Influence of the attestation dates of nominal inputs on the formation of denominal verbs in present-day English

Influence of the attestation dates of nominal inputs on the formation of denominal verbs in present-day English | Research Square window.SnipcartSettings = { analytics: { enabled: false } }; (function() { var accessVector = localStorage.getItem('access_vector') || ''; window.dataLayer = window.dataLayer || []; if (accessVector) { window.dataLayer.push({ user: { profile: { profileInfo: { snid: accessVector } } } }); } })(); (function(w,d,s,l,i){w[l]=w[l]||[];w[l].push({'gtm.start':new Date().getTime(),event:'gtm.js'});var f=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],j=d.createElement(s),dl=l!='dataLayer'?'&l='+l:'';j.async=true;j.src='https://www.googletagmanager.com/gtm.js?id='+i+dl;f.parentNode.insertBefore(j,f);})(window,document,'script','dataLayer','GTM-K279D39R'); Browse Preprints In Review Journals COVID-19 Preprints AJE Video Bytes Research Tools Research Promotion AJE Professional Editing AJE Rubriq About Preprint Platform In Review Editorial Policies Our Team Advisory Board Help Center Sign In Submit a Preprint Cite Share Download PDF Research Article Influence of the attestation dates of nominal inputs on the formation of denominal verbs in present-day English Chloé Debouzie This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-7542480/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract To form new denominal verbs in present-day English, language users mostly choose between conversion (e.g., to Google , to hashtag , to snowboard ) and affixation (e.g., to de myth , to en code , to gam ify , to McDonald ize ). Drawing on a framework borrowed from evolutionary biology, we state that different morphological processes competing for the same resources (e.g., meaning or distribution) cannot coexist in the same environment: either the less productive process becomes extinct, or both survive by occupying distinct ecological niches (e.g., morphological, phonological, semantic, or geographical). The potential role of attestation dates as such a “chronological niche” has not been investigated. Drawing from a dataset of 574 denominal verbs formed by conversion or affixation since 1950 and collected from the Oxford English Dictionary and the Corpus of Contemporary American English, this article shows that the attestation date of the nominal input influences the choice of verb-forming process. Recently attested nouns (i.e., within the last 50 years) tend to undergo conversion, whereas affixation is more likely to derive nouns that have been in use for centuries. In the case of doublets, i.e., verbs formed on the same base noun (e.g., to game / to gam ify , to gender / to gender ize , to queue / to de queue ), conversion is predominantly attested first, and affixation typically appears later, often to convey semantic differentiation. morphological competition ecological niche differentiation conversion affixation denominal verbs Present-Day English Figures Figure 1 Figure 2 1. Introduction Several word-formation processes are available to form new verbs from nominal bases in present-day English (PDE): conversion, affixation, and back-formation. Conversion[1] is a word-formation process characterised by morphological and phonological identity between the input and the output (e.g., to snowboard < a snowboard , to hashtag < a hashtag , to Google <Google, to Facebook < Facebook). Affixation, also a derivational process, is characterised by the addition of a prefix (e.g., to de myth , to en code , to un ban ) or a suffix (e.g., to pixel ate , to gam ify , to McDonald ize ) to a base.[2] Back-formation involves the deletion of a (pseudo-)suffix (e.g., to burgle < a burgl ar , to babysit < babysitt ing , to edit < an edit or ). This article restricts its scope of study to conversion and affixation, which are the two most productive denominal verb-forming processes in PDE (Marchand, 1969; Bauer, 1983; Bauer et al., 2013). As several verb-forming processes are available to form new denominal verbs, an overabundance of well-formed verbs can occur, as in (1): (1) to acronym / to acronym ize to game / to gam ify to pixel / to pixel ate to vein / to de vein to queue / to en queue From an onomasiological viewpoint, English language users must choose between competing processes to form new denominal verbs. Conversion has long been considered the most productive verb-forming process in English (e.g., Marchand, 1969; Clark & Clark, 1979; Bauer, 1983; Szymanek, 2005; Bauer et al., 2013; Martsa, 2013), and this has been confirmed by quantitative studies on competing verb-forming processes (Plag, 1999; Gottfurcht, 2008; Bauer et al., 2010; Díaz-Negrillo & Fernández-Alcaina, 2023). Previous research has investigated morphological, phonological, and semantic constraints on the choice between conversion and affixation (Plag, 1999; Gottfurcht, 2008; Fernández-Alcaina, 2017; Fernández-Alcaina & Čermák, 2018; Fernández-Alcaina, 2021; Debouzie, 2024). However, to the best of our knowledge, no study has investigated the role of attestation dates in this competition. This paper fills this gap by addressing the following questions: Is the choice of verb-forming process influenced by the attestation date of the input? If so, how does this affect the productivity and subsequent use of each process? How does the choice of verb-forming process impact the derivational paradigm of a term? Conversion is expected to be the default process in PDE. Because it is relatively free from constraints, it is highly productive and more widely available than affixation (see, e.g., Plag, 1999; Lieber, 2004; Kastovsky, 2005; Szymanek, 2005; Bauer et al., 2013; Martsa, 2013; Schmid, 2016). As Bauer (1983:226) noted, “[i]f there are constraints on conversion they have yet to be demonstrated”. Following the theory of blocking (see Section 2), we hypothesise that the presence of a converted verb will typically prevent the formation of an affixed verb on the same input. This raises the following question: how can affixation survive in such a competitive environment? To answer these questions, we conducted a chronological analysis of 574 denominal verbs attested since 1950: 353 converted verbs from the Oxford English Dictionary (OED hereafter), and 221 affixed verbs (60 affixed verbs from the OED and 161 suffixed hapaxes from the Corpus of Contemporary American English (COCA hereafter)). We measured the time elapsed between the (first-)known attestation dates of the nominal inputs and the (first-)known attestation dates of the verbal outputs to determine the influence of the inputs’ dates on the verb-forming process selected. Our findings confirm the high productivity of conversion, which predominantly occurs soon after the attestation of their nominal inputs, thereby usually blocking the formation of affixed verbs. However, affixation has carved out a chronological niche: it is typically used to derive nouns that have been in the language for at least a century, often, but not always, when semantic differentiation is needed. The next section provides the theoretical background underpinning this study. Then, the methodology for data collection and analysis is described in Section 3. The results of the chronological analyses are presented in Section 4, first regarding the full dataset (4.1) and then focusing on the formal doublets (4.2). The results’ implications are discussed in the context of a wider theoretical discussion on linguistic competition in Section 5. Finally, Section 6 concludes this study and opens the topic for further research. [1] Other names have been given to the process, such as ‘zero-derivation’, ‘derivation by a zero-morpheme’, ‘zero-affixation’ (Marchand, 1969; Kastovsky, 2005; Martsa, 2013; Fernández-Alcaina, 2017; Fernández-Alcaina & Čermák, 2018), ‘relisting’ (Lieber, 2004). [2] The verb-forming suffix - en (as in to lengthen , to widen ) is not productive in Present-Day English (Marchand, 1969:272; Plag, 1999:104; Lieber, 2004:110) and is therefore not included in this study. 2. Theoretical frameworks This paper’s scope of study is restricted to the two most productive verb-forming processes, conversion and affixation, in denominal verbs attested since 1950. In this section, we present the onomasiological approach to word-formation (2.1), which we then tie in with linguistic competition described within an ecological framework (2.2). We then review the resolution of morphological competition as observed in previous studies (2.3). 2.1 Onomasiological approach to word-formation Lexemes derived from a same base through different word-formation processes constitute a derivational paradigm (Bauer et al., 2013:518; Körtvélyessy et al., 2020:10). When several morphological processes are available to fill the same paradigm slot, competition arises at the macrolevel of interaction, creating what Renner (2020:5) terms “interoperation rivalry”. The onomasiological approach starts with the extralinguistic world of things, cognitive concepts, and entities, and investigates how these are expressed linguistically. Within this approach, the speech community’s naming needs to fill a lexical gap constitute the starting point for word formation (Štekauer, 2005:212–213, 2017:23–24). For example, to form denominal verbs in PDE, language users may choose among several processes (e.g., conversion, affixation, back-formation), which could result in the coexistence of multiple well-formed lexemes derived from the same input, such as those presented in (1). These pairs of verbs are called ‘formal doublets’ (or ‘doublets’ in short) and are composed of one converted verb and one affixed verb, both derived from the same base noun. However, it has been noted that synonymy tends to be avoided (Bréal, 1897:30; Aronoff, 2016, 2019; see Gardani et al., 2019: 8–10 for a review of historical views on synonymy). Once a form exists to express a specific meaning, it typically blocks the formation of another potential synonym (e.g., the existence of thief ‘someone who steals’ preempts the formation of * stealer with the same meaning, context of use, and register). Blocking, defined as the “non-occurrence of one form due to the simple existence of another” (Aronoff, 1976:43–45), explains why the lexicon rarely tolerates perfect synonyms. Once institutionalised in a language (i.e., included in dictionaries), a lexeme is more likely to block further derivatives on the same input, unless semantic differentiation is required (Bauer, 1983:48). This principle parallels the “competitive exclusion” principle (Darwin 1859) used in evolutionary biology. 2.2 An ecological approach to linguistic competition Competition in the domain of word-formation refers to “the coexistence of different morphological means of expressing a given concept” (Renner, 2020:2). It is based on the concept of ecological competition, as studied in biological and social systems. It is parallel to Darwin’s (1859) “struggle for survival”, associated with the notion that the “fittest wins”, and Gause’s (1934) “competitive exclusion principle”, which states that two species occupying the same ecological niche cannot stably coexist. Either the fitter species wins, or both adapt to distinct niches, in a process called ‘ecological niche differentiation’ (Aronoff, 2019:44). Morphological processes can be analysed analogously (Lindsay, 2012; Lindsay & Aronoff, 2013; Aronoff, 2016, 2019): two (or more) linguistic forms competing for the same resources (i.e., meaning or distribution) cannot coexist. Either the less productive form (i.e., the less available or proficient) becomes extinct, or both forms coexist (i.e., remain somewhat productive) with an ecological niche differentiation (such as semantic specialisation, register, or geographical restriction). Before resolution occurs, competing forms may coexist in temporary “states of equilibrium” (Aronoff, 2016), as in the formal doublets presented in (1). 2.3 The resolution of competition Within the onomasiological approach, formal competition arises because language users can use multiple word-formation processes to coin new naming units at the same time (Štekauer, 2005:212–213). While competition would thus be expected to be prevalent in the language, full semantic competition (i.e., synonymy) is rare, despite this potential overabundance of terms to fill a paradigm slot: speakers generally avoid redundant forms. Within the onomasiological naming act, a tendency towards economy of expression (preferred by the speaker) competes with a tendency towards high semantic transparency, which is preferred by the listener (Štekauer, 2017:17–19). Conversion is more economical (Clark & Clark, 1979:801), but affixation is formally more transparent: suffixes such as - ize or - ify mark verbal status, while the prefixes de - or un - overtly signal privative or ablative meanings. Plag (1999:231) observes that affixation may be favoured for its “more specific meaning” compared to the “completely indeterminate meaning of conversion”. Because conversion is highly economical and seemingly devoid of morphological and phonological constraints, it is highly productive in English. Consequently, some scholars argue that there is little genuine competition between conversion and affixation in PDE (Kastovsky, 2005:36; Schmid, 2016:241). Plag (1999), for example, states that competition between verbs formed in - ize , - ify , - ate , or by conversion is rare, as evidenced by the low number of doublets in his dataset of twentieth-century verbs listed in the OED. He suggests that token-blocking and local analogy influence affix selection and play a significant role in the choice between the different verb-forming processes available (1999:234). Similarly, Fernández-Alcaina (2017:201) finds that only 5.5% of causative verbs in her OED dataset are in competitive clusters. By contrast, Gottfurcht (2008:209–210) argues that as long as multiple processes remain productive, there is always ongoing competition, even if unsuccessful forms do not survive over time. Debouzie (2024) shows how the competition occurs at different levels: morphological, etymological, phonological, and semantic. In sum, existing studies disagree on how prevalent morphological competition is. They also disagree on how it is resolved. Yet, they converge on the fact that the outcome of morphological competition cannot be fully predicted (Plag, 1999; Bauer et al., 2010; Aronoff, 2019). Some of the possible outcomes include: extinction of one competitor, loss of both in favour of a third, or differentiation by meaning, register, or geography (Fernández-Alcaina, 2017; Fernández-Alcaina & Čermák, 2018; Fernández-Alcaina, 2021). No previous work has considered chronological factors (i.e., the role of attestation dates) in this competition. The present study fills this gap by examining the time elapsed between the attestation of nominal inputs and their verbal outputs to show the relationship between the choice of verb-forming process and the attestation dates of the base nouns. In addition, the order of formation within formal doublets (i.e., ‘conversion-first doublets’ vs. ‘affixation-first doublets’) provides further evidence regarding the resolution of competition. In the next section, we describe how the dataset of denominal verbs was collected (3.1) and analysed (3.2). 3. Methodology 3.1 Data collection 3.1.1 Denominal converted and affixed verbs Following earlier studies on verb formation (Plag, 1999; Gottfurcht, 2008; Fernández-Alcaina, 2021; Debouzie, 2024), the Oxford English Dictionary served as the primary source for compiling converted and affixed verbs. With over 500,000 entries and 3.5 million quotations covering over a thousand years of English across the whole English-speaking world,[3] the OED is widely recognised as the “gold standard for English dictionaries” (Lieber, 2021:3). To focus on present-day English, we extracted all denominal verbs formed by conversion or affixation and first attested since 1950 via the OED’s “Advanced search” function. After manual culling to remove items not directly derived from nouns, verbs formed by other processes (e.g., back-formation, deverbal affixation, loan), and verbs with unattested input dates,[4] the OED dataset contains 353 converted verbs, 11 prefixed verbs (with de -, en -, and un -) and 49 suffixed verbs (with - ate , - ify , and - ize ), all first attested between 1950 and 2019. This confirms the high productivity of conversion in PDE: in the OED data, converted verbs outnumber affixed verbs by almost 6:1. To complement dictionary data and provide a more balanced dataset of present-day language from a wider range of sources, we also drew from corpus data, since dictionaries may lag behind usage and record only institutionalised forms that have been established in the language for some time. Corpora, by contrast, captures “actual language use” (Booij, 2007:69) and spontaneous data (Hamawand, 2011:24). We used the Corpus of Contemporary American English (Davies 2008–), which contains over “one billion words of text (25+ million words each year from 1990 to 2019) from eight different genres”, to collect more denominal verbs formed by affixation. Only suffixed verbs were collected in the COCA, as searching by prefixes followed by a wildcard returned too many results and caused the interface to become unresponsive. Moreover, there would have been too many irrelevant results (i.e., monomorphemic lexemes starting by the same strings of letters as the prefixes de -, en -, or un -). As prefixation is barely productive in PDE denominal verbs, we decided to focus on suffixed verbs from the COCA. Queries targeted each verb-forming suffix in PDE (i.e., - ate , - ify , and - ize ), using the wildcard symbol before each suffix and accounting for the occurrences of the verbs in context, such as third-person singular, past tense, and present participle inflections (such as , , , to collect verbs suffixed in - ate ). To focus on neologisms, only hapax legomena (in terms of types, not tokens) were retained from the list of results. Corpus hapaxes in large corpora are good proxies for neologisms and nonce formations that are not institutionalised in dictionaries, following Plag (2018:55), who notes that “as the corpus size increases, the proportion of neologisms among the hapax legomena increases, and it is precisely among the hapax legomena that the greatest number of neologisms appear”. After manual filtering to remove errors (e.g., words incorrectly truncated, spelling or typing errors), non-denominal items, duplicates (i.e., verbs already collected in the OED), verbs attested in the OED before 1950, and verbs with unattested input dates (see Section 3.2.2), we added 161 suffixed verbs from the COCA to the affixation dataset. Converted verbs were not collected from the COCA, given the methodological difficulties of identifying conversion in corpora, as mentioned (albeit often in passing) in other studies on conversion (Plag, 1999:106; Fernández-Alcaina, 2017:167; Fernández-Domínguez, 2017:77; Debouzie, 2024:219). The final dataset thus combines ‘institutionalised items’ (353 converted and 60 affixed verbs from the OED) and ‘neologistic items’ (161 suffixed hapaxes from COCA), yielding a broad coverage of registers and genres without overlap. 3.1.2 Formal doublets A formal doublet is defined here as a pair of verbs derived from the same noun, one by conversion and one by affixation (see Section 2.1). For each converted verb in the OED dataset, we searched for an affixed counterpart attested either in the OED or the COCA (or both), and for each affixed verb in the OED and COCA dataset, we searched for a converted counterpart attested in the OED or the COCA (or both). Although all the verbs in the dataset have been attested since 1950, their counterparts may be attested earlier or later with no time restriction; however, the main selection criterion required them to be attested in PDE. Therefore, verbs marked “obsolete” or “now disused” in the OED or verbs without at least one attestation in the COCA were discarded from the list of potential formal doublets. In sum, out of the 574 items in the full dataset, 103 belong to a formal doublet. Contrary to previous studies on affixal competition (Plag, 1999; Lindsay & Aronoff, 2013; Fernández-Alcaina, 2021), the present study focuses on competition at the macrolevel (Renner, 2020) between two different word-formation processes (conversion vs. affixation), as in the doublet to de myth / to myth . Competition between affixed forms alone (e.g., to myth ify vs. to myth ize ) was excluded. Within the affixation dataset, there are four pairs of prefixed and suffixed verbs formed on the same nominal bases ( to en queue / to de queue , to de gender / to gender ize , to de layer / to layer ize , to de school / to school ify ). These were not analysed as competing affixed forms but only in relation to their converted counterparts, respectively, to queue , to gender , to layer , and to school . 3.2 Data analysis We recorded the attestation date of each denominal verb (as mentioned in the OED or the COCA) and the attestation date of its base noun, using the information provided in the OED, or Wikipedia for proper names not listed in the OED. First, Section 3.2.1 below presents the time span categories that were used in the chronological analyses. Next, Section 3.2.2 provides some precision on how the attestation dates of the nominal inputs were determined, especially with respect to proper names. Finally, Section 3.2.3 concludes with a few methodological limitations inherent to our study. 3.2.1 Time span categories The interval between noun and verb attestation dates was measured and grouped into five categories: (i) output formed 10 years or less after the input, (ii) output formed between 11 and 50 years after the input, (iii) output formed between 51 and 100 years after the input, (iv) output formed between 101 and 500 years after the input, (v) output formed 501 years or more after the input. Although uneven in length, these categories are relevant, as they enable us to distinguish five scenarios: near synchronicity between the formation of a noun and a verb in (i), short-term verb-formation (i.e., within a generation or two, but typically no longer than one’s lifetime) in (ii) and (iii), long-term verb-formation on inputs that have been established in the language for over a century in (iv), and, in (v), derivation from inputs attested since Old and Middle English, some of which being nouns that are very common in the language (e.g., game , Monday , school ), while others might feel more archaic (e.g., apposition , patria , stenography ). These five categories were also used for statistical tests (e.g., chi-square tests of independence) to statistically evaluate the association between time spans and verb-forming processes. 3.2.2 Attestation dates of nominal inputs The attestation dates of the nominal inputs refer not to the earliest historical citation of the noun but to the sense of the noun relevant to the derived verb. For example, the converted verb to audible , first cited in 1959 in American football, is based on the sense “a substitute play” (attested 1953), not on the earlier sense of the noun an audible (“a thing which may be heard” from 1626), nor on the adjective from 1483 “perceptible to the ear; capable of being heard”.[5] This procedure was applied consistently across all the common nouns in the dataset. Proper names as inputs (107 items) required additional investigation. For instance, the meaning of verbs based on real people can refer either to the whole person (e.g., their entire life, career, or personality) or to a specific event in their life (Clark & Clark, 1979; Héois, 2020, 2022). For these verbs, the date of a specific event, when relevant to the meaning of the verb, was used, as in the examples in (2), and cases where no clear date could be assigned were excluded (14 items removed). (2) to Bobbit (OED, 1993) < Ms Lorena Leonor Bobbitt, who cut off her husband’s penis in revenge for alleged acts of rape and abuse in 1993 to Saddamize (COCA, 2004) < Saddam Hussein’s capture by the Americans in 2003 to Coventryize (COCA, 1991) < the bombing of the city of Coventry (England) in 1940 Regarding fictional names as inputs, publication or release dates were used, as in the examples in (3): (3) to Micawber (OED, 1963) < Micawber, a character in Dickens’s novel David Copperfield published in 1850 to stan (OED, 2008) < Stan, a character in a song from the American rapper Eminem released in 2000 to Lilliputify (COCA, 2006) < Lilliput, a fictional island in Swift’s Gulliver’s Travels published in 1726 For fictional characters from television series, the year when the series first aired (or the year in which the character first appeared in the series) was used, as in the examples in (4): (4) to MacGyver (OED, 1992) < MacGyver, the eponymous character of the television series (Lee David Zlotoff, ABC, 1985–1992) to Kirk-ize (COCA, 2017) < Captain Kirk, from the television series Star Trek: The Original Series (Gene Roddenberry, Paramount, 1966–present) to Flanderize (COCA, 2012) < Ned Flanders, a recurring character in the television series The Simpsons (Matt Groening, Fox, 1989–present.) For proprietary names as inputs (32 items), we used the company founding date (e.g., to Fox-ify (COCA, 1999) < Fox, 1986, to twitter , v 4 (OED, 2006) < Twitter, 2006) or the product launch date (e.g., to Taser (OED, 1976) < Taser, 1972, to Kindlize (COCA, 2012) < Kindle, 2007). 