Purchasing Intimacy: Emotional Consumption Patterns in Live- Stream Tipping

Purchasing Intimacy: Emotional Consumption Patterns in Live- Stream Tipping | Research Square window.SnipcartSettings = { analytics: { enabled: false } }; (function() { var accessVector = localStorage.getItem('access_vector') || ''; window.dataLayer = window.dataLayer || []; if (accessVector) { window.dataLayer.push({ user: { profile: { profileInfo: { snid: accessVector } } } }); } })(); (function(w,d,s,l,i){w[l]=w[l]||[];w[l].push({'gtm.start':new Date().getTime(),event:'gtm.js'});var f=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],j=d.createElement(s),dl=l!='dataLayer'?'&l='+l:'';j.async=true;j.src='https://www.googletagmanager.com/gtm.js?id='+i+dl;f.parentNode.insertBefore(j,f);})(window,document,'script','dataLayer','GTM-K279D39R'); Browse Preprints In Review Journals COVID-19 Preprints AJE Video Bytes Research Tools Research Promotion AJE Professional Editing AJE Rubriq About Preprint Platform In Review Editorial Policies Our Team Advisory Board Help Center Sign In Submit a Preprint Cite Share Download PDF Article Purchasing Intimacy: Emotional Consumption Patterns in Live- Stream Tipping Huawen Cui, Shiqian Wu This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-7991233/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Under Review Version 1 posted 10 You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract This study explores the live-stream tipping practices of Chinese audiences, emphasizing the emotional consumption motives and gendered interaction dynamics embedded in these behaviors. With digital live streaming becoming a normalized mode of entertainment and communication, tipping has evolved into a distinctive channel through which individuals engage in mediated forms of sociality and pursue emotional comfort. Drawing on entertainment-oriented live streams on Chinese apps as the empirical context, this research adopts a qualitative approach that uses semi-structured interviews with streamers and audiences. The analysis identifies two emotionally driven modes of tipping: the “romantic-fantasy” type and the “quasi-kin companionship” type. The romantic-fantasy form predominantly occurs in cross-sex contexts, where tipping functions as a means for audiences to secure individualized emotional attention from streamers, co-creating a form of virtual intimacy . In contrast, the quasi-kin companionship form is largely gender-neutral allowing audiences to perceive streamers as familiar companions and cultivate enduring relational bonds through sustained, small-scale tipping, thereby constructing an “internet family.” Overall, this article contends that live-stream tipping cannot be reduced to a simple economic exchange. Rather, as a practice of emotional consumption, it illuminates the layered processes of emotional commodification in the digital media environment and reveals the gendered contours of affective interaction within online communities. Humanities/Cultural and media studies Social science/Cultural and media studies Biological sciences/Psychology Social science/Psychology live-stream live-stream tipping emotional consumption virtual intimacy gender performativity 1. Introduction With the rapid development of the internet, people’s modes of leisure and entertainment have shifted from offline to online spaces. Supported by digital platforms and streaming technologies, live streaming has become an indispensable form of interactive online engagement in everyday life. According to the China Online Audio-Visual Development Report (2025) , by the end of 2024, the number of live-stream users in China had surpassed 830 million, accounting for 75.2 % of all internet users (Xinhua Net, 2025) [1] . In a typical live-streaming session, hosts create “rooms” through online platforms to broadcast real-time video content to audiences, who can respond through likes, comments, and tipping. In terms of content categories, live streaming in China can generally be divided into e-commerce streams, educational or knowledge-based streams, and entertainment-oriented streams. Among these, entertainment live streaming most vividly reflects the emotional interaction between streamers and viewers. Moreover, such virtual relationships are often sustained through paid interactions such as tipping. For this reason, this study focuses on entertainment live streaming as its primary field of analysis. In this context, streamers engage with audiences through singing, dancing, chatting, and other performative acts. Their income largely depends on audiences’ tipping behavior—where tippers send virtual gifts to express appreciation for the streamer or the content. Upon receiving these tips, streamers often reciprocate through personalized responses or symbolic acknowledgments, creating a digital exchange embedded in social and emotional reciprocity. Empirical data suggest that approximately 66.8 percent of Chinese live-stream viewers have tipped at least once (Sina Finance, 2018) [2] , and by 2017, the live-streaming industry’s total revenue exceeded 30 billion yuan (EntBrains, 2018) [3] . These figures demonstrate that both live streaming and tipping have become defining phenomena of the digital era. Existing scholarship on live-stream tipping has primarily focused on issues of consumption , relationship-building , and emotional interaction . Some studies, adopting the streamer’s perspective, examine the emotional labor processes and gendered power relations that structure live-streaming interactions (Liu and Fan, 2025). Others analyze the audience perspective, identifying psychological and affective motivations that drive tipping, for instance, the finding that streamers’ positive emotions can enhance audiences’ affective engagement, thereby stimulating tipping behavior (Lin, Yao, and Chen, 2021). Building on these insights, the present study integrates perspectives from the consuming sociology and the emotion sociology to explore the emotional consumption logic underlying tipping behavior in Chinese entertainment live streaming. Using one of the Chinese entertainment-oriented live-streaming platforms as a representative case, the research employs semi-structured interviews with streamers and audiences, aiming to illuminate emerging patterns of affective consumption in the digital era and to uncover how emotional commodification intersects with gendered cultural dynamics in contemporary Chinese society. 2. Literature Review 2.1 Emotional Consumption: A New Consumption Pattern in Modern Society Human emotions are socially constructed and shaped by cultural ideologies, values, and norms that are embedded within broader social structures (Stets and Turner, 2014 ). Since the 1970s, the rise of post-industrial society and the expansion of the service economy have significantly advanced the “emotional turn” in social theory, linking emotions to work, labor, and employment through processes of commercialization. Hochschild ( 1979 ), in her research on flight attendants, pioneered the concept of emotional labor, identifying the mechanisms through which actors regulate feelings and manage emotional displays to conform to organizational expectations. Emotional needs are among the basic human requirements, yet under the rationalized mechanisms of contemporary society, the ways in which these needs are satisfied have undergone fundamental transformation (Giddens, 1992 ). As authentic emotions have become increasingly privatized, mediated, and anonymous forms of virtual emotion have emerged, giving rise to the marketization of affect. In modern life, emotional fulfillment is increasingly achieved through consumption. The commodification of emotion has produced a flourishing “emotion industry,” characterized by the commercialization of feeling and affective experience (Wang, 2000 ). Within this emotional economy, the entertainment industry generates “happiness” through sensory stimulation and pleasure, offering consumers a temporary form of emotional satisfaction that alleviates the emptiness and stress of everyday life (Rojek, 1993 ). With the advent of the post-industrial “consumer society,” consumption has gradually replaced production as the organizing center of social life. As Bourdieu ( 1984 ) argues, consumption is not merely an economic activity but a key arena for expressing social distinction and cultural identity. The emergence of digital platforms has further facilitated the acquisition of emotional experience, expanding the contexts in which emotional consumption takes place. However, technological convenience has not diminished consumers’ desire for high-intensity affective experiences (Bulboacă et al., 2025 ). Emotional consumption refers to the pattern of consumer behavior in which purchasing decisions are primarily driven by emotional needs rather than by utilitarian considerations. Consumers engage in consumption to achieve psychological comfort, emotional release, or spiritual relief. The notion aligns with Tauber’s ( 1972 ) “shopping motivation theory,” which posits that consumption serves not only to satisfy material needs but also to provide entertainment, self-pleasure, and opportunities for social interaction. Typical manifestations of emotional consumption include stress-relief products, virtual companionship services, and the broader “healing economy.” Its defining feature lies in the predominance of emotional over functional value: through consumption, individuals seek emotional compensation, identity affirmation, and symbolic belonging. 2.2 Relational Purchase: Emotional Consumption in Live-Stream Tipping The motivational basis of emotional consumption lies in individuals’ desire for emotional value. Live-streaming platforms provide a unique context for such consumption, where immediate interactivity allows for direct emotional exchange and rapid feedback, further strengthening the connection between consumer behavior and emotional satisfaction. Research investigating the psychological motivations of viewers in tipping shows that these actions enable individuals to achieve personal social gratification within digital spaces (Khan and Belk, 2024 ). Moreover, tipping amounts are positively associated with audiences’ income levels, the perceived magnitude of rewards, and the probability of winning (Yan, Keller, and Campo, 2023 ). Streamer affect also plays a critical role. Positive emotions exhibited by streamers can enhance audience enjoyment via an “emotional contagion” mechanism, increasing both tipping amounts and interaction frequency (Lin, Yao, and Chen, 2021 ). However, competitive dynamics may also arise: when audiences observe substantial tipping by others, a “crowding-out” effect may occur, reducing their own tipping and engagement (Yao, Lu, and Chen, 2024 ). These findings illustrate the complexity of relational purchase behaviors and the networked characteristics of live-streaming interactions. Relational purchases in live streaming are realized not only through the amount tipped but also through the type of virtual gift provided. Beyond attracting streamer attention, audiences often seek to construct virtual friendships. Research demonstrates that viewers’ identification with streamers can transform tipping from a simple purchase of social attention into a form of relational investment, reinforcing a sense of shared community with the streamer (Wu et al., 2022 ). Streamers can further enhance this sense of social presence by sharing personal stories, cultivating parasocial interactions that generate “friend-like” emotional connections and motivate viewers to pay for this virtual companionship. Gendered dynamics are deeply embedded in these relational exchanges. Streamer-audience interactions show pronounced gendered patterns: for example, female streamers’ emotional offerings often need to align with male audiences’ aesthetic and psychological expectations, while male viewers’ tipping functions as a purchase of such gendered emotional labor (Liu and Fan, 2025 ). Importantly, these virtual intimacies are bounded: female streamers must avoid over-investing emotionally, while male viewers, although purchasing “virtual intimacy,” maintain a degree of vigilance regarding such closeness (Ye, Dong, and Kavka, 2022 ). In the Chinese live-streaming context, streamers’ physical attractiveness can significantly influence both audience size and tipping behavior (Yuan et al., 2025 ), yet appearance is not a necessary condition for emotional consumption. Women are more likely to respond to gendered emotional cues such as warmth and attentiveness, whereas men tend to be drawn to cues associated with success and dominance (Bao and Huang, 2023 ). In chat-based streams, viewers purchase relational intimacy through tipping, and streamers employ stylized vocal patterns, scripted text, and empathetic or affective strategies to create a sense of closeness (Pan, 2018 ). Furthermore, dedicated fan groups and exclusive interactions—such as lotteries or red-envelope rewards—allow streamers to consolidate emotional bonds, while sustained tipping provides fans with a sense of community membership, reinforcing the stability of emotional contracts (Zhao and Shi, 2024 ). To investigate the psychological motivations and social logics underlying live-stream tipping as a form of emotional consumption in the digital era, this study examines entertainment live streams using a qualitative approach. It addresses the following core questions: (1)What are the characteristic patterns of emotional consumption embedded in live-stream tipping behavior? (2)How do these patterns manifest in practice, including interaction rituals and forms of capital conversion? (3)How do differences in these emotional consumption patterns reflect and reshape social gender norms and interaction scripts? This approach aims to illuminate the complex dynamics of emotional commodification and the relational processes embedded in consumption. 3. Methodology 3.1 Research Participants Taking the entertainment-oriented live stream as an example, this research setting is one of the most widely used live-streaming platforms in China. To systematically capture the structure of emotional consumption and the patterns of gendered interaction on the platform, streamers were categorized into four tiers based on the size of their real-time audience: (1) top-tier streamers with national influence, attracting more than 10,000 concurrent audiences; (2) first-tier streamers with a large fan base, drawing approximately 5,000 concurrent audiences; (3) mid-tier streamers with a stable audience of around 500 concurrent users; and (4) small-scale streamers with a limited and fixed fan base, typically under 100 concurrent audiences. This stratified sampling strategy enables the study to encompass streamers and audiences across different visibility levels, providing a comprehensive understanding of both the differences and commonalities in emotional consumption behaviors. In addition, this research recruited 18 frequent live-stream streamers and audiences using snowball sampling to participate in semi-structured interviews. These interviews explored participants’ tipping motivations, the extent of their emotional engagement, and their perceptions of gender norms within the live-streaming context. 