for belonging. This illustrates how the education system and labour market operate as mechanisms of social regulation, where some subject positions appear more legitimate than others. Their use of \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e demonstrates that integration cannot be understood as a linear process in which education automatically leads to employment and belonging. Instead, a complex web of demands, rules, and conditions emerges, recontextualised into everyday life.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Discussion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis study has explored how newly arrived men narrate their vocational education and career choices in terms of the expression \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e, and how these narratives reflect societal demands and structural conditions. The findings indicate that \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e functions as a linguistic marker for lives shaped by legal, economic, and social constraints rather than by free choice. The narratives of the six participants show how power structures are expressed in language and everyday life, where political and legal decisions take on concrete, often restrictive, consequences in shaping educational and occupational trajectories. This is articulated linguistically through descriptions of what \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e be done. Changing and changeable migration laws, with requirements for self-sufficiency or identity documentation, are recontextualised into the participants\u0026rsquo; lives and acquire practical and personal significance. The narratives highlight that the educational and vocational choices of newly arrived men cannot be seen as \u003cem\u003efree\u003c/em\u003e but rather as a means to meet requirements for residence permits or to secure an income when previous educational credentials from their home countries are not recognised within the Swedish system. In other words, the purpose of education is recontextualised from personal development to an instrumental survival strategy, where time (Dahlstedt, Gruber \u0026amp; Rydell, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR17\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e; Mulinari, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e) becomes a decisive factor in the choices men describe as necessary. Educational and occupational choices are thus shaped by an institutional order that, following Mulinari (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e), can be understood as racialised \u0026ndash; in the sense that newly arrived men are positioned through migration policy and labour market discourses in ways that produce unequal conditions for recognition and agency.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe study also shows how education is recontextualised from personal development to a strategic means of meeting legal and economic compulsion for residence. This resonates with previous research (Dahlstedt \u0026amp; Fejes, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; Benerdal, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e) but adds a linguistic dimension through the analysis of \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e as an expression of compulsion. In this sense, \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e signals not only external demands but also internalised norms of responsibility, self-sufficiency, and integration. Through Bernstein\u0026rsquo;s concept of regulative discourse, it becomes evident that adult education is not solely about knowledge transmission but also about shaping subjects who embody normative ideals of productivity and independence. This moral dimension of integration policy, where individuals are expected to act within narrow timeframes, becomes even more apparent when viewed through the lens of Bernstein\u0026rsquo;s concept of regulative discourse. The regulative discourse structures not only what forms of knowledge are considered valuable, but also \u003cem\u003ewhat kind of person\u003c/em\u003e the adult newly arrived man is expected to become. In this sense, adult education aimed at newly arrived individuals can be described as morally coded: its function is to shape good citizens who can contribute economically and meet normative ideals of responsibility, parenthood, and independence (cf. Mulinari, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e; Nystr\u0026ouml;m, Fejes, \u0026amp; Mešić, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e), thereby positioning themselves as integratable (Masoud, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e) subjects. Migrants\u0026rsquo; previous education and experience are often rendered invisible, creating a power imbalance where some linguistic and cultural resources are recognised as legitimate while others are marginalised. Through Bernstein\u0026rsquo;s distinction between elaborated and restricted codes, it becomes clear that the participants\u0026rsquo; ways of expressing their experiences do not always align with the codes privileged in the education and migration system. This contributes to limiting their scope for action and frames their narratives as struggles for recognition.