3.2.3 Methodological limitations In this last section regarding our methodology, we acknowledge a few limitations. First, the attestation dates in the OED must be considered with caution. These attestation dates reflect first known written attestations, sometimes drawn from a restricted pool of sources favoured by lexicographic practices, while oral use within a community of speakers may predate written records (Bauer, 2006; Aronoff & Lindsay, 2014). Although the OED is widely recognised as the most authoritative and thoroughly documented historical dictionary of English, dates before Modern English should be treated cautiously as a “general guide to period of use” (Bauer, 2006:178). For example, the dataset contains three nominal inputs attested during the Old English period ( glass , silk , song ) and 45 inputs attested between 1150 and 1500 (e.g., game , school , word ). However, the use of categories for time spans (described in 3.2.1) enables us to focus more on periods rather than on specific and exact durations, which mitigates the issue of having approximate dates. In addition, a large part of our dataset contains items that have entered the language within the last century, when lexicographic records have been more accurate, so we can have more confidence in these dates. Second, the attestation dates in the COCA should be considered as mere indications. More specifically, all the blog texts in the COCA are from 2012, which skews the chronology of neologisms. Finally, converted verbs cannot easily be retrieved from corpora (as mentioned in 3.1.1), limiting quantitative comparison with affixation. This limitation has been noted by Bauer et al. (2013:277): “it is not easy to document productivity for conversion as it is for affixal derivation, since it is difficult to extract pertinent forms from corpora using automatic or semi-automatic procedures”. Despite these limitations, the dataset of denominal verbs can be exploited to carry on quantitative chronological analyses, the results of which are presented in the next section. [3] https://public.oed.com/about/ (Accessed on 15 July 2025). [4] Due to the formal identity between the input and the converted output, it can be problematic to ascertain the direction of conversion, especially when both terms are attested the same year, or within a very short time span. Following Balteiro, 2007; Nagano, 2008; Tribout, 2010; and Plag, 2018 on that issue, several criteria (historical, etymological, morphological, structural, and semantic) were used to assess the directionality of conversion. A few noun-verb pairs for which the issue could not be satisfactorily determined were discarded. [5] Unless otherwise specified, all the definitions are from the OED, while the glosses of the verbs from the COCA are our own. 4. Results: chronological analyses of denominal verbs and their inputs Section 4.1 presents the results of the chronological analyses for the full dataset, while Section 4.2 focuses on the formal doublets. 4.1 Time span between the denominal verbs and their inputs First, Table 1 summarises the average interval between nominal inputs and verbal outputs: Table 1 Average time spans (in years) between nominal inputs and verbal outputs Verb-forming process Average time span (years) Conversion ( N = 353) 55 Affixation ( N = 221) 331 ALL ( N = 574) 161 Table 1 shows that conversion occurs much sooner than affixation: converted verbs are attested on average 55 years after their base nouns, whereas affixed verbs are attested on average 331 years after theirs. Converted verbs appear roughly three times earlier than the overall mean, whereas affixation generally applies to much older nouns. Next, Table 2 shows the distribution of converted and affixed verbs across the five time-span categories described in 3.2.1: Table 2 Distribution of converted and affixed verbs across time-span categories The distribution highlights complementary patterns between the two verb-forming processes: converted and affixed verbs do not select the same types of nominal bases. Nearly three-quarters of converted verbs appear within 50 years of their base noun (i.e., 36.3% + 38.5% = 74.8%), whereas almost three-quarters of affixed verbs are derived from nouns attested more than a century earlier (i.e., 40.71% + 30.8% = 71.5%). A chi-square test of independence yields significant results: X 2 (4, N = 574) = 216.56, p < .00001. This confirms that, from a statistical point of view, there is a significant relationship between the choice of verb-forming process and the time span elapsed: the age of the input strongly predicts the use of verb-forming process. These overall results are detailed in Section 4.1.1 for converted verbs and Section 4.1.2 for affixed verbs. The productivity of conversion over affixation among the OED data is then further examined in Section 4.1.3. 4.1.1 Conversion As shown in Tables 1 and 2 above, conversion is overwhelmingly favoured on nouns that have recently entered the English language. Furthermore, Figure 1 shows a shortening of the time span between the attestation of inputs and outputs over the decades: Figure 1 shows that the proportion of converted verbs formed within 50 years of their base noun increases steadily across decades, from approximately 65% in verbs first attested in the 1950s–1960s, reaching over 87% in the 1980s–1990s.[6] Thirty-two items (9.1% of the conversion dataset) are attested in the same year as their inputs, particularly in ICT-related domains (e.g., to hyperlink 1988; to webcast 1995; to Google , v. 2 1998; to blog 1999; to Skype 2003; to Facebook 2004). These examples illustrate the near-instantaneous verbing of technological innovations and company names.[7] 4.1.2 Affixation By contrast, present-day affixation predominantly applies to nouns long established in the lexicon (≥101 years). Only three affixed verbs share the same attestation year as their inputs: to Ferberize 1990 < the Ferber method, first attested in a quote from 1990 in the OED; to Clintonize 1992 < Bill Clinton, who was elected president of the United States in 1992; and to Romneyize 2012 < Mitt Romney, a Republican candidate in the 2012 US presidential election. A small minority of affixed verbs (5.9%) are formed within ten years, as in the examples presented in (5): (5) to naftalize (COCA, 1996) < NAFTA (North American Free Trade Agreement, effective since 1994) to Mirandize (OED, 1971) < the Miranda ruling (OED, 1966) to transistorize (OED, 1953) < transistor (OED, 1948) Figure 2 illustrates the predominance of inputs attested over 101 years before the affixed verbs from which they are derived: Contrary to conversion, the affixation trend is stable across decades: affixed verbs are typically formed on long-established nouns, showing that affixation has carved out a chronological niche. The trend identified has thus been rather stable over time. To summarise the results for the full dataset, conversion occurs shortly after the attestation of base nouns, and this trend is increasing to a point where converted verbs appear almost instantly after the attestation of their base nouns, whereas affixation more consistently occurs on inputs that have been in the language for a long time, typically over a century. These results show that the two competing verb-forming processes do not select the same nominal bases: while three-quarters of the converted verbs in the dataset are formed less than 50 years after the attestation of their base nouns, almost three-quarters of the affixed verbs in the dataset are formed more than 101 years after the attestation of their base nouns. Affixed verbs seem to have found a chronological niche in inputs established in the language for a long time, whereas conversion is predominantly productive in deriving verbs on nouns newly attested in the language. The overall results confirm the high productivity of conversion over affixation, notably in the dictionary data, as detailed in the following section. 4.1.3 Productivity of conversion over affixation in the OED Table 3 shows the diachronic distribution of converted and affixed verbs in the OED since 1950: Table 3 Distribution of denominal verbs in the OED (1950–2019) Decade Verbs formed by conversion Verbs formed by affixation Total 1950 – 1959 75 (81.5%) 17 (18.5%) 92 (100%) 1960 – 1969 96 (84.2%) 18 (15.8%) 114 (100%) 1970 – 1979 70 (81.4%) 16 (18.6%) 86 (100%) 1980 – 1989 64 (91.4%) 6 (8.6%) 70 (100%) 1990 – 1999 32 (94.1%) 2 (5.9%) 34 (100%) 2000 – 2009 14 (93.3%) 1 (6.7%) 15 (100%) 2010 – 2019 2 (100%) 0 (0%) 2 (100%) TOTAL 353 (85.5%) 60 (14.5%) 413 (100%) The results in Table 3 show that affixation sharply declined in the OED record, in raw numbers (from 17 items in the 1950s to none in the 2010s) and in percentages (from 18.5% to 0%). This confirms the high productivity of conversion over affixation in PDE to a point in which conversion seems to dominate the verb-forming processes entirely, at least in institutionalised data. These results and their consequences for the formation of new denominal verbs in PDE will be further discussed in Section 5, but first, Section 4.2 focuses on the formal doublets and investigates the order of appearance of each verb. 4.2 Formal doublets 4.2.1 Chronological order of attestation The first level of analysis focuses on the chronological order of attestation of the verbs in formal doublets, i.e., a converted and an affixed verbs formed on the same nominal input. As mentioned in Section 3.1.2, formal doublets contain one verb first attested since 1950, while the other verb can be attested at any time, as long as it is still in use in PDE. Table 4 shows the distribution of the verb-forming processes first attested in formal doublets: Table 4 Distribution of the verb-forming processes first attested in formal doublets First verb-forming process Number of verbs Percentage Conversion 84 81.6% Affixation 14 13.6% Same year 5 4.9% TOTAL 103 100% Among the 103 formal doublets in the dataset, conversion is attested first in 84 cases, representing 81.6% of the doublets (henceforth called ‘conversion-first doublets’ and further analysed in 4.2.2); affixation is attested first in 14 cases, representing 13.6% of the doublets (henceforth called ‘affixation-first doublets’ and further analysed in 4.2.3); both processes are attested simultaneously in 5 cases (4.9%).[8] Doublets with prefixed verbs particularly illustrate this trend: 9 of 10 prefixed verbs are attested after the converted verbs formed on the same input (e.g., to de vein 1952 / to vein 1502; to de school 1970 / to school c1456, to en distance 1961 / to distance 1578). To further study the chronological order of attestation in the formal doublets, Table 5 shows the distribution of the conversion- and affixation-first doublets according to the average time span between the attestation of the two verbs: Table 5 Distribution of conversion- and affixation-first doublets according to the time span between the two verbs in the doublets [9] Table 5 shows that most conversion-first doublets involve affixed verbs coined more than 101 years later. In contrast, affixation-first doublets typically occur within 50 years, suggesting ongoing competition, as detailed in the following sections. 4.2.2 Conversion-first doublets This section focuses on conversion-first doublets, which represent an overwhelming majority of the doublets in the dataset (84 items). Table 5 shows that in most conversion-first doublets, the second verb (i.e., the affixed verb) is formed between 101 and 500 years after the first attested verb (48 items, representing 57.1%), and 21.4% (18 items) are formed more than 501 years later. This means that almost 80% are formed over 101 years after the attestation of the converted verb. Several of these verbs come from the prefixed verbs in the dataset (e.g., to de school , to de vein , to en distance ) and are institutionalised in the OED. Specifically, among the nine prefixed verbs formed after a converted verb, only two prefixed verbs ( to de queue and to en queue ) are formed within a shorter time span (i.e., 43 years after the attestation of the converted verb to queue in the same domain of use). The verb to queue with the meaning ‘to stand in a queue; to form a queue; to take one’s place at the end of a queue’ has been attested since 1920, while the two prefixed verbs to dequeue and to enqueue , used in the Computing and Mathematics domains, are attested since 1971. Doublets with both verbs attested within a short time may indicate ongoing competition between the two verb-forming processes. This can be seen in the doublets with both verbs attested within ten years of each other, as in (6): (6) to nanny (OED, 1954) / to nannify (1962, OED) ‘to look after (someone) in the manner of a nanny; spec . to be unduly protective of’ to Bobbitt (OED, 1993) / to Bobbitize (COCA, 1997) ‘to act like Ms Bobbitt’ ( our gloss ) to twitter , v. 4 (OED, 2006) / to twitterfy (COCA, 2009) ‘to use Twitter’ The doublets in (6) show instances of ongoing competition between affixation and conversion. These are very rare in the dataset. In most cases, doublets contain one verb institutionalised in the OED and one neologistic item from the COCA, and express different meanings, as in (7) and (8): (7) a. to hip-hop (OED, 1980): ‘to dance or perform hip-hop’ b. to hip-hopify (COCA, 1992): ‘to make something sound more like hip-hop’ (8) a. to silkify (COCA, 2002): ‘to give the character or appearance of silk’, ‘to turn into silk’ b. to silk (OED, 1847): ‘1.a. To remove the silk from (maize). 1.b. Of maize: to produce the silk. 2. To clothe in or cover with silk’ Among the few doublets composed of two verbs attested in the OED, the competition is usually resolved through semantic differentiation, showing how formal competition is resolved as each term finds its niche of use, following Gause’s competitive exclusion principle detailed (see Section 2.2), as in the doublets with a prefixed and a converted verb, or the examples (9-11): (9) a. to vector (OED, 1945): ‘to direct, esp. towards a destination; to change the direction of’ b. to vectorize (OED, 1977): ‘to represent as or transform into a vector, in various senses of the noun; spec . in Computing , to adapt (a program, algorithm, etc.) to the use of vector operations’ (10) a. to market (OED, 1455): ‘to sell in a market; to bring or send to a market’ b. to marketize (OED, 1980): ‘to expose to market forces; to convert from a planned to a market economy’ (11) a. to game (OED, OE): ‘to amuse oneself; to play, sport, jest’ b. to gamify (OED, 2003): ‘to make (something) into or like a game’ 4.2.3 Affixation-first doublets Although rare (14 items, or 13.6% of the formal doublets), affixation-first doublets are also noteworthy. The results in Table 5 above show that, in all these doublets, the two verbs are both attested within a time span of less than 50 years.[10] These doublets indicate states of ongoing competition between the two verb-forming processes. This can be seen in the doublets with both verbs first attested within ten years or less of each other, as in (12): (12) to zombify (OED, 1950) / to zombie (COCA, 1994): ‘to make into a zombie’ to therapize (OED, 1955) / to therapy (COCA, 1993): ‘to undergo therapy’ to Saddamize (COCA, 2004) / to saddam (COCA, 2005): ‘to destroy (Saddam)’ The doublets in (13) are composed of two neologistic items from the COCA. Since neither form is institutionalised, formal competition may persist in synchrony until one form overtakes the other, potentially leading to the extinction of the lesser used verb. Alternatively, both forms may acquire different meanings, thus resolving the competition through semantic differentiation, as in the examples in (13) and (14): (13) a. to epiphanize (COCA, 1991): ‘to describe or represent in a literary epiphany’ b. to epiphany (COCA, 200): ‘to have an epiphany’ (14) a. to clientelize (COCA, 1992): ‘to make (someone) a clientele’ b. to clientele (COCA, 1997): ‘to socialize’ In sum, the conversion-first doublets show the same tendencies as the whole dataset: conversion is favoured for newly attested nouns, whereas affixation is preferred for older nouns attested in the English language for over a century, some of which have already been converted in the meantime. Affixation in general, and prefixation specifically, is used to derive a new verb with a different meaning from the preexisting verb formed by conversion. A situation of temporary equilibrium (Aronoff, 2016, cf. Section 2) occurs when several competing forms are attested simultaneously, which is more prevalent among affixation-first doublets. [6] The last decade must be considered cautiously, due to the very low number of verbs attested (i.e., only 2 converted verbs first attested within the 2010–2019 period). [7] See Note 4 in Section 3.1.1, regarding the issue of directionality among noun-verb pairs of lexemes attested the same year, or within a very short time. [8] This is mainly because all the extracts from the ‘blog’ genre in the COCA are from the same year (2012), as noted in Section 3.2.3. This is a drawback in the use of corpus data for chronological analyses; however, this affects only a handful of doublets. [9] For clarity, the five doublets with both verbs attested the same year are not included in Table 5. [10] This result is due to our methodological choice: as all the affixed verbs collected are attested from 1950 onwards, when the converted form in a doublet is attested second, it must have been attested after 1950 and is therefore no older than 70 years old (we will come back to this issue in Section 5.3). 5. Discussion and implications In our study investigating the relationship between the attestation dates and the choice of verb-forming process, the results have revealed a clear chronological asymmetry between converted and affixed verbs in PDE. Conversion is closely associated with recent inputs, whereas affixation is mostly tied to older nominal bases. These findings support the hypothesis that affixation has developed a chronological niche, enabling it to persist alongside the more productive process of conversion. 5.1 Conversion as the default process in PDE First, conversion appears to be the default option for coining new denominal verbs in PDE. As attested by the number and percentage of converted and affixed verbs recorded in the OED since 1950, conversion is much more productive than affixation, and this higher productivity has been steadily increasing over the last few decades. These results are in line with those of previous studies (Plag, 1999; Gottfurcht, 2008; Valera 2020; Díaz-Negrillo & Fernández-Alcaina, 2023), showing the high productivity of conversion compared with affixation in PDE dictionary data. As dictionary data mostly record institutionalised terms, these findings show that converted verbs are much more often institutionalised than affixed verbs.[11] From an onomasiological standpoint, once a term becomes institutionalised, it is more likely to block the formation of a competing term in the derivational paradigm (Štekauer et al., 2005:13–14). The competition between conversion and affixation in PDE is largely dominated by conversion, due to its higher productivity and institutionalisation. Second, the results show that conversion largely selects newer nouns: nearly three-quarters of converted verbs are attested within 50 years of their inputs. Notably, even when converting nouns that have been used for a long time, the new converted verbs are typically selecting a more recent meaning of the noun. For example, the converted verb to mule (OED, 1978), meaning “to act as a courier of (contraband, esp. drugs); to smuggle or carry illegally”, is based on a later meaning of the noun (“a courier of contraband goods, esp. drugs”) attested in 1922 and not on the Old English meaning referring to the animal. Or, as mentioned in Section 3.2.2, the converted verb to audible (first cited in 1959 in American football) is based on the sense “a substitute play” attested since 1953, and not on the earlier senses of the noun or adjective. Third, converted verbs appear at an increasing speed soon after the attestation of new nouns. As shown in Figure 1, the length of time between the attestation of inputs and outputs has been consistently diminishing. In the last 30 years specifically, converted verbs have been formed almost instantly after the appearance of nouns, especially in the domain of ICT and online activities. The prevalence of same-year coinages ( to Facebook , to Google , to blog , to vlog ) illustrates how conversion functions as the primary strategy for adapting technological innovations and proprietary names into verbs. As a result, the high productivity of conversion leaves very little chance for affixation to be used on new nouns entering today’s language. These results align with earlier claims that conversion is readily available for the formation of new verbs (Plag, 1999; Bauer et al., 2013; Schmid, 2016). 5.2 Affixation as a chronological niche By contrast, affixation is rarely used to form verbs from recent nouns. Instead, it predominantly targets long-established bases: more than 70% of affixed verbs derive from nouns attested over 100 years earlier. This suggests that affixation has survived by specialising in a temporal niche: nouns that have been established in the lexicon for a few centuries are more likely to be converted into verbs. This finding can help explain the continued productivity of affixation despite the dominance of conversion. This supports the view that competing processes can survive if they differentiate into separate ecological niches (Lindsay, 2012; Lindsay & Aronoff, 2013; Aronoff, 2016, 2019). Within the onomasiological approach (Štekauer, 2005, 2017; Štekauer et al., 2005), when a converted verb is formed soon after the appearance of the noun, there is no longer a need for the formation of an affixed verb, as this slot in the paradigm is already filled (i.e., the presence of a denominal verb to express any required meaning). In addition, according to the theory of blocking presented in Section 2, the formation of an affixed verb is blocked by the presence of an already existing converted verb unless semantic differentiation is needed. The doublets with a prefixed verb exemplify such semantic differentiation. Prefixes tend to be more semantically charged (Marchand, 1969; Adams, 2001; Nagano 2013; Plag, 2018), and prefixation is typically used to express a different meaning from the existing converted verb (e.g., the prefixes de - and un - are typically used to express privative or ablative meanings). There is only one prefixed verb attested before a converted form: to demyth (OED, 1960) / to myth (COCA, 2005), which constitutes an exception to the tendency to form a prefixed verb for semantic differentiation from an existing converted verb. From an onomasiological viewpoint, it would be expected that the form adding new semantic content (such as the privative meaning in to demyth ) would be formed second. However, this example shows that the prefix de - can be used first. We hypothesise that the semantic differentiation might be unconscious, with the existence of a hypothetical form to myth implied, although not attested. In a few instances, it is noteworthy that the affixed verbs are formed on nouns that were first converted into denominal verbs but are now obsolete in PDE: (15) a. to felonize (COCA, 1993), to mansionize (COCA, 1997), to stenographize (COCA, 2009) b. † to felony (OED, 1502), † to mansion (OED, a1638), † to stenography (OED, 1652) c. felony , n. (OED, c1290), mansion , n. (OED, 1375), stenography , n. (OED, 1602) The verbs in (15b), despite being all once attested in English, are now obsolete in PDE. Following the trend identified in the data, the nouns in (15c) were first converted into verbs within a relatively short span after their first attestation in the language. However, now that these verbs have fallen into obsolescence, when a naming need arises to derive a verb from these inputs, it is the affixation process that is preferred over conversion, as the inputs have been established in the language for a few centuries.[12] Furthermore, despite conversion’s high productivity in PDE dictionary data, corpus data enable us to nuance the picture, with 161 neologisms formed by affixation attested between 1990 and 2019 (contra only three new affixed verbs added to the OED during that time). This shows a divergence between institutionalised and neologistic items. From these results, we can hypothesise that although language users still use affixation to fulfil their naming needs, these affixed verbs do not become as institutionalised as converted verbs. Since the affixed verbs are hapaxes in the COCA, most of these items have not spread widely to become entrenched and, later, institutionalised in dictionaries (although some of the hapaxes from the COCA dataset are attested in online dictionaries such as the Urban Dictionary or Wiktionary). In sum, from an onomasiological viewpoint, the naming needs of an individual or a small community do not necessarily coincide with the naming needs of a larger group, and many of these hapaxes may remain nonce formations. 