3.2 Data Collection Data collection for this study was conducted in 2025 and commenced only after ethical approval had been granted. All interviews were carried out after written informed consent had been obtained between 10 January 2025 and 23 April 2025, in accordance with institutional ethical standards. To enrich the data, eight entertainment streamers and ten audience members who frequently engage in live-streaming activities were recruited and using semi-structured interview. All interviews were conducted online with participants’ informed consent and lasted approximately 60–90 minutes. With participants’ permission, interviews were audio-recorded and subsequently transcribed for textual analysis. 3.3 Ethical Considerations All procedures involving human participants were conducted in accordance with the ethical standards of the institutional and national research committees and with the 1964 Helsinki Declaration and its later amendments or comparable ethical guidelines. The study received approval from the institutional ethics committee (Approval No. XDYX202511K67, approved on 14 November 2024). This study adhered to established ethical principles for interviews and Internet-based research in the social sciences. Social media data were accessed and analyzed in accordance with the platform’s terms of use and all applicable institutional and national regulations. For the interviews, all participants provided written informed consent, signing the consent form immediately before each interview after receiving a full explanation of the study from the interviewer. Participants were informed of the study’s purpose, procedures, confidentiality safeguards, the voluntary nature of participation, and the specific uses of their data. The scope of the written consent included participation in the interview, permission for audio-recording, use of anonymized data for analysis, and consent to publish anonymized quotations or findings. Participants were also informed that audio recordings and field notes would be used solely for research purposes and would be securely stored to prevent unauthorized access. In addition, they were reminded of their right to withdraw at any time and their right to request the removal of their data prior to any public dissemination. No oral consent procedures were used. No sensitive populations, including minors, were involved in the study. The research team conducted multiple rounds of internal review of the interview questions to ensure that no sensitive issues were introduced. All interviewees were assigned pseudonyms, and any potentially identifying information was removed from transcripts and field notes to ensure anonymity. 3.4 Data Analysis All materials were transcribed and analyzed using thematic analysis (Braun and Clarke, 2006 ). Initial coding focused on practices of emotional consumption, such as gift-giving, symbolic exchanges, and emotional expression, followed by higher-order coding to identify underlying gendered logics and normative structures. Data were organized and managed using NVivo software, facilitating systematic comparisons across streamer and viewer categories. This study aims to provide a detailed account of how emotional consumption in live streaming intertwines with the reproduction and contestation of gender norms. 4. Findings 4.1 Two Patterns of Emotional Consumption: “Romantic-Fantasy” Type vs. “Quasi-Kin Companionship” Type In the process of modernization, consumption has extended beyond the fulfillment of material desires to encompass practices aimed at manipulating symbolic objects for various purposes. At the level of everyday life, consumption serves goals such as constructing identity, shaping the self, and building relationships with others (Richard, 1992). Emotional consumption, in particular, refers to economic expenditures aimed at achieving emotional satisfaction, including both self-construction and the purchase of relational experiences. Live streaming is a direct product of the information age and exemplifies the pervasive entertainmentization of society. From the perspective of Collins’ interaction ritual chains theory, live streaming can be understood as an “interaction ritual”, characterized by four elements: co-presence, clear boundaries, a focus of attention, and emotional synchrony (Collins, 2004 ). Interaction rituals enable individuals to accumulate emotional energy, and through the process of tipping, audiences gain a sense of being noticed, accepted, and integrated. At a micro level, tipping behaviors also contribute to the construction of broader social interaction rules. To systematically examine the phenomenon of emotional consumption in live-stream tipping, this study applies Weber’s ideal type theory to classify viewer behaviors based on empirical materials (Weber, 1949 ). Considering the target of consumption, the consuming subject, content, and manner of consumption, tipping behaviors are categorized into two types: the “romantic-fantasy” type and the “quasi-kin companionship” type. The specific behavioral characteristics are summarized in Table 1 . Table 1 Typology of Emotional Consumption in Live-Stream Tipping Romantic-Fantasy Tipping Quasi-Kin Companionship Tipping Consumption Target Attractive, charismatic, talented Approachable, friendly, good at listening and chatting Consumption Subject Viewer-streamer interactions typically cross-sex No obvious gender preference Live-Stream Content Appearance, talent performances or entertainment-oriented content Chatting, emotional listening or everyday life content Consumption Pattern Impulsive, large-scale, attention-seeking Stable, small-scale, long-term relational Motivation Romance, admiration, sexual fantasy Friendship, familial feeling, sense of belonging Expected Relationship Romantic relation – virtual lover Friendship relation – virtual companionship Psychological Need Fantasy fulfillment, escape from reality Alleviation of loneliness, compensation for social deficit Within the emotional consumption landscape of live streaming, these two patterns revolve around different relational imaginaries and exhibit distinct consumption logics. On one hand, the romantic-fantasy type centers on the romanticized construction of a lover-like relationship. Streamers attract tips primarily through physical attractiveness, talent, and sexual appeal, and interactions are often gendered, typically occurring between male and female participants. Live-stream content in this mode emphasizes appearance, talent performances, and other entertainment-oriented displays, while viewers tip impulsively or in large amounts, motivated by admiration or sexual fantasy, with the aim of cultivating a sense of intimate romantic connection with the streamer. On the other hand, the quasi-kin companionship type focuses on friendship- or family-like companionship. Streamers in this mode are generally approachable, friendly, and attentive listeners, and viewers exhibit no clear gender preference. Content tends toward chatting, emotional listening, and everyday life scenarios. Audiences engage in small, long-term tipping behaviors aimed at building online friendships, alleviating loneliness, and compensating for social deficits. Although these two emotional consumption models differ in terms of emotional demands and behavioral characteristics, they share a common feature: both demonstrate how emotional consumption in live streaming serves relational construction. The romantic-fantasy type seeks to establish a romanticized virtual intimacy, whereas the quasi-kin companionship type fosters companion-like virtual social connections. 4.2 Purchasing Romance: Heterosexual-Dominated Intimacy The romantic-fantasy pattern of emotional consumption centers on the construction of virtual intimacy through heterosexual attraction between streamers and audiences, with tipping serving as the primary mechanism for “purchasing” this romantic fantasy. Given that fan volume partially determines a streamer’s popularity and income, platform rules indirectly shape the interaction patterns and tipping behaviors of audiences as consuming subjects, resulting in differentiated behavioral characteristics. 4.2.1 Streamers as Consumable Actors: Gender Performance and Commodification of Emotional Labour In entertainment-oriented live streams emphasizing high physical attractiveness, sexual appeal, or talent, tipping behaviors exhibit clear gendered patterns. Female viewers tend to tip male streamers, while male viewers predominantly tip female streamers, reflecting the social prevalence of heterosexuality. Interactions between viewers and streamers are heavily gendered in language and behavior. According to the Gender Performativity theory, gender is constructed through repeated speech acts and behaviors (Butler, 1990 ). Streamers and tippers collaboratively perform romantic scripts aligned with heterosexual norms, reinforcing gender role expectations. For instance, during the interview, a male streamer X mentioned that he would use terms of endearment such as “babe (宝宝)” to psychologically bridge intimacy with female audiences, while female streamer NN compliments male tippers as “the most handsome man,” framing tipping as a means for male viewers to display dominant masculinity (Connell, 2005 ), which can lead to further tipping behavior. For instance, “User T” expressed that he felt a sense of satisfaction in terms of ‘face’ (面子; reputation) after tipping. Gendered interactions in live-stream tipping effectively commodify romantic fantasy. Many streamers generate commercial value by managing their own emotions, selling intimate feelings as marketable products (Hochschild, 2012 ). Through emotional labor, streamers stimulate tippers’ romantic fantasies and sustain ongoing consumption relationships. For example, streamer G engages in coquettish behaviors and uses personalized nicknames to directly cater to tippers’ expectations of intimacy, turning romantic fantasy into a recognizable and consumable cultural product while constructing a “quasi-romantic” social interaction script (Goffman, 1959 ). This intensive emotional labor creates the illusion of a unique, exclusive intimacy, eliciting feelings of being specially attended to. In the case of streamer W, he talked about that his female tippers were experiencing a sense of “singular” romantic attention when receiving his personalized care, exemplifying the successful commodification of emotional labor in the live-streaming context. 4.2.2 The Tipping "Gold-Master": Capital Conversion and Simulacral Consumption in the Field From the perspective of the consuming subjects, romantic-fantasy tipping sometimes extends beyond simple emotional exchange, functioning as a form of emotional satisfaction derived from symbolic consumption. The live-streaming environment constitutes a distinct field in which different forms of capital—economic, symbolic, and emotional—interact and transform (Bourdieu, 1986). Audiences who tip in this field convert their economic capital into visible symbolic capital, such as prestige, status, and recognition within the specific live-stream community. Such consumption operates as a strategy of differentiation, distinguishing high-value tippers from ordinary viewers and signaling both economic capability and social standing. For example, one interviewee, Lin, noted: “ It feels great; everyone in the live room knows that I am the most special to VV. What you are spending is not money—it’s a matter of ‘face’ She makes exceptions for you, thanks you, and others respect you, seeing you as someone important. ” Moreover, tipping behavior generates a simulacral romantic fantasy within the live-streaming field—a hyperreal symbolic system co-constructed by the platform, streamers, and viewers (Baudrillard, 1994 ). When talking about the interactions between streamers and audiences, the streamer X expressed that he would employ some ambiguous language and interactive cues to psychologically draw viewers closer. For instance, X responded to tips with comments such as: “Only my ‘babe’ cares about me; you just cannot stand seeing me being bullied by others (after PK battle) [4] . ” These simulations of “intimate relationships” satisfy the standardized consumerist definitions of romance even more effectively than real emotions. When streamer G responds with phrases like “ I knew you would treat me best ”, she performs the symbolic role of the “romantic response” within the consumption relationship, completing a simulacral consumption of cross-sex romantic fantasy between streamer and viewer. 4.2.3 Practical Logic: Post-Modern Risk Society and Emotional Regulation A core feature of modernity is the modernization of the private sphere, which entails historical transformations in family and intimate relationships (Giddens, 1992 ). The increased social mobility of contemporary society creates uncertainty in interpersonal relationships, giving rise to “emotional anxiety” over the stability of love and intimacy. In this context, “romantic-fantasy” tipping provides an immediate and controllable emotional connection that alleviates such uncertainty. However, the “romantic love” generated through live-stream tipping is not a purely intrinsic relationship maintained solely by personal satisfaction; the live-stream field is marked by power dynamics akin to a Foucauldian panoptic surveillance (Foucault, 1979 ). On one hand, there is a sexual gaze between streamers and viewers. In the context of “romantic-fantasy” tipping, viewers often objectify streamers as attainable sexual resources, and streamers must practice self-discipline under the surveillance of both viewers and the platform. They need to accurately capture the emotional demands of high-spending viewers and adjust their performance strategies accordingly. For instance, a female streamer Nana said “I usually use ‘home’ to refer to my live-stream room, such as ‘We go back our home and I’ll dance for you guys if we win this PK’” during a PK session, using language to include the consumer in shared “we” and “home”, stimulating protective instincts and responsibility, thereby mobilizing emotional engagement and capital conversion. On the other hand, platform-mediated monitoring through traffic and algorithms further regulates streamer behavior. Interaction patterns differ depending on live room size: larger rooms show less sexual interaction, while smaller rooms exhibit more pronounced gendered behavior. When interviewing small-size streamers, they said that consumers may request them to dance, flirtation, or even mildly sexualized performances, and streamers often respond to maintain income, leading to tipping. Platforms exercise disciplinary power through algorithms, commodifying both the body and emotions of streamers. Romantic-fantasy consumption thus functions as a form of sexualized labor exploitation, especially for small-scale streamers. With fewer high-spending viewers, streamers rely on these regular consumers to sustain income, often needing to meet their emotional demands or navigate borderline sexualized requests. This economic-to-sexualized capital exchange reflects the patriarchal “sex-for-money” dynamics in the digital space. It is also important to note that sexual minority groups, such as LGBTQ + streamers, often face marginalization. Platform mechanisms restrict same-sex intimacy and related topics, limiting interactions. Despite increasing social acceptance, stigmatization persists, and LGBTQ + streamers in public live streams risk harassment or reporting. Consequently, both streamers and audiences from sexual minority groups are often unable to engage fully in a straight tipping-based emotional consumption. 