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe study also demonstrates that integration cannot be understood as a linear process in which education automatically leads to employment and belonging. Instead, a complex web of demands, rules, and conditions emerges, recontextualised into everyday life. By analysing must, the study reveals how structural demands are internalised in everyday reasoning. It contributes to a deeper understanding of how societal demands are internalised, negotiated, and at times contested in newly arrived men\u0026rsquo;s narratives. It also highlights that language does not merely reflect reality but actively constructs it. Analysing must makes visible how power, time, and responsibility are distributed within the integration process. This has important implications for policy and practice, suggesting that adult education and labour market initiatives need to be designed with greater attention to individuals\u0026rsquo; previous experiences and with less emphasis on rigid time constraints.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe findings of this study confirm and deepen several patterns identified in previous research while also contributing new perspectives. Earlier studies have shown how newly arrived individuals\u0026rsquo; labour market participation is shaped by structural conditions such as educational background, language skills, and migration policy regulations (Dahlstedt \u0026amp; Fejes, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; Spehar, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). In our study, the analysis of the expression \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e reveals how structural conditions are internalised and given meaning \u0026ndash; not only in everyday life, but also in relation to life-changing decisions about education, work, and residence. This adds a linguistic and narrative dimension that has received less attention in previous research. The finding that \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e marks a moral dimension of responsibility and self-sufficiency resonates with Benerdal\u0026rsquo;s (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e) and Nystr\u0026ouml;m, Fejes \u0026amp; Mešić\u0026rsquo;s (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e) analyses of how labour market policy individualises the responsibility for establishment \u0026ndash; that is, for newly arrived individuals\u0026rsquo; entry into work and education. Our results nuance this picture by showing that such individualisation occurs not only through policy, but also through linguistic practices, where \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e signals a moral imperative tied to autonomy and societal expectations.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe study also relates to Mulinari and Neergaard\u0026rsquo;s (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR27\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e) discussion of racialised structures in working life. Through Bernstein\u0026rsquo;s concepts, it becomes evident how recognition and realisation rules create an order in which some linguistic and cultural resources are valued more highly than others. In the context of the present study, this difference in valuation means that newly arrived men\u0026rsquo;s previous experiences and qualifications are often rendered invisible, leading to a downgrading of their occupational status \u0026ndash; a pattern also identified by Ferreira et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR19\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e) in a global perspective. Our study contributes here with a micro-analysis of how these power structures take shape in individual narratives through a discourse of obligation: \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e. Finally, the findings show that time functions as a central dimension in the integration process, which resonates with Mulinari (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e), Dahlstedt, Gruber and Rydell (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR17\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e) and XXX, YYY and Author 2 (accepted). Through the expression \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e, it becomes clear how temporal demands \u0026ndash; such as the need to establish quickly, meet income requirements, adapt to changing requirements for residence permits, or complete supplementary studies \u0026ndash; create a sense of constant pressure. Integration, therefore, cannot be understood as a linear process based on free choice and agency. Instead, it emerges as a process shaped by negotiation, constraint, and shifting conditions.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Conclusion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe study demonstrates that linguistic expressions such as \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e can serve as analytical keys for understanding how power and demands are internalised in newly arrived men\u0026rsquo;s narratives about education and work. By analysing these narratives, it becomes evident how migration policy regulations, labour market needs, and the structures of the education system intersect in shaping life choices that often appear necessary rather than voluntary. This contributes to a deeper understanding of integration as a process characterised by changing conditions, time constraints, and recognition structures, rather than as a linear path towards inclusion.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eFuture research should examine how similar linguistic markers are used in other groups, such as women or young people, to explore how different categories relate to the same structural logics. It would also be valuable to investigate how professional actors within adult education and labour market initiatives interpret and reproduce these demands, as well as what possibilities exist for creating greater scope for action for individuals in the process of labour market establishment and social inclusion.