5.3 Competition and the role of formal doublets Formal doublets provide crucial insight into ongoing competition. In most cases, conversion is attested first, with affixation appearing decades or centuries later. This is an expected outcome, as converted verbs are formed shortly after the attestation of their inputs, whereas affixed verbs are formed much later after the attestation of the inputs. The presence of a preexisting converted verb does not systematically block the formation of the affixed verb. Instead, the later emergence of an affixed verb is often accompanied by semantic differentiation, such as to game vs. to gam ify or to school vs. to de school . Such cases suggest that affixation can re-enter the lexicon not as a redundant synonym but as a marker of specialised meaning. Although rarer, affixation-first doublets are particularly informative. When affixation precedes conversion (e.g., to acronym ize attested before to acronym ), competition is more immediate and may lead either to the coexistence or to the eventual dominance of one form. These cases suggest that while conversion usually blocks later affixation, the reverse can also occur in specific circumstances, particularly when affixation offers greater semantic transparency. All the affixation-first doublets in our dataset consist of two verbs attested within 50 years of each other. This shorter period between the two verbs is mainly due to our methodology: as all the converted verbs in the dataset are attested since 1950, in these doublets, the later affixed verbs must also have been attested after 1950, leaving a narrow time span that skews the results. In contrast, in all the conversion-first doublets, the preexisting converted verbs may have been in use in English for centuries and are therefore attested a long time before the new affixed verb. In other words, in the affixation dataset, when conversion first appears, the converted verbs are typically attested several centuries before the affixed verbs, but the reverse scenario does not occur: in the conversion dataset, among the eight verbs in a formal doublet, seven are attested at a later date (i.e., after 1950), following the trend that the conversion process is predominantly used first. For these 7 doublets, the span between the two verbs is thus limited to approximately 70 years. This is a limitation inherent to our methodology. The two verb-forming processes are attested the same year in 5 formal doublets from the COCA. All the verbs in these doublets are neologistic items (i.e., not institutionalised in dictionaries). Four out of the five doublets are formed on proper names; two of which are formed on personal names, to Godwin ize in (16), derived from Mike Godwin, who formulated Godwin’s law in 1990, [13] and to Romney ize in (17), derived from the 2012 U.S. presidential election Republican candidate, Mitt Romney: (16) a. I’m not so sure I’ve acquitted myself that well. I’m regretting calling out Ophelia Benson for Godwinizing the issue (…). As a consequence my point about invoking Nazi Germany analogies appears not to have been understood because I didn’t make my point as well as I should have. (BLOG, 2012) ( our emphasis ) b. I’m sorry, but Greg Godwinned this thread in the title, and again, in comment 36 – after SC’s crucial comment 31. # Stephanie further Godwinned the thread by trying to defend Gee against the charge of paranoia. (BLOG, 2012) ( our emphasis ) (17) a. We all know that La Jolla is home to some prettyyy wealthy people, including a certain loaded presidential candidate (check out how to Romneyize Your House). (BLOG, 2012) ( our emphasis ) b. Or a story about Romney’s fondness for “ Romneying ” – the term coined by David Weigel for those moments where Romney awkwardly reminds America how wealthy and out of touch he is. (WEB, 2012) ( our emphasis ) Two doublets are formed on proprietary names: to Walmart- ize in (18), from the American retail corporation Walmart, and to Tumbl ify in (19), from the name of the social networking website Tumblr (the two verb-formation processes are present in the same quote, showing hesitation on the spur of the moment). The last doublet is the pair to coupon ize / to coupon in (20), attested in several blog posts and news articles in the COCA. These neologisms are not yet institutionalised, which is reflected in the variation between the affixed and converted verb forms. (18) a. But selling crappy coffee for prices that are high but not obscene is a business model that doesn’t easily Walmart-ize (for some reason people just don’t like going into huge coffee shops, the echos seem to scare them), while there’s nothing about the payday loan business that says that you can’t go large. (BLOG; 2012) ( our emphasis ) b. Either way Amazon’s behavior is awesome for consumers. # Now this does suck for Walmart, but no tears for their billions made off the backs of crushing the mom-and-pop industry. How awesome would it be to watch Walmart be Walmarted by Amazon anyway?! # Love it! # Go crush’ em, Jeff! (BLOG; 2012) ( our emphasis ) (19) You must tumbl ( tumble ?), or haven’t you heard? You must tumbl ( tumblify ?) because the micro-blogging site Tumblr.com is growing fast – its estimated 3.3 million daily visitors up 50 percent from April, according to Quantcast.com. You must tumbl (Seriously, what is the verb here?) because the early adopting tech people tell you to use Tumblr. (NEWS: Washington Post; 2010) ( our emphasis ) (20) a. People who are of an age to start thinking about retirement and noticing that the Republicans think it’s cool to couponize Medicare for them and maybe even privatize Social Security. This is a huge advantage among a group of boomers who WILL be around awhile, let us keep them blue! (WEB; 2012) ( our emphasis ) It is because Romney signed on enthusiastically to the Randroid Paul Ryan budget that wants to couponize Medicare and lard the already rich with still more tax cuts paid for by cutting support and services for the vulnerable and slashing public investment in the common good. (BLOG; 2012) ( our emphasis ) b. If the manufacturers refuse to reimburse Safeway for these coupons, Safeway will take a loss somewhere in the range of $1,800. Jaime’s pre-coupon total was over $1,900 on the show, which she couponed down to about the $100 mark. (WEB; 2012) ( our emphasis ) Once again I am new to couponing and I was educated wrong on how to use them before I started couponing . I would like to apologize to everyone since I have wronged and committed fraud knowingly but not intentionally (if that makes sense). (WEB; 2012) ( our emphasis ) Doublets formed on inputs that have recently entered the English language show the ongoing competition between the two verb-forming processes. These doublets represent instances of unresolved competition in PDE, or “states of equilibrium” (Aronoff, 2016). In these cases, the competition between the two word-formation processes has not (yet) been resolved. Most of these instances of ongoing competition concern neologistic items that are not institutionalised. Doublets formed on inputs that have been in the language for a long time show that formal competition may arise, sometimes due to language users having forgotten the existence of a converted verb, or due to converted verbs now being obsolete, as in (15), or to express semantic differentiation as in the examples (7–11) and (13–14). The formation of another verb on the same nominal base, despite the existence of an older verb, is often motivated by an onomasiological need to form a verb with a different meaning from the preexisting verb. 5.4 Attestation dates in a multifactorial competition Zooming out and looking at the bigger picture of morphological competition in the formation of new denominal verbs in PDE, it is important to note that different factors affect the choice of verb-forming process. A range of variables needs to be considered together to obtain a full picture, of which the chronological aspect presented in this study represents one component only. Previous studies have mentioned morphological constraints on conversion, namely, that some suffixed nouns (e.g., an arriv al , a commod ity , kind ness , a sing er ) resist conversion when suffixes function as part-of-speech categorisers (e.g., Marchand, 1969:372–373; Bauer, 1983:226; Nagano, 2008:13, 105ff; Olsen, 2014:44; Debouzie, 2024:231). Neoclassical compounds ending in combining forms such as - logy , - graphy , and - nomy (e.g., morpho logy , oligo poly , porno graphy , taxo nomy ) also tend to block verb-forming conversion in PDE, as these endings overtly mark these forms as nominal (Debouzie, 2024:231–233). Moreover, Don (2005:13–14) does not find any verb converted from a nominal base ending in a Germanic suffix, and Debouzie (2024) shows that simplex inputs are more likely to be affixed than converted into verbs, notably monomorphemic nouns from Latinate origin, which “constitute the main type of inputs for affixation” (p. 224). In addition, semantic constraints on the verbal outputs largely influence the choice between conversion and affixation. Studies by Lieber (2004), Nagano (2008), Valera (2020), Díaz-Negrillo & Fernández-Alcaina, (2023), and Debouzie (2024) repeatedly show that verbs expressing causative, resultative, or similative meanings are predominantly formed by affixation, while verbs expressing an ablative or a privative meaning are consistently formed by prefixation in PDE (Gottfurcht, 2008; Valera, 2020; Debouzie 2024). As noted in the 2024 study on PDE denominal verb attested since 1950, “from an onomasiological standpoint, it seems that language users nowadays prefer using prefixes (e.g., de ‑ and un -) which are more semantically transparent” (Debouzie, 2024:234), thus preventing the formation of converted verbs with opposite meanings, such as to dust, meaning either ‘to remove the dust from’ (privative) or ‘to sprinkle with dust (or dust-like particles)’ (ornative), or to skin, meaning ‘to remove the skin from’ (privative) or ‘to cover with skin’ (ornative or instrumental). Within formal doublets, affixation (predominantly occurring as a second-choice process) is typically used to provide semantic differentiation from a preexisting converted verb, such as in the doublets to de ballast (OED, 1962) ‘to remove ballast from (esp. an oil-rig platform or barge)’ / to ballast (OED, 1538) ‘to provide (a ship) with ballast’, to raster ise (OED, 1979) ‘to convert (an image) into a bitmap or set of points or pixels on a grid), to raster (OED, 1969) ‘to pass (an electron beam or other scanning device) over an area in a raster pattern’ (Debouzie, 2024:238–242). Finally, some registers and genres can favour affixation over conversion: Schmid (2016:177–178, 199) and Debouzie (2024:240) note that verbal suffixation is more prevalent in specialist terminology, technical texts and academic writing. Moreover, Marchand (1969:300–301), Quick et al. (1985:1557), and Dixon (2008:41) note that outside the technical register, - ify has been “used contemptuously” since 1700 with pejorative (e.g., to monkeyfy , to speech-ify ) or facetious, jocular connotations ( to argu-fy , to dandify , to farm-ify ). According to Dixon (2008:41), this informal use of - ify is “increasingly productive”. In summary, within the onomasiological approach, which studies how new denominal verbs are formed as the needs for such verbs arise among a community of speakers, the competition between conversion and affixation is influenced by various factors and constraints. We must thus consider the interaction between morphological, etymological, and phonological constraints on the nominal input, semantic constraints or register influence of the verbal output, as well as chronological factors, such as the preexistence – or not – of a verb already formed on the same nominal input. 5.5 Broader implications These findings contribute to ongoing debates about morphological competition in PDE. Some scholars have argued that little genuine competition exists between conversion and affixation (Plag, 1999; Kastovsky, 2005; Schmid, 2016). However, our results show that while conversion dominates quantitatively, affixation persists through chronological and semantic differentiation. The coexistence of these processes illustrates that competition is not necessarily resolved through extinction; instead, stable niches allow multiple processes to remain viable. More broadly, this study demonstrates the value of integrating chronological factors into accounts of morphological competition. By treating the attestation time as an ecological dimension, we can add another variable to a multifactorial resolution of competition. This, in turn, enables us to better explain why a less productive process such as affixation continues to exist in PDE. Furthermore, the resolution of competition has broader implications on derivational paradigms. Debouzie (2024) shows that conversion is predominantly used on complex inputs, whereas monomorphemic inputs are more likely to be affixed, which implies that conversion tends to occur at the end of a derivational chain. In addition, converted verbs undergo very little further derivation, bar the addition of the noun-forming suffixes - er and - ing and the adjective-forming suffix - able (Nagano, 2008:17–18), thus locating converted verbs mostly at the end of the derivational chain. Affixed verbs, on the other hand, are typically formed on monomorphemic inputs; suffixed verbs in - ate , - ify , and - ize can undergo further derivation, such as nominalisation in – ion , - cation , and - ation (Plag, 1999:68–69), as well as with other suffixes such as - able , - ance , - ant , - ee , and - er (Bauer et al., 2013:597–599), and with prefixes such as un -, or de -, as in unenlightened , unbewitch , de-entitle (pp. 602–604). Verb-forming affixation thus occurs at the beginning of a derivational chain, which starts with simple lexemes being first derived into verbs by affixation, and these verbs later serve as bases for other derivational processes. As the chronological analyses show that conversion occurs shortly after the attestation of nouns in the language, the possibility of these verbs being further derived becomes very limited. From an onomasiological viewpoint, this imposes restrictions on language users’ ability to fulfil more naming needs. However, as affixed verbs can more readily undergo further derivation, the process remains beneficial for expanding a derivational paradigm. Competition between conversion and affixation thus persists, as each verb-forming process takes place at a different point of a derivational paradigm and fulfils different language needs. [11] However, one must keep in mind that some affixed lexemes whose meaning is semantically transparent may not be recorded in dictionaries, as noted by Plag (1999:97). [12] The combining form - graphy in stenography also favour the use of verb-forming affixation. The converted verb to biography is the only verb ending in - graphy listed in the OED that is still in use in PDE. [13] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Godwin%27s_law (Accessed on 24 September 2022). 6 Conclusions This article has examined the role of chronological factors in the competition between conversion and affixation in the formation of new denominal verbs in present-day English. The ecological model borrowed from evolutionary biology has provided us with a robust framework to investigate the dynamics of linguistic competition. By analysing 574 verbs first attested since 1950 in the Oxford English Dictionary and the Corpus of Contemporary American English, we showed that the age of the nominal input significantly influences process selection. The OED dataset (353 converted verbs and 60 affixed verbs attested since 1950) confirmed the high productivity of verb-forming conversion over affixation in dictionary data. However, with the addition of the COCA dataset (161 suffixed hapaxes), this study shows that both verb-forming process may continue to coexist, with a clear distribution of labour in which each verb-forming process selects different types of nominal bases according to their age. Conversion is more economical (requiring no additional morphology), highly productive, and generally unconstrained by phonological or morphological restrictions, which makes it the default strategy for recent nouns, often forming verbs within a few years – or even the same year – of the noun’s first attestation, and converted verbs are first attested in more than eighty percent of the formal doublets. Even when century-old nouns are converted in PDE, the converted verb is derived from a later, more recent meaning of the lexeme (e.g., to audible , to mule ). From an onomasiological viewpoint, when a converted verb is formed soon after the appearance of a new noun, there is no longer a need for the formation of an affixed verb, as this slot in the derivational paradigm is filled. The overwhelming productivity of conversion and the speed at which new nouns are almost instantly converted into verbs are likely to reinforce the future productivity of conversion, as conversion will become the model on which to form new verbs, making the process even more prevalent, and leaving very little chance for affixation to be used on these nouns or on future new ones. The existing converted verbs tend to block the formation of affixed verbs on the same bases, unless a long time has elapsed and the previous converted verb has become obsolete, or unless a semantic specification is required. Affixation, by contrast, applies predominantly to nouns that have been established in the language for centuries, thereby occupying a chronological niche that allows it to coexist alongside the more productive process of conversion. Language users resort to affixation to express different meanings from the existing converted verbs, as often seen in formal doublets. Even when conversion was first used and the verbs have become obsolete (e.g., † to felony , † to mansion , † to stenography ), affixation is now favoured to form denominal verbs on these nouns that have been in the language for centuries ( to felonize , to mansionize , to stenographize , attested in the COCA). In cases of formal doublets, conversion is generally attested first, with affixation occurring later to extend the paradigm, often through semantic differentiation. These findings suggest that affixation persists not in spite of conversion but rather because it has specialised in distinct temporal or semantic domains. Moreover, the neologistic items in doublets provide evidence that both verb-forming processes are still very much active and available in language users’ morphological competence when coining new verbs (e.g., to tumbl / to tumble / to tumblify , as one user ponders in one news post). Although these nonce formations may never spread to become institutionalised, they attest to the lingering productivity of affixation in corpus data. More broadly, the study demonstrates the value of integrating attestation dates into the multifactorial aspect of morphological competition, alongside the nominal inputs’ morphological, etymological or phonological constraints, and the verbal outputs’ semantic tendencies or preferences. Treating time as an ecological dimension helps explain how a less productive process can survive by avoiding direct competition. This approach contributes to a more nuanced understanding of lexical dynamics and offers a framework that may be applied to other derivational domains in English and beyond. Several methodological limitations were acknowledged in Section 3.2.3 and can be briefly recalled and expanded here. First, OED data reflect first written attestations, which may lag behind oral usage and disproportionately represent certain registers. Second, the COCA data are skewed by the dating of blog materials (all 2012), limiting fine-grained chronological analysis. Third, conversion could not be systematically retrieved from COCA, preventing a corpus-based comparison of the two processes (Bauer et al., 2013 :277). From day-to-day exposure to PDE English, it is apparent that converted verbs are abundant and ubiquitous, especially in informal registers and spoken discourse. Overcoming these methodological limitations will help expand the dataset in future research, notably by developing methods to reliably capture conversion in corpus data. This study has shown that the age of the nominal input strongly affects the choice of verb-forming process in PDE. Conversion overwhelmingly targets recent nouns, whereas affixation applies mainly to older ones, thereby occupying a chronological niche. Future studies could investigate whether similar chronological niches exist in other areas of morphological competition. The present study has focused exclusively on the chronological aspect; further exploration needs to integrate the various factors at play in the competition between conversion and affixation. This could be done by extending the range of factors and adding sociolinguistic variables, such as differences in genre, register, domains of use, geographical usage, or collocations associated with each type of verb-forming process. Declarations Funding statement - Not Available Author Contribution The author is the sole contributor. Acknowledgement Parts of this study were presented at the The Annual International Conference of the English Department (AICED 26). I am grateful for the audience's insightful feedback. I would also like to thank Professors Vincent Renner and Akiko Nagano for their useful comments on previous versions of this research. Data Availability The full dataset of denominal verbs used in this study is available online at: https://osf.io/v2apm/?view_only=05d5cece0eee4dba800827d425b6bc2e References Adams, V. (2001). Complex words in English . Harlow: Pearson Education. Aronoff, M. (1976). Word Formation in Generative Grammar . Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Aronoff, M. (2016). Competition and the Lexicon. In A. Elia, C. Iacobini, & M. Voghera (Eds.), Livelli di Analisi e fenomeni di interfaccia. Atti del XLVII congresso internazionale della società di linguistica Italiana (pp. 39–52). Roma: Bulzoni Editore. Aronoff, M. (2019). Competitors and alternants in linguistic morphology. In F. Rainer, F. Gardani, W. U. Dressler, & H. C. Luschützky (Eds.), Competition in Inflection and Word Formation (pp. 39–66). Cham: Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02550-2_2 Aronoff, M. & Lindsay, M. (2014). Productivity, blocking, and lexicalization. In R. Lieber & P. Štekauer (Eds.), The Handbook of Derivational Morphology (pp. 67–83). Oxford: Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199641642.013.0005 Balteiro, I. (2007). The Directionality of Conversion in English. A Dia-Synchronic Study . Bern/New York: Peter Lang. Bauer, L. (1983). English Word-formation . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781139165846 Bauer, L. (2006). Competition in English Word Formation. In A. van Kemenade & B. Los (Eds.), The Handbook of the History of English (pp. 177–198). Malden, MA: Blackwell. https://doi.org/10.1002/9780470757048.ch8 Bauer, L., Valera, S., & Díaz-Negrillo, A. (2010). Affixation vs. conversion. The resolution of conflicting patterns. In F. Rainer, W. U. Dressler, D. Kastovsky, & H. C. Luschützky (Eds), Variation and Change in Morphology (pp. 15–32). Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins. https://doi.org/10.1075/cilt.310.01bau Bauer, L., Lieber, R., & Plag, I. (2013). The Oxford Reference Guide to English Morphology . Oxford: Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198747062.001.0001 Booij, G. (2007). The Grammar of Words: An Introduction to Linguistic Morphology (2nd ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Bréal, M. (1897). Essai de sémantique . Paris: Hachette. Clark, E. V. & Clark, H. H. (1979). When Nouns Surface as Verbs. Language , 55 (4), 767–811. https://doi.org/10.2307/412745 Darwin, C. (1859). On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life . London: John Murray. Davies, M. (2008-). The Corpus of Contemporary American English (COCA). Available online at https://www.english-corpora.org/coca/ Debouzie, C. (2024). Competition between affixation and conversion in Present-Day English denominal verbs. In A. Bagasheva, A. Nagano, & V. Renner (Eds.), Competition in Word-Formation (pp. 208–246). Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins. https://doi.org/10.1075/la.284.07deb Díaz-Negrillo, A. & Fernández-Alcaina, C. (2023). A corpus-based study of the semantic distribution of denominal verb formation in English. SKASE Journal of Theoretical Linguistics , 20 (4), 2–19. http://www.skase.sk/Volumes/JTL55/01.pdf Dixon, R. M. W. (2008). Deriving verbs in English. Language Sciences , 30 (1), 31–52. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.langsci.2007.04.002 Don, J. (2005). On Conversion, Relisting and Zero-derivation. SKASE Journal of Theoretical Linguistics , 2 (2), 2–16. http://www.skase.sk/Volumes/JTL03/02.pdf Fernández-Alcaina, C. (2017). Availability and unavailability in English word-formation. In J. Santana-Lario & S. Valera (Eds.), Competing Patterns in English Affixation (pp. 163–205). Bern: Peter Lang. Fernández-Alcaina, C. (2021). Competition in the Derivational Paradigm of English Verbs . Ph.D. thesis, University of Granada. https://doi.org/10.3726/b19408 Fernández-Alcaina, C. & Čermák, J. (2018). Derivational paradigms and competition in English: A diachronic study on competing causative verbs and their derivatives. SKASE Journal of Theoretical Linguistics , 15 (3), 69–98. http://www.skase.sk/Volumes/JTL38/pdf_doc/04.pdf Fernández-Domínguez, J. (2017). Methodological and procedural issues in the quantification of morphological competition. In J. Santana-Lario & S. Valera (Eds.), Competing Patterns in English Affixation (pp. 67–117). Bern: Peter Lang. Gardani, F., Rainer, F., & Luschützky, H. C. (2019). Competition in Morphology: A Historical Outline. In F. Rainer, F. Gardani, W. U. Dressler, & H. C. Luschützky (Eds.), Competition in Inflection and Word-Formation (pp. 3–38). Cham: Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02550-2_1 Gause, G. F. (1934). The Struggle for Existence . Baltimore: Williams and Wilkins. Gottfurcht, C. A. (2008). Denominal Verb Formation in English . Ph.D. thesis, Northwestern University. Hamawand, Z. (2011). Morphology in English. Word Formation in Cognitive Grammar. London/New York: Continuum. Héois, A. (2020). When Proper Names Become Verbs: A Semantic Perspective. Lexis: Journal in English Lexicology , 16 . https://doi.org/10.4000/lexis.4681 Héois, A. (2022). What can Verbal Derivation Tell us about Proper Names? Lexis: Journal in English Lexicology , 20 . https://doi.org/10.4000/lexis.6589 Kastovsky, D. (2005). Conversion and/or zero: word-formation theory, historical linguistics, and typology. In L. Bauer & S. Valera (Eds.), Approaches to Conversion / Zero-Derivation (pp. 31–49). Münster: Waxmann. Körtvélyessy, L., Bagasheva, A., Štekauer, P., & Valera, S. (2020). Introduction. In L. Körtvélyessy, A. Bagasheva, & P. Štekauer (Eds.), Derivational Networks Across Languages (pp. 1–26). Berlin: de Gruyter. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110686630-001 Lieber, R. (2004). Morphology and Lexical Semantics . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511486296 Lieber, R. (2016). English Nouns. The Ecology of Nominalization . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781316676288 Lieber, R. (2021). Introducing Morphology (3rd ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108957960 Lindsay, M. (2012). Rival suffixes: Synonymy, competition, and the emergence of productivity. In A. Ralli, G. Booij, S. Scalise, & A. Karasimos (Eds.), Morphology and the Architecture of Grammar: On-Line Proceedings of the 8 th Mediterranean Morphology Meeting (pp. 192–203). Rio: University of Patras. https://doi.org/10.26220/mmm.2431 Lindsay, M. & Aronoff, M. (2013). Natural selection in self-organizing morphological systems. In N. Hathout, F. Montermini, & J. Tseng (Eds.), Morphology in Toulouse, Selected Proceedings of Décembrettes 7 (pp. 133–153). Munich: Lincom. Marchand, H. (1969). The Categories and Types of Present-Day English Word-Formation (2nd revised ed.). München: C.H. Bech. Martsa, S. (2013). Conversion in English: A Cognitive Semantic Approach . Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Nagano, A. (2008). Conversion and Back-Formation in English: Toward a Theory of Morpheme-Based Morphology . Tokyo: Kaitakusha. OED Online . Oxford University Press. Available online at http://www.oed.com Olsen, S. (2014). Delineating derivation and compounding. In R. Lieber & P. Štekauer (Eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Derivational Morphology (pp. 26–49). Oxford: Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199641642.013.0003 Plag, I. (1999). Morphological Productivity: Structural Constraints in English Derivation . Berlin: de Gruyter. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110802863 Plag, I. (2018). Word-Formation in English (2nd ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781316771402 Quirk, R., Greenbaum, S., Leech, G., & Svartvik, J. (1985). A comprehensive grammar of the English language . Harlow: Longman. Renner, V. (2020). An ecosystem view of English word-formation. The Mental Lexicon , 15 (1), 4–20. https://doi.org/10.1075/ml.00011.ren Schmid, H-J. (2016). English Morphology and Word-Formation: An Introduction (3rd ed.). Berlin: Schmidt. Štekauer, P. (2005). Onomasiological approach to word-formation. In P. Štekauer & R. Lieber (Eds.), Handbook of Word-Formation (pp. 207–232). Dordrecht: Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/1-4020-3596-9_9 Štekauer, P. (2017). Competition in natural languages. In J. Santana-Lario & S. Valera (Eds.), Competing Patterns in English Affixation (pp. 15–32). Bern: Peter Lang. Štekauer, P., Chapman, D., Tomaščíková, S., & Franko, Š. (2005). Word-formation As Creativity within Productivity Constraints: Sociolinguistic Evidence. Onomasiology Online , 6 , 1–55. Szymanek, B. (2005). The Latest Trends in English Word-Formation. In P. Štekauer & R. Lieber (Eds.), Handbook of Word-Formation (pp. 429–448). Dordrecht: Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/1-4020-3596-9_17 Tribout, D. (2010). Les conversions de nom à verbe et de verbe à nom en français . Ph.D. thesis, Paris Diderot University. https://shs.hal.science/tel-01577528v1 Valera, S. (2020). Semantic Patterns in Noun-to-Verb Conversion in English. In L. Körtvélyessy & P. Štekauer (Eds.), Complex Words: Advances in Morphology (pp. 311–334). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108780643.017 Additional Declarations No competing interests reported. Cite Share Download PDF Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Research Square lets you share your work early, gain feedback from the community, and start making changes to your manuscript prior to peer review in a journal. As a division of Research Square Company, we’re committed to making research communication faster, fairer, and more useful. We do this by developing innovative software and high quality services for the global research community. Our growing team is made up of researchers and industry professionals working together to solve the most critical problems facing scientific publishing. Also discoverable on Platform About Our Team In Review Editorial Policies Advisory Board Help Center Resources Author Services Accessibility API Access RSS feed Manage Cookie Preferences © Research Square 2026 | ISSN 2693-5015 (online) Privacy Policy Terms of Service Do Not Sell My Personal Information {"props":{"pageProps":{"initialData":{"identity":"rs-7542480","acceptedTermsAndConditions":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"archivedVersions":[],"articleType":"Research Article","associatedPublications":[],"authors":[{"id":516362650,"identity":"c658c47e-6972-475e-a557-65030cecaa1e","order_by":0,"name":"Chloé Debouzie","email":"data:image/png;base64,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","orcid":"","institution":"Lumière University Lyon 2","correspondingAuthor":true,"prefix":"","firstName":"Chloé","middleName":"","lastName":"Debouzie","suffix":""}],"badges":[],"createdAt":"2025-09-05 08:53:19","currentVersionCode":1,"declarations":"","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7542480/v1","doiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-7542480/v1","draftVersion":[],"editorialEvents":[],"editorialNote":"","failedWorkflow":false,"files":[{"id":92188745,"identity":"e51763d5-8095-454f-bde7-edd3cb8d9187","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-09-25 14:50:27","extension":"docx","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"acdc-reference","size":93357,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"ArticleInfluenceofattestationdatesontheformationofdenominalverbsinPDE.docx","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7542480/v1/d201e7ae3eab1cc2c7e4e1c8.docx"},{"id":92188744,"identity":"9d73da68-738b-40d0-b193-ca93889507ef","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-09-25 14:50:27","extension":"json","order_by":1,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"acdc-reference","size":3667,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"a918445376f843f49108bf8851c56cb1.json","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7542480/v1/1242c1e00969e8c3f0348f2c.json"},{"id":92188746,"identity":"d48a9eb5-5bfc-46c0-a5bf-4c96710630d1","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-09-25 14:50:27","extension":"xml","order_by":2,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"acdc-reference","size":176423,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"a918445376f843f49108bf8851c56cb11enriched.xml","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7542480/v1/55e215f1d7e39021a91f0a4b.xml"},{"id":92188748,"identity":"3ebdd689-be90-40d7-a9d5-c36f61b2c04c","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-09-25 14:50:27","extension":"xml","order_by":5,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"acdc-reference","size":174692,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"a918445376f843f49108bf8851c56cb11structuring.xml","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7542480/v1/33240936fba24c47b1c9d0c6.xml"},{"id":92188747,"identity":"61bad9b7-b71c-4066-9eeb-b53212aac2a4","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-09-25 14:50:27","extension":"html","order_by":6,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"acdc-reference","size":195152,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"earlyproof.html","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7542480/v1/be9e84b304d456cca88063fe.html"},{"id":92188742,"identity":"7456cf4f-5deb-4d02-8b04-3c18791e5021","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-09-25 14:50:27","extension":"png","order_by":1,"title":"Figure 1","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":12804,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eProportion of converted verbs across time-span categories per decade\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"1.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7542480/v1/9a5214bf6e9b547736fd818a.png"},{"id":92188743,"identity":"7a1ed671-76d2-4428-b70a-6245ec5ed7f1","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-09-25 14:50:27","extension":"png","order_by":2,"title":"Figure 2","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":13028,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eProportion of affixed verbs across time-span categories per decade\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"2.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7542480/v1/90725ddaf52923dcaecd1217.png"},{"id":92189561,"identity":"10dd7a5a-2b4b-4ead-aae0-b5ffe78b0e82","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-09-25 14:58:28","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":1343806,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7542480/v1/b388506d-e607-4503-abf4-23cdfc4a0c02.pdf"}],"financialInterests":"No competing interests reported.","formattedTitle":"Influence of the attestation dates of nominal inputs on the formation of denominal verbs in present-day English","fulltext":[{"header":"1. Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003eSeveral word-formation processes are available to form new verbs from nominal bases in present-day English (PDE): conversion, affixation, and back-formation. Conversion[1] is a word-formation process characterised by morphological and phonological identity between the input and the output (e.g., \u003cem\u003eto snowboard \u003c/em\u003e\u0026lt; \u003cem\u003ea snowboard\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003eto hashtag \u003c/em\u003e\u0026lt; \u003cem\u003ea hashtag\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003eto Google \u003c/em\u003e\u0026lt;Google, \u003cem\u003eto Facebook \u003c/em\u003e\u0026lt; Facebook). Affixation, also a derivational process, is characterised by the addition of a prefix (e.g., \u003cem\u003eto \u003cu\u003ede\u003c/u\u003emyth\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003eto \u003cu\u003een\u003c/u\u003ecode\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003eto \u003cu\u003eun\u003c/u\u003eban\u003c/em\u003e) or a suffix (e.g., \u003cem\u003eto pixel\u003cu\u003eate\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003eto gam\u003cu\u003eify\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003eto McDonald\u003cu\u003eize\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/em\u003e) to a base.[2] Back-formation involves the deletion of a (pseudo-)suffix (e.g., \u003cem\u003eto burgle \u003c/em\u003e\u0026lt; \u003cem\u003ea burgl\u003cu\u003ear\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/em\u003e,\u003cem\u003e to babysit \u003c/em\u003e\u0026lt; \u003cem\u003ebabysitt\u003cu\u003eing\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/em\u003e,\u003cem\u003e to edit\u003c/em\u003e \u0026lt; \u003cem\u003ean edit\u003cu\u003eor\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/em\u003e). This article restricts its scope of study to conversion and affixation, which are the two most productive denominal verb-forming processes in PDE (Marchand, 1969; Bauer, 1983; Bauer et al., 2013). \u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAs several verb-forming processes are available to form new denominal verbs, an overabundance of well-formed verbs can occur, as in (1):\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e(1) \u003cem\u003eto acronym\u003c/em\u003e / \u003cem\u003eto acronym\u003cu\u003eize\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eto game\u003c/em\u003e / \u003cem\u003eto gam\u003cu\u003eify\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eto pixel \u003c/em\u003e/ \u003cem\u003eto pixel\u003cu\u003eate\u003c/u\u003e \u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eto vein\u003c/em\u003e / \u003cem\u003eto \u003cu\u003ede\u003c/u\u003evein\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eto queue\u003c/em\u003e / \u003cem\u003eto \u003cu\u003een\u003c/u\u003equeue\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFrom an onomasiological viewpoint, English language users must choose between competing processes to form new denominal verbs. Conversion has long been considered the most productive verb-forming process in English (e.g., Marchand, 1969; Clark \u0026amp; Clark, 1979; Bauer, 1983; Szymanek, 2005; Bauer et al., 2013; Martsa, 2013), and this has been confirmed by quantitative studies on competing verb-forming processes (Plag, 1999; Gottfurcht, 2008; Bauer et al., 2010; Díaz-Negrillo \u0026amp; Fernández-Alcaina, 2023).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ePrevious research has investigated morphological, phonological, and semantic constraints on the choice between conversion and affixation (Plag, 1999; Gottfurcht, 2008; Fernández-Alcaina, 2017; Fernández-Alcaina \u0026amp; Čermák, 2018; Fernández-Alcaina, 2021; Debouzie, 2024). However, to the best of our knowledge, no study has investigated the role of attestation dates in this competition. This paper fills this gap by addressing the following questions:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cul\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eIs the choice of verb-forming process influenced by the attestation date of the input?\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eIf so, how does this affect the productivity and subsequent use of each process?\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eHow does the choice of verb-forming process impact the derivational paradigm of a term?\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ul\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eConversion is expected to be the default process in PDE. Because it is relatively free from constraints, it is highly productive and more widely available than affixation (see, e.g., Plag, 1999; Lieber, 2004; Kastovsky, 2005; Szymanek, 2005; Bauer et al., 2013; Martsa, 2013; Schmid, 2016). As Bauer (1983:226) noted, “[i]f there are constraints on conversion they have yet to be demonstrated”. Following the theory of blocking (see Section 2), we hypothesise that the presence of a converted verb will typically prevent the formation of an affixed verb on the same input. This raises the following question: how can affixation survive in such a competitive environment?\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTo answer these questions, we conducted a chronological analysis of 574 denominal verbs attested since 1950: 353 converted verbs from the \u003cem\u003eOxford English Dictionary\u003c/em\u003e (OED hereafter), and 221 affixed verbs (60 affixed verbs from the OED and 161 suffixed hapaxes from the Corpus of Contemporary American English (COCA hereafter)). We measured the time elapsed between the (first-)known attestation dates of the nominal inputs and the (first-)known attestation dates of the verbal outputs to determine the influence of the inputs’ dates on the verb-forming process selected. Our findings confirm the high productivity of conversion, which predominantly occurs soon after the attestation of their nominal inputs, thereby usually blocking the formation of affixed verbs. However, affixation has carved out a chronological niche: it is typically used to derive nouns that have been in the language for at least a century, often, but not always, when semantic differentiation is needed.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe next section provides the theoretical background underpinning this study. Then, the methodology for data collection and analysis is described in Section 3. The results of the chronological analyses are presented in Section 4, first regarding the full dataset (4.1) and then focusing on the formal doublets (4.2). The results’ implications are discussed in the context of a wider theoretical discussion on linguistic competition in Section 5. Finally, Section 6 concludes this study and opens the topic for further research.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e[1] Other names have been given to the process, such as ‘zero-derivation’, ‘derivation by a zero-morpheme’, ‘zero-affixation’ (Marchand, 1969; Kastovsky, 2005; Martsa, 2013; Fernández-Alcaina, 2017; Fernández-Alcaina \u0026amp; Čermák, 2018), ‘relisting’ (Lieber, 2004).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e[2] The verb-forming suffix -\u003cem\u003een\u003c/em\u003e (as in \u003cem\u003eto lengthen\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003eto widen\u003c/em\u003e) is not productive in Present-Day English (Marchand, 1969:272; Plag, 1999:104; Lieber, 2004:110) and is therefore not included in this study.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"2. Theoretical frameworks","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis paper\u0026rsquo;s scope of study is restricted to the two most productive verb-forming processes, conversion and affixation, in denominal verbs attested since 1950. In this section, we present the onomasiological approach to word-formation (2.1), which we then tie in with linguistic competition described within an ecological framework (2.2). We then review the resolution of morphological competition as observed in previous studies (2.3).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e2.1\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;Onomasiological approach to word-formation\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eLexemes derived from a same base through different word-formation processes constitute a derivational paradigm (Bauer et al., 2013:518; K\u0026ouml;rtv\u0026eacute;lyessy et al., 2020:10). When several morphological processes are available to fill the same paradigm slot, competition arises at the macrolevel of interaction, creating what Renner (2020:5) terms \u0026ldquo;interoperation rivalry\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe onomasiological approach starts with the extralinguistic world of things, cognitive concepts, and entities, and investigates how these are expressed linguistically. Within this approach, the speech community\u0026rsquo;s naming needs to fill a lexical gap constitute the starting point for word formation (\u0026Scaron;tekauer, 2005:212\u0026ndash;213, 2017:23\u0026ndash;24). For example, to form denominal verbs in PDE, language users may choose among several processes (e.g., conversion, affixation, back-formation), which could result in the coexistence of multiple well-formed lexemes derived from the same input, such as those presented in (1). These pairs of verbs are called \u0026lsquo;formal doublets\u0026rsquo; (or \u0026lsquo;doublets\u0026rsquo; in short) and are composed of one converted verb and one affixed verb, both derived from the same base noun.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eHowever, it has been noted that synonymy tends to be avoided (Br\u0026eacute;al, 1897:30; Aronoff, 2016, 2019; see Gardani et al., 2019: 8\u0026ndash;10 for a review of historical views on synonymy). Once a form exists to express a specific meaning, it typically blocks the formation of another potential synonym (e.g., the existence of \u003cem\u003ethief\u003c/em\u003e \u0026lsquo;someone who steals\u0026rsquo; preempts the formation of *\u003cem\u003estealer\u003c/em\u003e with the same meaning, context of use, and register). Blocking, defined as the \u0026ldquo;non-occurrence of one form due to the simple existence of another\u0026rdquo; (Aronoff, 1976:43\u0026ndash;45), explains why the lexicon rarely tolerates perfect synonyms. Once institutionalised in a language (i.e., included in dictionaries), a lexeme is more likely to block further derivatives on the same input, unless semantic differentiation is required (Bauer, 1983:48). This principle parallels the \u0026ldquo;competitive exclusion\u0026rdquo; principle (Darwin 1859) used in evolutionary biology.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e2.2\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;An ecological approach to linguistic competition\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eCompetition in the domain of word-formation refers to \u0026ldquo;the coexistence of different morphological means of expressing a given concept\u0026rdquo; (Renner, 2020:2). It is based on the concept of ecological competition, as studied in biological and social systems. It is parallel to Darwin\u0026rsquo;s (1859) \u0026ldquo;struggle for survival\u0026rdquo;, associated with the notion that the \u0026ldquo;fittest wins\u0026rdquo;, and Gause\u0026rsquo;s (1934) \u0026ldquo;competitive exclusion principle\u0026rdquo;, which states that two species occupying the same ecological niche cannot stably coexist. Either the fitter species wins, or both adapt to distinct niches, in a process called \u0026lsquo;ecological niche differentiation\u0026rsquo; (Aronoff, 2019:44).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMorphological processes can be analysed analogously (Lindsay, 2012; Lindsay \u0026amp; Aronoff, 2013; Aronoff, 2016, 2019): two (or more) linguistic forms competing for the same resources (i.e., meaning or distribution) cannot coexist. Either the less productive form (i.e., the less available or proficient) becomes extinct, or both forms coexist (i.e., remain somewhat productive) with an ecological niche differentiation (such as semantic specialisation, register, or geographical restriction). Before resolution occurs, competing forms may coexist in temporary \u0026ldquo;states of equilibrium\u0026rdquo; (Aronoff, 2016), as in the formal doublets presented in (1).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e2.3\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;The resolution of competition\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWithin the onomasiological approach, formal competition arises because language users can use multiple word-formation processes to coin new naming units at the same time (\u0026Scaron;tekauer, 2005:212\u0026ndash;213). While competition would thus be expected to be prevalent in the language, full semantic competition (i.e., synonymy) is rare, despite this potential overabundance of terms to fill a paradigm slot: speakers generally avoid redundant forms.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWithin the onomasiological naming act, a tendency towards economy of expression (preferred by the speaker) competes with a tendency towards high semantic transparency, which is preferred by the listener (\u0026Scaron;tekauer, 2017:17\u0026ndash;19). Conversion is more economical (Clark \u0026amp; Clark, 1979:801), but affixation is formally more transparent: suffixes such as -\u003cem\u003eize\u003c/em\u003e or -\u003cem\u003eify\u003c/em\u003e mark verbal status, while the prefixes \u003cem\u003ede\u003c/em\u003e- or \u003cem\u003eun\u003c/em\u003e- overtly signal privative or ablative meanings. Plag (1999:231) observes that affixation may be favoured for its \u0026ldquo;more specific meaning\u0026rdquo; compared to the \u0026ldquo;completely indeterminate meaning of conversion\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBecause conversion is highly economical and seemingly devoid of morphological and phonological constraints, it is highly productive in English. Consequently, some scholars argue that there is little genuine competition between conversion and affixation in PDE (Kastovsky, 2005:36; Schmid, 2016:241). Plag (1999), for example, states that competition between verbs formed in -\u003cem\u003eize\u003c/em\u003e, -\u003cem\u003eify\u003c/em\u003e, -\u003cem\u003eate\u003c/em\u003e, or by conversion is rare, as evidenced by the low number of doublets in his dataset of twentieth-century verbs listed in the OED. He suggests that token-blocking and local analogy influence affix selection and play a significant role in the choice between the different verb-forming processes available (1999:234). Similarly, Fern\u0026aacute;ndez-Alcaina (2017:201) finds that only 5.5% of causative verbs in her OED dataset are in competitive clusters. By contrast, Gottfurcht (2008:209\u0026ndash;210) argues that as long as multiple processes remain productive, there is always ongoing competition, even if unsuccessful forms do not survive over time. Debouzie (2024) shows how the competition occurs at different levels: morphological, etymological, phonological, and semantic.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn sum, existing studies disagree on how prevalent morphological competition is. They also disagree on how it is resolved. Yet, they converge on the fact that the outcome of morphological competition cannot be fully predicted (Plag, 1999; Bauer et al., 2010; Aronoff, 2019). Some of the possible outcomes include: extinction of one competitor, loss of both in favour of a third, or differentiation by meaning, register, or geography (Fern\u0026aacute;ndez-Alcaina, 2017; Fern\u0026aacute;ndez-Alcaina \u0026amp; Čerm\u0026aacute;k, 2018; Fern\u0026aacute;ndez-Alcaina, 2021).\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eNo previous work has considered chronological factors (i.e., the role of attestation dates) in this competition. The present study fills this gap by examining the time elapsed between the attestation of nominal inputs and their verbal outputs to show the relationship between the choice of verb-forming process and the attestation dates of the base nouns. In addition, the order of formation within formal doublets (i.e., \u0026lsquo;conversion-first doublets\u0026rsquo; vs. \u0026lsquo;affixation-first doublets\u0026rsquo;) provides further evidence regarding the resolution of competition.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn the next section, we describe how the dataset of denominal verbs was collected (3.1) and analysed (3.2).\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"3. Methodology","content":"\u003ch2\u003e3.1 Data collection\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003e3.1.1 Denominal converted and affixed verbs\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFollowing earlier studies on verb formation (Plag, 1999; Gottfurcht, 2008; Fern\u0026aacute;ndez-Alcaina, 2021; Debouzie, 2024), the \u003cem\u003eOxford English Dictionary\u003c/em\u003e served as the primary source for compiling converted and affixed verbs. With over 500,000 entries and 3.5 million quotations covering over a thousand years of English across the whole English-speaking world,[3] the OED is widely recognised as the \u0026ldquo;gold standard for English dictionaries\u0026rdquo; (Lieber, 2021:3).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTo focus on present-day English, we extracted all denominal verbs formed by conversion or affixation and first attested since 1950 via the OED\u0026rsquo;s \u0026ldquo;Advanced search\u0026rdquo; function. After manual culling to remove items not directly derived from nouns, verbs formed by other processes (e.g., back-formation, deverbal affixation, loan), and verbs with unattested input dates,[4] the OED dataset contains 353 converted verbs, 11 prefixed verbs (with \u003cem\u003ede\u003c/em\u003e-, \u003cem\u003een\u003c/em\u003e-, and \u003cem\u003eun\u003c/em\u003e-) and 49 suffixed verbs (with -\u003cem\u003eate\u003c/em\u003e, -\u003cem\u003eify\u003c/em\u003e, and -\u003cem\u003eize\u003c/em\u003e), all first attested between 1950 and 2019. This confirms the high productivity of conversion in PDE: in the OED data, converted verbs outnumber affixed verbs by almost 6:1.