Menstrual beliefs and lived experiences among tribal women in South Karnataka, India-at the forest's edge.

This qualitative, exploratory investigation was conducted in partnership with the Swami Vivekananda Youth Movement (SVYM). Twenty-eight interviews were conducted between June-July 2022 in the local language, Kannada, with members of four tribal groups (Jenu Kuruba, Betta Kuruba, Soliga, and Yerava) near Saragur, India. The sample of 28 women reflected the demographic makeup of the region, and included a larger number of Jenu Kuruba (14 interviews) people, followed by Betta Kuruba (6 interviews), Soliga (5 interviews), and Yerava (3 interviews) people. SVYM was founded in 1984 to provide healthcare to rural tribal communities in India. Since then, the organisation has grown to support over three million people in Karnataka with a shift towards self-reliance and empowerment to promote upward economic growth. Vivekananda Memorial Hospital is one facet of SVYM’s work, and serves local tribal, rural, and marginalised groups through the provision of holistic health care (Swami Vivekananda Youth Movement [SVYM] 2025). Data were collected in haadis (small villages) near Saragur ( Figure 1 ), in the service catchment area of the Vivekananda Memorial Hospital. Haadis were selected in partnership with local health facilitators, with the primary goal being to reflect the population demographics in the region ( Figure 2 ). A partner at Vivekananda Memorial Hospital created a list of eligible haadis based on the inclusion criteria: (1) women aged 18–45 years, and (2) women in haadis where members of the Jenu Kuruba, Betta Kuruba, Yerava, and Soliga tribes reside. To facilitate data collection, the first author/interviewer for this study travelled to the study sites with a health facilitator and the Mobile Health Unit (MHU), a medical van that visits remote villages daily. Health facilitators helped identify households with women who met the study criteria. Before each interview, participants completed a consent form in Kannada and were given the opportunity to ask questions before reading and signing. For preliterate participants, the interviewer and the health facilitator read the form out aloud in Kannada and explained the study. All participants were able to write their name to sign the consent form. Audio-recorded interviews took place one-on-one, were semi-structured in nature, and lasted approximately 30 minutes. The major thematic areas covered included menstrual knowledge, practices surrounding menarche, and current menstrual practices and traditions. All interviews were conducted in Kannada. The first author is a native Kannada speaker. However, given the complexities of language and numerous dialects, the local health facilitator provided additional clarity around particular words and phrases. Having this local level support added assurance to the project that the data were reliable, and translations and narratives are situated in the local context. We determined that thematic saturation had been reached at 28 participants. Audio files were recorded via a mobile phone, then transferred to a password protected server and were only available to the study team. All participants were provided an identification number to maintain anonymity. Each interview was transcribed and translated from Kannada to English. The first author developed an initial codebook based on two transcripts. The researcher developed definitions for each of the codes to ensure the codebook could be applied consistently and shared it with another team member for feedback before applying it to the full dataset. NVivo was used to inductively code the data. Following an iterative process, the first author added new codes as needed. Ethical approval for the study was received from the Swami Vivekananda Youth Movement (03/2022–23/105).

