Bleeding Out the Old Narrative: Mapping Menstrual Taboo Discourse through Semantic Network Analysis of the #TalkAboutMenstruation Campaign in Iran

Bleeding Out the Old Narrative: Mapping Menstrual Taboo Discourse through Semantic Network Analysis of the #TalkAboutMenstruation Campaign in Iran | Research Square window.SnipcartSettings = { analytics: { enabled: false } }; (function() { var accessVector = localStorage.getItem('access_vector') || ''; window.dataLayer = window.dataLayer || []; if (accessVector) { window.dataLayer.push({ user: { profile: { profileInfo: { snid: accessVector } } } }); } })(); (function(w,d,s,l,i){w[l]=w[l]||[];w[l].push({'gtm.start':new Date().getTime(),event:'gtm.js'});var f=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],j=d.createElement(s),dl=l!='dataLayer'?'&l='+l:'';j.async=true;j.src='https://www.googletagmanager.com/gtm.js?id='+i+dl;f.parentNode.insertBefore(j,f);})(window,document,'script','dataLayer','GTM-K279D39R'); Browse Preprints In Review Journals COVID-19 Preprints AJE Video Bytes Research Tools Research Promotion AJE Professional Editing AJE Rubriq About Preprint Platform In Review Editorial Policies Our Team Advisory Board Help Center Sign In Submit a Preprint Cite Share Download PDF Article Bleeding Out the Old Narrative: Mapping Menstrual Taboo Discourse through Semantic Network Analysis of the #TalkAboutMenstruation Campaign in Iran Fatemeh Noei Teymori, Amin Majidifard This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-7780147/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Under Review Version 1 posted 9 You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract In summer 2023, the Persian-language Twitter hashtag #TalkAboutMenstruation (#ازپریودبگو) sparked unprecedented public engagement in Iran, where menstruation remains a deeply taboo subject. Grounded in a digital feminism framework, this study explores how Iranian women use social media to articulate menstruation experiences and resist dominant discourses of silence and shame. Drawing on an exploratory–descriptive design, it employs a two-phase mixed-methods approach: Semantic Network Analysis (SNA) and Social Media Critical Discourse Studies (SM-CDS), analyzing over original tweets. The findings reveal three dominant discourses—Denial and Anger Production, Breaking the Silence and Disclosure, and Patriarchal Suppression—each reflecting layered tensions between resistance and power. Users mobilize hashtags, experiential storytelling, and visual strategies to subvert menstrual suppression and challenge normative boundaries imposed by family and religion. The study contributes to understanding how digital spaces become arenas for feminist contestation and how power responds through mechanisms of delegitimization and denial in conservative, authoritarian contexts. Humanities/Cultural and media studies Social science/Cultural and media studies Humanities/Religion Mensturation Digital Feminism Iranian Feminism gender Taboos Figures Figure 1 Figure 2 Introduction In the summer of 2023, a Twitter advertising campaign launched by a women's hygiene products company in Iran sparked reactions that far exceeded societal expectations. The campaign, titled #TalkAboutMenstruation (#ازپریودبگو), generated over a thousand original tweets and personal narratives—as well as many times more retweets and likes—in less than two weeks. This campaign emerged in a context where menstruation remains a highly sensitive and deeply taboo subject in Iranian society, to the extent that discussions around it are often avoided even in educational and family settings (Golchin et al., 2012 ). In a society with a long history of patriarchy and the imposition of gendered taboos (Nashat, 2021 ), this hashtag provided a unique opportunity for women users to publicly share their personal experiences of menstruation—one of the fundamental taboos surrounding femininity. This widespread participation also reflected a latent desire among women to engage in public discourse about lived experiences that had previously been silenced or confined to private spheres. However, menstruation is not the only feminine taboo in Iran. Gendered taboos have deep roots in the country and manifest across various domains such as the female body, dress codes, sexual desires, motherhood, and even women's voices and public presence. Moreover, formal education systems, media policies, and mechanisms of social control have all contributed to reinforcing and reproducing these taboos at a broader societal level (Rahbari et al., 2019 ). Nevertheless, the expansion of social media in recent years has created greater opportunities for challenging taboos and amplifying women's narratives about gender-based discrimination. These platforms provide a space in which the boundary between the private and public spheres is redefined, enabling women to break through the constraints of social silence, share their lived experiences, and advocate for policy change (Akpuokwe et al., 2024 ; Fileborn & Loney-Howes, 2019 ). Moreover, campaigns and hashtags have played a significant role in raising awareness about gender issues and influencing public opinion (Stabile et al., 2020 ). Despite the shifts in the representation and suppression of gendered taboos in Iran in recent years, few studies have directly addressed this phenomenon. Existing research has predominantly focused on broad approaches to gender and media analysis, with comparatively little attention paid to the specific strategies for representing taboos on social media platforms. Digital feminism, as an emerging field, has transformed feminist discourse and activism through social media platforms, enabling the rapid mobilization of grassroots movements and the amplification of marginalized voices (Tafakori, 2021 ). Furthermore, it has expanded feminist scholarship on social media both empirically and theoretically. This transformation has become especially significant in societies where street protests or conventional forms of activism are severely restricted. Social media platforms have emerged as spaces for everyday, “soft” resistance, where micro-voices can coalesce into influential currents (Bayat, 2013 ). Digital feminism holds particular significance in authoritarian and patriarchal societies compared to other contexts. By leveraging digital activism, digital feminist movements challenge entrenched power structures, transform prevailing mindsets, and penalize sexist behaviors—paralleling the role that activism plays in confronting authoritarian regimes (Darkwah, 2021 ). Moreover, because mainstream media in these societies are frequently state-controlled and representations of women are heavily constrained, digital spaces effectively become sanctuaries for resistance (Rahbari, 2022 ). However, the paucity of reliable data for understanding these contexts has resulted in relatively few empirical, data-driven studies in this area. In addition, lack of open access to social media APIs, online censorship, and users’ fears of digital surveillance constitute major obstacles to conducting research in this field (Tufekci, 2017 ). This study, with a focus on the Persian-language Twitter hashtag #TalkAboutMenstruation, seeks to delineate the multiple dimensions of Iranian women’s narratives about their menstruation experiences. The primary research question is: What constitutes the dominant discourse in Iranian women users’ narrations of their menstruation experience? Additionally, by analyzing the collected data, this research identifies the key structures that underpin menstrual suppression within these user narratives. In response to this dominant discourse, a counter‐discourse of power in society is also activated. The findings demonstrate how the suppressive discourse reacted to women’s menstruation narratives on social media. The Taboo of Femininity and Menstruation in Iran Menstruation, as an intrinsic aspect of womanhood throughout history, has exerted both overt and covert influences on the social lives and lifestyles of Iranian women. Although some scholars assert that Iranian women historically enjoyed relatively greater rights compared to other nations (Azad, 1979 ), extant religious injunctions and texts nonetheless attest to the taboo surrounding menstrual blood. For instance, there are explicit prohibitions stipulating that if a menstruating woman’s gaze falls upon stone, fire, or water, she incurs sin (Dhābhara, 1909 ). Likewise, during menstruation, women were often ostracized from communal life, with the discharge of menstrual blood symbolizing impurity and defilement (Zarlaki, 2016 ). Its intensity has fluctuated over time, shaped by the cultural norms of each ruling dynasty, developments in international communication, and intercultural exchange. For example, under the Mongol Ilkhanate, women were officially accorded social status equal to men; however, this relative parity was rescinded following the collapse of Mongol rule (De Nicola, 2017 ). According to the accounts of Iranian and foreign historians and travel writers during the Qajar era (1789–1925), women were predominantly portrayed as confined to the domestic sphere and veiled seclusion, and their presence in male-dominated or public spaces was deemed inappropriate (Tavakoli-Targhi, 2016 ). In the dominant discourse of menstruation, women suffered social deprivation and were regarded as the property of men. Restrictions were so severe that, if a woman fell ill, male physicians faced considerable obstacles in examining and treating her. Indeed, until the establishment of the Constitutional Revolution, Iranian women had no right to seek hospital treatment or summon a physician for their own ailments. With the expansion of Iran’s contacts with the West and the founding of the Dar al‑Fonun School, these social conditions began to improve (Alijani, 2017 ). Following the success of the Constitutional Revolution, three major reforms in the domain of women’s affairs engendered broader social, political, and cultural participation: the establishment of girls’ schools, the formation of women’s societies and associations, and the launch of women’s newspapers and menstruationicals. These changes helped to moderate public attitudes toward feminine taboos. Nevertheless, traditional and religious perspectives on women continued to shape the prevailing discourse in Iran. These three transformations continued throughout the Pahlavi era, though they remained quite limited in comparison to the dominant traditional mindset of society (Razavi et al., 2021 ). During the Pahlavi menstruation (1925–1979), however, wide-ranging modernization policies and legal reforms brought about fundamental changes in the status of women in Iran. Legally, the enforcement of the unveiling decree in 1936 (Sedghi, 2007 ) and the enactment of the Family Protection Law in 1967—which expanded women’s rights in divorce, child custody, and prenuptial agreements (Povey & Rostami-Povey, 2012 ; Sedghi, 2007 )—redefined the legal structure of the family in favor of women. In education, the establishment of public elementary schools for girls around 1918 (Honarbin-Holliday, 2009 ), followed by the founding of the Higher Institute for Girls and Al-Zahra University in 1964 (Azari, 1983 ; Honarbin-Holliday, 2009 ), enabled women’s access to higher education and increased female literacy rates from under 10% in the 1920s to over 35% by the 1970s (Azari, 1983 ). In the labor market, women gained economic independence by entering professions such as teaching, nursing, and civil service (Azari, 1983 ; Honarbin-Holliday, 2009 ). The founding of the Women’s Organization of Iran in 1966 (Povey & Rostami-Povey, 2012 ) and its welfare centers provided women with educational, legal, and childcare services. Politically, granting women the right to vote and be elected in the 1963 elections—when six women entered the parliament and two were appointed to the Senate—symbolized women’s growing participation in national decision-making (Milani, 2022 ; Povey & Rostami-Povey, 2012 ). This comprehensive trajectory, although faced with resistance from religious and conservative groups (Paidar, 1997 ), laid the groundwork for a new identity and active presence of women in public life. Traditional taboos surrounding femininity were primarily focused on veiling, girls’ education, gender mixing, and religious restrictions. Mandatory veiling or the promotion of wearing the chador by clerics deprived women of free public presence until the 1936 unveiling decree explicitly challenged this taboo—though it faced strong opposition from religious leaders (Azari, 1983 ; Paidar, 1997 ). The taboo of girls’ education also became a point of contention with Sheikh Fazlollah Nouri’s fatwa stating “shame on a country that has schools for girls,” but the expansion of the educational system from 1918 onward effectively broke this restriction (Honarbin-Holliday, 2009 ; Torab, 2006 ). Women’s entry into government jobs and universities challenged the taboo of employment being exclusively male (Milani, 2022 ; Shahidian, 2002 ). Among these, one of the most complex and deeply rooted taboos was that of menstruation, which was closely intertwined with religious notions of ritual impurity (Torab, 2006 ). Menstruation was not merely a biological phenomenon but was construed as a marker of contamination that excluded women from participation in many social and religious arenas. A menstruating woman was forbidden from entering sacred spaces or touching holy objects; indeed, in one documented case, an artifact remained off-limits to all women after contact with a menstruant. This prohibition even extended to Muharram mourning ceremonies, where menstruating women were barred, while the blood of male sacrificial animals was venerated as a symbol of fertility and purity. This dichotomy between women’s and men’s blood formed part of a folk biology and symbolic order rooted in anxieties about bodily boundaries. As Mary Douglas demonstrates, bodily secretions such as menstrual blood are perceived as threats to the cohesion of the social order. Within this framework, the female body became associated not only with boundary transgression but also with death and impurity (Torab, 2006 ). Consequently, the taboo of menstruation not only expelled women from religious domains but—by reproducing fear of contamination—played a critical role in limiting their agency in the public sphere. However, the Pahlavi regime’s legal and cultural reforms subjected these taboos to redefinition, illustrating that in the contest between modernization and tradition, taboos neither vanished nor remained uniformly intact (Tabari & Yeganeh, 1982 ). Following the 1979 Revolution and the establishment of the Islamic Republic, Iranian women’s legal status was substantially restricted and redefined. The Family Protection Law was repealed and women were stripped of judicial authority (Honarbin-Holliday, 2009 ); compulsory hijab and gender segregation were enforced in public spaces such as transportation and beaches (Sedghi, 2007 ); and civil codes governing inheritance, testimony, and child custody were reinstated in favor of men (Torab, 2006 ). Simultaneously, institutional “purges” in universities and government bodies led to the widespread dismissal of women from key positions. Nevertheless, the rapid quantitative expansion of higher education—especially at institutions such as the University of Alzahra and Payame Noor University—facilitated large‑scale female enrollment (Povey & Rostami-Povey, 2012 ). In subsequent decades, Iranian women, drawing upon Islamic feminism and flexible interpretations of religious texts, continued their struggle for equal rights, political participation, and economic independence through NGOs and campaigns such as “One Million Signatures.” During this menstruation, “modesty” and “chastity” were officially equated with the strict observance of the black chador and gender segregation in transportation, sports arenas, and judicial and professional settings. The depiction of an unveiled woman in media or public spaces became taboo, and any reference to female sexuality was subject to censorship (Honarbin-Holliday, 2009 ; Sedghi, 2007 ). As these restrictions intensified, menstruation—which had long been censored and ignored—emerged as one of the most pronounced societal taboos. In official discourse, menstruating women were barred from prayer, fasting, and participation in religious rites, and any mention of menstruation in media or public forums was prohibited. These prohibitions derived from Shi‘ite juristic views that construed menstruation as a sign of “impurity” and “ritual defect,” effectively denying women access to vital information and healthcare (Torab, 2006 ). However, the formation of private women’s circles and NGOs sparked public discussion and demands for the right to social and hygienic participation, thereby challenging the previously absolute taboo surrounding menstruation (Sedghi, 2007 ; Shahidian, 2002 ). Another pivotal factor in driving social change and dismantling taboos in Iran has been the advent of social media, particularly during menstruations of political unrest. In the aftermath of the 2009 election protests, social networks enabled citizens to challenge the government’s information monopoly and to disseminate evidence of police violence (Sohrabi-Haghighat, 2011 ). However, the role of social media in these movements may have been overstated, as subsequent state crackdowns undermined their social capital (Ansari, 2012 ). The relationship between social media and social movements is complex and non-linear, varying across different phases of a movement’s trajectory (Kharzraee & Unsworth, 2012 ). More recently, social media played a critical role in the “Woman, Life, Freedom” movement following the death of Mahsa Amini, forging transnational solidarities and raising global awareness (Marks, 2023 ). These platforms have also provided new avenues for self-expression, social connection, and collective action. For Iranian Muslim women—despite risks such as censorship and harassment—social media have offered opportunities to negotiate intimacy and counteract isolation (Golzard & Miguel, 2016 ). They have enabled the formation of global networks of resistance to repression, as evidenced during the “Woman, Life, Freedom” protests (Marks, 2023 ), and have sustained longstanding social debates through campaigns like “Hidden Freedom,” which directly challenge mandatory hijab norms (Khiabany, 2015 ). Overall, social media have become powerful tools for political and interpersonal communication, allowing diverse groups—including women, LGBTQ + communities, and dissidents—to construct new identities and realities, and to assert resistance against dominant discourses through digital self-expression (Faris & Rahimi, 2015 ). From a historical standpoint, it is evident that menstruation in Iranian culture and society has always been situated within a framework of religious, social, and cultural taboos. From ancient times to the