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTo complement dictionary data and provide a more balanced dataset of present-day language from a wider range of sources, we also drew from corpus data, since dictionaries may lag behind usage and record only institutionalised forms that have been established in the language for some time. Corpora, by contrast, captures \u0026ldquo;actual language use\u0026rdquo; (Booij, 2007:69) and spontaneous data (Hamawand, 2011:24). We used the Corpus of Contemporary American English (Davies 2008\u0026ndash;), which contains over \u0026ldquo;one billion words of text (25+ million words each year from 1990 to 2019) from eight different genres\u0026rdquo;, to collect more denominal verbs formed by affixation. Only suffixed verbs were collected in the COCA, as searching by prefixes followed by a wildcard returned too many results and caused the interface to become unresponsive. Moreover, there would have been too many irrelevant results (i.e., monomorphemic lexemes starting by the same strings of letters as the prefixes \u003cem\u003ede\u003c/em\u003e-, \u003cem\u003een\u003c/em\u003e-, or \u003cem\u003eun\u003c/em\u003e-). As prefixation is barely productive in PDE denominal verbs, we decided to focus on suffixed verbs from the COCA.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eQueries targeted each verb-forming suffix in PDE (i.e., -\u003cem\u003eate\u003c/em\u003e, -\u003cem\u003eify\u003c/em\u003e, and -\u003cem\u003eize\u003c/em\u003e), using the wildcard symbol before each suffix and accounting for the occurrences of the verbs in context, such as third-person singular, past tense, and present participle inflections (such as \u0026lt;*ate\u0026gt;, \u0026lt;*ates\u0026gt;, \u0026lt;*ated\u0026gt;, \u0026lt;*ating\u0026gt; to collect verbs suffixed in -\u003cem\u003eate\u003c/em\u003e). To focus on neologisms, only hapax legomena (in terms of types, not tokens) were retained from the list of results. Corpus hapaxes in large corpora are good proxies for neologisms and nonce formations that are not institutionalised in dictionaries, following Plag (2018:55), who notes that \u0026ldquo;as the corpus size increases, the proportion of neologisms among the hapax legomena increases, and it is precisely among the hapax legomena that the greatest number of neologisms appear\u0026rdquo;. After manual filtering to remove errors (e.g., words incorrectly truncated, spelling or typing errors), non-denominal items, duplicates (i.e., verbs already collected in the OED), verbs attested in the OED before 1950, and verbs with unattested input dates (see Section 3.2.2), we added 161 suffixed verbs from the COCA to the affixation dataset.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eConverted verbs were not collected from the COCA, given the methodological difficulties of identifying conversion in corpora, as mentioned (albeit often in passing) in other studies on conversion (Plag, 1999:106; Fern\u0026aacute;ndez-Alcaina, 2017:167; Fern\u0026aacute;ndez-Dom\u0026iacute;nguez, 2017:77; Debouzie, 2024:219). The final dataset thus combines \u0026lsquo;institutionalised items\u0026rsquo; (353 converted and 60 affixed verbs from the OED) and \u0026lsquo;neologistic items\u0026rsquo; (161 suffixed hapaxes from COCA), yielding a broad coverage of registers and genres without overlap. \u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003e3.1.2 Formal doublets\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eA formal doublet is defined here as a pair of verbs derived from the same noun, one by conversion and one by affixation (see Section 2.1). For each converted verb in the OED dataset, we searched for an affixed counterpart attested either in the OED or the COCA (or both), and for each affixed verb in the OED and COCA dataset, we searched for a converted counterpart attested in the OED or the COCA (or both). Although all the verbs in the dataset have been attested since 1950, their counterparts may be attested earlier or later with no time restriction; however, the main selection criterion required them to be attested in PDE. Therefore, verbs marked \u0026ldquo;obsolete\u0026rdquo; or \u0026ldquo;now disused\u0026rdquo; in the OED or verbs without at least one attestation in the COCA were discarded from the list of potential formal doublets. In sum, out of the 574 items in the full dataset, 103 belong to a formal doublet.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eContrary to previous studies on affixal competition (Plag, 1999; Lindsay \u0026amp; Aronoff, 2013; Fern\u0026aacute;ndez-Alcaina, 2021), the present study focuses on competition at the macrolevel (Renner, 2020) between two different word-formation processes (conversion vs. affixation), as in the doublet \u003cem\u003eto \u003cu\u003ede\u003c/u\u003emyth \u003c/em\u003e/ \u003cem\u003eto myth\u003c/em\u003e. Competition between affixed forms alone (e.g., \u003cem\u003eto myth\u003cu\u003eify\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/em\u003e vs. \u003cem\u003eto myth\u003cu\u003eize\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/em\u003e) was excluded. Within the affixation dataset, there are four pairs of prefixed and suffixed verbs formed on the same nominal bases (\u003cem\u003eto \u003cu\u003een\u003c/u\u003equeue \u003c/em\u003e/ \u003cem\u003eto \u003cu\u003ede\u003c/u\u003equeue\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003eto \u003cu\u003ede\u003c/u\u003egender \u003c/em\u003e/ \u003cem\u003eto gender\u003cu\u003eize\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003eto \u003cu\u003ede\u003c/u\u003elayer \u003c/em\u003e/ \u003cem\u003eto layer\u003cu\u003eize\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003eto \u003cu\u003ede\u003c/u\u003eschool \u003c/em\u003e/ \u003cem\u003eto school\u003cu\u003eify\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/em\u003e). These were not analysed as competing affixed forms but only in relation to their converted counterparts, respectively, \u003cem\u003eto queue\u003c/em\u003e,\u003cem\u003e to gender\u003c/em\u003e,\u003cem\u003e to layer\u003c/em\u003e, and\u003cem\u003e to school\u003c/em\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003e3.2 Data analysis\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWe recorded the attestation date of each denominal verb (as mentioned in the OED or the COCA) and the attestation date of its base noun, using the information provided in the OED, or Wikipedia for proper names not listed in the OED. First, Section 3.2.1 below presents the time span categories that were used in the chronological analyses. Next, Section 3.2.2 provides some precision on how the attestation dates of the nominal inputs were determined, especially with respect to proper names. Finally, Section 3.2.3 concludes with a few methodological limitations inherent to our study.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003e3.2.1 Time span categories\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe interval between noun and verb attestation dates was measured and grouped into five categories:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e(i) output formed 10 years or less after the input,\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e(ii) output formed between 11 and 50 years after the input,\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e(iii) output formed between 51 and 100 years after the input,\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e(iv) output formed between 101 and 500 years after the input,\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e(v) output formed 501 years or more after the input.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAlthough uneven in length, these categories are relevant, as they enable us to distinguish five scenarios: near synchronicity between the formation of a noun and a verb in (i), short-term verb-formation (i.e., within a generation or two, but typically no longer than one\u0026rsquo;s lifetime) in (ii) and (iii), long-term verb-formation on inputs that have been established in the language for over a century in (iv), and, in (v), derivation from inputs attested since Old and Middle English, some of which being nouns that are very common in the language (e.g., \u003cem\u003egame\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003eMonday\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003eschool\u003c/em\u003e), while others might feel more archaic (e.g., \u003cem\u003eapposition\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003epatria\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003estenography\u003c/em\u003e). These five categories were also used for statistical tests (e.g., chi-square tests of independence) to statistically evaluate the association between time spans and verb-forming processes.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003e3.2.2 Attestation dates of nominal inputs\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe attestation dates of the nominal inputs refer not to the earliest historical citation of the noun but to the sense of the noun relevant to the derived verb. For example, the converted verb \u003cem\u003eto audible\u003c/em\u003e, first cited in 1959 in American football, is based on the sense \u0026ldquo;a substitute play\u0026rdquo; (attested 1953), not on the earlier sense of the noun \u003cem\u003ean\u003c/em\u003e \u003cem\u003eaudible\u003c/em\u003e (\u0026ldquo;a thing which may be heard\u0026rdquo; from 1626), nor on the adjective from 1483 \u0026ldquo;perceptible to the ear; capable of being heard\u0026rdquo;.[5] This procedure was applied consistently across all the common nouns in the dataset.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eProper names as inputs (107 items) required additional investigation. For instance, the meaning of verbs based on real people can refer either to the whole person (e.g., their entire life, career, or personality) or to a specific event in their life (Clark \u0026amp; Clark, 1979; H\u0026eacute;ois, 2020, 2022). For these verbs, the date of a specific event, when relevant to the meaning of the verb, was used, as in the examples in (2), and cases where no clear date could be assigned were excluded (14 items removed).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e(2) \u003cem\u003eto Bobbit\u003c/em\u003e (OED, 1993) \u0026lt; Ms Lorena Leonor Bobbitt, who cut off her husband\u0026rsquo;s penis in revenge for alleged acts of rape and abuse in 1993\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eto Saddamize\u003c/em\u003e (COCA, 2004) \u0026lt; Saddam Hussein\u0026rsquo;s capture by the Americans in 2003\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e to Coventryize \u003c/em\u003e(COCA, 1991) \u0026lt; the bombing of the city of Coventry (England) in 1940\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eRegarding fictional names as inputs, publication or release dates were used, as in the examples in (3):\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e(3) \u003cem\u003eto Micawber\u003c/em\u003e (OED, 1963) \u0026lt; Micawber, a character in Dickens\u0026rsquo;s novel \u003cem\u003eDavid Copperfield\u003c/em\u003e published in 1850\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eto stan\u003c/em\u003e (OED, 2008) \u0026lt; Stan, a character in a song from the American rapper Eminem released in 2000\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eto Lilliputify\u003c/em\u003e (COCA, 2006) \u0026lt; Lilliput, a fictional island in Swift\u0026rsquo;s \u003cem\u003eGulliver\u0026rsquo;s Travels\u003c/em\u003e published in 1726\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFor fictional characters from television series, the year when the series first aired (or the year in which the character first appeared in the series) was used, as in the examples in (4):\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e(4) \u003cem\u003eto MacGyver\u003c/em\u003e (OED, 1992) \u0026lt; MacGyver, the eponymous character of the television series (Lee David Zlotoff, ABC, 1985\u0026ndash;1992)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eto Kirk-ize \u003c/em\u003e(COCA, 2017) \u0026lt; Captain Kirk, from the television series \u003cem\u003eStar Trek: The Original Series\u003c/em\u003e (Gene Roddenberry, Paramount, 1966\u0026ndash;present)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eto Flanderize \u003c/em\u003e(COCA, 2012) \u0026lt; Ned Flanders, a recurring character in the television series \u003cem\u003eThe Simpsons\u003c/em\u003e (Matt Groening, Fox, 1989\u0026ndash;present.)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFor proprietary names as inputs (32 items), we used the company founding date (e.g., \u003cem\u003eto Fox-ify\u003c/em\u003e (COCA, 1999) \u0026lt; Fox, 1986, \u003cem\u003eto twitter\u003c/em\u003e, v\u003csup\u003e4 \u003c/sup\u003e(OED, 2006) \u0026lt; Twitter, 2006) or the product launch date (e.g., \u003cem\u003eto Taser\u003c/em\u003e (OED, 1976) \u0026lt; Taser, 1972, \u003cem\u003eto Kindlize\u003c/em\u003e (COCA, 2012) \u0026lt; Kindle, 2007).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003e3.2.3 Methodological limitations\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn this last section regarding our methodology, we acknowledge a few limitations. First, the attestation dates in the OED must be considered with caution. These attestation dates reflect first known written attestations, sometimes drawn from a restricted pool of sources favoured by lexicographic practices, while oral use within a community of speakers may predate written records (Bauer, 2006; Aronoff \u0026amp; Lindsay, 2014). Although the OED is widely recognised as the most authoritative and thoroughly documented historical dictionary of English, dates before Modern English should be treated cautiously as a \u0026ldquo;general guide to period of use\u0026rdquo; (Bauer, 2006:178). For example, the dataset contains three nominal inputs attested during the Old English period (\u003cem\u003eglass\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003esilk\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003esong\u003c/em\u003e) and 45 inputs attested between 1150 and 1500 (e.g., \u003cem\u003egame\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003eschool\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003eword\u003c/em\u003e). However, the use of categories for time spans (described in 3.2.1) enables us to focus more on periods rather than on specific and exact durations, which mitigates the issue of having approximate dates. In addition, a large part of our dataset contains items that have entered the language within the last century, when lexicographic records have been more accurate, so we can have more confidence in these dates.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSecond, the attestation dates in the COCA should be considered as mere indications. More specifically, all the blog texts in the COCA are from 2012, which skews the chronology of neologisms.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFinally, converted verbs cannot easily be retrieved from corpora (as mentioned in 3.1.1), limiting quantitative comparison with affixation. This limitation has been noted by Bauer et al. (2013:277): \u0026ldquo;it is not easy to document productivity for conversion as it is for affixal derivation, since it is difficult to extract pertinent forms from corpora using automatic or semi-automatic procedures\u0026rdquo;. Despite these limitations, the dataset of denominal verbs can be exploited to carry on quantitative chronological analyses, the results of which are presented in the next section. \u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e[3] https://public.oed.com/about/ (Accessed on 15 July 2025).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e[4] Due to the formal identity between the input and the converted output, it can be problematic to ascertain the direction of conversion, especially when both terms are attested the same year, or within a very short time span. Following Balteiro, 2007; Nagano, 2008; Tribout, 2010; and Plag, 2018 on that issue, several criteria (historical, etymological, morphological, structural, and semantic) were used to assess the directionality of conversion. A few noun-verb pairs for which the issue could not be satisfactorily determined were discarded.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e[5] Unless otherwise specified, all the definitions are from the OED, while the glosses of the verbs from the COCA are our own.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"4. Results: chronological analyses of denominal verbs and their inputs","content":"\u003cp\u003eSection 4.1 presents the results of the chronological analyses for the full dataset, while Section 4.2 focuses on the formal doublets.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2 id=\"_Toc170836967\"\u003e4.1 \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; Time span between the denominal verbs and their inputs\u0026nbsp;\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFirst, Table 1 summarises the average interval between nominal inputs and verbal outputs:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp id=\"_Toc170836369\"\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eTable 1\u003c/strong\u003e\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;Average time spans (in years) between nominal inputs and verbal outputs\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cdiv align=\"Left\"\u003e\n \u003ctable border=\"0\" cellspacing=\"0\" cellpadding=\"0\"\u003e\n \u003ctbody\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 208px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eVerb-forming process\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 208px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAverage time span (years)\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 208px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eConversion (\u003cem\u003eN\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e= 353)\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 208px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e55\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 208px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAffixation (\u003cem\u003eN\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e= 221)\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 208px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e331\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 208px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eALL (\u003cem\u003eN\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e= 574)\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 208px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e161\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003c/tbody\u003e\n \u003c/table\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTable 1 shows that conversion occurs much sooner than affixation: converted verbs are attested on average 55 years after their base nouns, whereas affixed verbs are attested on average 331 years after theirs. Converted verbs appear roughly three times earlier than the overall mean, whereas affixation generally applies to much older nouns. Next, Table 2 shows the distribution of converted and affixed verbs across the five time-span categories described in 3.2.1:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp id=\"_Toc170836370\"\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eTable 2\u003c/strong\u003e Distribution of converted and affixed verbs across time-span categories\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cimg src=\"data:image/png;base64,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\"\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cdiv align=\"Left\"\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe distribution highlights complementary patterns between the two verb-forming processes: converted and affixed verbs do not select the same types of nominal bases. Nearly three-quarters of converted verbs appear within 50 years of their base noun (i.e., 36.3% + 38.5% = 74.8%), whereas almost three-quarters of affixed verbs are derived from nouns attested more than a century earlier (i.e., 40.71% + 30.8% = 71.5%).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eA chi-square test of independence yields significant results: \u003cem\u003e\u003csub\u003eX\u003c/sub\u003e\u003c/em\u003e\u003csup\u003e2\u003c/sup\u003e (4, \u003cem\u003eN\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e= 574) = 216.56, \u003cem\u003ep\u003c/em\u003e \u0026lt; .00001. This confirms that, from a statistical point of view, there is a significant relationship between the choice of verb-forming process and the time span elapsed: the age of the input strongly predicts the use of verb-forming process. These overall results are detailed in Section 4.1.1 for converted verbs and Section 4.1.2 for affixed verbs. The productivity of conversion over affixation among the OED data is then further examined in Section 4.1.3.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3 id=\"_Toc170906654\"\u003e4.1.1 \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;Conversion\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAs shown in Tables 1 and 2 above, conversion is overwhelmingly favoured on nouns that have recently entered the English language. Furthermore, Figure 1 shows a shortening of the time span between the attestation of inputs and outputs over the decades:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFigure 1 shows that the proportion of converted verbs formed within 50 years of their base noun increases steadily across decades, from approximately 65% in verbs first attested in the 1950s\u0026ndash;1960s, reaching over 87% in the 1980s\u0026ndash;1990s.[6]\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThirty-two items (9.1% of the conversion dataset) are attested in the same year as their inputs, particularly in ICT-related domains (e.g., \u003cem\u003eto hyperlink\u003c/em\u003e 1988; \u003cem\u003eto webcast\u003c/em\u003e 1995; \u003cem\u003eto Google\u003c/em\u003e, v.\u003csup\u003e2\u003c/sup\u003e 1998; \u003cem\u003eto blog\u003c/em\u003e 1999; \u003cem\u003eto Skype\u003c/em\u003e 2003; \u003cem\u003eto Facebook\u003c/em\u003e 2004). These examples illustrate the near-instantaneous verbing of technological innovations and company names.[7]\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3 id=\"_Toc170906655\"\u003e4.1.2 \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;Affixation\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBy contrast, present-day affixation predominantly applies to nouns long established in the lexicon (\u0026ge;101 years). Only three affixed verbs share the same attestation year as their inputs: \u003cem\u003eto Ferberize\u003c/em\u003e 1990 \u0026lt; the Ferber method, first attested in a quote from 1990 in the OED; \u003cem\u003eto Clintonize\u003c/em\u003e 1992 \u0026lt; Bill Clinton, who was elected president of the United States in 1992; and \u003cem\u003eto Romneyize\u003c/em\u003e 2012 \u0026lt; Mitt Romney, a Republican candidate in the 2012 US presidential election. A small minority of affixed verbs (5.9%) are formed within ten years, as in the examples presented in (5):\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e(5) \u003cem\u003eto\u003c/em\u003e \u003cem\u003enaftalize\u003c/em\u003e (COCA, 1996) \u0026lt; NAFTA (North American Free Trade Agreement, effective since 1994)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eto Mirandize\u003c/em\u003e (OED, 1971) \u0026lt; the Miranda ruling (OED, 1966)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eto transistorize\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e(OED, 1953) \u0026lt; \u003cem\u003etransistor\u003c/em\u003e (OED, 1948)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFigure 2 illustrates the predominance of inputs attested over 101 years before the affixed verbs from which they are derived:\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eContrary to conversion, the affixation trend is stable across decades: affixed verbs are typically formed on long-established nouns, showing that affixation has carved out a chronological niche. The trend identified has thus been rather stable over time.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTo summarise the results for the full dataset, conversion occurs shortly after the attestation of base nouns, and this trend is increasing to a point where converted verbs appear almost instantly after the attestation of their base nouns, whereas affixation more consistently occurs on inputs that have been in the language for a long time, typically over a century. These results show that the two competing verb-forming processes do not select the same nominal bases: while three-quarters of the converted verbs in the dataset are formed less than 50 years after the attestation of their base nouns, almost three-quarters of the affixed verbs in the dataset are formed more than 101 years after the attestation of their base nouns. Affixed verbs seem to have found a chronological niche in inputs established in the language for a long time, whereas conversion is predominantly productive in deriving verbs on nouns newly attested in the language. The overall results confirm the high productivity of conversion over affixation, notably in the dictionary data, as detailed in the following section.