4.3 Seeking Companionship: Degendered Quasi-Kinship Relations The “quasi-kin companionship” mode of emotional consumption centers on the construction of degendered friendship or kin-like relationships between streamers and viewers. Unlike the “romantic-fantasy” tipping pattern, which is driven by viewers’ flirtatious admiration toward the opposite sex, tipping behaviors in live-streaming rooms featuring average-looking yet talented streamers often stem from appreciation, emotional resonance, or a sense of familial or friendly attachment toward the streamer. 4.3.1 From “Severed Kinship” to “Internet Kinship”: Emotional Support and Value Exchange The essence of the “quasi-kin companionship” tipping model lies in a form of consumption directed toward emotional satisfaction—an exchange between “emotional support” and “virtual tipping.” The phenomenon of “quasi-kinship” has become increasingly common in contemporary Chinese society. Due to intergenerational pressure and emotional distance, many young people tend to “sever” (断亲) or “weaken” relationships (弱亲) with their original families, while seeking new forms of kinship in online spaces (Zhu and Wu, 2025 ). Min, a 25-year-old recent college graduate and frequent viewer of a top-tier streamer GD (streamer's pseudonym), described how watching GD’s streams helped her cope with workplace frustration: Min: "I almost watch GD's live every day; his live is really so funny, you also know he is not good-looking, but he is very humorous, so since I started working I began to watch him, it has been more than two years... I don't have any ideas about male streamers like other female fans do, I just feel GD is a good friend of mine whom I have never met... Every day I will finish the fan-club tasks (粉丝团任务) 5 , and then watch his live for about three or four hours." For Min, GD’s humor alleviated her daily stress, and her consistent viewing and engagement represent an implicit form of payment for emotional comfort. This emotional-driven consumption resonates with Miura Atsushi’s (2014) concept of “creative consumption”, in which consumers use spending to construct an ideal lifestyle. In this sense, the purchase of “emotional value” in quasi-kinship tipping exemplifies the materialization of this concept. Another interviewee, Qi, a nurse who often works night shifts, expressed that spending around 10,000 RMB on tipping: Qi: "I spend very little in daily life, but I will recharge some amount in live streams as virtual consumption (tipping streamers). I am a nurse and have several night shifts every week; I watch K's midnight live every day. K's daily companionship gives me irreplaceable emotional value, and I feel I am willing to spend this money for him." For viewers like Qi, quasi-kinship interactions are a form of active emotional consumption that provides psychological value. They regard streamers as friends or family members in a virtual sense. As Goffman ( 1959 ) noted, social interaction can be seen as a “performance through which individuals manage impressions.” In live streaming, the streamer exposes aspects such as appearance, voice, and personality to a large audience—forming a typical “virtual front stage.” Streamers’ impression management operates in two main ways: Firstly, symbolic construction through kinship-oriented language. Streamers frequently use “quasi-kin” expressions like “brothers and sisters,” “family,” or “my dear ones,” which effectively reduce both physical and psychological distance between streamer and audiences; Secondly, authenticity through ‘backstage exposure’. Many streamers share private experiences or behind-the-scenes moments, intentionally blurring the line between front and backstage to build trust and foster a sense of intimacy. Audiences, in turn, reciprocate these strategies through active participation and economic support. The platform mediates and amplifies this interaction by embedding mechanisms that enhance perceived closeness. For instance, the live-streaming system introduces fan club tasks and ‘popularity rankings’ (人气票) that encourage daily “check-ins,” strengthening bonds between streamers and fans. This immediate feedback activates what Kahneman ( 2011 ) describes as the “fast thinking” mechanism, which reduces rational deliberation and legitimizes emotion-driven tipping behavior. Consequently, a feedback loop emerges—“streamer strategy → Audiences response → streamer reinforcement.” Through platform design and affective interaction, viewers gradually come to perceive streamers as part of their “internet family.” This transforms quasi-kinship from symbolic expression into a form of stable emotional bonding, sustained through ongoing tipping and engagement. 4.3.2 From “Dyadic Interaction” to “Collective Carnival”: Virtual Communities and Group Identity In the “quasi-kin companionship” model of tipping consumption, the collective interaction and virtual community identification within live-streaming spaces provide a crucial foundation for the formation of quasi-kin relationships. Audiences not only perceive streamers as family members or close friends but also treat the fan community surrounding the streamer as a comfortable space for emotional habitation in the digital world. Wellman’s concept of “networked individualism” suggests that online social networks function as social networks in their own right, where online interactions both reconstruct and extend the logic of offline social networks into virtual spaces (Wellman et al., 2001 ). The starting point of interaction in both virtual and offline networks lies in individuals’ fundamental social need for connection and communication. The social engagement within live-streaming communities—an inherently virtual social space—transcends the constraints of physical distance and temporal limits. It satisfies not only the need for sustained connection among acquaintances but also creates new platforms that enable emotional interaction among strangers.For example, Wei, one of the interviewees, joined the fan community of streamer F and later co-founded a smaller private group with three or four other fans. Beyond sharing updates about F’s live streams, they also exchange details of their personal lives, such as preparing for exams, work experiences, and issues related to their original families. Wei: "I don't have many friends in offline life, but I have made many good friends on the internet. Every day everyone in the group discusses streamer F's live content. The internet is like another parallel world; I can likewise harvest friendship here, and even we are like family, 'meeting' here every day." Wei described the presence of streamer F and the other fans in the community as feeling like “unmet family members.” Although the group’s daily monetary contributions were modest—typically just one yuan to complete the fan-club task—they occasionally offered larger gifts, such as around 100 yuan, to help the streamer reach PK targets. Once audiences develop the habit of regularly watching a particular streamer and engaging in tipping behavior, they tend to join the fan group to chat with other followers. Through these interactions, individuals form interpersonal networks that generate a sense of belonging, mutual recognition, and shared norms—together constituting a virtual community. Because the audience shares affection for the same streamer, common interests and symbolic practices emerge—such as tipping, completing intimacy tasks, and chatting—which foster group identification and collective participation (Rheingold, 2000). For example, an anonymous female interviewee named Yang said she enjoys watching the live-streams of a top-tier streamer named XL. XL calls his fans "little cakes," so member of XL’s fan group, including Yang, add a cupcake emoji to online nicknames to signal their affiliation. As Yang’s describtion, streamer XL usually addresses his fans as “Cake Babies”, reinforcing emotional proximity and group solidarity. Yang said that when she notices a user name with the cupcake symbol, she would know that the person is likely a fellow XL audience member. In addition, the “PK session” in live streaming generates a structured form of group collaboration. Within streamer PP’s fan community, Audiences voluntarily remind one another to support the streamer during PK battles, establishing a shared norm of collective action. This platform design effectively integrates dispersed individuals into a unified interactive framework, thereby strengthening community identity. For instance, PP is a top-tier male streamer and often schedules PK matches with other streamers. During these sessions, members of his fan group actively mobilize to encourage others to send virtual gifts to help PP secure victory. “Tonight at 10 p.m., PP will have a big ‘championship’ PK battle. I will definitely recharge in advance before his live stream, and remind others in his fan group chat to support PP. He is really, really interesting, you (referring to researcher) can also go and watch him when you have time!” (Interviewee Manman) Overall, the establishment and maintenance of quasi-kinship relationships in the digital virtual space require a process of mutual construction between streamers and audiences, facilitated by the platform’s interaction design mechanisms. Streamers create a sense of intimacy by giving their fan groups nicknames and building fan communities, while fans strengthen these ties by completing game-like online tasks that symbolically deepen their “kinship” with the streamer. The fan community’s online communication becomes embedded in individuals’ everyday lives, allowing audiences to reciprocate through consumption and thereby fulfill their own emotional needs. 5. Conclusion and Discussion This study using in-depth interviews, provides an in-depth examination of tipping behaviors in entertainment live streams on the Chinese stream platform. Our analysis reveals two dominant emotional consumption patterns: the “romantic-fantasy” type and the “quasi-kin companionship” type. These patterns demonstrate that tipping is far more than an economic transaction—it is a complex emotional practice and a form of social interaction, serving as a central means through which users construct intimacy and seek belonging in digital spaces. The core finding lies in identifying and interpreting two coexisting yet distinct emotional consumption logics. First, “romantic-fantasy” tipping is a highly gendered practice deeply embedded within heteronormative social scripts. In this model, tipping becomes a purchase of intimacy: audiences invest economic capital in exchange for personalized emotional attention and interaction from streamers, together constructing a “virtual romance.” This process reveals the commodification of emotions and the gendered nature of emotional labor. Streamers engage in carefully crafted gender performances to fulfill the romantic fantasies of big spenders, while tippers, through the conversion of capital within the field, obtain a temporary sense of exalted masculinity and emotional gratification. This dynamic reflects how individuals in the postmodern risk society attempt to discipline the uncertainty of emotions through consumption—purchasing intimacy as a means of control and stability. Notably, the intensity of gendered performance is inversely related to the streamer’s fan base size. Top-tier streamers, leveraging their celebrity status and established influence, are less dependent on overt sexualized discourse. In contrast, mid- and small-tier streamers tend to amplify traditional gender roles and eroticized narratives as key survival strategies to gain visibility in an intensely competitive market. This illustrates how the platform economy structurally produces and capitalizes on specific gender norms. Second, the “quasi-kin companionship” consumption model highlights tipping as a form of social glue. Its essence lies in constructing online virtual communities and fostering social identity. Through sustained small-scale tipping behaviors, viewers invest in long-term social relationships perceived as friendships or familial bonds. This model transcends the fleeting allure of romantic fantasy; by embedding fan relationships into everyday life, it offers individuals stable emotional support and a sense of communal belonging, thereby compensating for the emotional voids prevalent in modern urban existence. The mutual construction and communion between streamer and audience are the foundation for this model’s persistence and stability. The main theoretical contribution of this study is the deepening of emotional consumption theory—extending its analytical scope from the consumption of objects to the consumption of relationships. It empirically demonstrates how digital platforms have become new arenas for the commodification of emotions and proposes two refined theoretical types, “romantic-fantasy” and “quasi-kin companionship”, as analytical frameworks to understand the complexity of the online emotional economy. Furthermore, by dissecting gendered performances of emotional labor within live-stream ecologies, this study critically exposes how romantic-fantasy consumption reinforces and reutilizes traditional gender norms, offering new evidence for understanding how digital technologies collude with preexisting social structures. These findings practically carry important implications for platform governance, media literacy, and psychological well-being. Platforms should critically reflect on how their gifting mechanisms may amplify unequal power dynamics and emotional exploitation, and establish healthier norms for streamer-audience interactions. For users, this research enhances awareness of the emotional mechanisms and consumption logics underlying tipping, encouraging more reflective participation. Meanwhile, the discovery of the “quasi-kin companionship” model offers a positive perspective on how contemporary youth creatively cope with widespread social loneliness. Despite these insights, this research has certain limitations. The findings are grounded in China’s specific sociocultural context, and thus their generalizability across other cultural settings (e.g., North America, Southeast Asia) or alternative platforms (e.g., Instagram, YouTube) warrants further investigation. Additionally, the study focuses primarily on entertainment live streams and does not encompass other genres such as educational or gaming streams. In conclusion, the live-stream room constitutes a microcosmic field of power, where emotion, capital, gender, and technology interweave. This research demonstrates that live-stream tipping serves as a prism through which the complex pursuit of intimacy and belonging in the digital era is refracted. Whether through purchasing “romantic fantasy” to anchor one’s identity or through cultivating “quasi-kin companionship” to seek communal warmth, these practices vividly reveal the enduring human need for emotional connection and its adaptive expressions in a technologically mediated world. Declarations Data Availability The datasets generated and analyzed during the current study are not publicly available due to ethical and confidentiality requirements aimed at protecting participant privacy. However, anonymized materials may be made available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request and subject to institutional approval. Competing Interests The author(s) declare no competing interests. Ethical Approval: This study obtained ethical approval from t he Institutional Ethics Committee of Xiamen University, China (Approval Number: XDYX202511K67; Date of Approval: 14 November 2024). All procedures involving human participants were carried out in full compliance with institutional and national ethical standards, as well as with the principles of the Declaration of Helsinki and its later revisions. Although the study involved minimal risk and the interviews focused on non-sensitive topics, formal ethics approval was deliberately sought to ensure the protection of participants and to maintain the highest research integrity. The approval covered multiple components of the research process, including participant recruitment, the administration of written informed consent, interview procedures, secure data management, and the safeguarding of participant anonymity and confidentiality. Informed Consent: Written informed consent was obtained from all participants between 10 January 2025 and 23 April 2025, and all interviews were conducted with written informed consent obtained after receiving ethical approval from the Xiamen University ethics committee on 14 November 2024. Prior to signing the consent form, each participant was provided with a detailed information sheet outlining the purpose of the study, the voluntary nature of participation, the interview procedures, and measures for safeguarding privacy and confidentiality. The interviewer reviewed all sections of the consent form with participants to ensure full comprehension and invited them to ask questions before agreeing to participate. Only after participants signed the written consent form did the interviews proceed. All participants were clearly informed of their right to decline any question, to pause or stop the interview at any point, and to withdraw their participation or request the removal of their data prior to dissemination, without any negative consequences. To protect participant identities, all personal identifying details were removed from transcripts and field notes, and pseudonyms were assigned. With participants’ permission, interviews were audio-recorded for transcription and analysis. All data, including recordings, transcripts, and consent forms, were securely stored in encrypted, password-protected files accessible only to the research team. Funding: This research was supported by a provincial social science foundation (grant number withheld for peer review, and further details are included in the cover letter). References Bao, L., and Huang, M. (2023). 情感及其规则：数字时代情感的意识形态审视 [Emotion and Its Rules: An Ideological Examination of Emotions in the Digital Age (in Chinese)]. 天府新论 [Tianfu Xinlun] , 15(3), 45–63. Baudrillard, J. (1994). Simulacra and Simulation. University of Michigan Press. DOI: https://doi.org/10.3998/mpub.9904 Bourdieu, P. (1984). Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste. Harvard University Press. DOI: 10.17323/1726-3247-2005-3-25-48 Braun, V., and Clarke, V. (2006). Using thematic analysis in psychology. Qualitative Research in Psychology , 3(2), 77–101. DOI:10.1191/1478088706qp063oa Bulboacă, Ș., Brătucu, G., Ciobanu, E., Chițu, I. B., Constantin, C. P., & Lixăndroiu, R. C. (2025). Uncovering Emotional and Identity-Driven Dimensions of Entertainment Consumption in a Transitional Digital Culture. Behavioral Sciences , 15(8), 1049. DOI: https://doi.org/10.3390/bs15081049 Butler, J. (1990). Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity (1st ed.). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203824979 Rojek, C. (1993). Ways of escape : modern transformations of leisure and travel. Contemporary Sociology, 25(1), 122. DOI:10.2307/2077013 Collins, R. (2004). Interaction ritual chains. Contemporary Sociology , 38(2), 191-192. DOI:10.1177/009430610903800250 Connell, R. W. (2005). Masculinities (2nd ed.) . Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003116479 Entbrains Think Tank. (2018). “2017 China Online Live Streaming Industry Development Report”released [《2017 中国网络直播行业发展报告》发布 (in Chinese)]. http://www.entbrains.com/news/shownews.php?lang=cn&id=70. Accessed 9 January, 2025. Foucault, M. (1979). Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. Vintage. DOI:10.2307/2737970 Giddens, A. (1992). The Transformation of Intimacy: Sexuality, Love and Eroticism in Modern Societies. Polity. DOI:10.2307/2075988 Goffman, E. (1959). The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life. Doubleday Anchor Books. DOI:10.2307/2089106 Hochschild, A.R. (1979). Emotion work, feeling rules, and social structure. American Journal of Sociology , 85(3), 551-575.DOI:10.1086/227049 Hochschild, A.R. (2012). The managed heart: commercialization of human feeling. Kahneman, D. (2011). Thinking, Fast and Slow . Farrar, Straus & Giroux. Khan, J., and Belk, R.,(2024).The meaning of money in tipping currencies. In Digital Currency and Consumption . Routledge.165-185. DOI:10.4324/9781003425021-8 Lin, Y. , Yao, D. , and Chen, X.(2021). Happiness begets money: emotion and engagement in live streaming:. Journal of Marketing Research , 58(3), 417-438. DOI：10.1177/00222437211002477 Liu, S., and Fan, R. (2025). Change or not: Gender politics and relational labor in China’s virtual livestreaming. Feminist Media Studies , 1–18. https://doi.org/10.1080/14680777.2025.2511249 Miura, A. (2014). The Fourth Consumer Society (M. Ma, Trans.). Beijing: Oriental Publishing House. (Original work published in Japanese) Pan, D. (2018). 情感消费：聊天类网络直播中的“打赏”行为研究[Emotional consumption: A study of tipping behavior in chat-based live streaming (in Chinese)]. Master’s thesis. East China Normal University, Shanghai, China. https://kns.cnki.net/KCMS/detail/detail.aspx?dbname=CMFD201901&filename=1018822097.nh Sina Finance. (2018). 《2017 主播职业报告》发布，66.8%的直播用户有打赏行为 [“2017 Host Occupation Report” released: 66.8% of live streaming users have tipping behavior (in Chinese)]. http://finance.sina.com.cn/roll/2018-01-07/doc-ifyqiwuw7781789.shtml. Accessed 10 June, 2025. Stets, J., and Turner, J. (2014). Handbook of the Sociology of Emotions (Vol. 2). Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-9130-4 Tauber, E. M. (1972). Marketing Notes and Communications: Why Do People Shop? Journal of Marketing , 36(4), 46–49. https://doi.org/10.1177/002224297203600409 Wang, N. (2000). 情感消费与情感产业──消费社会学研究系列之一[Emotional consumption and the emotion industry: A series of studies in consumer sociology (in Chinese)]. 中山大学学报( 社会科学版) [ Journal of Sun Yat-sen University (Social Science Edition)] , (6), 109–113. Weber, M. (1949). The Methodology of the Social Sciences . Free Press. Wellman, B., Quan-Haase, A., Witte, J. C., and Hampton, K. N. (2001). Does the Internet increase, decrease, or supplement social capital? American Behavioral Scientist , 45(3), 436–455. https://doi.org/10.1177/00027640121957286 Wu, Y., Niu, G., Chen, Z., & Zhang, D. (2022). Purchasing social attention by tipping: Materialism predicts online tipping in live-streaming platform through self-enhancement motive. Journal of Consumer Behaviour, 21(3), 468–480. https://doi.org/10.1002/cb.1973 Xinhua Net. (2025). 《从抖音直播行业生态大会看：内容、主播与行业的蝶变之路》[From the Douyin live-streaming industry ecology conference: The transformation path of content, streamers, and the industry (in Chinese)]. http://www.news.cn/tech/20250509/1193d2751b484d829bd5f9d93acfc2c2/c.html Accessed 19 September, 2025. Yan, Q., Keller, L. R., and Campo, C. (2023). Tip or No Tip? That is the Question. That is the Question . https://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.4350150 Yao, D., Lu, S., and Chen, X. (2024). Crowding-Out in Content Monetization Under Pay What You Want: Evidence From Live Streaming. Production and Operations Management. DOI:10.1177/10591478231224948. Ye, Z., Dong, C., and Kavka, M. (2022). Navigating the economy of ambivalent intimacy: gender and relational labour in China’s livestreaming industry. Feminist Media Studies , 23(7), 3384–3400. https://doi.org/10.1080/14680777.2022.2112736 Yuan, Y., Malik, N., Wang, W., and Srinivasan, K., 2025. Privacy Regulation in Live-Streaming Content. Availale at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=5261083. Accessed 19 Sep 2025. Zhao, S., and Shi, F. (2024). 情感秩序的重构: 对网络直播打赏的理性分析[The reconstruction of emotional order: A rational analysis of tipping behavior in online live streaming (in Chinese)]. 山东大同大学学报( 社会科学版)[Journal of Datong University (Social Sciences Edition)] , 38(4), 123–127. DOI:CNKI:SUN:DTZJ.0.2024-04-023. Zhu, B. Y., and Wu, L. (2025). 青年 “断亲” 的行为逻辑与亲属关系再生产[The behavioral logic of young people’s “severance of kinship” and the reproduction of kinship (in Chinese)]. 当代青年研究[Contemporary Youth Studies] , (4), 106. DOI:CNKI:SUN:QING.0.2025-04-006. Footnotes Xinhua Net. (2025). From the Douyin live-streaming industry ecology conference: The transformation path of content, streamers, and the industry (in Chinese)[《从抖音直播行业生态大会看༚内容、主播与行业的蝶变之路》]. Available online at: http://www.news.cn/tech/20250509/1193d2751b484d829bd5f9d93acfc2c2/c.html . Accessed 19 September, 2025. Sina Finance. (2018). “2017 Host Occupation Report” released: 66.8% of live streaming users have tipping behavior (in Chinese) [《2017 主播职业报告》发布, 66.8%的直播用户有打赏行为]. Available online at: http://finance.sina.com.cn/roll/2018-01-07/doc-ifyqiwuw7781789.shtml . Accessed 10 June, 2025. Entbrains Think Tank. (2018). “2017 China Online Live Streaming Industry Development Report” released in Chinese [《2017 中国网络直播行业发展报告》发布]. Available online at: http://www.entbrains.com/news/shownews.php?lang=cn&id=70 Accessed 9 January, 2025. In the context of live streaming, “PK” refers to a competitive interaction mechanism designed by the platform, where one streamer can challenge another to a “PK battle.” The winner is determined by the total amount of virtual gifts (tips) received from viewers during the session, while the loser is often required to perform a punishment, such as singing, dancing, or completing a humorous task. The fan-club task is another mechanism designed by the streaming platform to enhance audience engagement. Viewers can join a streamer’s fan club by paying as little as RMB 0.1 and then complete daily interactive task—such as watching the designated streamer’s live stream for more than 20 minutes and sending virtual gifts like the RMB 0.1 “fan badge(粉丝团灯牌)” or higher-value items—to accumulate intimacy points. The fan club ranking ranges from level 1–20, with level 20 as the highest. A higher intimacy level indicates a stronger emotional attachment between the viewer and the streamer, and high-ranking fans are often treated with greater respect by both the streamer and other viewers in the live-streaming room. Additional Declarations No competing interests reported. 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Also discoverable on Platform About Our Team In Review Editorial Policies Advisory Board Help Center Resources Author Services Accessibility API Access RSS feed Manage Cookie Preferences © Research Square 2026 | ISSN 2693-5015 (online) Privacy Policy Terms of Service Do Not Sell My Personal Information {"props":{"pageProps":{"initialData":{"identity":"rs-7991233","acceptedTermsAndConditions":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"archivedVersions":[],"articleType":"Article","associatedPublications":[],"authors":[{"id":598325613,"identity":"314b6d4c-1d65-4fb9-a624-275c93390f39","order_by":0,"name":"Huawen Cui","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"Xiamen University","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Huawen","middleName":"","lastName":"Cui","suffix":""},{"id":598325614,"identity":"ab2d00b8-eb50-42b5-be49-c08a8a248ca1","order_by":1,"name":"Shiqian Wu","email":"data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAZAAAAAyAQMAAABI0h/eAAAABlBMVEX///8AAABVwtN+AAAACXBIWXMAAA7EAAAOxAGVKw4bAAAA0ElEQVRIiWNgGAWjYBACNvbGxgcfKmrq+eUPHyBOCx/P4cOGM84cS5CcwZZAnBY5ibQ0Yd425gSDGTwGRDqM54wZMw8bW56BdM/HG28Y7OR0GwhpYe8xeziHR6bYXObsZss5DMnGZgcI22Ju8EaCjXFnQ+42aR6GA4nbCGqRyDGT4DFgZtxwIOcZsVrS0iR5EpgTN9zIYSNSCziQDxwzluw5Zmw5x4AIv8i3A6Py478aOX725oc33lTYyRHUggIkiI0aZC2k6hgFo2AUjIIRAQA7A0M5U/ImrAAAAABJRU5ErkJggg==","orcid":"","institution":"Xiamen University","correspondingAuthor":true,"prefix":"","firstName":"Shiqian","middleName":"","lastName":"Wu","suffix":""}],"badges":[],"createdAt":"2025-10-30 16:08:25","currentVersionCode":1,"declarations":"","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7991233/v1","doiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-7991233/v1","draftVersion":[],"editorialEvents":[],"editorialNote":"","failedWorkflow":false,"files":[{"id":104402074,"identity":"43cb10de-c97a-4bfb-a079-d1e2859bdf42","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2026-03-11 12:14:12","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":1080729,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7991233/v1/d16ddb9a-09f0-4fc4-be53-b0160ecb7a3c.pdf"}],"financialInterests":"No competing interests reported.","formattedTitle":"Purchasing Intimacy: Emotional Consumption Patterns in Live- Stream Tipping","fulltext":[{"header":"1. Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003eWith the rapid development of the internet, people\u0026rsquo;s modes of leisure and entertainment have shifted from offline to online spaces. Supported by digital platforms and streaming technologies, live streaming has become an indispensable form of interactive online engagement in everyday life. According to the \u003cem\u003eChina Online Audio-Visual Development Report (2025)\u003c/em\u003e, by the end of 2024, the number of live-stream users in China had surpassed 830 million, accounting for 75.2 % of all internet users (Xinhua Net, 2025)\u003csup\u003e[1]\u003c/sup\u003e. In a typical live-streaming session, hosts create \u0026ldquo;rooms\u0026rdquo; through online platforms to broadcast real-time video content to audiences, who can respond through likes, comments, and tipping. In terms of content categories, live streaming in China can generally be divided into e-commerce streams, educational or knowledge-based streams, and entertainment-oriented streams. Among these, entertainment live streaming most vividly reflects the emotional interaction between streamers and viewers. Moreover, such virtual relationships are often sustained through paid interactions such as tipping. For this reason, this study focuses on entertainment live streaming as its primary field of analysis.