present day, menstruation has been regarded not merely as a biological event but as a sign of “impurity” and “deficiency,” resulting in the exclusion of women from religious, social, and even medical spheres. Despite certain reforms during the Pahlavi era and the subsequent activism of women’s groups and NGOs after the 1979 Revolution, the taboo surrounding menstruation largely endures in official discourse. However, over the past decades, social media platforms have created new spaces for voicing demands, raising awareness, and challenging these persistent taboos. Digital Feminism and Taboos in Social Media Over the past decade, feminist scholars and critics have sought to refute the notion that we have entered a “post-feminist” era—one in which feminism is deemed ineffective, obsolete, or even concluded. This post-feminist sensibility, intertwined with neoliberal values such as individualism, self-management, and entrepreneurship, cultivates an environment in which collective action is marginalized and individual change is valorized; as a result, rape culture and misogyny persist unchallenged in prevailing narratives. Post-feminism discourages women and girls from critiquing patriarchal structures, and those who resist this injunction are often branded as humorless or overly demanding. Nevertheless, clear signs of a resurgence of novel feminist forms have emerged—forms that leverage digital media to redefine and expand the boundaries of feminist activism. The heightened visibility of contemporary feminist politics owes much to the affordances of new media technologies and today’s cultural environment. Feminism in this menstruation has not only become more pronounced but has also gained broader popular support. Movements such as #MeToo testify to the connective power of digital platforms, which offer fresh terrain for activism—from hashtag feminism to online protests and mass calls to action. These platforms, through algorithmically driven trends, blur geographic and social boundaries, amplifying gender-related issues that were previously marginalized. As a consequence, voices once relegated to the periphery now find space to be heard. These developments have culminated in the emergence of a new branch of feminist studies known as “digital feminism” (Mendes et al., 2019 ). Digital feminism is an emergent concept within feminist scholarship that examines the interaction between feminist praxis and digital technologies and online spaces. Grounded in an intersectional framework, this approach attends not only to gender but also to factors such as race, queer identities, decoloniality, and Indigenous perspectives (Cockayne & Richardson, 2020 ). Seen as a theoretical response to the digital–material dualism, digital feminism emphasizes the formation of feminist actions through the interplay between virtual and physical realms (Sadowski, 2016 ). Leveraging digital tools and social media as arenas for dialogue, networking, and organization, digital feminism confronts contemporary forms of gender discrimination, misogyny, and rape culture (Mendes et al., 2019 ). It thus engages not only with neoliberal power structures but also seeks to redefine feminist subjectivity and to generate novel modes of activism within digital environments (Baer, 2016 ). Some theorists regard it as the embodiment of fourth-wave feminism operating online to secure safe spaces for equality demands and to combat sexual injustice, violence, and harassment (Jackson, 2018 ). The notion of “digital femininity” underscores the active, relational, and collective nature of feminist praxis in digital fields, aiming to render the impact of feminist action legible in the digital age (Colman, 2014 ). Furthermore, scholars have invoked the term “networked feminism” to describe a form of political activism predicated on digital connectivity—an activism that navigates the tension between the ideals of an open, participatory Internet and the material and organizational realities of feminist movements (Fotopoulou, 2016 ). Accordingly, digital feminism is not merely a set of tools or tactics but rather a cognitive and theoretical space for rethinking subjectivity, place, power, and resistance in the digital era. At its core lies a tension between taboos, suppression, and the family—a nexus where the struggles of feminism and digitality converge. Digital feminism maintains a critical relationship with gendered taboos, as it enables girls and women to speak about—and challenge—subjects often silenced in many cultures, such as sexual violence, harassment, and everyday misogyny. Digital platforms offer women spaces to document their experiences, connect with others, and collectively confront gendered taboos and norms. In doing so, they bring previously “unspeakable” experiences into the open, including personal testimonies of misogyny, rape culture, and routine sexual discrimination. Platforms such as Hollaback, which documents street harassment, and the hashtag #BeenRapedNeverReported, which collects testimonies of sexual violence, have been instrumental in recording these otherwise hidden experiences. Digital feminism challenges the culture of silence surrounding such issues and provides women with spaces to speak out. Through social media, new connections and solidarities form among individuals who share similar experiences. Online dialogue can be empowering, enabling participants to overcome fear and join collective struggles against domination. Adolescent feminists, for example, have used platforms like Twitter to address “unspeakable” school–based injustices—such as gendered dress-code discrimination—in their own educational environments (Keller et al., 2018 ). However, increased visibility in digital spaces often provokes intensified repression against both the movement and its activists. Research indicates that the virtual sphere can simultaneously empower and oppress women: while it offers opportunities for self-expression and resistance (Shalhoub-Kevorkian, 2012 ), it also magnifies preexisting gender inequalities and discriminatory practices. Digital environments are shaped by broader social, political, and cultural forces—“control networks,” gendered divisions, limited access for marginalized women, and the legacies of capitalism, colonialism, and patriarchy—that collectively reinforce gendered oppression by restricting women’s access and participation (Toto & Scarinci, 2022 ). Women in online spaces face myriad harms, including harassment, digital discrimination, and sexual surveillance (Gilman, 2021 ). The creation of fake profiles and the non-consensual dissemination of sexual images further marginalize women in virtual realms (Franks, 2011 ). Consequently, this study—grounded in a digital feminism framework—aims to demonstrate how menstruation, as a gendered and sexual taboo within a religiously conservative and authoritarian context, is articulated and represented through social media platforms. First, it examines the discursive strategies that users employ to subvert this taboo—such as experience-driven narratives, hashtag creation, and the use of distinct visual language—to facilitate dialogue about menstruation and foster solidarity. In contrast, it also illustrates how prevailing family‐centered and religious discourses create the conditions for repressing these representations. Within this context, the study identifies and analyzes the discursive mechanisms of suppression. This framework seeks to extend our understanding of both resistance and repression strategies within digital feminism. In other words, in the online arena, the struggle against menstrual taboo and the simultaneous response of power structures constitute two facets of a complex interaction. Method and Data This article, grounded in an exploratory–descriptive research design, explores menstruation narratives circulating under the Persian-language Twitter hashtag #TalkAboutMenstruation (#ازپریودبگو), aiming to answer two central questions: (1) What constitutes the prevailing discourse in Iranian women’s accounts of their menstruation experiences? and (2) Which structural mechanisms of menstrual suppression are revealed within these narratives, and how do users mobilize a counter‑discourse of empowerment? To comprehensively address the research questions, a two-phase mixed-methods framework was implemented. The first phase applied Semantic Network Analysis (SNA) to isolate the core concepts from the tweet corpus. SNA offers a robust, unsupervised framework for mapping the latent structure of large text corpora by treating words or concepts as nodes and their co-occurrences as ties (Segev, 2021 ). The process begins with careful corpus preparation—collecting and cleaning texts, tokenizing into meaningful units, and removing stop-words and irrelevant symbols—to ensure semantic clarity (Jiang et al., 2016 ). Next, a list of key terms (e.g., hashtags or topic-relevant keywords) is extracted, and co-occurrence matrices are built by counting the frequency with which each pair of terms appears within a defined window (e.g., sentence or fixed token span) (Kim, 2021 ). Because raw co-occurrence networks are often densely interconnected and difficult to interpret, sparsification is applied—filtering out low-frequency ties and hyper-central nodes that can obscure meaningful patterns (Hatzir et al., 2021 ). Finally, community detection algorithms (such as Louvain modularity) reveal discourse clusters—groups of terms that coalesce around shared themes—while centrality measures (degree and betweenness) identify the most influential or bridging concepts within the network (Kim, 2021 ; Segev, 2021 ). This combination of steps yields a descriptive visual “map” of emergent topics and narrative structures that would be challenging to discern through linear reading alone. The SNA procedure unfolded in two core stages: preprocessing and network analysis. In the preprocessing stage, tweets were systematically cleaned, tokenized into meaningful units, and normalized; thereafter, labels—namely hashtags and key terms used to characterize protesters—were extracted. During network analysis, these labels were transformed into graph edges via Python scripts, facilitating the assembly of a semantic network that maps inter-concept relationships. The completed network was then imported into Gephi for visualization, where modularity-based clustering and pattern detection illuminated the discourse’s principal thematic clusters. The Social Media Critical Discourse Studies (SM-CDS) method was employed in the second phase. In this method, the central element is not technology but discourse; the text is studied within its broader context. In this method, the text is not examined in isolation, but its relationship with the social context of text production is also considered. Based on this approach, all media content must be interpreted within a particular society's broader political and social context. This method defines eight steps: 1. Activating prior theoretical knowledge about the subject; 2. Systematic collection of data and background information; 3. Selection and preparation of data for specific analyses; 4. Defining the research question and formulating hypotheses; 5. Preliminary qualitative analysis; 6. In-depth case studies; 7. Formulating critique considering three dimensions (discourse, power, and ideology); 8. Utilizing detailed analytical results (KhosraviNik, 2017 , 2022 ; KhosraviNik & Zia, 2014 ). Academic credentials for Twitter’s API enabled the retrieval of a complete dataset of tweets containing the #ازپریودبگو hashtag. During preprocessing, each tweet was parsed to extract all relevant labels and salient concepts, and stop-words along with other non-informative tokens were removed. Finally, the refined labels were transformed into a semantic network via a Python-based pipeline, and this network was imported into Gephi for graphical rendering and modularity-based community detection. Findings To address the main research question—identifying the dominant discourses in Iranian women’s narratives of their menstruation experiences on Twitter—a semantic network analysis was conducted on a dataset of tweets containing the hashtag #TalkAboutMenstruation. The resulting semantic network graph is illustrated in Fig. 1 . In order to filter out low-frequency terms, nodes with a degree lower than 40 were excluded from the analysis. The results of the quantitative analysis of the semantic network analysis the structural dimensions of the prevailing discourse, and illustrate how concepts, vocabulary, and narratives are interconnected within a complex network (see Table 1 ). The following section analyzes the key metrics of this network: Table 1 Structural Characteristics of the Network Metric Value Number of Nodes 1929 Number of Edges 19537 Average Degree 20.25609124 Average Clustering Coefficient 0.764246505 Connected Components 4 The analyzed network comprises 1,929 nodes (terms or concepts) and 19,537 edges (co-occurrences of terms within tweets), reflecting both the semantic richness and the active engagement of users in discussions about “menstruation.” Although the network’s density is very low (0.0105)—meaning that only about one percent of all possible connections are realized—each term is, on average, linked to more than twenty other terms (average degree = 20.25), indicating intense interaction among concepts such as shame, women’s health, school, and politics. A high clustering coefficient (0.764) reveals the formation of strong semantic clusters around key subthemes like “secrecy” and “motherhood”; in other words, users collectively create micro-discourses centered on these topics. Because the network is not fully connected, four independent connected components were identified, each representing a distinct semantic subnetwork—such as lived experiences in school, cultural pressures within families, educational policies, or narratives of resistance against sexual taboos—embedded within the broader “menstruation” discourse. Table 2 Functional Characteristics of the Network Metric Value Modularity 0.356906434 Efficiency 0.38907033 Assortativity -0.107774783 Robustness Not directly calculable The Functional characteristics of the network are presented in Table 2 . The semantic network based on the #TalkAboutMenstruation hashtag is organized into distinct clusters (modularity = 0.356), each representing a separate sub-discourse around the menstruation experience. Despite its fragmentation and low overall density, the network’s relatively high efficiency (0.389) enables the rapid diffusion of key concepts within related clusters. A negative assortativity coefficient (–0.108) reveals that central nodes—such as “menstruation,” “shame,” and “body”—are connected to a broad spectrum of low-frequency terms, functioning as semantic hubs. This complex, multi-layered topology mirrors the interaction of personal narratives, cultural pressures, and feminist resistance within Iran’s digital discourse. Table 3 Key Network Centrality Measures Rank Node Degree Centrality Node Betweenness Centrality Node Closeness Centrality Node Eigenvector Centrality 1 زن(Woman) 0.267 زن(Woman) 0.117 زن(Woman) 0.568 زن(Woman) 0.205 2 پد (sanitary pad) 0.232 پد (sanitary pad) 0.098 پد (sanitary pad) 0.551 درد(Pain) 0.185 3 درد(Pain) 0.216 درد(Pain) 0.083 درد(Pain) 0.549 پد (sanitary pad) 0.183 4 خون(Blood) 0.188 دختر(Girl) 0.063 دختر(Girl) 0.531 خون(Blood) 0.159 5 دختر(Girl) 0.176 خون(Blood) 0.062 خون(Blood) 0.531 دختر(Girl) 0.157 6 مرد(Man) 0.165 مرد(Man) 0.047 مرد(Man) 0.529 مرد(Man) 0.156 7 مادر(Mother) 0.163 سربازی (Military service) 0.044 مادر(Mother) 0.525 مادر(Mother) 0.151 8 سربازی (Military service) 0.136 مادر(Mother) 0.041 تجربه (Experience) 0.517 حرف زدن (Talking) 0.137 9 حرف زدن (Talking) 0.130 حرف زدن (Talking) 0.031 سربازی (Military service) 0.517 تجربه (Experience) 0.133 10 تجربه (Experience) 0.124 تجربه (Experience) 0.028 حرف زدن (Talking) 0.516 مسئله(Problem) 0.125 11 بدن(Body) 0.115 بدن(Body) 0.023 مسئله(Problem) 0.510 کار(Work) 0.125 12 کار(Work) 0.115 کار(Work) 0.022 بدن(Body) 0.507 بدن(Body) 0.119 13 مسئله(Problem) 0.113 مسئله(Problem) 0.022 کار(Work) 0.506 سربازی (Military service) 0.117 14 جامعه(Society) 0.106 جامعه(Society) 0.020 خانواده(Family) 0.505 جامعه(Society) 0.108 15 تابو(Taboo) 0.096 تابو(Taboo) 0.019 عادی(Normal) 0.504 خانواده(Family) 0.108 In this analysis, four principal network centrality measures—degree, betweenness, closeness, and eigenvector centrality—were employed to assess the significance and positioning of key concepts within the #TalkAboutMenstruation discourse (see Table 3 ). Across all measures, the term “woman” attains the highest score, forming the narrative’s core and playing a pivotal role in linking and disseminating meaning among other concepts. Following this, “menstruation,” “pain,” and “blood”—as the biological and affective components of menstruation—rank next, underscoring the discussion’s strong emphasis on embodied experiences and taboo-breaking around menstruation. The high frequency and weight of “girl” particularly highlight narratives of first-menstruation experiences and the importance of younger generations. The terms “man” and “mother,” in their roles as enforcers or transmitters of social norms, illuminate the convergence and tension between individual narratives and power structures. The concept “military service” points to the complexities of concealing menstruation in militarized contexts, while “work” reflects the physical and psychological impacts of menstruation on women’s professional lives. In all measures, the keywords “speaking” and “experience” function as primary intermediaries between personal testimonies and collective advocacy, fueling the expansion of the discourse. Finally, the persistent presence of “body,” “society,” “issue,” and “taboo” indicates how social media have become platforms for challenging power structures and representing gendered taboos, placing women’s narratives at the center of cultural transformation. Representation of Menstruation Discourse In the next phase of this study, the dominant discourses within the tweets were identified using the SM-CDS method. On this basis, three primary discourses emerge as the pillars of the discussion. Each discourse is presented and analyzed along with its sub-themes to clearly illustrate its formation, shared dimensions, and internal tensions. Figure 2 depicts the three main discourses, their interrelationships, and the principal themes under each discourse. 