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003e4.1.3 \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;Productivity of conversion over affixation in the OED\u0026nbsp;\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTable 3 shows the diachronic distribution of converted and affixed verbs in the OED since 1950:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp id=\"_Toc170836344\"\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eTable 3\u003c/strong\u003e Distribution of denominal verbs in the OED (1950\u0026ndash;2019)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cdiv align=\"Left\"\u003e\n \u003ctable border=\"0\" cellspacing=\"0\" cellpadding=\"0\" width=\"510\"\u003e\n \u003ctbody\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 132px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eDecade\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 132px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eVerbs formed by conversion\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 132px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eVerbs formed by affixation\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 113px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eTotal\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 132px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e1950 \u0026ndash; 1959\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 132px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e75 (81.5%)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 132px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e17 (18.5%)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 113px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e92 (100%)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 132px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e1960 \u0026ndash; 1969\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 132px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e96 (84.2%)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 132px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e18 (15.8%)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 113px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e114 (100%)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 132px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e1970 \u0026ndash; 1979\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 132px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e70 (81.4%)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 132px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e16 (18.6%)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 113px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e86 (100%)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 132px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e1980 \u0026ndash; 1989\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 132px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e64 (91.4%)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 132px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e6 (8.6%)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 113px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e70 (100%)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 132px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e1990 \u0026ndash; 1999\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 132px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e32 (94.1%)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 132px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e2 (5.9%)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 113px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e34 (100%)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 132px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e2000 \u0026ndash; 2009\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 132px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e14 (93.3%)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 132px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e1 (6.7%)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 113px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e15 (100%)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 132px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e2010 \u0026ndash; 2019\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 132px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e2 (100%)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 132px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e0 (0%)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 113px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e2 (100%)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 132px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eTOTAL\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 132px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e353 (85.5%)\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 132px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e60 (14.5%)\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 113px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e413 (100%)\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003c/tbody\u003e\n \u003c/table\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe results in Table 3 show that affixation sharply declined in the OED record, in raw numbers (from 17 items in the 1950s to none in the 2010s) and in percentages (from 18.5% to 0%). This confirms the high productivity of conversion over affixation in PDE to a point in which conversion seems to dominate the verb-forming processes entirely, at least in institutionalised data. These results and their consequences for the formation of new denominal verbs in PDE will be further discussed in Section 5, but first, Section 4.2 focuses on the formal doublets and investigates the order of appearance of each verb.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2 id=\"_Toc170836968\"\u003e4.2 \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; Formal doublets\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003e4.2.1 \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;Chronological order of attestation\u0026nbsp;\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe first level of analysis focuses on the chronological order of attestation of the verbs in formal doublets, i.e., a converted and an affixed verbs formed on the same nominal input. As mentioned in Section 3.1.2, formal doublets contain one verb first attested since 1950, while the other verb can be attested at any time, as long as it is still in use in PDE. Table 4 shows the distribution of the verb-forming processes first attested in formal doublets:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp id=\"_Toc170836372\"\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eTable 4\u003c/strong\u003e\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;Distribution of the verb-forming processes first attested in formal doublets\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cdiv align=\"Left\"\u003e\n \u003ctable border=\"0\" cellspacing=\"0\" cellpadding=\"0\" width=\"435\"\u003e\n \u003ctbody\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 170px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eFirst verb-forming process\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 132px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eNumber of verbs\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 132px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003ePercentage\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 170px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eConversion\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 132px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e84\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 132px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e81.6%\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 170px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAffixation\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 132px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e14\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 132px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e13.6%\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 170px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eSame year\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 132px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e5\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 132px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e4.9%\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 170px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eTOTAL\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 132px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e103\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 132px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e100%\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003c/tbody\u003e\n \u003c/table\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAmong the 103 formal doublets in the dataset, conversion is attested first in 84 cases, representing 81.6% of the doublets (henceforth called \u0026lsquo;conversion-first doublets\u0026rsquo; and further analysed in 4.2.2); affixation is attested first in 14 cases, representing 13.6% of the doublets (henceforth called \u0026lsquo;affixation-first doublets\u0026rsquo; and further analysed in 4.2.3); both processes are attested simultaneously in 5 cases (4.9%).[8]\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDoublets with prefixed verbs particularly illustrate this trend: 9 of 10 prefixed verbs are attested after the converted verbs formed on the same input (e.g., \u003cem\u003eto \u003cu\u003ede\u003c/u\u003evein\u003c/em\u003e 1952 / \u003cem\u003eto vein\u003c/em\u003e 1502; \u003cem\u003eto \u003cu\u003ede\u003c/u\u003eschool\u003c/em\u003e 1970 / \u003cem\u003eto school\u003c/em\u003e c1456, \u003cem\u003eto \u003cu\u003een\u003c/u\u003edistance\u003c/em\u003e 1961 / \u003cem\u003eto distance\u003c/em\u003e 1578).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTo further study the chronological order of attestation in the formal doublets, Table 5 shows the distribution of the conversion- and affixation-first doublets according to the average time span between the attestation of the two verbs:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eTable 5\u003c/strong\u003e Distribution of conversion- and affixation-first doublets according to the time span between the two verbs in the doublets\u003cem\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e[9]\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cimg src=\"data:image/png;base64,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\"\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/em\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cdiv align=\"Left\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTable 5 shows that most conversion-first doublets involve affixed verbs coined more than 101 years later. In contrast, affixation-first doublets typically occur within 50 years, suggesting ongoing competition, as detailed in the following sections.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003e4.2.2 \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;Conversion-first doublets\u0026nbsp;\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis section focuses on conversion-first doublets, which represent an overwhelming majority of the doublets in the dataset (84 items). Table 5 shows that in most conversion-first doublets, the second verb (i.e., the affixed verb) is formed between 101 and 500 years after the first attested verb (48 items, representing 57.1%), and 21.4% (18 items) are formed more than 501 years later. This means that almost 80% are formed over 101 years after the attestation of the converted verb. Several of these verbs come from the prefixed verbs in the dataset (e.g., \u003cem\u003eto \u003cu\u003ede\u003c/u\u003eschool\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003eto \u003cu\u003ede\u003c/u\u003evein\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003eto \u003cu\u003een\u003c/u\u003edistance\u003c/em\u003e) and are institutionalised in the OED. Specifically, among the nine prefixed verbs formed after a converted verb, only two prefixed verbs (\u003cem\u003eto \u003cu\u003ede\u003c/u\u003equeue\u003c/em\u003e and \u003cem\u003eto \u003cu\u003een\u003c/u\u003equeue\u003c/em\u003e) are formed within a shorter time span (i.e., 43 years after the attestation of the converted verb \u003cem\u003eto queue\u003c/em\u003e in the same domain of use). The verb \u003cem\u003eto queue\u003c/em\u003e with the meaning \u0026lsquo;to stand in a queue; to form a queue; to take one\u0026rsquo;s place at the end of a queue\u0026rsquo; has been attested\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003esince 1920, while the two prefixed verbs \u003cem\u003eto dequeue\u003c/em\u003e and \u003cem\u003eto\u003c/em\u003e \u003cem\u003eenqueue\u003c/em\u003e, used in the Computing and Mathematics domains, are attested since 1971.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDoublets with both verbs attested within a short time may indicate ongoing competition between the two verb-forming processes. This can be seen in the doublets with both verbs attested within ten years of each other, as in (6):\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e(6) \u003cem\u003eto nanny\u003c/em\u003e (OED, 1954) / \u003cem\u003eto nannify\u003c/em\u003e (1962, OED) \u0026lsquo;to look after (someone) in the manner of a nanny; \u003cem\u003espec\u003c/em\u003e. to be unduly protective of\u0026rsquo;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eto Bobbitt\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e(OED, 1993) / \u003cem\u003eto Bobbitize\u003c/em\u003e (COCA, 1997) \u0026lsquo;to act like Ms Bobbitt\u0026rsquo; (\u003cem\u003eour gloss\u003c/em\u003e)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eto twitter\u003c/em\u003e, v.\u003csup\u003e4\u0026nbsp;\u003c/sup\u003e(OED, 2006) / \u003cem\u003eto twitterfy\u003c/em\u003e (COCA, 2009) \u0026lsquo;to use Twitter\u0026rsquo;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe doublets in (6) show instances of ongoing competition between affixation and conversion. These are very rare in the dataset. In most cases, doublets contain one verb institutionalised in the OED and one neologistic item from the COCA, and express different meanings, as in (7) and (8):\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e(7)\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;a. \u003cem\u003eto hip-hop\u003c/em\u003e (OED, 1980): \u0026lsquo;to dance or perform hip-hop\u0026rsquo;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eb. \u003cem\u003eto hip-hopify\u003c/em\u003e (COCA, 1992): \u0026lsquo;to make something sound more like hip-hop\u0026rsquo;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e(8)\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;a. \u003cem\u003eto silkify\u003c/em\u003e (COCA, 2002): \u0026lsquo;to give the character or appearance of silk\u0026rsquo;, \u0026lsquo;to turn into silk\u0026rsquo;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eb. \u003cem\u003eto silk\u003c/em\u003e (OED, 1847): \u0026lsquo;1.a. To remove the silk from (maize). 1.b. Of maize: to produce the silk. 2. To clothe in or cover with silk\u0026rsquo;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAmong the few doublets composed of two verbs attested in the OED, the competition is usually resolved through semantic differentiation, showing how formal competition is resolved as each term finds its niche of use, following Gause\u0026rsquo;s competitive exclusion principle detailed (see Section 2.2), as in the doublets with a prefixed and a converted verb, or the examples (9-11):\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e(9)\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;a. \u003cem\u003eto vector\u003c/em\u003e (OED, 1945): \u0026lsquo;to direct, esp. towards a destination; to change the direction of\u0026rsquo;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eb. \u003cem\u003eto vectorize\u003c/em\u003e (OED, 1977): \u0026lsquo;to represent as or transform into a vector, in various senses of the noun;\u0026nbsp;\u003cem\u003espec\u003c/em\u003e. in\u0026nbsp;\u003cem\u003eComputing\u003c/em\u003e, to adapt (a program, algorithm, etc.) to the use of vector operations\u0026rsquo;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e(10)\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;a. \u003cem\u003eto market\u003c/em\u003e (OED, 1455): \u0026lsquo;to sell in a market; to bring or send to a market\u0026rsquo;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eb. \u003cem\u003eto marketize\u003c/em\u003e (OED, 1980): \u0026lsquo;to expose to market forces; to convert from a planned to a market economy\u0026rsquo;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e(11)\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;a. \u003cem\u003eto game\u003c/em\u003e (OED, OE): \u0026lsquo;to amuse oneself; to play, sport, jest\u0026rsquo;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eb. \u003cem\u003eto gamify\u003c/em\u003e (OED, 2003): \u0026lsquo;to make (something) into or like a game\u0026rsquo;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003e4.2.3 \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;Affixation-first doublets\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAlthough rare (14 items, or 13.6% of the formal doublets), affixation-first doublets are also noteworthy. The results in Table 5 above show that, in all these doublets, the two verbs are both attested within a time span of less than 50 years.[10] These doublets indicate states of ongoing competition between the two verb-forming processes. This can be seen in the doublets with both verbs first attested within ten years or less of each other, as in (12):\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e(12) \u003cem\u003eto zombify\u003c/em\u003e (OED, 1950) / \u003cem\u003eto zombie\u003c/em\u003e (COCA, 1994): \u0026lsquo;to make into a zombie\u0026rsquo;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eto therapize\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e(OED, 1955) / \u003cem\u003eto therapy\u003c/em\u003e (COCA, 1993): \u0026lsquo;to undergo therapy\u0026rsquo;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eto Saddamize\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e(COCA, 2004) / \u003cem\u003eto saddam\u003c/em\u003e (COCA, 2005): \u0026lsquo;to destroy (Saddam)\u0026rsquo;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe doublets in (13) are composed of two neologistic items from the COCA. Since neither form is institutionalised, formal competition may persist in synchrony until one form overtakes the other, potentially leading to the extinction of the lesser used verb. Alternatively, both forms may acquire different meanings, thus resolving the competition through semantic differentiation, as in the examples in (13) and (14):\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e(13)\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;a. \u003cem\u003eto epiphanize\u003c/em\u003e (COCA, 1991): \u0026lsquo;to describe or represent in a literary epiphany\u0026rsquo;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eb. \u003cem\u003eto epiphany\u003c/em\u003e (COCA, 200): \u0026lsquo;to have an epiphany\u0026rsquo;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e(14)\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;a. \u003cem\u003eto clientelize\u003c/em\u003e (COCA, 1992): \u0026lsquo;to make (someone) a clientele\u0026rsquo;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eb. \u003cem\u003eto clientele\u003c/em\u003e (COCA, 1997): \u0026lsquo;to socialize\u0026rsquo;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn sum, the conversion-first doublets show the same tendencies as the whole dataset: conversion is favoured for newly attested nouns, whereas affixation is preferred for older nouns attested in the English language for over a century, some of which have already been converted in the meantime. Affixation in general, and prefixation specifically, is used to derive a new verb with a different meaning from the preexisting verb formed by conversion. A situation of temporary equilibrium (Aronoff, 2016, cf. Section 2) occurs when several competing forms are attested simultaneously, which is more prevalent among affixation-first doublets.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e[6] The last decade must be considered cautiously, due to the very low number of verbs attested (i.e., only 2 converted verbs first attested within the 2010\u0026ndash;2019 period).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e[7] See Note 4 in Section 3.1.1, regarding the issue of directionality among noun-verb pairs of lexemes attested the same year, or within a very short time.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e[8] This is mainly because all the extracts from the \u0026lsquo;blog\u0026rsquo; genre in the COCA are from the same year (2012), as noted in Section 3.2.3. This is a drawback in the use of corpus data for chronological analyses; however, this affects only a handful of doublets.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e[9] For clarity, the five doublets with both verbs attested the same year are not included in Table 5.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e[10] This result is due to our methodological choice: as all the affixed verbs collected are attested from 1950 onwards, when the converted form in a doublet is attested second, it must have been attested after 1950 and is therefore no older than 70 years old (we will come back to this issue in Section 5.3).\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"5. Discussion and implications","content":"\u003cp\u003eIn our study investigating the relationship between the attestation dates and the choice of verb-forming process, the results have revealed a clear chronological asymmetry between converted and affixed verbs in PDE. Conversion is closely associated with recent inputs, whereas affixation is mostly tied to older nominal bases. These findings support the hypothesis that affixation has developed a chronological niche, enabling it to persist alongside the more productive process of conversion.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003e5.1\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;Conversion as the default process in PDE\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFirst, conversion appears to be the default option for coining new denominal verbs in PDE. As attested by the number and percentage of converted and affixed verbs recorded in the OED since 1950, conversion is much more productive than affixation, and this higher productivity has been steadily increasing over the last few decades. These results are in line with those of previous studies (Plag, 1999; Gottfurcht, 2008; Valera 2020; D\u0026iacute;az-Negrillo \u0026amp; Fern\u0026aacute;ndez-Alcaina, 2023), showing the high productivity of conversion compared with affixation in PDE dictionary data. As dictionary data mostly record institutionalised terms, these findings show that converted verbs are much more often institutionalised than affixed verbs.[11] From an onomasiological standpoint, once a term becomes institutionalised, it is more likely to block the formation of a competing term in the derivational paradigm (\u0026Scaron;tekauer et al., 2005:13\u0026ndash;14). The competition between conversion and affixation in PDE is largely dominated by conversion, due to its higher productivity and institutionalisation.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSecond, the results show that conversion largely selects newer nouns: nearly three-quarters of converted verbs are attested within 50 years of their inputs. Notably, even when converting nouns that have been used for a long time, the new converted verbs are typically selecting a more recent meaning of the noun. For example, the converted verb \u003cem\u003eto mule\u003c/em\u003e (OED, 1978), meaning \u0026ldquo;to act as a courier of (contraband, esp. drugs); to smuggle or carry illegally\u0026rdquo;, is based on a later meaning of the noun (\u0026ldquo;a courier of contraband goods, esp. drugs\u0026rdquo;) attested in 1922 and not on the Old English meaning referring to the animal. Or, as mentioned in Section 3.2.2, the converted verb \u003cem\u003eto audible\u003c/em\u003e (first cited in 1959 in American football) is based on the sense \u0026ldquo;a substitute play\u0026rdquo; attested since 1953, and not on the earlier senses of the noun or adjective.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThird, converted verbs appear at an increasing speed soon after the attestation of new nouns. As shown in Figure 1, the length of time between the attestation of inputs and outputs has been consistently diminishing. In the last 30 years specifically, converted verbs have been formed almost instantly after the appearance of nouns, especially in the domain of ICT and online activities. The prevalence of same-year coinages (\u003cem\u003eto Facebook\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003eto Google\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003eto blog\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003eto vlog\u003c/em\u003e) illustrates how conversion functions as the primary strategy for adapting technological innovations and proprietary names into verbs. As a result, the high productivity of conversion leaves very little chance for affixation to be used on new nouns entering today\u0026rsquo;s language. These results align with earlier claims that conversion is readily available for the formation of new verbs (Plag, 1999; Bauer et al., 2013; Schmid, 2016).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003e5.2\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;Affixation as a chronological niche\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBy contrast, affixation is rarely used to form verbs from recent nouns. Instead, it predominantly targets long-established bases: more than 70% of affixed verbs derive from nouns attested over 100 years earlier. This suggests that affixation has survived by specialising in a temporal niche: nouns that have been established in the lexicon for a few centuries are more likely to be converted into verbs. This finding can help explain the continued productivity of affixation despite the dominance of conversion. This supports the view that competing processes can survive if they differentiate into separate ecological niches (Lindsay, 2012; Lindsay \u0026amp; Aronoff, 2013; Aronoff, 2016, 2019).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWithin the onomasiological approach (\u0026Scaron;tekauer, 2005, 2017; \u0026Scaron;tekauer et al., 2005), when a converted verb is formed soon after the appearance of the noun, there is no longer a need for the formation of an affixed verb, as this slot in the paradigm is already filled (i.e., the presence of a denominal verb to express any required meaning). In addition, according to the theory of blocking presented in Section 2, the formation of an affixed verb is blocked by the presence of an already existing converted verb unless semantic differentiation is needed.