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn this context, streamers engage with audiences through singing, dancing, chatting, and other performative acts. Their income largely depends on audiences\u0026rsquo; tipping behavior\u0026mdash;where tippers send virtual gifts to express appreciation for the streamer or the content. Upon receiving these tips, streamers often reciprocate through personalized responses or symbolic acknowledgments, creating a digital exchange embedded in social and emotional reciprocity. Empirical data suggest that approximately 66.8 percent of Chinese live-stream viewers have tipped at least once (Sina Finance, 2018)\u003csup\u003e[2]\u003c/sup\u003e, and by 2017, the live-streaming industry\u0026rsquo;s total revenue exceeded 30 billion yuan (EntBrains, 2018)\u003csup\u003e[3]\u003c/sup\u003e. These figures demonstrate that both live streaming and tipping have become defining phenomena of the digital era.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eExisting scholarship on live-stream tipping has primarily focused on issues of \u003cstrong\u003econsumption\u003c/strong\u003e, \u003cstrong\u003erelationship-building\u003c/strong\u003e, and \u003cstrong\u003eemotional interaction\u003c/strong\u003e. Some studies, adopting the streamer\u0026rsquo;s perspective, examine the emotional labor processes and gendered power relations that structure live-streaming interactions (Liu and Fan, 2025). Others analyze the audience perspective, identifying psychological and affective motivations that drive tipping, for instance, the finding that streamers\u0026rsquo; positive emotions can enhance audiences\u0026rsquo; affective engagement, thereby stimulating tipping behavior (Lin, Yao, and Chen, 2021).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBuilding on these insights, the present study integrates perspectives from \u003cstrong\u003ethe consuming sociology\u003c/strong\u003e and \u003cstrong\u003ethe emotion sociology\u003c/strong\u003e to explore the emotional consumption logic underlying tipping behavior in Chinese entertainment live streaming. Using one of the Chinese entertainment-oriented live-streaming platforms as a representative case, the research employs \u003cstrong\u003esemi-structured interviews\u003c/strong\u003e with streamers and audiences, aiming to illuminate emerging patterns of affective consumption in the digital era and to uncover how emotional commodification intersects with gendered cultural dynamics in contemporary Chinese society.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"2. Literature Review","content":"\u003cdiv id=\"Sec3\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e2.1 Emotional Consumption: A New Consumption Pattern in Modern Society\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eHuman emotions are socially constructed and shaped by cultural ideologies, values, and norms that are embedded within broader social structures (Stets and Turner, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e). Since the 1970s, the rise of post-industrial society and the expansion of the service economy have significantly advanced the \u0026ldquo;emotional turn\u0026rdquo; in social theory, linking emotions to work, labor, and employment through processes of commercialization. Hochschild (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1979\u003c/span\u003e), in her research on flight attendants, pioneered the concept of emotional labor, identifying the mechanisms through which actors regulate feelings and manage emotional displays to conform to organizational expectations.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eEmotional needs are among the basic human requirements, yet under the rationalized mechanisms of contemporary society, the ways in which these needs are satisfied have undergone fundamental transformation (Giddens, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1992\u003c/span\u003e). As authentic emotions have become increasingly privatized, mediated, and anonymous forms of virtual emotion have emerged, giving rise to the marketization of affect. In modern life, emotional fulfillment is increasingly achieved through consumption. The commodification of emotion has produced a flourishing \u0026ldquo;emotion industry,\u0026rdquo; characterized by the commercialization of feeling and affective experience (Wang, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR25\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2000\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eWithin this emotional economy, the entertainment industry generates \u0026ldquo;happiness\u0026rdquo; through sensory stimulation and pleasure, offering consumers a temporary form of emotional satisfaction that alleviates the emptiness and stress of everyday life (Rojek, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1993\u003c/span\u003e). With the advent of the post-industrial \u0026ldquo;consumer society,\u0026rdquo; consumption has gradually replaced production as the organizing center of social life. As Bourdieu (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR3\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1984\u003c/span\u003e) argues, consumption is not merely an economic activity but a key arena for expressing social distinction and cultural identity. The emergence of digital platforms has further facilitated the acquisition of emotional experience, expanding the contexts in which emotional consumption takes place. However, technological convenience has not diminished consumers\u0026rsquo; desire for high-intensity affective experiences (Bulboacă et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eEmotional consumption refers to the pattern of consumer behavior in which purchasing decisions are primarily driven by emotional needs rather than by utilitarian considerations. Consumers engage in consumption to achieve psychological comfort, emotional release, or spiritual relief. The notion aligns with Tauber\u0026rsquo;s (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1972\u003c/span\u003e) \u0026ldquo;shopping motivation theory,\u0026rdquo; which posits that consumption serves not only to satisfy material needs but also to provide entertainment, self-pleasure, and opportunities for social interaction. Typical manifestations of emotional consumption include stress-relief products, virtual companionship services, and the broader \u0026ldquo;healing economy.\u0026rdquo; Its defining feature lies in the predominance of emotional over functional value: through consumption, individuals seek emotional compensation, identity affirmation, and symbolic belonging.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec4\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e2.2 Relational Purchase: Emotional Consumption in Live-Stream Tipping\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe motivational basis of emotional consumption lies in individuals\u0026rsquo; desire for emotional value. Live-streaming platforms provide a unique context for such consumption, where immediate interactivity allows for direct emotional exchange and rapid feedback, further strengthening the connection between consumer behavior and emotional satisfaction. Research investigating the psychological motivations of viewers in tipping shows that these actions enable individuals to achieve personal social gratification within digital spaces (Khan and Belk, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR17\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). Moreover, tipping amounts are positively associated with audiences\u0026rsquo; income levels, the perceived magnitude of rewards, and the probability of winning (Yan, Keller, and Campo, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR30\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eStreamer affect also plays a critical role. Positive emotions exhibited by streamers can enhance audience enjoyment via an \u0026ldquo;emotional contagion\u0026rdquo; mechanism, increasing both tipping amounts and interaction frequency (Lin, Yao, and Chen, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). However, competitive dynamics may also arise: when audiences observe substantial tipping by others, a \u0026ldquo;crowding-out\u0026rdquo; effect may occur, reducing their own tipping and engagement (Yao, Lu, and Chen, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). These findings illustrate the complexity of relational purchase behaviors and the networked characteristics of live-streaming interactions.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eRelational purchases in live streaming are realized not only through the amount tipped but also through the type of virtual gift provided. Beyond attracting streamer attention, audiences often seek to construct virtual friendships. Research demonstrates that viewers\u0026rsquo; identification with streamers can transform tipping from a simple purchase of social attention into a form of relational investment, reinforcing a sense of shared community with the streamer (Wu et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). Streamers can further enhance this sense of social presence by sharing personal stories, cultivating parasocial interactions that generate \u0026ldquo;friend-like\u0026rdquo; emotional connections and motivate viewers to pay for this virtual companionship.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eGendered dynamics are deeply embedded in these relational exchanges. Streamer-audience interactions show pronounced gendered patterns: for example, female streamers\u0026rsquo; emotional offerings often need to align with male audiences\u0026rsquo; aesthetic and psychological expectations, while male viewers\u0026rsquo; tipping functions as a purchase of such gendered emotional labor (Liu and Fan, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR19\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e). Importantly, these virtual intimacies are bounded: female streamers must avoid over-investing emotionally, while male viewers, although purchasing \u0026ldquo;virtual intimacy,\u0026rdquo; maintain a degree of vigilance regarding such closeness (Ye, Dong, and Kavka, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn the Chinese live-streaming context, streamers\u0026rsquo; physical attractiveness can significantly influence both audience size and tipping behavior (Yuan et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e), yet appearance is not a necessary condition for emotional consumption. Women are more likely to respond to gendered emotional cues such as warmth and attentiveness, whereas men tend to be drawn to cues associated with success and dominance (Bao and Huang, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). In chat-based streams, viewers purchase relational intimacy through tipping, and streamers employ stylized vocal patterns, scripted text, and empathetic or affective strategies to create a sense of closeness (Pan, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR21\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). Furthermore, dedicated fan groups and exclusive interactions\u0026mdash;such as lotteries or red-envelope rewards\u0026mdash;allow streamers to consolidate emotional bonds, while sustained tipping provides fans with a sense of community membership, reinforcing the stability of emotional contracts (Zhao and Shi, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR34\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eTo investigate the psychological motivations and social logics underlying live-stream tipping as a form of emotional consumption in the digital era, this study examines entertainment live streams using a qualitative approach. It addresses the following core questions: (1)What are the characteristic patterns of emotional consumption embedded in live-stream tipping behavior? (2)How do these patterns manifest in practice, including interaction rituals and forms of capital conversion? (3)How do differences in these emotional consumption patterns reflect and reshape social gender norms and interaction scripts? This approach aims to illuminate the complex dynamics of emotional commodification and the relational processes embedded in consumption.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"3. Methodology","content":"\u003cdiv id=\"Sec6\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e3.1 Research Participants\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eTaking the entertainment-oriented live stream as an example, this research setting is one of the most widely used live-streaming platforms in China. To systematically capture the structure of emotional consumption and the patterns of gendered interaction on the platform, streamers were categorized into four tiers based on the size of their real-time audience: (1) top-tier streamers with national influence, attracting more than 10,000 concurrent audiences; (2) first-tier streamers with a large fan base, drawing approximately 5,000 concurrent audiences; (3) mid-tier streamers with a stable audience of around 500 concurrent users; and (4) small-scale streamers with a limited and fixed fan base, typically under 100 concurrent audiences. This stratified sampling strategy enables the study to encompass streamers and audiences across different visibility levels, providing a comprehensive understanding of both the differences and commonalities in emotional consumption behaviors. In addition, this research recruited 18 frequent live-stream streamers and audiences using snowball sampling to participate in semi-structured interviews. These interviews explored participants\u0026rsquo; tipping motivations, the extent of their emotional engagement, and their perceptions of gender norms within the live-streaming context.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec7\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e3.2 Data Collection\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003e Data collection for this study was conducted in 2025 and commenced only after ethical approval had been granted. All interviews were carried out after written informed consent had been obtained between 10 January 2025 and 23 April 2025, in accordance with institutional ethical standards. To enrich the data, eight entertainment streamers and ten audience members who frequently engage in live-streaming activities were recruited and using semi-structured interview. All interviews were conducted online with participants\u0026rsquo; informed consent and lasted approximately 60\u0026ndash;90 minutes. With participants\u0026rsquo; permission, interviews were audio-recorded and subsequently transcribed for textual analysis.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec8\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e3.3 Ethical Considerations\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003e All procedures involving human participants were conducted in accordance with the ethical standards of the institutional and national research committees and with the 1964 Helsinki Declaration and its later amendments or comparable ethical guidelines. The study received approval from the institutional ethics committee (Approval No. XDYX202511K67, approved on 14 November 2024). This study adhered to established ethical principles for interviews and Internet-based research in the social sciences. Social media data were accessed and analyzed in accordance with the platform\u0026rsquo;s terms of use and all applicable institutional and national regulations.