1. Mechanisms of Denial and Outrage This discourse represents the most fundamental articulation of menstruation in Iran’s online sphere, emphasizing the elevation of women’s personal experiences into broader social meanings. It demonstrates how Iranian women, through individual narratives, endeavor to challenge the long-standing societal taboo surrounding menstruation and render it a matter of public debate. By sharing the intimate details of their first and ongoing menstrual experiences, female users expose the social mechanisms of denial and suppression. These accounts often convey emotions such as shame, anger, confusion, and disgust, illustrating how a purely biological process becomes concealed and oppressed under prevailing cultural norms. The roles of family and educational institutions in reproducing a negative portrayal of menstruation are elucidated, and the emergence of both overt and internalized anger among adolescent girls is described. Family/Mother Mothers, as the first individuals to recognize their daughters’ bodily changes and the characteristics of the female body, bear the responsibility of preparing them for their initial menstruation and, thereafter, providing a safe and supportive environment within the family. However, under the traditional and religious structures governing many households, mothers often neglect this duty. In some cases, motivated—perhaps—to preserve family honor rather than to educate and accompany their daughters, they resort to silence or admonition. Consequently, a girl’s first menstrual experience is recorded in her mind as a shameful and inappropriate event. These conservative reactions can simultaneously provoke anger and reinforce self-blame in adolescent girls. When my mother first realized I’d gotten my menstruation, she dragged me into a room. First she told me, ‘If your father and brothers find out, I’ll ruin your life.’ Then she went on to explain what I was supposed to do during this time. School/Blood The educational institution, through explicit and unwritten rules—such as prohibiting any discussion of menstruation and neglecting the hygienic needs of female students—facilitates the internalization of denial mechanisms. In numerous narratives, the presence of menstrual blood in the school setting is met with humiliation or punishment, causing students to internalize the belief that menstruation is inherently unclean and must be hidden. Those were the first years we were getting our menstruation. One of the girls spent the whole day curled up in herself, crying from pain. Sometimes she screamed, sometimes she moaned. We were all exasperated watching our friend suffer. The school supervisor wouldn’t let her go home—she said she was faking it. At best, she might have given her some sugar water. First Experience/Crying For many girls, the first menstrual experience is accompanied by emotions such as fear, anxiety, tears, and confusion. These reactions often stem from the absence of prior formal education and the lack of a supportive environment within the family, school, and community. Under such conditions, girls are unprepared to face this biological event and perceive it not as a natural, acceptable process but as a traumatic and alarming experience. Consequently, a negative perception—often intertwined with feelings of shame, isolation, and social rejection—toward menstruation is formed, cementing the memory of that first menstruation as a distressing and ambiguous milestone. I’ll never forget the first day I got my menstruation. When I saw the blood, my heart dropped—I even thought I was sick for a few seconds, despite knowing what was happening! After that, I ran into my mom’s arms and cried my heart out. 2. Breaking the Silence and Disclosure In this component, users have sought to break the long-standing silence surrounding menstruation by raising awareness and offering a deep, structural critique of historical mechanisms of repression. This approach demonstrates how the discourse on menstruation—traditionally confined to the private and individual sphere—can, through conscious activism, be elevated to a public and demand-driven level, becoming one of the social demands within the realm of public discourse. Speaking Speaking is not merely regarded as the transmission of information or narration of experience, but rather can be considered a resistant act against the established norms of silence and exclusion. By openly sharing their personal experiences in public spaces, users are essentially redefining the boundaries of discourse around the female body and menstruation, striving to disrupt the historical silence and create a space for free and conscious dialogue. "Since a while ago, I no longer let them put sanitary pads in black plastic bags. Lately, I’ve also started talking about it at home without shame." Modesty/Taboo The concept of “modesty” in Iranian cultural tradition has largely functioned as a tool for enforcing gender-based suppression. Users, by criticizing and reinterpreting the belief that menstruation is a shameful subject, demonstrate how this cultural attitude has played a significant role in reinforcing the menstrual taboo and perpetuating silence and stigma around this natural phenomenon. "We are shameless. Break the taboo that only harms women’s bodies and souls. If modesty means causing shame toward natural phenomena, if modesty means hiding everything feminine, if modesty means oppression of women, then we are shameless." Hygiene/Natural A structural critique of the lack of access to hygiene products and insufficient education regarding women's biological issues is one of the key themes in this section. Users emphasize that menstruation is a completely natural process that requires serious attention and healthcare; therefore, there is no reason for hiding or stigmatizing it. "The majority of the traditional religious group is this ignorant, turning even the most natural events of a woman’s body into taboos, and throughout a woman’s life, making her feel worthless and wrong, flirtatious, and the cause of humanity’s problems—turning simply being a woman into a form of torment." Education / Society Education and awareness about menstruation should not be limited to women alone but must also include men, because changing the public attitude toward this biological phenomenon requires the understanding and support of all members of society. Users believe that without revising and reforming educational and media systems, as well as integrating menstruation-related topics into official school curricula and media programs, the taboo surrounding menstruation will persist, and the silence and neglect of this issue will continue. Such educational changes can enhance social understanding, reduce shame, create an open space for dialogue about menstruation, and gradually play an effective role in eliminating stigma and related taboos. As a man/boy/male, the pain that my female friends endure and their not showing it makes their condition worse, and sometimes I don’t know what the right behavior is. This needs to be accepted in society and taught. 3. Patriarchal Suppression Discourse This counter-discourse consists of a set of reactions and narratives aimed at undermining the legitimacy of representational and critical discourses. In this approach, talking about menstruation is either presented as unnecessary and irrelevant, or there is an effort to marginalize it politically and culturally. Military service A minimal and disparaging comparison between women's experience of menstruation and men's experience during military service. This comparison diminishes the biological and cultural significance of menstruation, reducing it to a "minor challenge." By arguing that "men also face tougher problems," it reflects a disregard for the gendered and biological aspects of menstruation. "The peak of your stupidity is when you compare military service to menstruation. You shouldn’t even engage in a debate with anyone who thinks menstruation is harder than military service." Feminism Political and ideological labeling of women’s efforts to represent and express experiences related to menstruation is one of the major challenges in this area. Within this framework, narratives emerge portraying the #TalkAboutMenstruation campaign as an “unchangeable Western movement” or as “defiance of national values.” Such approaches aim to undermine the legitimacy of women sharing their biological experiences by framing this social demand as foreign and incompatible with national culture and identity, thereby restricting the space for dialogue and acceptance. The # TalkAboutMilitaryService (از_سربازی_بگو#) campaign started so we could talk about the hardships of mandatory military service and make everyone understand that we shouldn’t waste our youth’s lives just because they’re boys, or send many untrained young men to the border. Then some foolish feminists launched # TalkAboutMenstruation to turn the discussion into a gender issue. Nature/Obligation The idea that "menstruation is completely natural and obligatory; therefore, there is nothing to complain about" frames the discourse in a way that ignores any signs of pain or criticism regarding the lack of access to hygienic resources and reduces the emotional and social experience of menstruation. The dominant narrative insists that women should not complain because it is a natural process. This counter-narrative is fundamentally shaped from a gendered, male perspective. It portrays menstruation as an insignificant phenomenon and interprets women's demands for better hygienic and educational conditions as mere "complaining." Such an approach reflects the unequal power structures in society and neglects the psychological and social dimensions of menstruation. "I really don’t understand how some feminists who know nothing compare something that’s God-given to them with # TalkAboutMilitaryService. That’s just nonsense, friends. I only hope some charity or something comes along to help feminists so they can get better from this sickness of theirs." Conclusion The present study aimed to examine the discourses and various dimensions of Iranian women's narratives about their menstruation experiences on Twitter, focusing on the fundamental question of what the dominant discourse in narrating this experience has been. To answer this question, a combined approach using Semantic Network Analysis (SNA) and Semantic Critical Discourse Analysis (SM-CDS) was employed. The findings of this study indicate that the experience-based discourse of Iranian women users on Twitter with the hashtag #TalkAboutMenstruation operates precisely within the theoretical framework of digital feminism and has created significant capacity for breaking the taboo surrounding bio-gender issues and redefining female subjectivity in the public sphere (Mendes et al., 2019 ). This research, considering the historical background of the menstruation taboo in Iran—from religious teachings of impurity in Shia jurisprudence and the social ostracism of menstruating women during ancient and Qajar menstruations (Torab, 2006 ; Zarlaki, 2016 ) to the repressive policies after the 1979 Revolution (Honarbin-Holliday, 2009 )—demonstrates how these taboos have been institutionalized within power structures and the family over centuries. The results of the semantic network analysis of the tweets clarify that female users, by focusing on keywords such as "woman," "pain," "pad," and "blood," and the interactions among them, have managed to transform individual narratives into a multilayered discourse. These words form the semantic core of the network and indicate that the embodied experience of menstruation—as a bio-physical reality—is the focal point of users' narratives. This concept is linked to Foucault’s idea of “biopower,” where the subject’s body enters discourse and challenges power structures (Foucault, 1990 ). On the other hand, within the framework of digital feminism, this emphasis on lived experience is considered a way to break taboos and represent women’s voices in the digital public sphere. This analysis aligns with studies such as Zarlaki ( 2016 ) and Golchin et al. ( 2012 ), which show that the experience of first menstruation is shaped within a context of shame, silence, and isolation. The high clustering coefficient (0.764) and moderate modularity (0.356) of the network indicate the formation of sub-discourses around concepts such as "school," "family," "hygiene," and "feminist resistances," which have been experienced in various biological and social contexts—from home and school to the workplace (Cockayne & Richardson, 2020 ). From the perspective of Structural Meaning-based Critical Discourse Analysis (SM-CDS), each semantic cluster represents a distinct discursive logic and can be considered a sub-discourse. This finding aligns with studies like Tavakoli-Targhi and Alijani ( 2017 ), which examine the role of school and family in reproducing gendered silence. Moreover, this semantic network structure reflects Foucault’s conflict between power and subject, where the subject (menstruating woman) emerges from lived experience into the discourse arena and, through sharing narratives, exerts pressure on networks of empowerment and taboo dismantling (Baer, 2016 ). The three main extracted discourses also illustrate three layers of feminist resistance and power reaction: Mechanisms of Denial and Anger Production : The mechanisms of denial and anger production in the #TalkAboutMenstruation campaign can be directly understood through Foucault’s theories of power and discourse, as well as frameworks of digital feminism. From Foucault’s perspective, wherever power is exercised, resistance also emerges; power operates not only through direct repression but also by producing “norms,” “silence,” and “regimes of truth” (Foucault, 1990 ). On the other hand, digital feminism theory (Jackson, 2018 ; Mendes et al., 2019 ) clearly explains how women users in digital spaces, especially Twitter, utilize tools such as hashtags to shape a collective resistance against historical denial. This digital resistance, unlike classic street activism, is based on experiential narratives and disclosure, aiming to break the silence and disrupt the male hegemony over language and public culture. Here, the historical silence about menstruation and the associated shame are exactly the norms produced and reproduced by patriarchal religious and cultural power. Narratives of the first menstruation experience in school and family, emphasizing shame and isolation, expose traditional denial mechanisms and present the pent-up anger of adolescent girls as the driving force to open space for dialogue (Golchin et al., 2012 ). Studies such as Golchin et al. ( 2012 ) and Torab ( 2006 ) have shown that Iranian girls face feelings of shame, isolation, and silence from their first menstruation experience—an experience reproduced within institutions like family, school, and even the healthcare system. This imposed silence at the macro level is accompanied by media censorship (Rahbari, 2022 ) and institutional denial of women’s experiences. Breaking the Silence and Disclosure : The prominence of the tactic of "speaking out" through narrating personal experiences and sharing others’ stories functions as an act of resistance. Participants in this campaign have not only expressed pain or anger but have also broken the structure of silence through collective storytelling. This form of activism aligns with what Colman ( 2014 ) described about the power of digital speech in digital feminism. The tactic of "speaking out" itself is an act of resistance; users who critique concepts like "modesty" and "taboo" create the foundation for demands regarding embodied education and access to sanitary products, transforming micro-narratives into a collective voice (Jackson, 2018 ; Colman, 2014 ). Additionally, Fileborn and Loney-Howes ( 2019 ) have demonstrated that online gender campaigns provide a space for collective meaning-making and advocacy. Patriarchal Suppression : Some tweets attempted to undermine or neutralize the main discourse by comparing menstruation to military service or relying on arguments based on “compulsory naturalization.” These reactions reflect the ongoing struggle within digital feminism over women’s representation and vocal presence in public spaces. This analysis aligns with studies by Rahbari et al. ( 2019 ) and Tufekci ( 2017 ), which explore censorship, self-censorship, and the confrontation between resistant and official discourses in the Iranian context. Counter-discourses such as “comparison to military service” or “compulsory naturalization” aim to delegitimize criticism of the taboo and reduce menstruation to a trivial matter—an approach reflecting the discourse of religious and patriarchal powers that deny women’s embodied demands (Rahbari, 2022 ; Tufekci, 2017 ). The discourses of "Denial and Anger Production," "Breaking the Silence and Disclosure," and "Patriarchal Suppression" clearly demonstrate that Twitter has become a space for both feminist resistance and conservative patriarchal reactions. According to digital feminism theory, breaking the silence and expressing menstruation experiences through hashtags constitutes a form of resistant action that challenges power. The SM-CDS analysis also considers these discourses as opposing components within the semantic structure of power/resistance. This finding aligns with studies by Rahbari ( 2022 ) and Darkwah ( 2021 ), which examine the suppression of women in public and digital spaces in authoritarian countries. Ultimately, it can be said that social networks, especially Twitter, can become a platform for soft resistance against gender taboos; a space where digital feminism is not only a tool for representation but also a driving force for advocacy and cultural change. Although power structures (religious, family-centered, and patriarchal) still pose significant barriers, the discourses emerging in the digital space offer a promising sign for breaking the historical silence and redefining female subjectivity in Iran. Declarations Data availability The datasets generated and analysed during the current study are not publicly available due to privacy and ethical considerations related to user-generated social media content. Aggregated data and network visualization outputs are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request. Author Contributions Fatemeh Noei Teymori conceptualized and designed the study, collected and analysed the data, interpreted the findings, and wrote the manuscript. Amin Majidifard contributed to the literature review, interpretation of results, and revision of the final text. Both authors approved the submitted version of the manuscript. Funding This research did not receive any specific grant from funding agencies in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors. Ethical Approval This study did not involve direct interaction with human participants or the collection of personally identifiable information. The research was based solely on publicly available data from the Twitter accounts of Iranian politicians. According to the ethical guidelines of Ferdowsi University of Mashhad and in compliance with national regulations, formal ethical approval was not required for this type of study. The research was conducted in accordance with the principles outlined in the Declaration of Helsinki and its subsequent revisions. Informed Consent Informed consent was not applicable to this study, as all data were obtained from publicly accessible social media content (Twitter), voluntarily posted by users in the public domain. No private or personally identifiable information was collected, and no direct interaction with individuals occurred. AI Disclosure Statement No artificial intelligence tools were used in the research, analysis, or writing of this manuscript. References Akpuokwe, C. U., Chikwe, C. F., & Eneh, N. E. (2024). Innovating business practices: The impact of social media on fostering gender equality and empowering women entrepreneurs. 