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eFunding:\u003c/strong\u003e This research received no external funding and was carried out with the full agreement of the university at which the authors are employed.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eData Availability:\u003c/strong\u003e For ethical reasons, and in accordance with the Swedish Research Council\u0026rsquo;s guidelines on research ethics, the interview material from this study cannot be shared. However, transcribed and de-identified data may be made available upon reasonable request.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eConflict of Interest: \u003c/strong\u003eThe authors declare no competing interests.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eAuthor Contribution\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eAll interviews were conducted solely by the first author, H.A. In accordance with the requirements set by the Swedish Ethical Review Authority, which prohibits the sharing of non-anonymised interview material co-author, E.P., has only had access to the transcribed and de-identified material relevant to this study. Her role in relation to the interview data has been to support the analytical process and to ensure that the interpretation of the narratives was carried out in a scientifically sound and ethically responsible manner.In addition to institutional support from Karlstad University and Stockholm University, the participating students generously contributed their time and experiences.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eAuthor 1. (2023a).\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eAuthor 1. (2023b).\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eAuthor 1. (2025).\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eAuthor 2. (2023).\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eXXX, YYY, \u0026amp; Author 2. (accepted).\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eBaptista, I., Benjaminsen, L., Busch-Geertsema, V., Pleace, N., \u0026amp; Striano, M. (2016). \u003cem\u003eAsylum seekers, refugees and homelessness: The humanitarian crisis and the homelessness sector in Europe\u003c/em\u003e. EOH Comparative studies on homelessness.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eBenerdal, M. (2021). Tailored workplace education for immigrants in rural Sweden: working with resources and deficits. \u003cem\u003eJournal of Education and Work\u003c/em\u003e,\u003cem\u003e 34\u003c/em\u003e(2), 170-182. https://doi.org/10.1080/13639080.2021.1897548 \u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eBerggren, U. J., Melin, E. U., \u0026amp; Bergman, A.-S. (2021). Strategies of austerity used in needs assessments for personal assistance \u0026ndash; changing Swedish social policy for persons with disabilities. \u003cem\u003eEuropean journal of social work\u003c/em\u003e,\u003cem\u003e 24\u003c/em\u003e(3), 380-392. https://doi.org/10.1080/13691457.2019.1639627 \u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eBernstein, B. (1964). 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Inkluderingens banor: En longitudinell studie av skyddss\u0026ouml;kande m\u0026auml;nniskors levda erfarenheter i migrationens Sverige. \u003cem\u003eSociologisk Forskning\u003c/em\u003e,\u003cem\u003e 61\u003c/em\u003e(2), 171-191. https://doi.org/10.37062/sf.61.25711\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eDowling, P. J., Festing, M., \u0026amp; Engle, A. D. (2013). \u003cem\u003eInternational human resource management\u003c/em\u003e. Cengage Learning EMEA. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11575-014-0236-1\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eFerreira, I. A., Salvucci, V., \u0026amp; Tarp, F. (2020). Poverty, inequality, and growth: Trends, policies, and controversies. In K. F. Zimmermann (Ed.), \u003cem\u003eHandbook of labor, human resources and population economics\u003c/em\u003e (pp. 1-45). Springer International Publishing. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-57365-6_343-1\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eGarsten, C., \u0026amp; Jacobsson, K. (2004). Learning to be employable: An introduction. In C. Garsten \u0026amp; K. Jacobsson (Eds.), \u003cem\u003eLearning to be employable: New agendas on work, responsibility and learning in a globalizing world\u003c/em\u003e (pp. 1-22). Palgrave Macmillan London.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eKvale, S., \u0026amp; Brinkmann, S. (2009). \u003cem\u003eInterviews: Learning the craft of qualitative research interviewing\u003c/em\u003e. Sage Publications.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eKwon, E. (2020). Migration, labor markets, and housing. In K. F. Zimmermann (Ed.), \u003cem\u003eHandbook of labor, human resources and population economics\u003c/em\u003e (pp. 1-18). Springer International Publishing. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-57365-6_425-1\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eLieblich, A., Tuval-Mashiach, R., \u0026amp; Zilber, T. (1998). \u003cem\u003eNarrative research: Reading, analysis and interpretation\u003c/em\u003e. Sage Publications.