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFor the interviews, all participants provided written informed consent, signing the consent form immediately before each interview after receiving a full explanation of the study from the interviewer. Participants were informed of the study\u0026rsquo;s purpose, procedures, confidentiality safeguards, the voluntary nature of participation, and the specific uses of their data. The scope of the written consent included participation in the interview, permission for audio-recording, use of anonymized data for analysis, and consent to publish anonymized quotations or findings. Participants were also informed that audio recordings and field notes would be used solely for research purposes and would be securely stored to prevent unauthorized access. In addition, they were reminded of their right to withdraw at any time and their right to request the removal of their data prior to any public dissemination. No oral consent procedures were used.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eNo sensitive populations, including minors, were involved in the study. The research team conducted multiple rounds of internal review of the interview questions to ensure that no sensitive issues were introduced. All interviewees were assigned pseudonyms, and any potentially identifying information was removed from transcripts and field notes to ensure anonymity.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec9\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e3.4 Data Analysis\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eAll materials were transcribed and analyzed using thematic analysis (Braun and Clarke, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e). Initial coding focused on practices of emotional consumption, such as gift-giving, symbolic exchanges, and emotional expression, followed by higher-order coding to identify underlying gendered logics and normative structures. Data were organized and managed using NVivo software, facilitating systematic comparisons across streamer and viewer categories. This study aims to provide a detailed account of how emotional consumption in live streaming intertwines with the reproduction and contestation of gender norms.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"4. Findings","content":"\u003cdiv id=\"Sec11\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.1 Two Patterns of Emotional Consumption: \u0026ldquo;Romantic-Fantasy\u0026rdquo; Type vs. \u0026ldquo;Quasi-Kin Companionship\u0026rdquo; Type\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn the process of modernization, consumption has extended beyond the fulfillment of material desires to encompass practices aimed at manipulating symbolic objects for various purposes. At the level of everyday life, consumption serves goals such as constructing identity, shaping the self, and building relationships with others (Richard, 1992). Emotional consumption, in particular, refers to economic expenditures aimed at achieving emotional satisfaction, including both self-construction and the purchase of relational experiences. Live streaming is a direct product of the information age and exemplifies the pervasive entertainmentization of society.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFrom the perspective of Collins\u0026rsquo; interaction ritual chains theory, live streaming can be understood as an \u0026ldquo;interaction ritual\u0026rdquo;, characterized by four elements: co-presence, clear boundaries, a focus of attention, and emotional synchrony (Collins, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2004\u003c/span\u003e). Interaction rituals enable individuals to accumulate emotional energy, and through the process of tipping, audiences gain a sense of being noticed, accepted, and integrated. At a micro level, tipping behaviors also contribute to the construction of broader social interaction rules.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eTo systematically examine the phenomenon of emotional consumption in live-stream tipping, this study applies Weber\u0026rsquo;s ideal type theory to classify viewer behaviors based on empirical materials (Weber, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1949\u003c/span\u003e). Considering the target of consumption, the consuming subject, content, and manner of consumption, tipping behaviors are categorized into two types: the \u0026ldquo;romantic-fantasy\u0026rdquo; type and the \u0026ldquo;quasi-kin companionship\u0026rdquo; type. The specific behavioral characteristics are summarized in Table\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Tab1\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e1\u003c/span\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"gridtable\"\u003e\u003ctable float=\"Yes\" id=\"Tab1\" border=\"1\"\u003e \u003ccaption language=\"En\"\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionNumber\"\u003eTable 1\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionContent\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eTypology of Emotional Consumption in Live-Stream Tipping\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/caption\u003e \u003ccolgroup cols=\"3\"\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c1\" colnum=\"1\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c2\" colnum=\"2\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c3\" colnum=\"3\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cthead\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eRomantic-Fantasy Tipping\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eQuasi-Kin Companionship Tipping\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/thead\u003e \u003ctbody\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eConsumption Target\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eAttractive, charismatic, talented\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eApproachable, friendly, good at listening and chatting\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eConsumption Subject\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eViewer-streamer interactions typically cross-sex\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eNo obvious gender preference\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eLive-Stream Content\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eAppearance, talent performances or entertainment-oriented content\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eChatting, emotional listening or everyday life content\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eConsumption Pattern\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eImpulsive, large-scale, attention-seeking\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eStable, small-scale, long-term relational\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eMotivation\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eRomance, admiration, sexual fantasy\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eFriendship, familial feeling, sense of belonging\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eExpected Relationship\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eRomantic relation \u0026ndash; virtual lover\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eFriendship relation \u0026ndash; virtual companionship\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003ePsychological Need\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eFantasy fulfillment, escape from reality\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eAlleviation of loneliness, compensation for social deficit\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/tbody\u003e \u003c/colgroup\u003e \u003c/table\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eWithin the emotional consumption landscape of live streaming, these two patterns revolve around different relational imaginaries and exhibit distinct consumption logics. On one hand, the romantic-fantasy type centers on the romanticized construction of a lover-like relationship. Streamers attract tips primarily through physical attractiveness, talent, and sexual appeal, and interactions are often gendered, typically occurring between male and female participants. Live-stream content in this mode emphasizes appearance, talent performances, and other entertainment-oriented displays, while viewers tip impulsively or in large amounts, motivated by admiration or sexual fantasy, with the aim of cultivating a sense of intimate romantic connection with the streamer.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOn the other hand, the quasi-kin companionship type focuses on friendship- or family-like companionship. Streamers in this mode are generally approachable, friendly, and attentive listeners, and viewers exhibit no clear gender preference. Content tends toward chatting, emotional listening, and everyday life scenarios. Audiences engage in small, long-term tipping behaviors aimed at building online friendships, alleviating loneliness, and compensating for social deficits.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAlthough these two emotional consumption models differ in terms of emotional demands and behavioral characteristics, they share a common feature: both demonstrate how emotional consumption in live streaming serves relational construction. The romantic-fantasy type seeks to establish a romanticized virtual intimacy, whereas the quasi-kin companionship type fosters companion-like virtual social connections.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec12\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.2 Purchasing Romance: Heterosexual-Dominated Intimacy\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe romantic-fantasy pattern of emotional consumption centers on the construction of virtual intimacy through heterosexual attraction between streamers and audiences, with tipping serving as the primary mechanism for \u0026ldquo;purchasing\u0026rdquo; this romantic fantasy. Given that fan volume partially determines a streamer\u0026rsquo;s popularity and income, platform rules indirectly shape the interaction patterns and tipping behaviors of audiences as consuming subjects, resulting in differentiated behavioral characteristics.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec13\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.2.1 Streamers as Consumable Actors: Gender Performance and Commodification of Emotional Labour\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn entertainment-oriented live streams emphasizing high physical attractiveness, sexual appeal, or talent, tipping behaviors exhibit clear gendered patterns. Female viewers tend to tip male streamers, while male viewers predominantly tip female streamers, reflecting the social prevalence of heterosexuality. Interactions between viewers and streamers are heavily gendered in language and behavior. According to the Gender Performativity theory, gender is constructed through repeated speech acts and behaviors (Butler, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1990\u003c/span\u003e). Streamers and tippers collaboratively perform romantic scripts aligned with heterosexual norms, reinforcing gender role expectations. For instance, during the interview, a male streamer X mentioned that he would use terms of endearment such as \u0026ldquo;babe (宝宝)\u0026rdquo; to psychologically bridge intimacy with female audiences, while female streamer NN compliments male tippers as \u0026ldquo;the most handsome man,\u0026rdquo; framing tipping as a means for male viewers to display dominant masculinity (Connell, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2005\u003c/span\u003e), which can lead to further tipping behavior. For instance, \u0026ldquo;User T\u0026rdquo; expressed that he felt a sense of satisfaction in terms of \u003cem\u003e\u0026lsquo;face\u0026rsquo;\u003c/em\u003e (面子; reputation) after tipping.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eGendered interactions in live-stream tipping effectively commodify romantic fantasy. Many streamers generate commercial value by managing their own emotions, selling intimate feelings as marketable products (Hochschild, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR15\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e). Through emotional labor, streamers stimulate tippers\u0026rsquo; romantic fantasies and sustain ongoing consumption relationships. For example, streamer G engages in coquettish behaviors and uses personalized nicknames to directly cater to tippers\u0026rsquo; expectations of intimacy, turning romantic fantasy into a recognizable and consumable cultural product while constructing a \u0026ldquo;quasi-romantic\u0026rdquo; social interaction script (Goffman, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1959\u003c/span\u003e). This intensive emotional labor creates the illusion of a unique, exclusive intimacy, eliciting feelings of being specially attended to. In the case of streamer W, he talked about that his female tippers were experiencing a sense of \u0026ldquo;singular\u0026rdquo; romantic attention when receiving his personalized care, exemplifying the successful commodification of emotional labor in the live-streaming context.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec14\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.2.2 The Tipping \"Gold-Master\": Capital Conversion and Simulacral Consumption in the Field\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eFrom the perspective of the consuming subjects, romantic-fantasy tipping sometimes extends beyond simple emotional exchange, functioning as a form of emotional satisfaction derived from symbolic consumption. The live-streaming environment constitutes a distinct field in which different forms of capital\u0026mdash;economic, symbolic, and emotional\u0026mdash;interact and transform (Bourdieu, 1986). Audiences who tip in this field convert their economic capital into visible symbolic capital, such as prestige, status, and recognition within the specific live-stream community. Such consumption operates as a strategy of differentiation, distinguishing high-value tippers from ordinary viewers and signaling both economic capability and social standing. For example, one interviewee, Lin, noted: \u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003eIt feels great; everyone in the live room knows that I am the most special to VV. What you are spending is not money\u0026mdash;it\u0026rsquo;s a matter of \u0026lsquo;face\u0026rsquo; She makes exceptions for you, thanks you, and others respect you, seeing you as someone important.\u003c/em\u003e\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eMoreover, tipping behavior generates a simulacral romantic fantasy within the live-streaming field\u0026mdash;a hyperreal symbolic system co-constructed by the platform, streamers, and viewers (Baudrillard, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1994\u003c/span\u003e). When talking about the interactions between streamers and audiences, the streamer X expressed that he would employ some ambiguous language and interactive cues to psychologically draw viewers closer. For instance, X responded to tips with comments such as: \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Only my \u0026lsquo;babe\u0026rsquo; cares about me; you just cannot stand seeing me being bullied by others (after PK battle)\u003c/em\u003e\u003csup\u003e[4]\u003c/sup\u003e.