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Also discoverable on Platform About Our Team In Review Editorial Policies Advisory Board Help Center Resources Author Services Accessibility API Access RSS feed Manage Cookie Preferences © Research Square 2026 | ISSN 2693-5015 (online) Privacy Policy Terms of Service Do Not Sell My Personal Information {"props":{"pageProps":{"initialData":{"identity":"rs-7780147","acceptedTermsAndConditions":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"archivedVersions":[],"articleType":"Article","associatedPublications":[],"authors":[{"id":632826378,"identity":"f5a40d34-0744-48f6-970e-2cf25136da32","order_by":0,"name":"Fatemeh Noei Teymori","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"Ferdowsi University of Mashhad","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Fatemeh","middleName":"Noei","lastName":"Teymori","suffix":""},{"id":632826379,"identity":"1d3f7429-aa69-47cf-b112-d83aa645a6a2","order_by":1,"name":"Amin Majidifard","email":"data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAZAAAAAyAQMAAABI0h/eAAAABlBMVEX///8AAABVwtN+AAAACXBIWXMAAA7EAAAOxAGVKw4bAAAA+0lEQVRIiWNgGAWjYNACHgnGNuYDQLoCyGFmbiBSC1sCkD4D0sJIjBYGBsYGkBbeNggbr1L+aQdYN/yQsZDtY2N+9uHtvNpo/naglh8V23BqkbidwHazh0fCuI2NzXjm3G3Hc2ccZmxg7DlzG7c1QC03eHgkEtvkG4yZebcdy20AamFmbMOtRR5kyx+QFjb2z8y8c47lziekxQCo5TbYFjYeoC0NNbkbCGkxvJ3YdlsG7BeeYsY5xw7kbgRqOYjPL3K3k4/dfNtTJzu/jX0zw5uautx55w8ffPCjAo/3QbHA2APnHQaTB/Coh4IfcFYdYcWjYBSMglEw4gAAYfFYqV21mAkAAAAASUVORK5CYII=","orcid":"","institution":"Ferdowsi University of Mashhad","correspondingAuthor":true,"prefix":"","firstName":"Amin","middleName":"","lastName":"Majidifard","suffix":""}],"badges":[],"createdAt":"2025-10-04 13:23:24","currentVersionCode":1,"declarations":"","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7780147/v1","doiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-7780147/v1","draftVersion":[],"editorialEvents":[],"editorialNote":"","failedWorkflow":false,"files":[{"id":108732059,"identity":"0674ac36-c74a-40ea-b4b3-9dd0d51724e7","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2026-05-07 18:59:00","extension":"png","order_by":1,"title":"Figure 1","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":1052391,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eSemantic Network Graph of the Tweets (Filtered for Nodes with Degree Greater Than 50)\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"1.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7780147/v1/325bdc609bb67e5dd0df3743.png"},{"id":108807181,"identity":"3db7e15b-451f-4d0d-8cf5-fd9e82070814","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2026-05-08 15:30:16","extension":"png","order_by":2,"title":"Figure 2","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":395758,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eThe Three Main Discourses of Menstruation Representation on Persian Twitter\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"2.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7780147/v1/47e7655c9b81908661edd793.png"},{"id":108810026,"identity":"ef6fdc89-042a-4296-8f91-e93ec23f0dee","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2026-05-08 15:56:57","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":1727064,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7780147/v1/8a221f47-6bbd-406d-b363-52e279e256c9.pdf"}],"financialInterests":"No competing interests reported.","formattedTitle":"Bleeding Out the Old Narrative: Mapping Menstrual Taboo Discourse through Semantic Network Analysis of the #TalkAboutMenstruation Campaign in Iran","fulltext":[{"header":"Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003eIn the summer of 2023, a Twitter advertising campaign launched by a women's hygiene products company in Iran sparked reactions that far exceeded societal expectations. The campaign, titled #TalkAboutMenstruation (#ازپریودبگو), generated over a thousand original tweets and personal narratives\u0026mdash;as well as many times more retweets and likes\u0026mdash;in less than two weeks. This campaign emerged in a context where menstruation remains a highly sensitive and deeply taboo subject in Iranian society, to the extent that discussions around it are often avoided even in educational and family settings (Golchin et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR19\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e). In a society with a long history of patriarchy and the imposition of gendered taboos (Nashat, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR35\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e), this hashtag provided a unique opportunity for women users to publicly share their personal experiences of menstruation\u0026mdash;one of the fundamental taboos surrounding femininity. This widespread participation also reflected a latent desire among women to engage in public discourse about lived experiences that had previously been silenced or confined to private spheres. However, menstruation is not the only feminine taboo in Iran. Gendered taboos have deep roots in the country and manifest across various domains such as the female body, dress codes, sexual desires, motherhood, and even women's voices and public presence. Moreover, formal education systems, media policies, and mechanisms of social control have all contributed to reinforcing and reproducing these taboos at a broader societal level (Rahbari et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR39\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eNevertheless, the expansion of social media in recent years has created greater opportunities for challenging taboos and amplifying women's narratives about gender-based discrimination. These platforms provide a space in which the boundary between the private and public spheres is redefined, enabling women to break through the constraints of social silence, share their lived experiences, and advocate for policy change (Akpuokwe et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e; Fileborn \u0026amp; Loney-Howes, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). Moreover, campaigns and hashtags have played a significant role in raising awareness about gender issues and influencing public opinion (Stabile et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR47\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDespite the shifts in the representation and suppression of gendered taboos in Iran in recent years, few studies have directly addressed this phenomenon. Existing research has predominantly focused on broad approaches to gender and media analysis, with comparatively little attention paid to the specific strategies for representing taboos on social media platforms. Digital feminism, as an emerging field, has transformed feminist discourse and activism through social media platforms, enabling the rapid mobilization of grassroots movements and the amplification of marginalized voices (Tafakori, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR49\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). Furthermore, it has expanded feminist scholarship on social media both empirically and theoretically. This transformation has become especially significant in societies where street protests or conventional forms of activism are severely restricted. Social media platforms have emerged as spaces for everyday, \u0026ldquo;soft\u0026rdquo; resistance, where micro-voices can coalesce into influential currents (Bayat, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDigital feminism holds particular significance in authoritarian and patriarchal societies compared to other contexts. By leveraging digital activism, digital feminist movements challenge entrenched power structures, transform prevailing mindsets, and penalize sexist behaviors\u0026mdash;paralleling the role that activism plays in confronting authoritarian regimes (Darkwah, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). Moreover, because mainstream media in these societies are frequently state-controlled and representations of women are heavily constrained, digital spaces effectively become sanctuaries for resistance (Rahbari, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR38\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). However, the paucity of reliable data for understanding these contexts has resulted in relatively few empirical, data-driven studies in this area. In addition, lack of open access to social media APIs, online censorship, and users\u0026rsquo; fears of digital surveillance constitute major obstacles to conducting research in this field (Tufekci, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR53\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis study, with a focus on the Persian-language Twitter hashtag #TalkAboutMenstruation, seeks to delineate the multiple dimensions of Iranian women\u0026rsquo;s narratives about their menstruation experiences. The primary research question is: What constitutes the dominant discourse in Iranian women users\u0026rsquo; narrations of their menstruation experience? Additionally, by analyzing the collected data, this research identifies the key structures that underpin menstrual suppression within these user narratives. In response to this dominant discourse, a counter‐discourse of power in society is also activated. The findings demonstrate how the suppressive discourse reacted to women\u0026rsquo;s menstruation narratives on social media.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eThe Taboo of Femininity and Menstruation in Iran\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMenstruation, as an intrinsic aspect of womanhood throughout history, has exerted both overt and covert influences on the social lives and lifestyles of Iranian women. Although some scholars assert that Iranian women historically enjoyed relatively greater rights compared to other nations (Azad, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1979\u003c/span\u003e), extant religious injunctions and texts nonetheless attest to the taboo surrounding menstrual blood. For instance, there are explicit prohibitions stipulating that if a menstruating woman\u0026rsquo;s gaze falls upon stone, fire, or water, she incurs sin (Dhābhara, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1909\u003c/span\u003e). Likewise, during menstruation, women were often ostracized from communal life, with the discharge of menstrual blood symbolizing impurity and defilement (Zarlaki, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR54\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e). Its intensity has fluctuated over time, shaped by the cultural norms of each ruling dynasty, developments in international communication, and intercultural exchange. For example, under the Mongol Ilkhanate, women were officially accorded social status equal to men; however, this relative parity was rescinded following the collapse of Mongol rule (De Nicola, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAccording to the accounts of Iranian and foreign historians and travel writers during the Qajar era (1789\u0026ndash;1925), women were predominantly portrayed as confined to the domestic sphere and veiled seclusion, and their presence in male-dominated or public spaces was deemed inappropriate (Tavakoli-Targhi, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR50\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e). In the dominant discourse of menstruation, women suffered social deprivation and were regarded as the property of men. Restrictions were so severe that, if a woman fell ill, male physicians faced considerable obstacles in examining and treating her. Indeed, until the establishment of the Constitutional Revolution, Iranian women had no right to seek hospital treatment or summon a physician for their own ailments. With the expansion of Iran\u0026rsquo;s contacts with the West and the founding of the Dar al‑Fonun School, these social conditions began to improve (Alijani, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e). Following the success of the Constitutional Revolution, three major reforms in the domain of women\u0026rsquo;s affairs engendered broader social, political, and cultural participation: the establishment of girls\u0026rsquo; schools, the formation of women\u0026rsquo;s societies and associations, and the launch of women\u0026rsquo;s newspapers and menstruationicals. These changes helped to moderate public attitudes toward feminine taboos. Nevertheless, traditional and religious perspectives on women continued to shape the prevailing discourse in Iran.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThese three transformations continued throughout the Pahlavi era, though they remained quite limited in comparison to the dominant traditional mindset of society (Razavi et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR40\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). During the Pahlavi menstruation (1925\u0026ndash;1979), however, wide-ranging modernization policies and legal reforms brought about fundamental changes in the status of women in Iran. Legally, the enforcement of the unveiling decree in 1936 (Sedghi, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR42\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2007\u003c/span\u003e) and the enactment of the Family Protection Law in 1967\u0026mdash;which expanded women\u0026rsquo;s rights in divorce, child custody, and prenuptial agreements (Povey \u0026amp; Rostami-Povey, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR37\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e; Sedghi, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR42\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2007\u003c/span\u003e)\u0026mdash;redefined the legal structure of the family in favor of women. In education, the establishment of public elementary schools for girls around 1918 (Honarbin-Holliday, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e), followed by the founding of the Higher Institute for Girls and Al-Zahra University in 1964 (Azari, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1983\u003c/span\u003e; Honarbin-Holliday, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e), enabled women\u0026rsquo;s access to higher education and increased female literacy rates from under 10% in the 1920s to over 35% by the 1970s (Azari, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1983\u003c/span\u003e). In the labor market, women gained economic independence by entering professions such as teaching, nursing, and civil service (Azari, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1983\u003c/span\u003e; Honarbin-Holliday, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e). The founding of the Women\u0026rsquo;s Organization of Iran in 1966 (Povey \u0026amp; Rostami-Povey, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR37\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e) and its welfare centers provided women with educational, legal, and childcare services. Politically, granting women the right to vote and be elected in the 1963 elections\u0026mdash;when six women entered the parliament and two were appointed to the Senate\u0026mdash;symbolized women\u0026rsquo;s growing participation in national decision-making (Milani, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR34\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Povey \u0026amp; Rostami-Povey, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR37\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e). This comprehensive trajectory, although faced with resistance from religious and conservative groups (Paidar, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR36\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1997\u003c/span\u003e), laid the groundwork for a new identity and active presence of women in public life. Traditional taboos surrounding femininity were primarily focused on veiling, girls\u0026rsquo; education, gender mixing, and religious restrictions. Mandatory veiling or the promotion of wearing the chador by clerics deprived women of free public presence until the 1936 unveiling decree explicitly challenged this taboo\u0026mdash;though it faced strong opposition from religious leaders (Azari, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1983\u003c/span\u003e; Paidar, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR36\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1997\u003c/span\u003e). The taboo of girls\u0026rsquo; education also became a point of contention with Sheikh Fazlollah Nouri\u0026rsquo;s fatwa stating \u0026ldquo;shame on a country that has schools for girls,\u0026rdquo; but the expansion of the educational system from 1918 onward effectively broke this restriction (Honarbin-Holliday, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e; Torab, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR51\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e). Women\u0026rsquo;s entry into government jobs and universities challenged the taboo of employment being exclusively male (Milani, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR34\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Shahidian, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR44\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2002\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAmong these, one of the most complex and deeply rooted taboos was that of menstruation, which was closely intertwined with religious notions of ritual impurity (Torab, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR51\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e). Menstruation was not merely a biological phenomenon but was construed as a marker of contamination that excluded women from participation in many social and religious arenas. A menstruating woman was forbidden from entering sacred spaces or touching holy objects; indeed, in one documented case, an artifact remained off-limits to all women after contact with a menstruant. This prohibition even extended to Muharram mourning ceremonies, where menstruating women were barred, while the blood of male sacrificial animals was venerated as a symbol of fertility and purity. This dichotomy between women\u0026rsquo;s and men\u0026rsquo;s blood formed part of a folk biology and symbolic order rooted in anxieties about bodily boundaries. As Mary Douglas demonstrates, bodily secretions such as menstrual blood are perceived as threats to the cohesion of the social order. Within this framework, the female body became associated not only with boundary transgression but also with death and impurity (Torab, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR51\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e). Consequently, the taboo of menstruation not only expelled women from religious domains but\u0026mdash;by reproducing fear of contamination\u0026mdash;played a critical role in limiting their agency in the public sphere. However, the Pahlavi regime\u0026rsquo;s legal and cultural reforms subjected these taboos to redefinition, illustrating that in the contest between modernization and tradition, taboos neither vanished nor remained uniformly intact (Tabari \u0026amp; Yeganeh, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR48\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1982\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFollowing the 1979 Revolution and the establishment of the Islamic Republic, Iranian women\u0026rsquo;s legal status was substantially restricted and redefined. The Family Protection Law was repealed and women were stripped of judicial authority (Honarbin-Holliday, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e); compulsory hijab and gender segregation were enforced in public spaces such as transportation and beaches (Sedghi, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR42\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2007\u003c/span\u003e); and civil codes governing inheritance, testimony, and child custody were reinstated in favor of men (Torab, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR51\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e). Simultaneously, institutional \u0026ldquo;purges\u0026rdquo; in universities and government bodies led to the widespread dismissal of women from key positions. Nevertheless, the rapid quantitative expansion of higher education\u0026mdash;especially at institutions such as the University of Alzahra and Payame Noor University\u0026mdash;facilitated large‑scale female enrollment (Povey \u0026amp; Rostami-Povey, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR37\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e). In subsequent decades, Iranian women, drawing upon Islamic feminism and flexible interpretations of religious texts, continued their struggle for equal rights, political participation, and economic independence through NGOs and campaigns such as \u0026ldquo;One Million Signatures.