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eMasoud, A. (2024). \u003cem\u003eConstructing the integrateable refugee and immigrant through integration policies and practices in Finland\u003c/em\u003e [Doctoral dissertation, University of Helsinki]. http://hdl.handle.net/10138/569997\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eMuhrman, K., \u0026amp; Andersson, P. (2022). Adult education in Sweden in the wake of marketisation. \u003cem\u003eStudies in the Education of Adults\u003c/em\u003e,\u003cem\u003e 54\u003c/em\u003e(1), 25-42. https://doi.org/10.1080/02660830.2021.1984060 \u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eMulinari, P. (2024). Temporal racism and the invisibilization of work: Or why some can eat ice cream with their kids while others cannot. \u003cem\u003eNordic Journal of Migration Research\u003c/em\u003e. https://doi.org/10.33134/njmr.631\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eMulinari, P., \u0026amp; Neergaard, A. (2023). 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Vad \u0026auml;r v\u0026auml;sentligt f\u0026ouml;r att lyckas i arbetet som yrkesl\u0026auml;rare? En studie av yrkesl\u0026auml;rarstudenters ber\u0026auml;ttelser [What is essential for success in vocational teachers\u0026rsquo; work? A study of vocational teacher students\u0026rsquo; stories]. \u003cem\u003eNordic Journal of Vocational Education and Training\u003c/em\u003e,\u003cem\u003e 14\u003c/em\u003e(4), 72-99. https://doi.org/10.3384/njvet.2242-458X.2414472\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eSpehar, A. (2021). Navigating institutions for integration: Perceived institutional barriers of access to the labour market among refugee women in Sweden. \u003cem\u003eJournal of Refugee Studies\u003c/em\u003e,\u003cem\u003e 34\u003c/em\u003e(4), 3907-3925. https://doi.org/10.1093/jrs/feaa140\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eSwedish Research Council. (2024). \u003cem\u003eGood Research Practice\u003c/em\u003e. Vetenskapsr\u0026aring;det. https://www.vr.se/english/analysis/reports/our-reports/2025-07-03-good-research-practice-2024.html\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":true,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":true,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"Newly arrived students, Vocational education, Agency, Narrative analysis, Symbolic control","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7627112/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-7627112/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eThis article explores how newly arrived men with migrant backgrounds narrate their vocational education and career choices in relation to societal demands and expectations in Sweden, and how the expression \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e (Swedish: \u003cem\u003em\u0026aring;ste\u003c/em\u003e) is given meaning within these accounts. It also examines how experiences of agency take shape in encounters with structural conditions such as temporary residence permits, income requirements, introduction programmes, and labour market discourses. The study draws on twelve semi-structured interviews with men attending Swedish adult vocational education (Yrkesvux) who arrived in Sweden during or after the 2015 European migrant crisis. The analysis was conducted using a narrative thematic approach and theoretically informed by Basil Bernstein\u0026rsquo;s concepts of pedagogic discourse, symbolic control, and linguistic codes.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe analysis identifies how \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e is used to describe constrained agency: as a response to legal and economic compulsion; as strategic adaptation when previous qualifications are not recognised; as an expression of existential pressure and responsibility; and as a reflection of unacknowledged resources and inequality.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe study contributes a linguistic and narrative dimension to research on integration and labour market participation. By analysing how the informants make sense of their trajectories in terms of things that they \u003cem\u003emust\u003c/em\u003e do, it becomes possible to illuminate how migration-related and educational requirements are recontextualised in everyday life and shape life choices that often appear necessary rather than voluntary. These insights may inform policy and practice within adult education and labour market initiatives.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"Choosing without choice: On compulsion, education and the future in the narratives of newly arrived men","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2025-10-01 17:30:51","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7627112/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"2b160d7e-8487-4966-9fda-3d75e159578c","owner":[],"postedDate":"October 1st, 2025","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"posted","subjectAreas":[],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2026-04-27T16:04:32+00:00","versionOfRecord":{"articleIdentity":"rs-7627112","link":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s12186-026-09387-8","journal":{"identity":"vocations-and-learning","isVorOnly":false,"title":"Vocations and Learning"},"publishedOn":"2026-04-24 15:58:42","publishedOnDateReadable":"April 24th, 2026"},"versionCreatedAt":"2025-10-01 17:30:51","video":"","vorDoi":"10.1007/s12186-026-09387-8","vorDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s12186-026-09387-8","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-7627112","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-7627112","identity":"rs-7627112","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"8U1c8b4HqxoKbykW_rLl7","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}