\u003cem\u003e\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e These simulations of \u0026ldquo;intimate relationships\u0026rdquo; satisfy the standardized consumerist definitions of romance even more effectively than real emotions. When streamer G responds with phrases like \u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003eI knew you would treat me best\u003c/em\u003e\u0026rdquo;, she performs the symbolic role of the \u0026ldquo;romantic response\u0026rdquo; within the consumption relationship, completing a simulacral consumption of cross-sex romantic fantasy between streamer and viewer.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec15\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.2.3 Practical Logic: Post-Modern Risk Society and Emotional Regulation\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eA core feature of modernity is the modernization of the private sphere, which entails historical transformations in family and intimate relationships (Giddens, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1992\u003c/span\u003e). The increased social mobility of contemporary society creates uncertainty in interpersonal relationships, giving rise to \u0026ldquo;emotional anxiety\u0026rdquo; over the stability of love and intimacy. In this context, \u0026ldquo;romantic-fantasy\u0026rdquo; tipping provides an immediate and controllable emotional connection that alleviates such uncertainty. However, the \u0026ldquo;romantic love\u0026rdquo; generated through live-stream tipping is not a purely intrinsic relationship maintained solely by personal satisfaction; the live-stream field is marked by power dynamics akin to a Foucauldian panoptic surveillance (Foucault, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1979\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOn one hand, there is a sexual gaze between streamers and viewers. In the context of \u0026ldquo;romantic-fantasy\u0026rdquo; tipping, viewers often objectify streamers as attainable sexual resources, and streamers must practice self-discipline under the surveillance of both viewers and the platform. They need to accurately capture the emotional demands of high-spending viewers and adjust their performance strategies accordingly. For instance, a female streamer Nana said \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;I usually use \u0026lsquo;home\u0026rsquo; to refer to my live-stream room, such as \u0026lsquo;We go back our home and I\u0026rsquo;ll dance for you guys if we win this PK\u0026rsquo;\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e during a PK session, using language to include the consumer in shared \u0026ldquo;we\u0026rdquo; and \u0026ldquo;home\u0026rdquo;, stimulating protective instincts and responsibility, thereby mobilizing emotional engagement and capital conversion.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOn the other hand, platform-mediated monitoring through traffic and algorithms further regulates streamer behavior. Interaction patterns differ depending on live room size: larger rooms show less sexual interaction, while smaller rooms exhibit more pronounced gendered behavior. When interviewing small-size streamers, they said that consumers may request them to dance, flirtation, or even mildly sexualized performances, and streamers often respond to maintain income, leading to tipping. Platforms exercise disciplinary power through algorithms, commodifying both the body and emotions of streamers. Romantic-fantasy consumption thus functions as a form of sexualized labor exploitation, especially for small-scale streamers. With fewer high-spending viewers, streamers rely on these regular consumers to sustain income, often needing to meet their emotional demands or navigate borderline sexualized requests. This economic-to-sexualized capital exchange reflects the patriarchal \u0026ldquo;sex-for-money\u0026rdquo; dynamics in the digital space.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIt is also important to note that sexual minority groups, such as LGBTQ\u0026thinsp;+\u0026thinsp;streamers, often face marginalization. Platform mechanisms restrict same-sex intimacy and related topics, limiting interactions. Despite increasing social acceptance, stigmatization persists, and LGBTQ\u0026thinsp;+\u0026thinsp;streamers in public live streams risk harassment or reporting. Consequently, both streamers and audiences from sexual minority groups are often unable to engage fully in a straight tipping-based emotional consumption.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec16\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.3 Seeking Companionship: Degendered Quasi-Kinship Relations\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe \u0026ldquo;quasi-kin companionship\u0026rdquo; mode of emotional consumption centers on the construction of degendered friendship or kin-like relationships between streamers and viewers. Unlike the \u0026ldquo;romantic-fantasy\u0026rdquo; tipping pattern, which is driven by viewers\u0026rsquo; flirtatious admiration toward the opposite sex, tipping behaviors in live-streaming rooms featuring average-looking yet talented streamers often stem from appreciation, emotional resonance, or a sense of familial or friendly attachment toward the streamer.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec17\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.3.1 From \u0026ldquo;Severed Kinship\u0026rdquo; to \u0026ldquo;Internet Kinship\u0026rdquo;: Emotional Support and Value Exchange\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe essence of the \u0026ldquo;quasi-kin companionship\u0026rdquo; tipping model lies in a form of consumption directed toward emotional satisfaction\u0026mdash;an exchange between \u0026ldquo;emotional support\u0026rdquo; and \u0026ldquo;virtual tipping.\u0026rdquo; The phenomenon of \u0026ldquo;quasi-kinship\u0026rdquo; has become increasingly common in contemporary Chinese society. Due to intergenerational pressure and emotional distance, many young people tend to \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;sever\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (断亲) or \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;weaken\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e relationships (弱亲) with their original families, while seeking new forms of kinship in online spaces (Zhu and Wu, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR35\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eMin, a 25-year-old recent college graduate and frequent viewer of a top-tier streamer GD (streamer's pseudonym), described how watching GD\u0026rsquo;s streams helped her cope with workplace frustration:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eMin: \"I almost watch GD's live every day; his live is really so funny, you also know he is not good-looking, but he is very humorous, so since I started working I began to watch him, it has been more than two years... I don't have any ideas about male streamers like other female fans do, I just feel GD is a good friend of mine whom I have never met... Every day I will finish the fan-club tasks (粉丝团任务)\u003c/em\u003e \u003csup\u003e5\u003c/sup\u003e, \u003cem\u003eand then watch his live for about three or four hours.\"\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFor Min, GD\u0026rsquo;s humor alleviated her daily stress, and her consistent viewing and engagement represent an implicit form of payment for emotional comfort. This emotional-driven consumption resonates with Miura Atsushi\u0026rsquo;s (2014) concept of \u0026ldquo;creative consumption\u0026rdquo;, in which consumers use spending to construct an ideal lifestyle. In this sense, the purchase of \u0026ldquo;emotional value\u0026rdquo; in quasi-kinship tipping exemplifies the materialization of this concept.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAnother interviewee, Qi, a nurse who often works night shifts, expressed that spending around 10,000 RMB on tipping:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eQi: \"I spend very little in daily life, but I will recharge some amount in live streams as virtual consumption (tipping streamers). I am a nurse and have several night shifts every week; I watch K's midnight live every day. K's daily companionship gives me irreplaceable emotional value, and I feel I am willing to spend this money for him.\"\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFor viewers like Qi, quasi-kinship interactions are a form of active emotional consumption that provides psychological value. They regard streamers as friends or family members in a virtual sense. As Goffman (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1959\u003c/span\u003e) noted, social interaction can be seen as a \u0026ldquo;performance through which individuals manage impressions.\u0026rdquo; In live streaming, the streamer exposes aspects such as appearance, voice, and personality to a large audience\u0026mdash;forming a typical \u0026ldquo;virtual front stage.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eStreamers\u0026rsquo; impression management operates in two main ways: Firstly, symbolic construction through kinship-oriented language. Streamers frequently use \u0026ldquo;quasi-kin\u0026rdquo; expressions like \u0026ldquo;brothers and sisters,\u0026rdquo; \u0026ldquo;family,\u0026rdquo; or \u0026ldquo;my dear ones,\u0026rdquo; which effectively reduce both physical and psychological distance between streamer and audiences; Secondly, authenticity through \u0026lsquo;backstage exposure\u0026rsquo;. Many streamers share private experiences or behind-the-scenes moments, intentionally blurring the line between front and backstage to build trust and foster a sense of intimacy.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAudiences, in turn, reciprocate these strategies through active participation and economic support. The platform mediates and amplifies this interaction by embedding mechanisms that enhance perceived closeness. For instance, the live-streaming system introduces fan club tasks and \u003cem\u003e\u0026lsquo;popularity rankings\u0026rsquo;\u003c/em\u003e(人气票) that encourage daily \u0026ldquo;check-ins,\u0026rdquo; strengthening bonds between streamers and fans.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis immediate feedback activates what Kahneman (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e) describes as the \u0026ldquo;fast thinking\u0026rdquo; mechanism, which reduces rational deliberation and legitimizes emotion-driven tipping behavior. Consequently, a feedback loop emerges\u0026mdash;\u0026ldquo;streamer strategy \u0026rarr; Audiences response \u0026rarr; streamer reinforcement.\u0026rdquo; Through platform design and affective interaction, viewers gradually come to perceive streamers as part of their \u0026ldquo;internet family.\u0026rdquo; This transforms quasi-kinship from symbolic expression into a form of stable emotional bonding, sustained through ongoing tipping and engagement.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec18\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.3.2 From \u0026ldquo;Dyadic Interaction\u0026rdquo; to \u0026ldquo;Collective Carnival\u0026rdquo;: Virtual Communities and Group Identity\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn the \u0026ldquo;quasi-kin companionship\u0026rdquo; model of tipping consumption, the collective interaction and virtual community identification within live-streaming spaces provide a crucial foundation for the formation of quasi-kin relationships. Audiences not only perceive streamers as family members or close friends but also treat the fan community surrounding the streamer as a comfortable space for emotional habitation in the digital world.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eWellman\u0026rsquo;s concept of \u0026ldquo;networked individualism\u0026rdquo; suggests that online social networks function as social networks in their own right, where online interactions both reconstruct and extend the logic of offline social networks into virtual spaces (Wellman et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR27\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2001\u003c/span\u003e). The starting point of interaction in both virtual and offline networks lies in individuals\u0026rsquo; fundamental social need for connection and communication.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe social engagement within live-streaming communities\u0026mdash;an inherently virtual social space\u0026mdash;transcends the constraints of physical distance and temporal limits. It satisfies not only the need for sustained connection among acquaintances but also creates new platforms that enable emotional interaction among strangers.For example, Wei, one of the interviewees, joined the fan community of streamer F and later co-founded a smaller private group with three or four other fans. Beyond sharing updates about F\u0026rsquo;s live streams, they also exchange details of their personal lives, such as preparing for exams, work experiences, and issues related to their original families.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eWei: \"I don't have many friends in offline life, but I have made many good friends on the internet. Every day everyone in the group discusses streamer F's live content. The internet is like another parallel world; I can likewise harvest friendship here, and even we are like family, 'meeting' here every day.\"\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eWei described the presence of streamer F and the other fans in the community as feeling like \u0026ldquo;unmet family members.\u0026rdquo; Although the group\u0026rsquo;s daily monetary contributions were modest\u0026mdash;typically just one yuan to complete the fan-club task\u0026mdash;they occasionally offered larger gifts, such as around 100 yuan, to help the streamer reach PK targets. Once audiences develop the habit of regularly watching a particular streamer and engaging in tipping behavior, they tend to join the fan group to chat with other followers. Through these interactions, individuals form interpersonal networks that generate a sense of belonging, mutual recognition, and shared norms\u0026mdash;together constituting a virtual community.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e Because the audience shares affection for the same streamer, common interests and symbolic practices emerge\u0026mdash;such as tipping, completing intimacy tasks, and chatting\u0026mdash;which foster group identification and collective participation (Rheingold, 2000). For example, an anonymous female interviewee named Yang said she enjoys watching the live-streams of a top-tier streamer named XL. XL calls his fans \"little cakes,\" so member of XL\u0026rsquo;s fan group, including Yang, add a cupcake emoji to online nicknames to signal their affiliation. As Yang\u0026rsquo;s describtion, streamer XL usually addresses his fans as \u0026ldquo;Cake Babies\u0026rdquo;, reinforcing emotional proximity and group solidarity. Yang said that when she notices a user name with the cupcake symbol, she would know that the person is likely a fellow XL audience member.