\u0026rdquo; During this menstruation, \u0026ldquo;modesty\u0026rdquo; and \u0026ldquo;chastity\u0026rdquo; were officially equated with the strict observance of the black chador and gender segregation in transportation, sports arenas, and judicial and professional settings. The depiction of an unveiled woman in media or public spaces became taboo, and any reference to female sexuality was subject to censorship (Honarbin-Holliday, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e; Sedghi, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR42\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2007\u003c/span\u003e). As these restrictions intensified, menstruation\u0026mdash;which had long been censored and ignored\u0026mdash;emerged as one of the most pronounced societal taboos. In official discourse, menstruating women were barred from prayer, fasting, and participation in religious rites, and any mention of menstruation in media or public forums was prohibited. These prohibitions derived from Shi\u0026lsquo;ite juristic views that construed menstruation as a sign of \u0026ldquo;impurity\u0026rdquo; and \u0026ldquo;ritual defect,\u0026rdquo; effectively denying women access to vital information and healthcare (Torab, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR51\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e). However, the formation of private women\u0026rsquo;s circles and NGOs sparked public discussion and demands for the right to social and hygienic participation, thereby challenging the previously absolute taboo surrounding menstruation (Sedghi, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR42\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2007\u003c/span\u003e; Shahidian, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR44\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2002\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAnother pivotal factor in driving social change and dismantling taboos in Iran has been the advent of social media, particularly during menstruations of political unrest. In the aftermath of the 2009 election protests, social networks enabled citizens to challenge the government\u0026rsquo;s information monopoly and to disseminate evidence of police violence (Sohrabi-Haghighat, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR46\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e). However, the role of social media in these movements may have been overstated, as subsequent state crackdowns undermined their social capital (Ansari, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR3\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e). The relationship between social media and social movements is complex and non-linear, varying across different phases of a movement\u0026rsquo;s trajectory (Kharzraee \u0026amp; Unsworth, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e). More recently, social media played a critical role in the \u0026ldquo;Woman, Life, Freedom\u0026rdquo; movement following the death of Mahsa Amini, forging transnational solidarities and raising global awareness (Marks, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). These platforms have also provided new avenues for self-expression, social connection, and collective action. For Iranian Muslim women\u0026mdash;despite risks such as censorship and harassment\u0026mdash;social media have offered opportunities to negotiate intimacy and counteract isolation (Golzard \u0026amp; Miguel, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR20\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e). They have enabled the formation of global networks of resistance to repression, as evidenced during the \u0026ldquo;Woman, Life, Freedom\u0026rdquo; protests (Marks, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e), and have sustained longstanding social debates through campaigns like \u0026ldquo;Hidden Freedom,\u0026rdquo; which directly challenge mandatory hijab norms (Khiabany, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR27\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e). Overall, social media have become powerful tools for political and interpersonal communication, allowing diverse groups\u0026mdash;including women, LGBTQ\u0026thinsp;+\u0026thinsp;communities, and dissidents\u0026mdash;to construct new identities and realities, and to assert resistance against dominant discourses through digital self-expression (Faris \u0026amp; Rahimi, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFrom a historical standpoint, it is evident that menstruation in Iranian culture and society has always been situated within a framework of religious, social, and cultural taboos. From ancient times to the present day, menstruation has been regarded not merely as a biological event but as a sign of \u0026ldquo;impurity\u0026rdquo; and \u0026ldquo;deficiency,\u0026rdquo; resulting in the exclusion of women from religious, social, and even medical spheres. Despite certain reforms during the Pahlavi era and the subsequent activism of women\u0026rsquo;s groups and NGOs after the 1979 Revolution, the taboo surrounding menstruation largely endures in official discourse. However, over the past decades, social media platforms have created new spaces for voicing demands, raising awareness, and challenging these persistent taboos.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec3\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eDigital Feminism and Taboos in Social Media\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eOver the past decade, feminist scholars and critics have sought to refute the notion that we have entered a \u0026ldquo;post-feminist\u0026rdquo; era\u0026mdash;one in which feminism is deemed ineffective, obsolete, or even concluded. This post-feminist sensibility, intertwined with neoliberal values such as individualism, self-management, and entrepreneurship, cultivates an environment in which collective action is marginalized and individual change is valorized; as a result, rape culture and misogyny persist unchallenged in prevailing narratives. Post-feminism discourages women and girls from critiquing patriarchal structures, and those who resist this injunction are often branded as humorless or overly demanding. Nevertheless, clear signs of a resurgence of novel feminist forms have emerged\u0026mdash;forms that leverage digital media to redefine and expand the boundaries of feminist activism. The heightened visibility of contemporary feminist politics owes much to the affordances of new media technologies and today\u0026rsquo;s cultural environment. Feminism in this menstruation has not only become more pronounced but has also gained broader popular support. Movements such as #MeToo testify to the connective power of digital platforms, which offer fresh terrain for activism\u0026mdash;from hashtag feminism to online protests and mass calls to action. These platforms, through algorithmically driven trends, blur geographic and social boundaries, amplifying gender-related issues that were previously marginalized. As a consequence, voices once relegated to the periphery now find space to be heard. These developments have culminated in the emergence of a new branch of feminist studies known as \u0026ldquo;digital feminism\u0026rdquo; (Mendes et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDigital feminism is an emergent concept within feminist scholarship that examines the interaction between feminist praxis and digital technologies and online spaces. Grounded in an intersectional framework, this approach attends not only to gender but also to factors such as race, queer identities, decoloniality, and Indigenous perspectives (Cockayne \u0026amp; Richardson, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). Seen as a theoretical response to the digital\u0026ndash;material dualism, digital feminism emphasizes the formation of feminist actions through the interplay between virtual and physical realms (Sadowski, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR41\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e). Leveraging digital tools and social media as arenas for dialogue, networking, and organization, digital feminism confronts contemporary forms of gender discrimination, misogyny, and rape culture (Mendes et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). It thus engages not only with neoliberal power structures but also seeks to redefine feminist subjectivity and to generate novel modes of activism within digital environments (Baer, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e). Some theorists regard it as the embodiment of fourth-wave feminism operating online to secure safe spaces for equality demands and to combat sexual injustice, violence, and harassment (Jackson, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). The notion of \u0026ldquo;digital femininity\u0026rdquo; underscores the active, relational, and collective nature of feminist praxis in digital fields, aiming to render the impact of feminist action legible in the digital age (Colman, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e). Furthermore, scholars have invoked the term \u0026ldquo;networked feminism\u0026rdquo; to describe a form of political activism predicated on digital connectivity\u0026mdash;an activism that navigates the tension between the ideals of an open, participatory Internet and the material and organizational realities of feminist movements (Fotopoulou, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR15\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e). Accordingly, digital feminism is not merely a set of tools or tactics but rather a cognitive and theoretical space for rethinking subjectivity, place, power, and resistance in the digital era. At its core lies a tension between taboos, suppression, and the family\u0026mdash;a nexus where the struggles of feminism and digitality converge.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDigital feminism maintains a critical relationship with gendered taboos, as it enables girls and women to speak about\u0026mdash;and challenge\u0026mdash;subjects often silenced in many cultures, such as sexual violence, harassment, and everyday misogyny. Digital platforms offer women spaces to document their experiences, connect with others, and collectively confront gendered taboos and norms. In doing so, they bring previously \u0026ldquo;unspeakable\u0026rdquo; experiences into the open, including personal testimonies of misogyny, rape culture, and routine sexual discrimination. Platforms such as Hollaback, which documents street harassment, and the hashtag #BeenRapedNeverReported, which collects testimonies of sexual violence, have been instrumental in recording these otherwise hidden experiences. Digital feminism challenges the culture of silence surrounding such issues and provides women with spaces to speak out. Through social media, new connections and solidarities form among individuals who share similar experiences. Online dialogue can be empowering, enabling participants to overcome fear and join collective struggles against domination. Adolescent feminists, for example, have used platforms like Twitter to address \u0026ldquo;unspeakable\u0026rdquo; school\u0026ndash;based injustices\u0026mdash;such as gendered dress-code discrimination\u0026mdash;in their own educational environments (Keller et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR25\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). However, increased visibility in digital spaces often provokes intensified repression against both the movement and its activists. Research indicates that the virtual sphere can simultaneously empower and oppress women: while it offers opportunities for self-expression and resistance (Shalhoub-Kevorkian, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR45\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e), it also magnifies preexisting gender inequalities and discriminatory practices. Digital environments are shaped by broader social, political, and cultural forces\u0026mdash;\u0026ldquo;control networks,\u0026rdquo; gendered divisions, limited access for marginalized women, and the legacies of capitalism, colonialism, and patriarchy\u0026mdash;that collectively reinforce gendered oppression by restricting women\u0026rsquo;s access and participation (Toto \u0026amp; Scarinci, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR52\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). Women in online spaces face myriad harms, including harassment, digital discrimination, and sexual surveillance (Gilman, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). The creation of fake profiles and the non-consensual dissemination of sexual images further marginalize women in virtual realms (Franks, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR17\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eConsequently, this study\u0026mdash;grounded in a digital feminism framework\u0026mdash;aims to demonstrate how menstruation, as a gendered and sexual taboo within a religiously conservative and authoritarian context, is articulated and represented through social media platforms. First, it examines the discursive strategies that users employ to subvert this taboo\u0026mdash;such as experience-driven narratives, hashtag creation, and the use of distinct visual language\u0026mdash;to facilitate dialogue about menstruation and foster solidarity. In contrast, it also illustrates how prevailing family‐centered and religious discourses create the conditions for repressing these representations. Within this context, the study identifies and analyzes the discursive mechanisms of suppression. This framework seeks to extend our understanding of both resistance and repression strategies within digital feminism. In other words, in the online arena, the struggle against menstrual taboo and the simultaneous response of power structures constitute two facets of a complex interaction.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Method and Data","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis article, grounded in an exploratory\u0026ndash;descriptive research design, explores menstruation narratives circulating under the Persian-language Twitter hashtag #TalkAboutMenstruation (#ازپریودبگو), aiming to answer two central questions: (1) What constitutes the prevailing discourse in Iranian women\u0026rsquo;s accounts of their menstruation experiences? and (2) Which structural mechanisms of menstrual suppression are revealed within these narratives, and how do users mobilize a counter‑discourse of empowerment? To comprehensively address the research questions, a two-phase mixed-methods framework was implemented.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe first phase applied Semantic Network Analysis (SNA) to isolate the core concepts from the tweet corpus. SNA offers a robust, unsupervised framework for mapping the latent structure of large text corpora by treating words or concepts as nodes and their co-occurrences as ties (Segev, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR43\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). The process begins with careful corpus preparation\u0026mdash;collecting and cleaning texts, tokenizing into meaningful units, and removing stop-words and irrelevant symbols\u0026mdash;to ensure semantic clarity (Jiang et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e). Next, a list of key terms (e.g., hashtags or topic-relevant keywords) is extracted, and co-occurrence matrices are built by counting the frequency with which each pair of terms appears within a defined window (e.g., sentence or fixed token span) (Kim, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). Because raw co-occurrence networks are often densely interconnected and difficult to interpret, sparsification is applied\u0026mdash;filtering out low-frequency ties and hyper-central nodes that can obscure meaningful patterns (Hatzir et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR21\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). Finally, community detection algorithms (such as Louvain modularity) reveal discourse clusters\u0026mdash;groups of terms that coalesce around shared themes\u0026mdash;while centrality measures (degree and betweenness) identify the most influential or bridging concepts within the network (Kim, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e; Segev, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR43\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). This combination of steps yields a descriptive visual \u0026ldquo;map\u0026rdquo; of emergent topics and narrative structures that would be challenging to discern through linear reading alone.