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe doublets with a prefixed verb exemplify such semantic differentiation. Prefixes tend to be more semantically charged (Marchand, 1969; Adams, 2001; Nagano 2013; Plag, 2018), and prefixation is typically used to express a different meaning from the existing converted verb (e.g., the prefixes \u003cem\u003ede\u003c/em\u003e- and \u003cem\u003eun\u003c/em\u003e- are typically used to express privative\u0026nbsp;or ablative\u0026nbsp;meanings). There is only one prefixed verb attested before a converted form: \u003cem\u003eto demyth\u003c/em\u003e (OED, 1960) / \u003cem\u003eto myth\u003c/em\u003e (COCA, 2005), which constitutes an exception to the tendency to form a prefixed verb for semantic differentiation from an existing converted verb. From an onomasiological viewpoint, it would be expected that the form adding new semantic content (such as the privative\u0026nbsp;meaning in \u003cem\u003eto demyth\u003c/em\u003e) would be formed second. However, this example shows that the prefix \u003cem\u003ede\u003c/em\u003e- can be used first. We hypothesise that the semantic differentiation might be unconscious, with the existence of a hypothetical form \u003cem\u003eto myth\u003c/em\u003e implied, although not attested.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn a few instances, it is noteworthy that the affixed verbs are formed on nouns that were first converted into denominal verbs but are now obsolete in PDE:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e(15)\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;a. \u003cem\u003eto felonize\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e(COCA, 1993), \u003cem\u003eto mansionize\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e(COCA, 1997), \u003cem\u003eto stenographize\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e(COCA, 2009)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eb.\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;\u0026dagger;\u003cem\u003eto felony\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e(OED, 1502), \u0026dagger;\u003cem\u003eto\u003c/em\u003e \u003cem\u003emansion\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e(OED, a1638), \u0026dagger;\u003cem\u003eto stenography\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e(OED, 1652)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ec. \u003cem\u003efelony\u003c/em\u003e, n. (OED, c1290), \u003cem\u003emansion\u003c/em\u003e, n. (OED, 1375), \u003cem\u003estenography\u003c/em\u003e, n. (OED, 1602)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe verbs in (15b), despite being all once attested in English, are now obsolete in PDE. Following the trend identified in the data, the nouns in (15c) were first converted into verbs within a relatively short span after their first attestation in the language. However, now that these verbs have fallen into obsolescence, when a naming need arises to derive a verb from these inputs, it is the affixation process that is preferred over conversion, as the inputs have been established in the language for a few centuries.[12]\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFurthermore, despite conversion\u0026rsquo;s high productivity in PDE dictionary data, corpus data enable us to nuance the picture, with 161 neologisms formed by affixation attested between 1990 and 2019 (contra only three new affixed verbs added to the OED during that time). This shows a divergence between institutionalised and neologistic items. From these results, we can hypothesise that although language users still use affixation to fulfil their naming needs, these affixed verbs do not become as institutionalised as converted verbs. Since the affixed verbs are hapaxes in the COCA, most of these items have not spread widely to become entrenched and, later, institutionalised in dictionaries (although some of the hapaxes from the COCA dataset are attested in online dictionaries such as the Urban Dictionary or Wiktionary). In sum, from an onomasiological viewpoint, the naming needs of an individual or a small community do not necessarily coincide with the naming needs of a larger group, and many of these hapaxes may remain nonce formations.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003e\u003cspan id=\"_Toc170906656\"\u003e5.3\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;Competition and the role of formal doublets\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFormal doublets provide crucial insight into ongoing competition. In most cases, conversion is attested first, with affixation appearing decades or centuries later. This is an expected outcome, as converted verbs are formed shortly after the attestation of their inputs, whereas affixed verbs are formed much later after the attestation of the inputs. The presence of a preexisting converted verb does not systematically block the formation of the affixed verb. Instead, the later emergence of an affixed verb is often accompanied by semantic differentiation, such as \u003cem\u003eto game\u003c/em\u003e vs. \u003cem\u003eto gam\u003cu\u003eify\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/em\u003e or \u003cem\u003eto school\u003c/em\u003e vs. \u003cem\u003eto \u003cu\u003ede\u003c/u\u003eschool\u003c/em\u003e. Such cases suggest that affixation can re-enter the lexicon not as a redundant synonym but as a marker of specialised meaning.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAlthough rarer, affixation-first doublets are particularly informative. When affixation precedes conversion (e.g., \u003cem\u003eto acronym\u003cu\u003eize\u003c/u\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003eattested before \u003cem\u003eto acronym\u003c/em\u003e), competition is more immediate and may lead either to the coexistence or to the eventual dominance of one form. These cases suggest that while conversion usually blocks later affixation, the reverse can also occur in specific circumstances, particularly when affixation offers greater semantic transparency.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAll the affixation-first doublets in our dataset consist of two verbs attested within 50 years of each other. This shorter period between the two verbs is mainly due to our methodology: as all the converted verbs in the dataset are attested since 1950, in these doublets, the later affixed verbs must also have been attested after 1950, leaving a narrow time span that skews the results. In contrast, in all the conversion-first doublets, the preexisting converted verbs may have been in use in English for centuries and are therefore attested a long time before the new affixed verb. In other words, in the affixation dataset, when conversion first appears, the converted verbs are typically attested several centuries before the affixed verbs, but the reverse scenario does not occur: in the conversion dataset, among the eight verbs in a formal doublet, seven are attested at a later date (i.e., after 1950), following the trend that the conversion process is predominantly used first. For these 7 doublets, the span between the two verbs is thus limited to approximately 70 years. This is a limitation inherent to our methodology.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe two verb-forming processes are attested the same year in 5 formal doublets from the COCA. All the verbs in these doublets are neologistic items (i.e., not institutionalised in dictionaries). Four out of the five doublets are formed on proper names; two of which are formed on personal names, \u003cem\u003eto Godwin\u003cu\u003eize\u003c/u\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003ein (16), derived from Mike Godwin, who formulated Godwin\u0026rsquo;s law in 1990,\u003csup\u003e\u003csup\u003e[13]\u003c/sup\u003e\u003c/sup\u003e and \u003cem\u003eto Romney\u003cu\u003eize\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/em\u003e in (17), derived from the 2012 U.S. presidential election Republican candidate, Mitt Romney:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e(16) a. I\u0026rsquo;m not so sure I\u0026rsquo;ve acquitted myself that well. I\u0026rsquo;m regretting calling out Ophelia Benson for \u003cstrong\u003eGodwinizing\u003c/strong\u003e the issue (\u0026hellip;). As a consequence my point about invoking Nazi Germany analogies appears not to have been understood because I didn\u0026rsquo;t make my point as well as I should have. (BLOG, 2012) (\u003cem\u003eour emphasis\u003c/em\u003e)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eb. I\u0026rsquo;m sorry, but Greg \u003cstrong\u003eGodwinned\u003c/strong\u003e this thread in the title, and again, in comment 36 \u0026ndash; after SC\u0026rsquo;s crucial comment 31. # Stephanie further \u003cstrong\u003eGodwinned\u003c/strong\u003e the thread by trying to defend Gee against the charge of paranoia. (BLOG, 2012) (\u003cem\u003eour emphasis\u003c/em\u003e)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e(17) a. We all know that La Jolla is home to some prettyyy wealthy people, including a certain loaded presidential candidate (check out how to \u003cstrong\u003eRomneyize\u003c/strong\u003e Your House). (BLOG, 2012) (\u003cem\u003eour emphasis\u003c/em\u003e)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eb. Or a story about Romney\u0026rsquo;s fondness for \u0026ldquo;\u003cstrong\u003eRomneying\u003c/strong\u003e\u0026rdquo; \u0026ndash; the term coined by David Weigel for those moments where Romney awkwardly reminds America how wealthy and out of touch he is. (WEB, 2012) (\u003cem\u003eour emphasis\u003c/em\u003e)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTwo doublets are formed on proprietary names: \u003cem\u003eto Walmart-\u003cu\u003eize\u003c/u\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003ein (18), from the American retail corporation Walmart, and\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;to Tumbl\u003cu\u003eify\u003c/u\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003ein (19), from the name of the social networking website Tumblr (the two verb-formation processes are present in the same quote, showing hesitation on the spur of the moment). The last doublet is the pair \u003cem\u003eto coupon\u003cu\u003eize\u0026nbsp;\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/em\u003e/ \u003cem\u003eto coupon\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003ein (20), attested in several blog posts and news articles in the COCA. These neologisms are not yet institutionalised, which is reflected in the variation between the affixed and converted verb forms.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e(18) a. But selling crappy coffee for prices that are high but not obscene is a business model that doesn\u0026rsquo;t easily \u003cstrong\u003eWalmart-ize\u003c/strong\u003e (for some reason people just don\u0026rsquo;t like going into huge coffee shops, the echos seem to scare them), while there\u0026rsquo;s nothing about the payday loan business that says that you can\u0026rsquo;t go large. (BLOG; 2012) (\u003cem\u003eour emphasis\u003c/em\u003e)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eb. Either way Amazon\u0026rsquo;s behavior is awesome for consumers. # Now this does suck for Walmart, but no tears for their billions made off the backs of crushing the mom-and-pop industry. How awesome would it be to watch Walmart \u003cstrong\u003ebe Walmarted\u003c/strong\u003e by Amazon anyway?! # Love it! # Go crush\u0026rsquo; em, Jeff! (BLOG; 2012) (\u003cem\u003eour emphasis\u003c/em\u003e)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e(19)\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;You must \u003cstrong\u003etumbl\u003c/strong\u003e (\u003cstrong\u003etumble\u003c/strong\u003e?), or haven\u0026rsquo;t you heard? You must \u003cstrong\u003etumbl\u003c/strong\u003e (\u003cstrong\u003etumblify\u003c/strong\u003e?) because the micro-blogging site Tumblr.com is growing fast \u0026ndash; its estimated 3.3 million daily visitors up 50 percent from April, according to Quantcast.com. You must \u003cstrong\u003etumbl\u003c/strong\u003e (Seriously, what is the verb here?) because the early adopting tech people tell you to use Tumblr. (NEWS: Washington Post; 2010) (\u003cem\u003eour emphasis\u003c/em\u003e)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e(20) a. People who are of an age to start thinking about retirement and noticing that the Republicans think it\u0026rsquo;s cool to \u003cstrong\u003ecouponize\u003c/strong\u003e Medicare for them and maybe even privatize Social Security. This is a huge advantage among a group of boomers who WILL be around awhile, let us keep them blue! (WEB; 2012) (\u003cem\u003eour emphasis\u003c/em\u003e)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIt is because Romney signed on enthusiastically to the Randroid Paul Ryan budget that wants to \u003cstrong\u003ecouponize\u003c/strong\u003e Medicare and lard the already rich with still more tax cuts paid for by cutting support and services for the vulnerable and slashing public investment in the common good. (BLOG; 2012) (\u003cem\u003eour emphasis\u003c/em\u003e)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eb. If the manufacturers refuse to reimburse Safeway for these coupons, Safeway will take a loss somewhere in the range of $1,800. Jaime\u0026rsquo;s pre-coupon total was over $1,900 on the show, which she \u003cstrong\u003ecouponed\u003c/strong\u003e down to about the $100 mark. (WEB; 2012) (\u003cem\u003eour emphasis\u003c/em\u003e)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eOnce again I am new to couponing and I was educated wrong on how to use them before I started \u003cstrong\u003ecouponing\u003c/strong\u003e. I would like to apologize to everyone since I have wronged and committed fraud knowingly but not intentionally (if that makes sense). (WEB; 2012) (\u003cem\u003eour emphasis\u003c/em\u003e)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDoublets formed on inputs that have recently entered the English language show the ongoing competition between the two verb-forming processes. These doublets represent instances of unresolved competition in PDE, or \u0026ldquo;states of equilibrium\u0026rdquo; (Aronoff, 2016). In these cases, the competition between the two word-formation processes has not (yet) been resolved. Most of these instances of ongoing competition concern neologistic items that are not institutionalised. Doublets formed on inputs that have been in the language for a long time show that formal competition may arise, sometimes due to language users having forgotten the existence of a converted verb, or due to converted verbs now being obsolete, as in (15), or to express semantic differentiation as in the examples (7\u0026ndash;11) and (13\u0026ndash;14). The formation of another verb on the same nominal base, despite the existence of an older verb, is often motivated by an onomasiological need to form a verb with a different meaning from the preexisting verb.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003e5.4\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;Attestation dates in a multifactorial competition\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eZooming out and looking at the bigger picture of morphological competition in the formation of new denominal verbs in PDE, it is important to note that different factors affect the choice of verb-forming process. A range of variables needs to be considered together to obtain a full picture, of which the chronological aspect presented in this study represents one component only. Previous studies have mentioned morphological constraints on conversion, namely, that some suffixed nouns (e.g., \u003cem\u003ean arriv\u003cu\u003eal\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003ea commod\u003cu\u003eity\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003ekind\u003cu\u003eness\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003ea sing\u003cu\u003eer\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/em\u003e) resist conversion when suffixes function as part-of-speech categorisers (e.g., Marchand, 1969:372\u0026ndash;373; Bauer, 1983:226; Nagano, 2008:13, 105ff; Olsen, 2014:44; Debouzie, 2024:231). Neoclassical compounds ending in combining forms such as -\u003cem\u003elogy\u003c/em\u003e, -\u003cem\u003egraphy\u003c/em\u003e, and -\u003cem\u003enomy\u003c/em\u003e (e.g., \u003cem\u003emorpho\u003cu\u003elogy\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003eoligo\u003cu\u003epoly\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003eporno\u003cu\u003egraphy\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003etaxo\u003cu\u003enomy\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/em\u003e) also tend to block verb-forming conversion in PDE, as these endings overtly mark these forms as nominal (Debouzie, 2024:231\u0026ndash;233). Moreover, Don (2005:13\u0026ndash;14) does not find any verb converted from a nominal base ending in a Germanic suffix, and Debouzie (2024) shows that simplex inputs are more likely to be affixed than converted into verbs, notably monomorphemic nouns from Latinate origin, which \u0026ldquo;constitute the main type of inputs for affixation\u0026rdquo; (p. 224).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn addition, semantic constraints on the verbal outputs largely influence the choice between conversion and affixation. Studies by Lieber (2004), Nagano (2008), Valera (2020), D\u0026iacute;az-Negrillo \u0026amp; Fern\u0026aacute;ndez-Alcaina, (2023), and Debouzie (2024) repeatedly show that verbs expressing causative, resultative, or similative meanings are predominantly formed by affixation, while verbs expressing an ablative or a privative meaning are consistently formed by prefixation in PDE (Gottfurcht, 2008; Valera, 2020; Debouzie 2024). As noted in the 2024 study on PDE denominal verb attested since 1950, \u0026ldquo;from an onomasiological standpoint, it seems that language users nowadays prefer using prefixes (e.g., \u003cem\u003ede\u003c/em\u003e‑ and \u003cem\u003eun\u003c/em\u003e-) which are more semantically transparent\u0026rdquo; (Debouzie, 2024:234), thus preventing the formation of converted verbs with opposite meanings, such as \u003cem\u003eto dust,\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003emeaning either \u0026lsquo;to remove the dust from\u0026rsquo; (privative) or \u0026lsquo;to sprinkle with dust (or dust-like particles)\u0026rsquo; (ornative), or \u003cem\u003eto skin,\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003emeaning \u0026lsquo;to remove the skin from\u0026rsquo; (privative) or \u0026lsquo;to cover with skin\u0026rsquo; (ornative or instrumental). Within formal doublets, affixation (predominantly occurring as a second-choice process) is typically used to provide semantic differentiation from a preexisting converted verb, such as in the doublets \u003cem\u003eto \u003cu\u003ede\u003c/u\u003eballast\u003c/em\u003e (OED, 1962) \u0026lsquo;to remove ballast from (esp. an oil-rig platform or barge)\u0026rsquo; / \u003cem\u003eto ballast\u003c/em\u003e (OED, 1538) \u0026lsquo;to provide (a ship) with ballast\u0026rsquo;, \u003cem\u003eto raster\u003cu\u003eise\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/em\u003e (OED, 1979) \u0026lsquo;to convert (an image) into a bitmap or set of points or pixels on a grid), \u003cem\u003eto raster\u003c/em\u003e (OED, 1969) \u0026lsquo;to pass (an electron beam or other scanning device) over an area in a raster pattern\u0026rsquo; (Debouzie, 2024:238\u0026ndash;242).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFinally, some registers and genres can favour affixation over conversion: Schmid (2016:177\u0026ndash;178, 199) and Debouzie (2024:240) note that verbal suffixation is more prevalent in specialist terminology, technical texts and academic writing. Moreover, Marchand (1969:300\u0026ndash;301), Quick et al. (1985:1557), and Dixon (2008:41) note that outside the technical register, -\u003cem\u003eify\u003c/em\u003e has been \u0026ldquo;used contemptuously\u0026rdquo; since 1700 with pejorative (e.g., \u003cem\u003eto monkeyfy\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003eto speech-ify\u003c/em\u003e) or facetious, jocular connotations (\u003cem\u003eto argu-fy\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003eto dandify\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003eto farm-ify\u003c/em\u003e). According to Dixon (2008:41), this informal use of -\u003cem\u003eify\u003c/em\u003e is \u0026ldquo;increasingly productive\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn summary, within the onomasiological approach, which studies how new denominal verbs are formed as the needs for such verbs arise among a community of speakers, the competition between conversion and affixation is influenced by various factors and constraints. We must thus consider the interaction between morphological, etymological, and phonological constraints on the nominal input, semantic constraints or register influence of the verbal output, as well as chronological factors, such as the preexistence \u0026ndash; or not \u0026ndash; of a verb already formed on the same nominal input.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003e5.5\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;Broader implications\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThese findings contribute to ongoing debates about morphological competition in PDE. Some scholars have argued that little genuine competition exists between conversion and affixation (Plag, 1999; Kastovsky, 2005; Schmid, 2016). However, our results show that while conversion dominates quantitatively, affixation persists through chronological and semantic differentiation. The coexistence of these processes illustrates that competition is not necessarily resolved through extinction; instead, stable niches allow multiple processes to remain viable. More broadly, this study demonstrates the value of integrating chronological factors into accounts of morphological competition. By treating the attestation time as an ecological dimension, we can add another variable to a multifactorial resolution of competition. This, in turn, enables us to better explain why a less productive process such as affixation continues to exist in PDE.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFurthermore, the resolution of competition has broader implications on derivational paradigms. Debouzie (2024) shows that conversion is predominantly used on complex inputs, whereas monomorphemic inputs are more likely to be affixed, which implies that conversion tends to occur at the end of a derivational chain. In addition, converted verbs undergo very little further derivation, bar the addition of the noun-forming suffixes -\u003cem\u003eer\u003c/em\u003e and -\u003cem\u003eing\u003c/em\u003e and the adjective-forming suffix -\u003cem\u003eable\u003c/em\u003e (Nagano, 2008:17\u0026ndash;18), thus locating converted verbs mostly at the end of the derivational chain. Affixed verbs, on the other hand, are typically formed on monomorphemic inputs; suffixed verbs in -\u003cem\u003eate\u003c/em\u003e, -\u003cem\u003eify\u003c/em\u003e, and -\u003cem\u003eize\u003c/em\u003e can undergo further derivation, such as nominalisation in \u0026ndash;\u003cem\u003eion\u003c/em\u003e, -\u003cem\u003ecation\u003c/em\u003e, and -\u003cem\u003eation\u003c/em\u003e (Plag, 1999:68\u0026ndash;69), as well as with other suffixes such as -\u003cem\u003eable\u003c/em\u003e, -\u003cem\u003eance\u003c/em\u003e, -\u003cem\u003eant\u003c/em\u003e, -\u003cem\u003eee\u003c/em\u003e, and -\u003cem\u003eer\u003c/em\u003e (Bauer et al., 2013:597\u0026ndash;599), and with prefixes such as \u003cem\u003eun\u003c/em\u003e-, or \u003cem\u003ede\u003c/em\u003e-, as in \u003cem\u003eunenlightened\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003eunbewitch\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003ede-entitle\u003c/em\u003e (pp. 602\u0026ndash;604). Verb-forming affixation thus occurs at the beginning of a derivational chain, which starts with simple lexemes being first derived into verbs by affixation, and these verbs later serve as bases for other derivational processes. As the chronological analyses show that conversion occurs shortly after the attestation of nouns in the language, the possibility of these verbs being further derived becomes very limited. From an onomasiological viewpoint, this imposes restrictions on language users\u0026rsquo; ability to fulfil more naming needs. However, as affixed verbs can more readily undergo further derivation, the process remains beneficial for expanding a derivational paradigm. Competition between conversion and affixation thus persists, as each verb-forming process takes place at a different point of a derivational paradigm and fulfils different language needs.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e[11] However, one must keep in mind that some affixed lexemes whose meaning is semantically transparent may not be recorded in dictionaries, as noted by Plag (1999:97).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e[12] The combining form -\u003cem\u003egraphy\u003c/em\u003e in \u003cem\u003estenography\u003c/em\u003e also favour the use of verb-forming affixation. The converted verb \u003cem\u003eto biography\u003c/em\u003e is the only verb ending in -\u003cem\u003egraphy\u003c/em\u003e listed in the OED that is still in use in PDE.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e[13] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Godwin%27s_law (Accessed on 24 September 2022).