Twenty-eight women were interviewed. The average age of participants was 28.3 years, with most women being married (26/28) and having children (23/28). The average number of children was 1.6, and the average age at menarche was 13.4 years ( Table 1 ). Most women worked as daily wage workers in agricultural fields and on average earned 300 rupees/day, with family incomes being approximately 5500 rupees/month. The literacy rate was slightly above 50% for all tribes, and almost all women interviewed had not attended any institution of higher learning. Traditionally, all four tribes adhered to a nuclear family structure with women being responsible for caring for children and cooking, in addition to working in the fields for additional income. Husbands commonly travelled to different states to work as labourers in fields, or to work for the national parks. Tribal homes were situated on the fringes of the national forests and are in remote locations. Many haadis were only reachable by dirt roads and did not have access to clean water or electricity. Each village had an anganwadi (preschool/daycare centre) that doubled as a meeting area. The closest hospital was the Vivekananda Memorial Hospital, which is 30 minutes to over two hours away based on the haadi. All four tribes were disadvantaged and classified as living below the poverty line with the Jenu Kuruba tribe being categorised as a Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Group by the Indian central government. Figure 3 describes the major themes identified in this study. Women nearly unanimously reported that their menstrual practices were rooted in the traditions of their village communities that had been passed down through generations. As a result, each haadi maintained its own distinct customs. While most participants emphasised community-based origins, two women attributed the practices to religious beliefs. Several women also noted that tribal communities have historically blended Hinduism with their own folk traditions, particularly as they became more exposed to external influences. As a result, the menstrual practices followed by Hindu believers have become integrated into tribal cultural norms over time. However, it is difficult to determine precisely when this influence began, as detailed historical accounts remain unavailable. All four tribes described ritual practices associated with menarche, shaped by a blend of Hindu religious customs and community traditions. One common practice was called ‘sitting inside the house’, where a girl is secluded in a separate room upon getting her first period. This tradition was believed to help the girl ‘be strong, gain weight, and be well’ (Jenu Kuruba, 24 years). During this time, she is not allowed to enter the prayer room or kitchen. A Jenu Kuruba participant (28 years) explained: ‘They can’t do anything; they just sit there. If they have TV, they look at that, [and] the mobile [phone]. Friends will be there… only women and girls are allowed. There will be someone with them, like their grandmother or friends or sisters.’ Girls remain in the room throughout the seclusion period, typically engaging in leisure activities such as chatting with female friends—who must come to them. A Betta Kuruba participant (23 years) shared: ‘In the house they would make me shower and give me food… they wouldn’t let me do any housework or outside chores.’ This tradition is believed to strengthen the girl and ensure her future fertility. Within the Jenu Kuruba tribe, a distinct menarche ritual involves building a soppina goodu (‘hut of greens’) where the menstruating girl must live in isolation, often for several weeks or even months. Constructed from branches and leaves, the hut is placed outside the family home. A female friend of similar age typically joins the girl, providing companionship—especially at night. The friend may attend school during the day but returns to the hut afterward to ensure the girl is not alone. An 18-year-old Jenu Kuruba participant explained: ‘They build it like a tent, out of greens, outside the house… usually the girl sits for around three or four months… if she knew a friend she could come and sit… you can’t look at men.’ Another woman (30 years) added: ‘…that is our tradition… during school time, they make the girl sit for 15 to 20 days. She can’t do anything… they can only see small boys, but no men.’ The length of seclusion during menarche varied widely and was influenced by village norms, the beliefs of elders—particularly grandmothers—and religious traditions. Duration ranged from no separation at all to over three months, with most girls separated for 15 days to two months. Among the Jenu Kuruba people, longer periods of isolation appeared more common. One participant (28 years) shared: ‘Yes, they sit inside for five or six months now. Some for even longer.’ Nearly half of the Jenu Kuruba girls were also not allowed to see the sun during this time: ‘She has to sit in the dark. They’ll put a light for her to write, to play, whatever she likes to do.’ Girls from all four tribes were prohibited from performing puja (in this context refers to ‘worship/prayer’), visiting temples, or entering the prayer room at their homes. Most were also restricted from performing household chores such as cleaning or outdoor tasks such as sweeping. They were not allowed in the kitchen or to cook. Nearly all girls could only eat hot food, believed to protect them from catching a cold, which was prepared and brought to them by a family member, usually the mother. Most girls showered multiple times daily during menstruation. Among the Jenu Kuruba and Betta Kuruba tribes, it was also common to apply arshina (turmeric) after showering. Most families did not send their daughters to school when they began menstruating. Some allowed girls to attend school eventually but required them to stay indoors for a few weeks after menarche. One 28-year-old Jenu Kuruba described her experience falling behind from staying separately at home for three months: ‘We didn’t study, we’re uneducated. We can’t let our children be the same—we want them to go to school and study.’ Among well-off families, a grand ceremony is held as the final ritual marking a girl’s transition into womanhood, following a period of seclusion. Central to this event is a puja (in this context, the term refers to a ‘religious function’) to protect the girl’s wellbeing. A 26-year-old Jenu Kuruba woman explained, ‘Now they do it with great vigour… people will go to work and bring back money, and they will do it very grand… they will put up [decorations] and serve lunch and breakfast… and will look at religious guidelines and they will put on a grand function…’ About half of the participants interviewed mentioned this ceremony, which varied in scale depending on the family’s financial means. After menarche, women continue to bathe multiple times a day during menstruation, more frequently than usual. A 22-year-old Jenu Kuruba participant shared, ‘I shower once a week [when not menstruating]’, while a 45-year-old Betta Kuruba woman said she bathed ‘probably every five or maybe every four days [when not menstruating].’ Cooking is a primary responsibility for tribal women, but during menstruation, most do not cook. Instead, their husbands or other family members prepare meals. If no one else is available, a woman may cook after showering. A 27-year-old Soliga woman explained, ‘We can’t touch the pots and pans… they don’t let us inside the house.’ About two-thirds of menstruating women across all four tribes were allowed to do outdoor chores, such as sweeping the porch and cleaning the yard, but not indoor tasks, such as cooking or cleaning the house. If they needed to provide income, they could work in the fields, but if they were not earning, they were expected to sit at home. Among the Jenu Kuruba and Betta Kuruba peoples, women were evenly divided between doing full housework—including cooking and cleaning—and being limited to outdoor chores. All women reported avoiding temples and prayer rooms during menstruation. The length of this restriction varied by tribe and village, ranging from seven to twelve days. A 31-year-old Betta Kuruba woman shared, ‘We don’t pray to the Gods. We won’t even touch the photo [of the Gods]… we don’t go into the prayer room, we don’t go to the temple.’ In all four tribes, most menstruating women reported sleeping separately from their families. While one Jenu Kuruba woman noted she faced no such restrictions, the majority slept in a separate room, outside the house, or in a separate structure altogether. A 20-year-old Yerava participant explained, ‘in some people’s houses they don’t go inside for five days, or they are outside up to seven days… they decide this based on their own Gods… it’s based on their own [family] traditions.’ Participants emphasised that the duration of separation was based more on cultural norms than the actual length of menstruation. As a 25-year-old Soliga woman put it, ‘After three days, regardless of whether you’re done or not, you have to go inside, and you have to cook.’ A Yerava woman provided additional context, ‘in some houses they don’t go in until five days, for others it’s seven days… it’s based on the tradition of your own house. In my house in the past, we didn’t go in for five days, but now there are no girls to cook, so we have to go inside after three days… Each house makes its own rules’ (20 years). Across all four tribes, women reported only discussing menstruation with other women—typically relatives or friends—and only when necessary, such as when experiencing problems or needing help with chores. As a 40-year-old Jenu Kuruba woman explained, ‘we give hot water, we cook for each other, if they don’t have—we bring them [menstrual] pads, we help them wash clothes, give them soap powder….’ Two women said they did not speak to anyone about menstruation. Conversations with men were rare and limited to husbands, usually only if there was a problem. A 24-year-old Jenu Kuruba woman shared, ‘If he asks me to serve dinner or something like that, I’ll tell him I have to go outside, I won’t go in the house. If there’s a problem, I’ll tell him, and he’ll take me to the hospital.’ All participants said they would not talk to their sons about it. When it comes to daughters, most women said they would only teach their daughters about menstruation after menarche. Despite feeling frightened or confused when they first menstruated, many hesitated to educate their daughters beforehand. A 23-year-old Betta Kuruba woman explained, ‘when [my girls] are small I won’t tell them, but after they’re grown up I will… teach them this is how it happens, this is how you have to be… then they will also understand [because they are older and would have experienced menstruation themselves].’ Women felt young girls would not understand the information or were still ‘small kids.’ Some said they would not teach their daughters at all, having learned to manage menstruation on their own. When asked what specifically they would teach their daughters after experiencing menstruation, common themes across all four tribes included the following: traditions and practices, hygiene, usage of menstrual products, and when and how to seek hospital care. The most common reason women followed menstrual practices was tradition—customs passed down through generations were seen as important to maintain. The second most common reason was pressure from elders, especially grandmothers, who urged younger women to continue traditions. This sense of obligation, reinforced by a community where such traditions are widely followed, led many women to comply. As a 30-year-old Betta Kuruba woman explained, ‘if we do these [practices] then all the [family] will be well. If we stop doing it, they won’t be well. They will get sick. And moving forward, it will only trouble the girl, especially during her marriage time.’ Another common belief was that these practices pleased God and that breaking them could bring divine punishment. A few women also followed the rules because men or priests told them to. Only Soliga women stated that pleasing God was a primary reason for following menstrual practices. Notably, while various forms of seclusion during menstruation were practised by all tribal groups in this study, participants expressed that seclusion was not rooted in notions of pollution or impurity, as commonly observed in other regions. Instead, participants described following these practices out of a sense of duty and respect for tradition. The motivation stemmed from a desire to uphold long-standing cultural customs rather than due to personal or social beliefs about impurity. One Yerava woman explained, ‘I do feel like [why am I doing this, I don’t want to do this] but then the traditions have been passed down from so long ago. I don’t want to change the rules now… They’ve made a tradition, so let us continue it’ (20 yrs). They did not want to be the ones responsible for letting a tradition fade away. Participants were asked to reflect on how menstrual practices have changed, or not, across generations. A common theme across all tribes was that menarche celebrations have become more elaborate. In the past, limited resources meant simpler functions, but today, families are more financially stable and able to host grand events that include a puja (in this context refers to a ‘religious function’) and meals for the entire village. Families take pride in organising these ceremonies. As a 31-year-old Betta Kuruba woman explained, ‘girls shouldn’t have problems [in the future], they should be well, their studies should go well…that is why we do it.’ Women from the Jenu Kuruba, Yerava, and Soliga tribes mostly agreed that menstrual practices were stricter in the past than at present. A 40-year-old Jenu Kuruba woman recalled, ‘They would give us a plate and a cup for dinner, and with that, a stick… you had to hit the cup with it and then they would bring you dinner, however, today such practices are [more] relaxed.’ In contrast, all Betta Kuruba participants felt that practices have become stricter over time. When asked about the reasons behind this, they explained that in the past, the Betta Kuruba worshipped their own Gods, which did not require menstrual restrictions. Over time have incorporated Hindu deities and blended Hinduism with their own folk traditions. As a result, menstrual practices associated with Hinduism have become integrated into tribal cultural norms. One Betta Kuruba woman explained the change like this, ‘back then it wasn’t this much… back then temple meant only the temple from our culture… now first it is our own Gods and then we follow outside [Hindu] Gods.]’ (45 years). Most mothers taught their daughters about menstruation after menarche, with the majority from the Jenu Kuruba, Betta Kuruba, and Soliga tribes wanting their daughters to follow the same menstrual practices as they followed or wish they could have followed if they had had the resources to do so. A 26-year-old Jenu Kuruba woman said, ‘I want her to do it because I didn’t. My wish is that I can do it [the practice of sitting inside once a girl attains menarche, as well as hosting a menarche function] for my daughter.’ While many mothers hoped their daughters continue these traditions, they acknowledged that doing so was ultimately their daughters’ choice, especially after marriage, when they might adopt new practices or stop altogether. Only one Betta Kuruba participant felt menstrual practices should change entirely. Yerava women, in contrast, were more lenient—especially around menarche—believing their daughters should attend school. Multiple participants across all four tribes also specified that except for menarche, they would send their daughters to school when they menstruated. Over half of the women in each of the four tribes said they did not know why menstruation occurs. The next most common belief, especially among Betta Kuruba women, was that menstruation ‘forces bad blood out of the body.’ One Betta Kuruba participant described the process as ‘the old blood, or waste blood, leaving’ (31 years). Similarly, a Jenu Kuruba woman said, ‘If there’s something in the body that shouldn’t be there, menstruation gets rid of it’ (40 years). Only three women saw menstruation as related to fertility. Most participants did not know what menstruation was until after menarche (26/28). The most common mode of information after attaining menarche was mothers, as well as older sisters, friends, or other seniors in school. When menstrual problems arise, they are discussed among the tribal women themselves, and they go to Vivekananda Memorial Hospital if the condition is severe, where they are treated. One explained it like this: ‘We talk [about menstruation] among [women]… if there’s a problem we talk to [men]… and then they take some money and we go to the hospital’ (Jenu Kuruba, 40 years). Women in each of the four tribes had mixed feelings about menstrual practices, but there was a consensus across all tribes that menstruation was a normal process, with women not imposing negative views of menstruation on themselves. A 20-year-old Yerava woman said, ‘It’s normal, it happens to all girls.’ Soliga and Yerava women were mostly indifferent or positive towards menstrual practices, indicating that they followed them out of obligation and a sense of duty to maintain long-standing customs. Half of Soliga women said that they felt no difference in their lives regardless of whether they were menstruating or not, but the other half said their lives ‘became easier due to the practices.’ Betta Kuruba women also felt mostly indifferent but expressed some pride, viewing the traditions as part of their culture. All Betta Kuruba and Yerava women except one said that they believed their lives became easier while following menstrual practices. One Yerava woman (27 years) explained it this way: ‘when I was younger, I got bored sitting inside. Now I feel like sitting inside [while menstruating].’ A Betta Kuruba participant explained that ‘at the beginning when it first starts… we don’t have to go anywhere, we don’t have any work to do, they just make us sit inside, and because of that we get some rest’ (31 years). Participants described menstrual traditions and practices as originally intended to provide rest and seclusion for menstruating women; however, in practice, this intention was often not realised. About half of women interviewed from the Jenu Kuruba tribe said that they believe their lives become more difficult during menstruation, regardless of the traditions. Jenu Kuruba women who had to work in fields to earn additional income felt as though menstrual traditions led to more difficulty rather than providing rest. One explained, ‘you can’t say I won’t do this, I won’t do that, I’m tired… even if you are, you work… you drink some water and you keep working’ (Jenu Kuruba, 26 years). Women from the Jenu Kuruba tribe expressed a variety of views surrounding menstruation. Most of the women interviewed said that men did not believe menstruating women were impure. When asked to explain why society follows menstrual traditions, one Yerava woman (27 years) explained it this way, ‘[educated people] understand why [menstruation] happens… practices such as not touching menstruating women continue since they are rooted in tradition.’ Women from the Jenu Kuruba people expressed that they feel community pressure to continue following their menstrual practices, and stated that because they live in a village, practices are stricter compared to city areas. It was also important for them to be able to go to the hospital to get treatment for menstrual problems, such as extreme pain. Another theme that emerged was that community members were not openly strict concerning traditional menstrual practices. If a woman stopped following these practices, community members might talk about it amongst themselves, but no one would force the woman to continue to follow the practices. One Yerava woman (27 years) explained, ‘nothing will happen if we stop following these practices. We do them because they are old traditions.’ Many mothers acknowledged that their daughters would follow the menstrual traditions of wherever they lived in the future. After marriage, depending on the village lived in, their daughter might need to adhere to stricter or more lenient practices. If their daughters moved to the city, where they will not have family help during menstruation, it was understandable if she stopped following traditional practices.

Participants from tribal communities in South Karnataka demonstrated comparatively progressive attitudes and practices with respect to menstruation, offering a departure from the restrictive norms commonly reported in prior research from India. Our findings reveal that women in the Betta Kuruba, Soliga, and Yerava tribes exhibit comparable menstrual practices, while members of the Jenu Kuruba tribe adhere to slightly more restrictive customs. Despite limited menstrual knowledge, attitudes towards menstruation in all four tribes were generally positive, with women largely rejecting notions of menstrual impurity. Mothers stressed the importance of their daughters’ continued education during menstruation and expressed a willingness to grant them autonomy over future menstrual decision-making. While these findings suggest a more positive perception of menstruation than is commonly assumed, they also underscore the need for targeted menstrual education for adults and pre-menarchal girls. Specifically, there is a need for education modules that cover basic anatomy and physiology, reproductive health, and menstrual conditions (dysmenorrhea, endometriosis, etc.), among other topics.