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe SNA procedure unfolded in two core stages: preprocessing and network analysis. In the preprocessing stage, tweets were systematically cleaned, tokenized into meaningful units, and normalized; thereafter, labels\u0026mdash;namely hashtags and key terms used to characterize protesters\u0026mdash;were extracted. During network analysis, these labels were transformed into graph edges via Python scripts, facilitating the assembly of a semantic network that maps inter-concept relationships. The completed network was then imported into Gephi for visualization, where modularity-based clustering and pattern detection illuminated the discourse\u0026rsquo;s principal thematic clusters.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe Social Media Critical Discourse Studies (SM-CDS) method was employed in the second phase. In this method, the central element is not technology but discourse; the text is studied within its broader context. In this method, the text is not examined in isolation, but its relationship with the social context of text production is also considered. Based on this approach, all media content must be interpreted within a particular society's broader political and social context. This method defines eight steps: 1. Activating prior theoretical knowledge about the subject; 2. Systematic collection of data and background information; 3. Selection and preparation of data for specific analyses; 4. Defining the research question and formulating hypotheses; 5. Preliminary qualitative analysis; 6. In-depth case studies; 7. Formulating critique considering three dimensions (discourse, power, and ideology); 8. Utilizing detailed analytical results (KhosraviNik, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR29\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; KhosraviNik \u0026amp; Zia, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR30\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAcademic credentials for Twitter\u0026rsquo;s API enabled the retrieval of a complete dataset of tweets containing the #ازپریودبگو hashtag. During preprocessing, each tweet was parsed to extract all relevant labels and salient concepts, and stop-words along with other non-informative tokens were removed. Finally, the refined labels were transformed into a semantic network via a Python-based pipeline, and this network was imported into Gephi for graphical rendering and modularity-based community detection.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Findings","content":"\u003cp\u003eTo address the main research question\u0026mdash;identifying the dominant discourses in Iranian women\u0026rsquo;s narratives of their menstruation experiences on Twitter\u0026mdash;a semantic network analysis was conducted on a dataset of tweets containing the hashtag #TalkAboutMenstruation. The resulting semantic network graph is illustrated in Fig.\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Fig1\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e1\u003c/span\u003e. In order to filter out low-frequency terms, nodes with a degree lower than 40 were excluded from the analysis.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe results of the quantitative analysis of the semantic network analysis the structural dimensions of the prevailing discourse, and illustrate how concepts, vocabulary, and narratives are interconnected within a complex network (see Table\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Tab1\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e1\u003c/span\u003e). The following section analyzes the key metrics of this network:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"gridtable\"\u003e\u003ctable float=\"Yes\" id=\"Tab1\" border=\"1\"\u003e \u003ccaption language=\"En\"\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionNumber\"\u003eTable 1\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionContent\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eStructural Characteristics of the Network\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/caption\u003e \u003ccolgroup cols=\"2\"\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c1\" colnum=\"1\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c2\" colnum=\"2\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cthead\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eMetric\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eValue\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/thead\u003e \u003ctbody\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eNumber of Nodes\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e1929\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eNumber of Edges\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e19537\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eAverage Degree\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e20.25609124\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eAverage Clustering Coefficient\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.764246505\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eConnected Components\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e4\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/tbody\u003e \u003c/colgroup\u003e \u003c/table\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe analyzed network comprises 1,929 nodes (terms or concepts) and 19,537 edges (co-occurrences of terms within tweets), reflecting both the semantic richness and the active engagement of users in discussions about \u0026ldquo;menstruation.\u0026rdquo; Although the network\u0026rsquo;s density is very low (0.0105)\u0026mdash;meaning that only about one percent of all possible connections are realized\u0026mdash;each term is, on average, linked to more than twenty other terms (average degree\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;20.25), indicating intense interaction among concepts such as shame, women\u0026rsquo;s health, school, and politics. A high clustering coefficient (0.764) reveals the formation of strong semantic clusters around key subthemes like \u0026ldquo;secrecy\u0026rdquo; and \u0026ldquo;motherhood\u0026rdquo;; in other words, users collectively create micro-discourses centered on these topics. Because the network is not fully connected, four independent connected components were identified, each representing a distinct semantic subnetwork\u0026mdash;such as lived experiences in school, cultural pressures within families, educational policies, or narratives of resistance against sexual taboos\u0026mdash;embedded within the broader \u0026ldquo;menstruation\u0026rdquo; discourse.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"gridtable\"\u003e\u003ctable float=\"Yes\" id=\"Tab2\" border=\"1\"\u003e \u003ccaption language=\"En\"\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionNumber\"\u003eTable 2\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionContent\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eFunctional Characteristics of the Network\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/caption\u003e \u003ccolgroup cols=\"2\"\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c1\" colnum=\"1\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c2\" colnum=\"2\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cthead\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eMetric\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eValue\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/thead\u003e \u003ctbody\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eModularity\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.356906434\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eEfficiency\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.38907033\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eAssortativity\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e-0.107774783\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eRobustness\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eNot directly calculable\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/tbody\u003e \u003c/colgroup\u003e \u003c/table\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe Functional characteristics of the network are presented in Table\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Tab2\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e2\u003c/span\u003e. The semantic network based on the #TalkAboutMenstruation hashtag is organized into distinct clusters (modularity\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;0.356), each representing a separate sub-discourse around the menstruation experience. Despite its fragmentation and low overall density, the network\u0026rsquo;s relatively high efficiency (0.389) enables the rapid diffusion of key concepts within related clusters. A negative assortativity coefficient (\u0026ndash;0.108) reveals that central nodes\u0026mdash;such as \u0026ldquo;menstruation,\u0026rdquo; \u0026ldquo;shame,\u0026rdquo; and \u0026ldquo;body\u0026rdquo;\u0026mdash;are connected to a broad spectrum of low-frequency terms, functioning as semantic hubs. This complex, multi-layered topology mirrors the interaction of personal narratives, cultural pressures, and feminist resistance within Iran\u0026rsquo;s digital discourse.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"gridtable\"\u003e\u003ctable float=\"Yes\" id=\"Tab3\" border=\"1\"\u003e \u003ccaption language=\"En\"\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionNumber\"\u003eTable 3\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionContent\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eKey Network Centrality Measures\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/caption\u003e \u003ccolgroup cols=\"9\"\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c1\" colnum=\"1\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c2\" colnum=\"2\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"char\" char=\".\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c3\" colnum=\"3\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c4\" colnum=\"4\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"char\" char=\".\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c5\" colnum=\"5\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c6\" colnum=\"6\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"char\" char=\".\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c7\" colnum=\"7\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c8\" colnum=\"8\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"char\" char=\".\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c9\" colnum=\"9\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cthead\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eRank\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eNode\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eDegree\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eCentrality\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eNode\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eBetweenness Centrality\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eNode\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eCloseness Centrality\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eNode\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c9\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eEigenvector Centrality\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/thead\u003e \u003ctbody\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e1\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eزن(Woman)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.267\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eزن(Woman)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.117\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eزن(Woman)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.568\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eزن(Woman)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c9\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.205\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eپد\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e(sanitary pad)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.232\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eپد\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e(sanitary pad)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.098\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eپد\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e(sanitary pad)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.551\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eدرد(Pain)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c9\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.185\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e3\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eدرد(Pain)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.216\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eدرد(Pain)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.083\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eدرد(Pain)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.549\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eپد\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e(sanitary pad)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c9\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.183\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e4\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eخون(Blood)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.188\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eدختر(Girl)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.063\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eدختر(Girl)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.531\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eخون(Blood)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c9\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.159\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e5\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eدختر(Girl)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.176\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eخون(Blood)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.062\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eخون(Blood)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.531\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eدختر(Girl)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c9\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.157\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e6\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eمرد(Man)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.165\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eمرد(Man)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.047\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eمرد(Man)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.529\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eمرد(Man)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c9\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.156\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e7\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eمادر(Mother)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.163\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eسربازی\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e(Military service)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.044\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eمادر(Mother)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.525\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eمادر(Mother)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c9\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.151\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e8\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eسربازی\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e(Military service)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.136\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eمادر(Mother)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.041\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eتجربه\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e(Experience)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.517\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eحرف زدن\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e(Talking)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c9\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.137\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e9\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eحرف زدن\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e(Talking)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.130\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eحرف زدن\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e(Talking)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.031\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eسربازی\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e(Military service)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.517\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eتجربه\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e(Experience)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c9\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.133\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e10\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eتجربه\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e(Experience)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.124\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eتجربه\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e(Experience)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.028\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eحرف