\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"6 Conclusions","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis article has examined the role of chronological factors in the competition between conversion and affixation in the formation of new denominal verbs in present-day English. The ecological model borrowed from evolutionary biology has provided us with a robust framework to investigate the dynamics of linguistic competition. By analysing 574 verbs first attested since 1950 in the \u003cem\u003eOxford English Dictionary\u003c/em\u003e and the Corpus of Contemporary American English, we showed that the age of the nominal input significantly influences process selection. The OED dataset (353 converted verbs and 60 affixed verbs attested since 1950) confirmed the high productivity of verb-forming conversion over affixation in dictionary data. However, with the addition of the COCA dataset (161 suffixed hapaxes), this study shows that both verb-forming process may continue to coexist, with a clear distribution of labour in which each verb-forming process selects different types of nominal bases according to their age.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eConversion is more economical (requiring no additional morphology), highly productive, and generally unconstrained by phonological or morphological restrictions, which makes it the default strategy for recent nouns, often forming verbs within a few years \u0026ndash; or even the same year \u0026ndash; of the noun\u0026rsquo;s first attestation, and converted verbs are first attested in more than eighty percent of the formal doublets. Even when century-old nouns are converted in PDE, the converted verb is derived from a later, more recent meaning of the lexeme (e.g., \u003cem\u003eto audible\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003eto mule\u003c/em\u003e). From an onomasiological viewpoint, when a converted verb is formed soon after the appearance of a new noun, there is no longer a need for the formation of an affixed verb, as this slot in the derivational paradigm is filled. The overwhelming productivity of conversion and the speed at which new nouns are almost instantly converted into verbs are likely to reinforce the future productivity of conversion, as conversion will become the model on which to form new verbs, making the process even more prevalent, and leaving very little chance for affixation to be used on these nouns or on future new ones. The existing converted verbs tend to block the formation of affixed verbs on the same bases, unless a long time has elapsed and the previous converted verb has become obsolete, or unless a semantic specification is required.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAffixation, by contrast, applies predominantly to nouns that have been established in the language for centuries, thereby occupying a chronological niche that allows it to coexist alongside the more productive process of conversion. Language users resort to affixation to express different meanings from the existing converted verbs, as often seen in formal doublets. Even when conversion was first used and the verbs have become obsolete (e.g., \u0026dagger;\u003cem\u003eto felony\u003c/em\u003e, \u0026dagger;\u003cem\u003eto mansion\u003c/em\u003e, \u0026dagger;\u003cem\u003eto stenography\u003c/em\u003e), affixation is now favoured to form denominal verbs on these nouns that have been in the language for centuries (\u003cem\u003eto felonize\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003eto mansionize\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003eto stenographize\u003c/em\u003e, attested in the COCA).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn cases of formal doublets, conversion is generally attested first, with affixation occurring later to extend the paradigm, often through semantic differentiation. These findings suggest that affixation persists not in spite of conversion but rather because it has specialised in distinct temporal or semantic domains. Moreover, the neologistic items in doublets provide evidence that both verb-forming processes are still very much active and available in language users\u0026rsquo; morphological competence when coining new verbs (e.g., \u003cem\u003eto tumbl\u003c/em\u003e / \u003cem\u003eto tumble\u003c/em\u003e / \u003cem\u003eto tumblify\u003c/em\u003e, as one user ponders in one news post). Although these nonce formations may never spread to become institutionalised, they attest to the lingering productivity of affixation in corpus data.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eMore broadly, the study demonstrates the value of integrating attestation dates into the multifactorial aspect of morphological competition, alongside the nominal inputs\u0026rsquo; morphological, etymological or phonological constraints, and the verbal outputs\u0026rsquo; semantic tendencies or preferences. Treating time as an ecological dimension helps explain how a less productive process can survive by avoiding direct competition. This approach contributes to a more nuanced understanding of lexical dynamics and offers a framework that may be applied to other derivational domains in English and beyond.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSeveral methodological limitations were acknowledged in Section \u003cspan refid=\"Sec13\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e3.2.3\u003c/span\u003e and can be briefly recalled and expanded here. First, OED data reflect first written attestations, which may lag behind oral usage and disproportionately represent certain registers. Second, the COCA data are skewed by the dating of blog materials (all 2012), limiting fine-grained chronological analysis. Third, conversion could not be systematically retrieved from COCA, preventing a corpus-based comparison of the two processes (Bauer et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e:277). From day-to-day exposure to PDE English, it is apparent that converted verbs are abundant and ubiquitous, especially in informal registers and spoken discourse. Overcoming these methodological limitations will help expand the dataset in future research, notably by developing methods to reliably capture conversion in corpus data.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis study has shown that the age of the nominal input strongly affects the choice of verb-forming process in PDE. Conversion overwhelmingly targets recent nouns, whereas affixation applies mainly to older ones, thereby occupying a chronological niche. Future studies could investigate whether similar chronological niches exist in other areas of morphological competition. The present study has focused exclusively on the chronological aspect; further exploration needs to integrate the various factors at play in the competition between conversion and affixation. This could be done by extending the range of factors and adding sociolinguistic variables, such as differences in genre, register, domains of use, geographical usage, or collocations associated with each type of verb-forming process.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003ch2\u003eFunding statement -\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eNot Available\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eAuthor Contribution\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe author is the sole contributor.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eAcknowledgement\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eParts of this study were presented at the The Annual International Conference of the English Department (AICED 26). I am grateful for the audience's insightful feedback. I would also like to thank Professors Vincent Renner and Akiko Nagano for their useful comments on previous versions of this research.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eData Availability\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe full dataset of denominal verbs used in this study is available online at: https://osf.io/v2apm/?view_only=05d5cece0eee4dba800827d425b6bc2e\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eAdams, V. (2001). \u003cem\u003eComplex words in English\u003c/em\u003e. Harlow: Pearson Education.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eAronoff, M. (1976). \u003cem\u003eWord Formation in Generative Grammar\u003c/em\u003e. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eAronoff, M. (2016). Competition and the Lexicon. In A. Elia, C. Iacobini, \u0026amp; M. Voghera (Eds.), \u003cem\u003eLivelli di Analisi e fenomeni di interfaccia. Atti del XLVII congresso internazionale della societ\u0026agrave; di linguistica Italiana\u003c/em\u003e (pp. 39\u0026ndash;52). Roma: Bulzoni Editore.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eAronoff, M. (2019). Competitors and alternants in linguistic morphology. In F. Rainer, F. Gardani, W. U. Dressler, \u0026amp; H. C. Lusch\u0026uuml;tzky (Eds.), \u003cem\u003eCompetition in Inflection and Word Formation\u003c/em\u003e (pp. 39\u0026ndash;66). Cham: Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02550-2_2\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eAronoff, M. \u0026amp; Lindsay, M. (2014). Productivity, blocking, and lexicalization. In R. Lieber \u0026amp; P. \u0026Scaron;tekauer (Eds.), \u003cem\u003eThe Handbook of Derivational Morphology\u003c/em\u003e (pp. 67\u0026ndash;83). Oxford: Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199641642.013.0005\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eBalteiro, I. (2007). \u003cem\u003eThe Directionality of Conversion in English. A Dia-Synchronic Study\u003c/em\u003e. Bern/New York: Peter Lang.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eBauer, L. (1983).\u0026nbsp;\u003cem\u003eEnglish Word-formation\u003c/em\u003e. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.\u003cbr\u003ehttps://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781139165846\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eBauer, L. (2006). Competition in English Word Formation. In A. van Kemenade \u0026amp; B. Los (Eds.), \u003cem\u003eThe Handbook of the History of English\u003c/em\u003e (pp. 177\u0026ndash;198). Malden, MA: Blackwell. https://doi.org/10.1002/9780470757048.ch8\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eBauer, L., Valera, S., \u0026amp; D\u0026iacute;az-Negrillo, A. (2010). Affixation vs. conversion. The resolution of conflicting patterns. In F. Rainer, W. U. Dressler, D. Kastovsky, \u0026amp; H. C. Lusch\u0026uuml;tzky (Eds), \u003cem\u003eVariation and Change in Morphology\u003c/em\u003e (pp. 15\u0026ndash;32). Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins. https://doi.org/10.1075/cilt.310.01bau\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eBauer, L., Lieber, R., \u0026amp; Plag, I. (2013). \u003cem\u003eThe Oxford Reference Guide to English Morphology\u003c/em\u003e. Oxford: Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198747062.001.0001\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eBooij, G. (2007). \u003cem\u003eThe Grammar of Words: An Introduction to Linguistic\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003cem\u003eMorphology\u003c/em\u003e (2nd ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eBr\u0026eacute;al, M. (1897). \u003cem\u003eEssai de s\u0026eacute;mantique\u003c/em\u003e. Paris: Hachette.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eClark, E. V. \u0026amp; Clark, H. H. (1979). When Nouns Surface as Verbs. \u003cem\u003eLanguage\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e55\u003c/em\u003e(4), 767\u0026ndash;811. https://doi.org/10.2307/412745\u003cu\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eDarwin, C. (1859). \u003cem\u003eOn the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life\u003c/em\u003e. London: John Murray.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eDavies, M. (2008-). The Corpus of Contemporary American English (COCA). Available online at https://www.english-corpora.org/coca/\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eDebouzie, C. (2024). Competition between affixation and conversion in Present-Day English denominal verbs. In A. Bagasheva, A. Nagano, \u0026amp; V. Renner (Eds.), \u003cem\u003eCompetition in Word-Formation\u003c/em\u003e (pp. 208\u0026ndash;246). Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins. https://doi.org/10.1075/la.284.07deb\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eD\u0026iacute;az-Negrillo, A. \u0026amp; Fern\u0026aacute;ndez-Alcaina, C. (2023). A corpus-based study of the semantic distribution of denominal verb formation in English. \u003cem\u003eSKASE Journal of Theoretical Linguistics\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e20\u003c/em\u003e(4), 2\u0026ndash;19. http://www.skase.sk/Volumes/JTL55/01.pdf\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eDixon, R. M. W. (2008). Deriving verbs in English. \u003cem\u003eLanguage Sciences\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e30\u003c/em\u003e(1), 31\u0026ndash;52. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.langsci.2007.04.002\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eDon, J. (2005). On Conversion, Relisting and Zero-derivation. \u003cem\u003eSKASE Journal of Theoretical Linguistics\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e2\u003c/em\u003e(2), 2\u0026ndash;16. http://www.skase.sk/Volumes/JTL03/02.pdf\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eFern\u0026aacute;ndez-Alcaina, C. (2017). Availability and unavailability in English word-formation. In J. Santana-Lario \u0026amp; S. Valera (Eds.), \u003cem\u003eCompeting Patterns in English Affixation\u003c/em\u003e (pp. 163\u0026ndash;205). Bern: Peter Lang.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eFern\u0026aacute;ndez-Alcaina, C. (2021). \u003cem\u003eCompetition in the Derivational Paradigm of English Verbs\u003c/em\u003e. Ph.D. thesis, University of Granada. https://doi.org/10.3726/b19408\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eFern\u0026aacute;ndez-Alcaina, C. \u0026amp; Čerm\u0026aacute;k, J. (2018). Derivational paradigms and competition in English: A diachronic study on competing causative verbs and their derivatives. \u003cem\u003eSKASE Journal of Theoretical Linguistics\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e15\u003c/em\u003e(3), 69\u0026ndash;98. http://www.skase.sk/Volumes/JTL38/pdf_doc/04.pdf\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eFern\u0026aacute;ndez-Dom\u0026iacute;nguez, J. (2017). Methodological and procedural issues in the quantification of morphological competition. In J. Santana-Lario \u0026amp; S. Valera (Eds.), \u003cem\u003eCompeting Patterns in English Affixation\u003c/em\u003e (pp. 67\u0026ndash;117). Bern: Peter Lang.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eGardani, F., Rainer, F., \u0026amp; Lusch\u0026uuml;tzky, H. C. (2019). Competition in Morphology: A Historical Outline. In F. Rainer, F. Gardani, W. U. Dressler, \u0026amp; H. C. Lusch\u0026uuml;tzky (Eds.), \u003cem\u003eCompetition in Inflection and Word-Formation\u003c/em\u003e (pp. 3\u0026ndash;38). Cham: Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02550-2_1\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eGause, G. F. (1934). \u003cem\u003eThe Struggle for Existence\u003c/em\u003e. Baltimore: Williams and Wilkins.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eGottfurcht, C. A. (2008). \u003cem\u003eDenominal Verb Formation in English\u003c/em\u003e. Ph.D. thesis, Northwestern University.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eHamawand, Z. (2011). \u003cem\u003eMorphology in English. Word Formation in Cognitive Grammar.\u003c/em\u003e London/New York: Continuum.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eH\u0026eacute;ois, A. (2020). When Proper Names Become Verbs: A Semantic Perspective. \u003cem\u003eLexis: Journal in English Lexicology\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e16\u003c/em\u003e. https://doi.org/10.4000/lexis.4681\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eH\u0026eacute;ois, A. (2022). What can Verbal Derivation Tell us about Proper Names? \u003cem\u003eLexis: Journal in English Lexicology\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e20\u003c/em\u003e. https://doi.org/10.4000/lexis.6589\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eKastovsky, D. (2005). Conversion and/or zero: word-formation theory, historical linguistics, and typology. In L. Bauer \u0026amp; S. Valera (Eds.), \u003cem\u003eApproaches to Conversion / Zero-Derivation\u003c/em\u003e (pp. 31\u0026ndash;49). M\u0026uuml;nster: Waxmann.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eK\u0026ouml;rtv\u0026eacute;lyessy, L., Bagasheva, A., \u0026Scaron;tekauer, P., \u0026amp; Valera, S. (2020). Introduction. In L. K\u0026ouml;rtv\u0026eacute;lyessy, A. Bagasheva, \u0026amp; P. \u0026Scaron;tekauer (Eds.), \u003cem\u003eDerivational Networks Across Languages\u003c/em\u003e (pp. 1\u0026ndash;26). Berlin: de Gruyter. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110686630-001\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eLieber, R. (2004). \u003cem\u003eMorphology and Lexical Semantics\u003c/em\u003e. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511486296\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eLieber, R. (2016). \u003cem\u003eEnglish Nouns. The Ecology of Nominalization\u003c/em\u003e. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781316676288\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eLieber, R. (2021). \u003cem\u003eIntroducing Morphology\u003c/em\u003e (3rd ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108957960\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eLindsay, M. (2012). Rival suffixes: Synonymy, competition, and the emergence of productivity. In A. Ralli, G. Booij, S. Scalise, \u0026amp; A. Karasimos (Eds.), \u003cem\u003eMorphology and the Architecture of Grammar: On-Line Proceedings of the 8\u003csup\u003eth\u003c/sup\u003e Mediterranean Morphology Meeting\u003c/em\u003e (pp. 192\u0026ndash;203). Rio: University of Patras. https://doi.org/10.26220/mmm.2431\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eLindsay, M. \u0026amp; Aronoff, M. (2013). Natural selection in self-organizing morphological systems. In N. Hathout, F. Montermini, \u0026amp; J. Tseng (Eds.), \u003cem\u003eMorphology in Toulouse, Selected Proceedings of D\u0026eacute;cembrettes 7\u003c/em\u003e (pp. 133\u0026ndash;153). Munich: Lincom.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eMarchand, H. (1969). \u003cem\u003eThe Categories and Types of Present-Day English Word-Formation\u003c/em\u003e (2nd revised ed.). M\u0026uuml;nchen: C.H. Bech.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eMartsa, S. (2013). \u003cem\u003eConversion in English: A Cognitive Semantic Approach\u003c/em\u003e. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eNagano, A. (2008). \u003cem\u003eConversion and Back-Formation in English: Toward a Theory of Morpheme-Based Morphology\u003c/em\u003e. Tokyo: Kaitakusha.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003e\u003cem\u003eOED Online\u003c/em\u003e. Oxford University Press. Available online at http://www.oed.com\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eOlsen, S. (2014). Delineating derivation and compounding. In R. Lieber \u0026amp; P. \u0026Scaron;tekauer (Eds.), \u003cem\u003eThe Oxford Handbook of Derivational Morphology\u003c/em\u003e (pp. 26\u0026ndash;49). Oxford: Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199641642.013.0003\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003ePlag, I. (1999). \u003cem\u003eMorphological Productivity: Structural Constraints in English Derivation\u003c/em\u003e. Berlin: de Gruyter. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110802863\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003ePlag, I. (2018). \u003cem\u003eWord-Formation in English\u003c/em\u003e (2nd ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781316771402\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eQuirk, R., Greenbaum, S., Leech, G., \u0026amp; Svartvik, J. (1985). \u003cem\u003eA comprehensive grammar of the English language\u003c/em\u003e. Harlow: Longman.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eRenner, V. (2020). An ecosystem view of English word-formation. \u003cem\u003eThe Mental Lexicon\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e15\u003c/em\u003e(1), 4\u0026ndash;20. https://doi.org/10.1075/ml.00011.ren\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eSchmid, H-J. (2016). \u003cem\u003eEnglish Morphology and Word-Formation: An Introduction\u003c/em\u003e (3rd ed.). Berlin: Schmidt.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003e\u0026Scaron;tekauer, P. (2005). Onomasiological approach to word-formation. In P. \u0026Scaron;tekauer \u0026amp; R. Lieber (Eds.), \u003cem\u003eHandbook of Word-Formation\u003c/em\u003e (pp. 207\u0026ndash;232). Dordrecht: Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/1-4020-3596-9_9\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003e\u0026Scaron;tekauer, P. (2017). Competition in natural languages. In J. Santana-Lario \u0026amp; S. Valera (Eds.), \u003cem\u003eCompeting Patterns in English Affixation\u003c/em\u003e (pp. 15\u0026ndash;32). Bern: Peter Lang.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003e\u0026Scaron;tekauer, P., Chapman, D., Toma\u0026scaron;č\u0026iacute;kov\u0026aacute;, S., \u0026amp; Franko, \u0026Scaron;. (2005). Word-formation As Creativity within Productivity Constraints: Sociolinguistic Evidence. \u003cem\u003eOnomasiology Online\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e6\u003c/em\u003e, 1\u0026ndash;55.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eSzymanek, B. (2005). The Latest Trends in English Word-Formation. In P. \u0026Scaron;tekauer \u0026amp; R. Lieber (Eds.), \u003cem\u003eHandbook of Word-Formation\u003c/em\u003e (pp. 429\u0026ndash;448). Dordrecht: Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/1-4020-3596-9_17\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eTribout, D. (2010). \u003cem\u003eLes conversions de nom \u0026agrave; verbe et de verbe \u0026agrave; nom en fran\u0026ccedil;ais\u003c/em\u003e. Ph.D. thesis, Paris Diderot University. https://shs.hal.science/tel-01577528v1\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eValera, S. (2020). Semantic Patterns in Noun-to-Verb Conversion in English. In L. K\u0026ouml;rtv\u0026eacute;lyessy \u0026amp; P. \u0026Scaron;tekauer (Eds.), \u003cem\u003eComplex Words: Advances in Morphology\u003c/em\u003e (pp. 311\u0026ndash;334). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108780643.017\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":true,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"morphological competition, ecological niche differentiation, conversion, affixation, denominal verbs, Present-Day English ","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7542480/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-7542480/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eTo form new denominal verbs in present-day English, language users mostly choose between conversion (e.g., \u003cem\u003eto Google\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003eto hashtag\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003eto snowboard\u003c/em\u003e) and affixation (e.g., \u003cem\u003eto \u003c/em\u003e\u003cu\u003e\u003cem\u003ede\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/u\u003e\u003cem\u003emyth\u003c/em\u003e,\u003cem\u003e to \u003c/em\u003e\u003cu\u003e\u003cem\u003een\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/u\u003e\u003cem\u003ecode\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003eto gam\u003c/em\u003e\u003cu\u003e\u003cem\u003eify\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/u\u003e, \u003cem\u003eto McDonald\u003c/em\u003e\u003cu\u003e\u003cem\u003eize\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/u\u003e). Drawing on a framework borrowed from evolutionary biology, we state that different morphological processes competing for the same resources (e.g., meaning or distribution) cannot coexist in the same environment: either the less productive process becomes extinct, or both survive by occupying distinct ecological niches (e.g., morphological, phonological, semantic, or geographical). The potential role of attestation dates as such a “chronological niche” has not been investigated. Drawing from a dataset of 574 denominal verbs formed by conversion or affixation since 1950 and collected from the \u003cem\u003eOxford English Dictionary\u003c/em\u003e and the Corpus of Contemporary American English, this article shows that the attestation date of the nominal input influences the choice of verb-forming process. Recently attested nouns (i.e., within the last 50 years) tend to undergo conversion, whereas affixation is more likely to derive nouns that have been in use for centuries. In the case of doublets, i.e., verbs formed on the same base noun (e.g., \u003cem\u003eto game \u003c/em\u003e/ \u003cem\u003eto gam\u003c/em\u003e\u003cu\u003e\u003cem\u003eify\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/u\u003e, \u003cem\u003eto gender \u003c/em\u003e/ \u003cem\u003eto gender\u003c/em\u003e\u003cu\u003e\u003cem\u003eize\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/u\u003e, \u003cem\u003eto queue \u003c/em\u003e/ \u003cem\u003eto \u003c/em\u003e\u003cu\u003e\u003cem\u003ede\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/u\u003e\u003cem\u003equeue\u003c/em\u003e), conversion is predominantly attested first, and affixation typically appears later, often to convey semantic differentiation.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"Influence of the attestation dates of nominal inputs on the formation of denominal verbs in present-day English","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2025-09-25 14:50:23","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7542480/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"bc141c22-906d-4b16-8d72-97ff83cdd579","owner":[],"postedDate":"September 25th, 2025","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[{"type":"decision","content":"Revision requested","date":"2026-05-06T18:38:00+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""}],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"posted","subjectAreas":[],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2026-05-06T18:54:39+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2025-09-25 14:50:23","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-7542480","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-7542480","identity":"rs-7542480","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"8U1c8b4HqxoKbykW_rLl7","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}