Our findings indicate a relative openness in attitudes and practices surrounding menstruation among the four tribal groups included in this study—distinct from other studies on menstrual practices in India. According to the women interviewed, menstruation was generally viewed as a normal bodily process by both men and women, and they were not generally considered impure during menstruation. However, most women did not know the reason why menstruation occurs and only learned about it after menarche. Overall, menstrual practice adherence varied by tribe and haadi, with the Jenu Kuruba tribe following slightly stricter practices than the Betta Kuruba, Soliga and Yerava tribes. A key finding in this study was the rejection of the notion of ‘menstrual impurity’ by participants. Women from all four tribes generally did not view themselves as impure or untouchable while menstruating. They considered menstruation a normal bodily process. Their main reason for continuing to follow menstrual traditions was because generations before them had practised them. This finding contrasts with much of the published literature on the subject. In many low-income countries, menstruation is associated with impurity, shame, and uncleanliness ( Hennegan et al. 2019 ). The practice of sleeping separately from the rest of the family, along with other such restrictive practices usually stemmed from the supposed impurity of the menstruating person ( Thakur et al. 2014 ). However, women from all four tribes still have limited accurate menstrual knowledge and and found it hard to answer questions regarding why and how menstruation occurs. This finding matches the general pattern among women and girls in rural India ( Basavaraju et al. 2019 ; Shah et al. 2013 ), which suggests that many menstruating women in rural India have limited knowledge about what is occurring in their bodies ( Kumari et al. 2021 ). Most of their information comes from friends, which can contribute to misinformation and the perpetuation of taboos ( Dhingra, Kumar, and Kaur 2009 ; Singh 2006 ). The primary source of information about menstruation for girls in the Munda Tribe in Northeast India was friends, and after that, their mothers ( Kumari et al. 2021 ). Gujjar girls from Jammu and Kashmir, believe that menstruation involves the removal of ‘bad blood’ from the body ( Dhingra, Kumar, and Kour 2009 ), which aligns with the responses of many women in this study. This is the first study to explore menstrual knowledge and experiences among the Jenu Kuruba, Betta Kuruba, Soliga, and Yerava tribal groups in India. However, only a limited number of interviews took place with members of the Soliga and Yerava tribes, so it is impossible to be sure that the opinions expressed were more generally held. Future studies should consider building upon this work to further clarify trends and determine whether the findings are more widely applicable.

Menstruation is a natural, physiological process experienced by nearly half of the world’s population. However, cultural practices, traditions, and societal views surrounding menstruation vary widely across contexts ( Yaliwal et al. 2020 ). Menstruation affects multiple aspects of daily life, including social participation, educational experiences, health outcomes, and economic advancement. A comprehensive understanding of menstrual health extends beyond access to safe and affordable menstrual products—it also includes considerations of quality of life while menstruating, along with the ability to participate in day-to-day activities without stigma or restriction ( Babbar et al. 2022 ; Kadir, Edlund, and Von Mackensen 2010 ). In India, menstrual practices are shaped by region, culture, and religion. While some view menstruation as a natural process, others see it as a means of expelling bodily toxins ( Bhatt and Bhatt 2005 ). Across both rural and urban areas, many women and girls face restrictions during menstruation, particularly regarding participation in religious and social activities ( Kumari et al. 2021 ; Thakur et al. 2014 ). In Vijayapura, 40% of rural and 45% of urban girls reported avoiding cultural and religious functions while menstruating ( Yaliwal et al. 2020 ). Among the Munda tribal people in Jharkhand, 74% of girls reported being barred from visiting religious places or offering prayers ( Kumari et al. 2021 ). Religious restrictions—such as not touching sacred texts or entering temples—are also common among urban women ( Garg, Sharma, and Sahay 2001 ). In some communities, menstruators sleep separately or even outside the home ( Yaliwal et al. 2020 ). While numerous studies have explored menstrual traditions and health across India, few have focused on tribal communities. One such study explored menstruation among tribal women in Jammu and Kashmir who practise Islam. They believe themselves to be impure when menstruating and consider menstrual blood ‘dirty.’ The women go to extreme lengths to avoid being detected as menstruating, including pretending to fast during Ramadan ( Asmat, Manhas, and Dolkar 2019 ). Members of the Munda tribe in Jharkhand mainly follow Christianity yet hold similar beliefs about menstrual blood being ‘dirty.’ There is limited intergenerational communication regarding menstruation, and it is believed that menstruating women should not partake in prayers or religious events ( Kumari et al. 2021 ). Among tribal populations in Central India which are majority Hindu, avoiding religious events and isolating during menstruation are common ( Borkar et al. 2022 ). Indigenous tribes of Wayanad, Kerala, believe that women are possessed by demons, and therefore impure while menstruating ( Sreedevi et al. 2023 ). Building upon this limited body of work, this study examines how tribal women residing along the borders of Nagarahole and Bandipur National Parks navigate menstruation within their unique social landscapes, shedding light on the interplay between tradition, agency, and structural constraints. To our knowledge, this is the first study to explore menstrual traditions and attitudes within these tribal groups. In India, several tribal groups live in or around conserved forests. Reserve Forests cover 30% of the Kodagu region and were created by the Karnataka Forest Department in 1878, which is where Nagarahole and Bandipur National Parks are situated. The Jenu Kuruba, Betta Kuruba, Soliga and Yerava tribal people historically lived in and near these national parks and parts of the Western Ghats (a mountain range across the Western coast of India). However, over the years, Indigenous people’s rights to use the forest have been restricted to only gathering firewood and grazing cattle in the forests ( Demps et al. 2012 ). With the building of the Kabini Dam (on the Kabini River on ancestral tribal lands), tribal groups were relocated to the fringes of the national parks and provided with government housing, which is where they currently reside ( Pujar 2023 ). Historically a nomadic tribe, the Jenu Kuruba were hunter gatherers. They primarily moved through what is now Nagarahole National Park ( Mahanty 2003 ). In Kannada, the local language, jenu kuruba translates to ‘honey collectors’, which was their traditional occupation. Nowadays, along with honey gathering, Jenu Kuruba are also labourers on nearby coffee estates ( Demps et al. 2012 ). They are classified as a Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Group, meaning they live in isolated areas and have limited access to technology. Overall social and economic change is slow to occur in these communities ( Nagendra 2024 ). The total Jenu Kuruba population is estimated at 36,000 ( Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner and India 2011 ). The Betta Kuruba, a culturally and linguistically distinct tribe, were also historically nomadic hunter-gatherers, and engage in agriculture and basket weaving ( Mahanty 2003 ). Nowadays the practice of basket weaving has declined and most Betta Kuruba grow crops or travel to neighbouring states to work as labourers. Many young Betta Kuruba people are also hired as forest watchers by the Karnataka Forest Department ( Pujar 2023 ). The Soliga tribe also share an intimate connection with the forest. Until their land was declared a wildlife sanctuary in 1972, they collected non-timber forest products and participated in shifting cultivation (a sustainable farming practice where crops are grown on one plot of land for a few years and then shifted to another place), which has since declined ( Madegowda 2009 ). There is little to no information published on the Yerava tribe, besides dated census records. Against this background, and in relation to the Jenu Kuruba, Betta Kuruba, Soliga and Yerava peoples, this study aimed to: Investigate menstrual experiences and traditions including knowledge, attitudes, and practices; Examine similarities and differences between and across the four tribal groups under study concerning menstrual practices and traditions; and Study the evolution of menstrual traditions and practices across generations. Investigate menstrual experiences and traditions including knowledge, attitudes, and practices; Examine similarities and differences between and across the four tribal groups under study concerning menstrual practices and traditions; and Study the evolution of menstrual traditions and practices across generations.