زدن\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e(Talking)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.516\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eمسئله(Problem)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c9\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.125\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e11\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eبدن(Body)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.115\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eبدن(Body)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.023\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eمسئله(Problem)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.510\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eکار(Work)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c9\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.125\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e12\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eکار(Work)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.115\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eکار(Work)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.022\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eبدن(Body)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.507\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eبدن(Body)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c9\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.119\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e13\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eمسئله(Problem)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.113\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eمسئله(Problem)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.022\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eکار(Work)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.506\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eسربازی\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e(Military service)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c9\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.117\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e14\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eجامعه(Society)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.106\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eجامعه(Society)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.020\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eخانواده(Family)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.505\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eجامعه(Society)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c9\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.108\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e15\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eتابو(Taboo)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.096\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eتابو(Taboo)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.019\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eعادی(Normal)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.504\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eخانواده(Family)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c9\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.108\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/tbody\u003e \u003c/colgroup\u003e \u003c/table\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn this analysis, four principal network centrality measures\u0026mdash;degree, betweenness, closeness, and eigenvector centrality\u0026mdash;were employed to assess the significance and positioning of key concepts within the #TalkAboutMenstruation discourse (see Table\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Tab3\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e3\u003c/span\u003e). Across all measures, the term \u0026ldquo;woman\u0026rdquo; attains the highest score, forming the narrative\u0026rsquo;s core and playing a pivotal role in linking and disseminating meaning among other concepts. Following this, \u0026ldquo;menstruation,\u0026rdquo; \u0026ldquo;pain,\u0026rdquo; and \u0026ldquo;blood\u0026rdquo;\u0026mdash;as the biological and affective components of menstruation\u0026mdash;rank next, underscoring the discussion\u0026rsquo;s strong emphasis on embodied experiences and taboo-breaking around menstruation. The high frequency and weight of \u0026ldquo;girl\u0026rdquo; particularly highlight narratives of first-menstruation experiences and the importance of younger generations.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe terms \u0026ldquo;man\u0026rdquo; and \u0026ldquo;mother,\u0026rdquo; in their roles as enforcers or transmitters of social norms, illuminate the convergence and tension between individual narratives and power structures. The concept \u0026ldquo;military service\u0026rdquo; points to the complexities of concealing menstruation in militarized contexts, while \u0026ldquo;work\u0026rdquo; reflects the physical and psychological impacts of menstruation on women\u0026rsquo;s professional lives. In all measures, the keywords \u0026ldquo;speaking\u0026rdquo; and \u0026ldquo;experience\u0026rdquo; function as primary intermediaries between personal testimonies and collective advocacy, fueling the expansion of the discourse. Finally, the persistent presence of \u0026ldquo;body,\u0026rdquo; \u0026ldquo;society,\u0026rdquo; \u0026ldquo;issue,\u0026rdquo; and \u0026ldquo;taboo\u0026rdquo; indicates how social media have become platforms for challenging power structures and representing gendered taboos, placing women\u0026rsquo;s narratives at the center of cultural transformation.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eRepresentation of Menstruation Discourse\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn the next phase of this study, the dominant discourses within the tweets were identified using the SM-CDS method. On this basis, three primary discourses emerge as the pillars of the discussion. Each discourse is presented and analyzed along with its sub-themes to clearly illustrate its formation, shared dimensions, and internal tensions. Figure\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Fig2\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e2\u003c/span\u003e depicts the three main discourses, their interrelationships, and the principal themes under each discourse.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e1. Mechanisms of Denial and Outrage\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis discourse represents the most fundamental articulation of menstruation in Iran\u0026rsquo;s online sphere, emphasizing the elevation of women\u0026rsquo;s personal experiences into broader social meanings. It demonstrates how Iranian women, through individual narratives, endeavor to challenge the long-standing societal taboo surrounding menstruation and render it a matter of public debate. By sharing the intimate details of their first and ongoing menstrual experiences, female users expose the social mechanisms of denial and suppression. These accounts often convey emotions such as shame, anger, confusion, and disgust, illustrating how a purely biological process becomes concealed and oppressed under prevailing cultural norms. The roles of family and educational institutions in reproducing a negative portrayal of menstruation are elucidated, and the emergence of both overt and internalized anger among adolescent girls is described.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eFamily/Mother\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMothers, as the first individuals to recognize their daughters\u0026rsquo; bodily changes and the characteristics of the female body, bear the responsibility of preparing them for their initial menstruation and, thereafter, providing a safe and supportive environment within the family. However, under the traditional and religious structures governing many households, mothers often neglect this duty. In some cases, motivated\u0026mdash;perhaps\u0026mdash;to preserve family honor rather than to educate and accompany their daughters, they resort to silence or admonition. Consequently, a girl\u0026rsquo;s first menstrual experience is recorded in her mind as a shameful and inappropriate event. These conservative reactions can simultaneously provoke anger and reinforce self-blame in adolescent girls.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eWhen my mother first realized I\u0026rsquo;d gotten my menstruation, she dragged me into a room. First she told me, \u0026lsquo;If your father and brothers find out, I\u0026rsquo;ll ruin your life.\u0026rsquo; Then she went on to explain what I was supposed to do during this time.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec8\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eSchool/Blood\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe educational institution, through explicit and unwritten rules\u0026mdash;such as prohibiting any discussion of menstruation and neglecting the hygienic needs of female students\u0026mdash;facilitates the internalization of denial mechanisms. In numerous narratives, the presence of menstrual blood in the school setting is met with humiliation or punishment, causing students to internalize the belief that menstruation is inherently unclean and must be hidden.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eThose were the first years we were getting our menstruation. One of the girls spent the whole day curled up in herself, crying from pain. Sometimes she screamed, sometimes she moaned. We were all exasperated watching our friend suffer. The school supervisor wouldn\u0026rsquo;t let her go home\u0026mdash;she said she was faking it. At best, she might have given her some sugar water.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eFirst Experience/Crying\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFor many girls, the first menstrual experience is accompanied by emotions such as fear, anxiety, tears, and confusion. These reactions often stem from the absence of prior formal education and the lack of a supportive environment within the family, school, and community. Under such conditions, girls are unprepared to face this biological event and perceive it not as a natural, acceptable process but as a traumatic and alarming experience. Consequently, a negative perception\u0026mdash;often intertwined with feelings of shame, isolation, and social rejection\u0026mdash;toward menstruation is formed, cementing the memory of that first menstruation as a distressing and ambiguous milestone.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eI\u0026rsquo;ll never forget the first day I got my menstruation. When I saw the blood, my heart dropped\u0026mdash;I even thought I was sick for a few seconds, despite knowing what was happening! After that, I ran into my mom\u0026rsquo;s arms and cried my heart out.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e2. Breaking the Silence and Disclosure\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn this component, users have sought to break the long-standing silence surrounding menstruation by raising awareness and offering a deep, structural critique of historical mechanisms of repression. This approach demonstrates how the discourse on menstruation\u0026mdash;traditionally confined to the private and individual sphere\u0026mdash;can, through conscious activism, be elevated to a public and demand-driven level, becoming one of the social demands within the realm of public discourse.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eSpeaking\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSpeaking is not merely regarded as the transmission of information or narration of experience, but rather can be considered a resistant act against the established norms of silence and exclusion. By openly sharing their personal experiences in public spaces, users are essentially redefining the boundaries of discourse around the female body and menstruation, striving to disrupt the historical silence and create a space for free and conscious dialogue.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"Since a while ago, I no longer let them put sanitary pads in black plastic bags. Lately, I\u0026rsquo;ve also started talking about it at home without shame.\"\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec11\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eModesty/Taboo\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe concept of \u0026ldquo;modesty\u0026rdquo; in Iranian cultural tradition has largely functioned as a tool for enforcing gender-based suppression. Users, by criticizing and reinterpreting the belief that menstruation is a shameful subject, demonstrate how this cultural attitude has played a significant role in reinforcing the menstrual taboo and perpetuating silence and stigma around this natural phenomenon.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"We are shameless. Break the taboo that only harms women\u0026rsquo;s bodies and souls. If modesty means causing shame toward natural phenomena, if modesty means hiding everything feminine, if modesty means oppression of women, then we are shameless.\"\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec12\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eHygiene/Natural\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eA structural critique of the lack of access to hygiene products and insufficient education regarding women's biological issues is one of the key themes in this section. Users emphasize that menstruation is a completely natural process that requires serious attention and healthcare; therefore, there is no reason for hiding or stigmatizing it.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"The majority of the traditional religious group is this ignorant, turning even the most natural events of a woman\u0026rsquo;s body into taboos, and throughout a woman\u0026rsquo;s life, making her feel worthless and wrong, flirtatious, and the cause of humanity\u0026rsquo;s problems\u0026mdash;turning simply being a woman into a form of torment.\"\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec13\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eEducation / Society\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eEducation and awareness about menstruation should not be limited to women alone but must also include men, because changing the public attitude toward this biological phenomenon requires the understanding and support of all members of society. Users believe that without revising and reforming educational and media systems, as well as integrating menstruation-related topics into official school curricula and media programs, the taboo surrounding menstruation will persist, and the silence and neglect of this issue will continue. Such educational changes can enhance social understanding, reduce shame, create an open space for dialogue about menstruation, and gradually play an effective role in eliminating stigma and related taboos.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAs a man/boy/male, the pain that my female friends endure and their not showing it makes their condition worse, and sometimes I don\u0026rsquo;t know what the right behavior is. This needs to be accepted in society and taught.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e3. Patriarchal Suppression Discourse\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis counter-discourse consists of a set of reactions and narratives aimed at undermining the legitimacy of representational and critical discourses. In this approach, talking about menstruation is either presented as unnecessary and irrelevant, or there is an effort to marginalize it politically and culturally.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec14\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eMilitary service\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eA minimal and disparaging comparison between women's experience of menstruation and men's experience during military service. This comparison diminishes the biological and cultural significance of menstruation, reducing it to a \"minor challenge.\" By arguing that \"men also face tougher problems,\" it reflects a disregard for the gendered and biological aspects of menstruation.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"The peak of your stupidity is when you compare military service to menstruation. You shouldn\u0026rsquo;t even engage in a debate with anyone who thinks menstruation is harder than military service.\"\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec15\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eFeminism\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e \u003cp\u003ePolitical and ideological labeling of women\u0026rsquo;s efforts to represent and express experiences related to menstruation is one of the major challenges in this area. Within this framework, narratives emerge portraying the #TalkAboutMenstruation campaign as an \u0026ldquo;unchangeable Western movement\u0026rdquo; or as \u0026ldquo;defiance of national values.\u0026rdquo; Such approaches aim to undermine the legitimacy of women sharing their biological experiences by framing this social demand as foreign and incompatible with national culture and identity, thereby restricting the space for dialogue and acceptance.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eThe\u003c/em\u003e #\u003cem\u003eTalkAboutMilitaryService\u003c/em\u003e (از_سربازی_بگو#) \u003cem\u003ecampaign started so we could talk about the hardships of mandatory military service and make everyone understand that we shouldn\u0026rsquo;t waste our youth\u0026rsquo;s lives just because they\u0026rsquo;re boys, or send many untrained young men to the border. Then some foolish feminists launched #\u003c/em\u003eTalkAboutMenstruation \u003cem\u003eto turn the discussion into a gender issue.\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec16\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eNature/Obligation\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe idea that \"menstruation is completely natural and obligatory; therefore, there is nothing to complain about\" frames the discourse in a way that ignores any signs of pain or criticism regarding the lack of access to hygienic resources and reduces the emotional and social experience of menstruation. The dominant narrative insists that women should not complain because it is a natural process. This counter-narrative is fundamentally shaped from a gendered, male perspective. It portrays menstruation as an insignificant phenomenon and interprets women's demands for better hygienic and educational conditions as mere \"complaining.\" Such an approach reflects the unequal power structures in society and neglects the psychological and social dimensions of menstruation.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"I really don\u0026rsquo;t understand how some feminists who know nothing compare something that\u0026rsquo;s God-given to them with\u003c/em\u003e #\u003cem\u003eTalkAboutMilitaryService. That\u0026rsquo;s just nonsense, friends. I only hope some charity or something comes along to help feminists so they can get better from this sickness of theirs.\"\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Conclusion","content":"\u003cp\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe present study aimed to examine the discourses and various dimensions of Iranian women's narratives about their menstruation experiences on Twitter, focusing on the fundamental question of what the dominant discourse in narrating this experience has been. To answer this question, a combined approach using Semantic Network Analysis (SNA) and Semantic Critical Discourse Analysis (SM-CDS) was employed.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe findings of this study indicate that the experience-based discourse of Iranian women users on Twitter with the hashtag #TalkAboutMenstruation operates precisely within the theoretical framework of digital feminism and has created significant capacity for breaking the taboo surrounding bio-gender issues and redefining female subjectivity in the public sphere (Mendes et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). This research, considering the historical background of the menstruation taboo in Iran\u0026mdash;from religious teachings of impurity in Shia jurisprudence and the social ostracism of menstruating women during ancient and Qajar menstruations (Torab, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR51\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e; Zarlaki, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR54\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e) to the repressive policies after the 1979 Revolution (Honarbin-Holliday, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e)\u0026mdash;demonstrates how these taboos have been institutionalized within power structures and the family over centuries.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe results of the semantic network analysis of the tweets clarify that female users, by focusing on keywords such as \"woman,\" \"pain,\" \"pad,\" and \"blood,\" and the interactions among them, have managed to transform individual narratives into a multilayered discourse. These words form the semantic core of the network and indicate that the embodied experience of menstruation\u0026mdash;as a bio-physical reality\u0026mdash;is the focal point of users' narratives. This concept is linked to Foucault\u0026rsquo;s idea of \u0026ldquo;biopower,\u0026rdquo; where the subject\u0026rsquo;s body enters discourse and challenges power structures (Foucault, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1990\u003c/span\u003e). On the other hand, within the framework of digital feminism, this emphasis on lived experience is considered a way to break taboos and represent women\u0026rsquo;s voices in the digital public sphere. This analysis aligns with studies such as Zarlaki (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR54\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e) and Golchin et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR19\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e), which show that the experience of first menstruation is shaped within a context of shame, silence, and isolation.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe high clustering coefficient (0.764) and moderate modularity (0.356) of the network indicate the formation of sub-discourses around concepts such as \"school,\" \"family,\" \"hygiene,\" and \"feminist resistances,\" which have been experienced in various biological and social contexts\u0026mdash;from home and school to the workplace (Cockayne \u0026amp; Richardson, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). From the perspective of Structural Meaning-based Critical Discourse Analysis (SM-CDS), each semantic cluster represents a distinct discursive logic and can be considered a sub-discourse. This finding aligns with studies like Tavakoli-Targhi and Alijani (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e), which examine the role of school and family in reproducing gendered silence. Moreover, this semantic network structure reflects Foucault\u0026rsquo;s conflict between power and subject, where the subject (menstruating woman) emerges from lived experience into the discourse arena and, through sharing narratives, exerts pressure on networks of empowerment and taboo dismantling (Baer, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe three main extracted discourses also illustrate three layers of feminist resistance and power reaction:\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cul\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cb\u003eMechanisms of Denial and Anger Production\u003c/b\u003e: The mechanisms of denial and anger production in the #TalkAboutMenstruation campaign can be directly understood through Foucault\u0026rsquo;s theories of power and discourse, as well as frameworks of digital feminism. From Foucault\u0026rsquo;s perspective, wherever power is exercised, resistance also emerges; power operates not only through direct repression but also by producing \u0026ldquo;norms,\u0026rdquo; \u0026ldquo;silence,\u0026rdquo; and \u0026ldquo;regimes of truth\u0026rdquo; (Foucault, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1990\u003c/span\u003e). On the other hand, digital feminism theory (Jackson, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; Mendes et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e) clearly explains how women users in digital spaces, especially Twitter, utilize tools such as hashtags to shape a collective resistance against historical denial. This digital resistance, unlike classic street activism, is based on experiential narratives and disclosure, aiming to break the silence and disrupt the male hegemony over language and public culture. Here, the historical silence about menstruation and the associated shame are exactly the norms produced and reproduced by patriarchal religious and cultural power. Narratives of the first menstruation experience in school and family, emphasizing shame and isolation, expose traditional denial mechanisms and present the pent-up anger of adolescent girls as the driving force to open space for dialogue (Golchin et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR19\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e). Studies such as Golchin et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR19\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e) and Torab (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR51\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e) have shown that Iranian girls face feelings of shame, isolation, and silence from their first menstruation experience\u0026mdash;an experience reproduced within institutions like family, school, and even the healthcare system. This imposed silence at the macro level is accompanied by media censorship (Rahbari, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR38\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e) and institutional denial of women\u0026rsquo;s experiences.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cb\u003eBreaking the Silence and Disclosure\u003c/b\u003e: The prominence of the tactic of \"speaking out\" through narrating personal experiences and sharing others\u0026rsquo; stories functions as an act of resistance. Participants in this campaign have not only expressed pain or anger but have also broken the structure of silence through collective storytelling. This form of activism aligns with what Colman (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e) described about the power of digital speech in digital feminism. The tactic of \"speaking out\" itself is an act of resistance; users who critique concepts like \"modesty\" and \"taboo\" create the foundation for demands regarding embodied education and access to sanitary products, transforming micro-narratives into a collective voice (Jackson, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; Colman, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e). Additionally, Fileborn and Loney-Howes (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e) have demonstrated that online gender campaigns provide a space for collective meaning-making and advocacy.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cb\u003ePatriarchal Suppression\u003c/b\u003e: Some tweets attempted to undermine or neutralize the main discourse by comparing menstruation to military service or relying on arguments based on \u0026ldquo;compulsory naturalization.\u0026rdquo; These reactions reflect the ongoing struggle within digital feminism over women\u0026rsquo;s representation and vocal presence in public spaces. This analysis aligns with studies by Rahbari et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR39\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e) and Tufekci (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR53\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e), which explore censorship, self-censorship, and the confrontation between resistant and official discourses in the Iranian context. Counter-discourses such as \u0026ldquo;comparison to military service\u0026rdquo; or \u0026ldquo;compulsory naturalization\u0026rdquo; aim to delegitimize criticism of the taboo and reduce menstruation to a trivial matter\u0026mdash;an approach reflecting the discourse of religious and patriarchal powers that deny women\u0026rsquo;s embodied demands (Rahbari, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR38\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Tufekci, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR53\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003c/ul\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe discourses of \"Denial and Anger Production,\" \"Breaking the Silence and Disclosure,\" and \"Patriarchal Suppression\" clearly demonstrate that Twitter has become a space for both feminist resistance and conservative patriarchal reactions. According to digital feminism theory, breaking the silence and expressing menstruation experiences through hashtags constitutes a form of resistant action that challenges power. The SM-CDS analysis also considers these discourses as opposing components within the semantic structure of power/resistance. This finding aligns with studies by Rahbari (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR38\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e) and Darkwah (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e), which examine the suppression of women in public and digital spaces in authoritarian countries.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eUltimately, it can be said that social networks, especially Twitter, can become a platform for soft resistance against gender taboos; a space where digital feminism is not only a tool for representation but also a driving force for advocacy and cultural change. Although power structures (religious, family-centered, and patriarchal) still pose significant barriers, the discourses emerging in the digital space offer a promising sign for breaking the historical silence and redefining female subjectivity in Iran.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eData availability\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe datasets generated and analysed during the current study are not publicly available due to privacy and ethical considerations related to user-generated social media content. Aggregated data and network visualization outputs are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAuthor Contributions\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFatemeh Noei Teymori conceptualized and designed the study, collected and analysed the data, interpreted the findings, and wrote the manuscript. Amin Majidifard contributed to the literature review, interpretation of results, and revision of the final text. Both authors approved the submitted version of the manuscript.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eFunding\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis research did not receive any specific grant from funding agencies in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eEthical Approval\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis study did not involve direct interaction with human participants or the collection of personally identifiable information. The research was based solely on publicly available data from the Twitter accounts of Iranian politicians. According to the ethical guidelines of Ferdowsi University of Mashhad and in compliance with national regulations, formal ethical approval was not required for this type of study. The research was conducted in accordance with the principles outlined in the Declaration of Helsinki and its subsequent revisions.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eInformed Consent\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eInformed consent was not applicable to this study, as all data were obtained from publicly accessible social media content (Twitter), voluntarily posted by users in the public domain. No private or personally identifiable information was collected, and no direct interaction with individuals occurred.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAI Disclosure Statement\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eNo artificial intelligence tools were used in the research, analysis, or writing of this manuscript.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eAkpuokwe, C. U., Chikwe, C. F., \u0026amp; Eneh, N. E. (2024). 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(2017). \u003cem\u003eTwitter and tear gas: The power and fragility of networked protest\u003c/em\u003e. Yale University Press.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eZarlaki, S. (2016). Women, menstruation and monthly madness: A mythological and premenstrual syndrome. In: Cheshme.[In Persian].\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":false,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"humanities-and-social-sciences-communications","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"palcomms","sideBox":"Learn more about [Humanities \u0026 Social Sciences Communications](http://www.nature.com/palcomms/)","snPcode":"41599","submissionUrl":"https://submission.springernature.com/new-submission/41599/3","title":"Humanities and Social Sciences Communications","twitterHandle":"","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":true,"editorialSystem":"stoa","reportingPortfolio":"Nature AJ","inReviewEnabled":true,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":false},"keywords":"Mensturation, Digital Feminism, Iranian Feminism, gender Taboos","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7780147/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-7780147/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eIn summer 2023, the Persian-language Twitter hashtag #TalkAboutMenstruation (#ازپریودبگو) sparked unprecedented public engagement in Iran, where menstruation remains a deeply taboo subject. Grounded in a digital feminism framework, this study explores how Iranian women use social media to articulate menstruation experiences and resist dominant discourses of silence and shame. Drawing on an exploratory\u0026ndash;descriptive design, it employs a two-phase mixed-methods approach: Semantic Network Analysis (SNA) and Social Media Critical Discourse Studies (SM-CDS), analyzing over original tweets. The findings reveal three dominant discourses\u0026mdash;Denial and Anger Production, Breaking the Silence and Disclosure, and Patriarchal Suppression\u0026mdash;each reflecting layered tensions between resistance and power. Users mobilize hashtags, experiential storytelling, and visual strategies to subvert menstrual suppression and challenge normative boundaries imposed by family and religion. The study contributes to understanding how digital spaces become arenas for feminist contestation and how power responds through mechanisms of delegitimization and denial in conservative, authoritarian contexts.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"Bleeding Out the Old Narrative: Mapping Menstrual Taboo Discourse through Semantic Network Analysis of the #TalkAboutMenstruation Campaign in Iran","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2026-05-07 18:58:56","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7780147/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0},{"type":"editorInvitedReview","content":"","date":"2026-05-08T18:17:30+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorInvitedReview","content":"","date":"2026-05-08T17:14:54+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"29642583313765630198270422415309112069","date":"2026-05-01T06:40:09+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"76282474258242755153672987273284640119","date":"2026-04-29T11:54:15+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewersInvited","content":"","date":"2026-04-29T05:15:44+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorAssigned","content":"","date":"2026-04-29T04:29:25+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorInvited","content":"","date":"2025-11-27T16:56:04+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"checksComplete","content":"","date":"2025-10-28T12:51:19+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"submitted","content":"Humanities and Social Sciences Communications","date":"2025-10-28T12:44:12+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"humanities-and-social-sciences-communications","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"palcomms","sideBox":"Learn more about [Humanities \u0026 Social Sciences Communications](http://www.nature.com/palcomms/)","snPcode":"41599","submissionUrl":"https://submission.springernature.com/new-submission/41599/3","title":"Humanities and Social Sciences Communications","twitterHandle":"","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":true,"editorialSystem":"stoa","reportingPortfolio":"Nature AJ","inReviewEnabled":true,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":false}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"3dc20bf2-f14e-4c96-b591-96b376edb3ba","owner":[],"postedDate":"May 7th, 2026","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[{"type":"editorInvitedReview","content":"","date":"2026-05-08T18:17:30+00:00","index":60,"fulltext":""},{"type":"editorInvitedReview","content":"","date":"2026-05-08T17:14:54+00:00","index":59,"fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"29642583313765630198270422415309112069","date":"2026-05-01T06:40:09+00:00","index":58,"fulltext":""}],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"under-review","subjectAreas":[{"id":67359557,"name":"Humanities/Cultural and media studies"},{"id":67359558,"name":"Social science/Cultural and media studies"},{"id":67359559,"name":"Humanities/Religion"}],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2026-05-07T18:58:57+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2026-05-07 18:58:56","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-7780147","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-7780147","identity":"rs-7780147","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"XKTyCvWXoU3ODBz1xrDgd","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}