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn addition, the \u0026ldquo;PK session\u0026rdquo; in live streaming generates a structured form of group collaboration. Within streamer PP\u0026rsquo;s fan community, Audiences voluntarily remind one another to support the streamer during PK battles, establishing a shared norm of collective action. This platform design effectively integrates dispersed individuals into a unified interactive framework, thereby strengthening community identity. For instance, PP is a top-tier male streamer and often schedules PK matches with other streamers. During these sessions, members of his fan group actively mobilize to encourage others to send virtual gifts to help PP secure victory.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Tonight at 10 p.m., PP will have a big \u0026lsquo;championship\u0026rsquo; PK battle. I will definitely recharge in advance before his live stream, and remind others in his fan group chat to support PP. He is really, really interesting, you (referring to researcher) can also go and watch him when you have time!\u0026rdquo; (Interviewee Manman)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOverall, the establishment and maintenance of quasi-kinship relationships in the digital virtual space require a process of mutual construction between streamers and audiences, facilitated by the platform\u0026rsquo;s interaction design mechanisms. Streamers create a sense of intimacy by giving their fan groups nicknames and building fan communities, while fans strengthen these ties by completing game-like online tasks that symbolically deepen their \u0026ldquo;kinship\u0026rdquo; with the streamer. The fan community\u0026rsquo;s online communication becomes embedded in individuals\u0026rsquo; everyday lives, allowing audiences to reciprocate through consumption and thereby fulfill their own emotional needs.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"5. Conclusion and Discussion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis study using in-depth interviews, provides an in-depth examination of tipping behaviors in entertainment live streams on the Chinese stream platform. Our analysis reveals two dominant emotional consumption patterns: the \u0026ldquo;romantic-fantasy\u0026rdquo; type and the \u0026ldquo;quasi-kin companionship\u0026rdquo; type. These patterns demonstrate that tipping is far more than an economic transaction\u0026mdash;it is a complex emotional practice and a form of social interaction, serving as a central means through which users construct intimacy and seek belonging in digital spaces.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe core finding lies in identifying and interpreting two coexisting yet distinct emotional consumption logics. First, \u0026ldquo;romantic-fantasy\u0026rdquo; tipping is a highly gendered practice deeply embedded within heteronormative social scripts. In this model, tipping becomes a purchase of intimacy: audiences invest economic capital in exchange for personalized emotional attention and interaction from streamers, together constructing a \u0026ldquo;virtual romance.\u0026rdquo; This process reveals the commodification of emotions and the gendered nature of emotional labor. Streamers engage in carefully crafted gender performances to fulfill the romantic fantasies of big spenders, while tippers, through the conversion of capital within the field, obtain a temporary sense of exalted masculinity and emotional gratification. This dynamic reflects how individuals in the postmodern risk society attempt to discipline the uncertainty of emotions through consumption\u0026mdash;purchasing intimacy as a means of control and stability. Notably, the intensity of gendered performance is inversely related to the streamer\u0026rsquo;s fan base size. Top-tier streamers, leveraging their celebrity status and established influence, are less dependent on overt sexualized discourse. In contrast, mid- and small-tier streamers tend to amplify traditional gender roles and eroticized narratives as key survival strategies to gain visibility in an intensely competitive market. This illustrates how the platform economy structurally produces and capitalizes on specific gender norms.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSecond, the \u0026ldquo;quasi-kin companionship\u0026rdquo; consumption model highlights tipping as a form of social glue. Its essence lies in constructing online virtual communities and fostering social identity. Through sustained small-scale tipping behaviors, viewers invest in long-term social relationships perceived as friendships or familial bonds. This model transcends the fleeting allure of romantic fantasy; by embedding fan relationships into everyday life, it offers individuals stable emotional support and a sense of communal belonging, thereby compensating for the emotional voids prevalent in modern urban existence. The mutual construction and communion between streamer and audience are the foundation for this model\u0026rsquo;s persistence and stability.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe main theoretical contribution of this study is the deepening of emotional consumption theory\u0026mdash;extending its analytical scope from the consumption of objects to the consumption of relationships. It empirically demonstrates how digital platforms have become new arenas for the commodification of emotions and proposes two refined theoretical types, \u0026ldquo;romantic-fantasy\u0026rdquo; and \u0026ldquo;quasi-kin companionship\u0026rdquo;, as analytical frameworks to understand the complexity of the online emotional economy. Furthermore, by dissecting gendered performances of emotional labor within live-stream ecologies, this study critically exposes how romantic-fantasy consumption reinforces and reutilizes traditional gender norms, offering new evidence for understanding how digital technologies collude with preexisting social structures.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThese findings practically carry important implications for platform governance, media literacy, and psychological well-being. Platforms should critically reflect on how their gifting mechanisms may amplify unequal power dynamics and emotional exploitation, and establish healthier norms for streamer-audience interactions. For users, this research enhances awareness of the emotional mechanisms and consumption logics underlying tipping, encouraging more reflective participation. Meanwhile, the discovery of the \u0026ldquo;quasi-kin companionship\u0026rdquo; model offers a positive perspective on how contemporary youth creatively cope with widespread social loneliness. Despite these insights, this research has certain limitations. The findings are grounded in China\u0026rsquo;s specific sociocultural context, and thus their generalizability across other cultural settings (e.g., North America, Southeast Asia) or alternative platforms (e.g., Instagram, YouTube) warrants further investigation. Additionally, the study focuses primarily on entertainment live streams and does not encompass other genres such as educational or gaming streams.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn conclusion, the live-stream room constitutes a microcosmic field of power, where emotion, capital, gender, and technology interweave. This research demonstrates that live-stream tipping serves as a prism through which the complex pursuit of intimacy and belonging in the digital era is refracted. Whether through purchasing \u0026ldquo;romantic fantasy\u0026rdquo; to anchor one\u0026rsquo;s identity or through cultivating \u0026ldquo;quasi-kin companionship\u0026rdquo; to seek communal warmth, these practices vividly reveal the enduring human need for emotional connection and its adaptive expressions in a technologically mediated world.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003ch2\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eData Availability\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe datasets generated and analyzed during the current study are not publicly available due to ethical and confidentiality requirements aimed at protecting participant privacy. However, anonymized materials may be made available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request and subject to institutional approval.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eCompeting Interests\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe author(s) declare no competing interests.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eEthical Approval:\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis study obtained ethical approval from t\u003cstrong\u003ehe Institutional Ethics Committee of Xiamen University, China\u003c/strong\u003e (Approval Number: XDYX202511K67; Date of Approval: 14 November 2024). All procedures involving human participants were carried out in full compliance with institutional and national ethical standards, as well as with the principles of the Declaration of Helsinki and its later revisions. Although the study involved minimal risk and the interviews focused on non-sensitive topics, formal ethics approval was deliberately sought to ensure the protection of participants and to maintain the highest research integrity. The approval covered multiple components of the research process, including participant recruitment, the administration of written informed consent, interview procedures, secure data management, and the safeguarding of participant anonymity and confidentiality.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eInformed Consent:\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWritten informed consent was obtained from all participants\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;between 10 January 2025 and 23 April 2025,\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003eand all interviews were conducted with written informed consent \u003cstrong\u003eobtained after receiving ethical approval from the Xiamen University ethics committee on 14 November 2024.\u003c/strong\u003e Prior to signing the consent form, each participant was provided with a detailed information sheet outlining the purpose of the study, the voluntary nature of participation, the interview procedures, and measures for safeguarding privacy and confidentiality. The interviewer reviewed all sections of the consent form with participants to ensure full comprehension and invited them to ask questions before agreeing to participate.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eOnly after participants signed the written consent form did the interviews proceed. All participants were clearly informed of their right to decline any question, to pause or stop the interview at any point, and to withdraw their participation or request the removal of their data prior to dissemination, without any negative consequences. To protect participant identities, all personal identifying details were removed from transcripts and field notes, and pseudonyms were assigned. With participants\u0026rsquo; permission, interviews were audio-recorded for transcription and analysis. All data, including recordings, transcripts, and consent forms, were securely stored in encrypted, password-protected files accessible only to the research team.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eFunding:\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003eThis research was supported by a provincial social science foundation (grant number withheld for peer review, and further details are included in the cover letter).\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eBao, L., and Huang, M. (2023). 情感及其规则：数字时代情感的意识形态审视 [Emotion and Its Rules: An Ideological Examination of Emotions in the Digital Age (in Chinese)]. \u003cem\u003e天府新论\u003c/em\u003e\u003cem\u003e[Tianfu Xinlun]\u003c/em\u003e, 15(3), 45\u0026ndash;63.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eBaudrillard, J. (1994). \u003cem\u003eSimulacra and Simulation.\u003c/em\u003e University of Michigan Press. DOI: https://doi.org/10.3998/mpub.9904\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eBourdieu, P. 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East China Normal University, Shanghai, China. https://kns.cnki.net/KCMS/detail/detail.aspx?dbname=CMFD201901\u0026amp;filename=1018822097.nh\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eSina Finance. (2018). 《2017 主播职业报告》发布，66.8%的直播用户有打赏行为 [\u0026ldquo;2017 Host Occupation Report\u0026rdquo; released: 66.8% of live streaming users have tipping behavior (in Chinese)]. http://finance.sina.com.cn/roll/2018-01-07/doc-ifyqiwuw7781789.shtml. Accessed 10 June, 2025.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eStets, J., and Turner, J. (2014). \u003cem\u003eHandbook of the Sociology of Emotions\u003c/em\u003e (Vol. 2). Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-9130-4\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eTauber, E. M. (1972). Marketing Notes and Communications: Why Do People Shop? \u003cem\u003eJournal of Marketing\u003c/em\u003e, 36(4), 46\u0026ndash;49. https://doi.org/10.1177/002224297203600409\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eWang, N. (2000). 情感消费与情感产业──消费社会学研究系列之一[Emotional consumption and the emotion industry: A series of studies in consumer sociology (in Chinese)]. \u003cem\u003e中山大学学报(\u003c/em\u003e\u003cem\u003e社会科学版)\u003c/em\u003e[\u003cem\u003eJournal of Sun Yat-sen University (Social Science Edition)]\u003c/em\u003e, (6), 109\u0026ndash;113.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eWeber, M. (1949). \u003cem\u003eThe Methodology of the Social Sciences\u003c/em\u003e. Free Press.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eWellman, B., Quan-Haase, A., Witte, J. C., and Hampton, K. N. (2001). Does the Internet increase, decrease, or supplement social capital? \u003cem\u003eAmerican Behavioral Scientist\u003c/em\u003e, 45(3), 436\u0026ndash;455. https://doi.org/10.1177/00027640121957286\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eWu, Y., Niu, G., Chen, Z., \u0026amp; Zhang, D. (2022). Purchasing social attention by tipping: Materialism predicts online tipping in live-streaming platform through self-enhancement motive. \u003cem\u003eJournal of Consumer Behaviour,\u003c/em\u003e 21(3), 468\u0026ndash;480. https://doi.org/10.1002/cb.1973\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eXinhua Net. (2025). 《从抖音直播行业生态大会看：内容、主播与行业的蝶变之路》[From the Douyin live-streaming industry ecology conference: The transformation path of content, streamers, and the industry (in Chinese)]. http://www.news.cn/tech/20250509/1193d2751b484d829bd5f9d93acfc2c2/c.html Accessed 19 September, 2025.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eYan, Q., Keller, L. R., and Campo, C. (2023). Tip or No Tip? That is the Question. \u003cem\u003eThat is the Question\u003c/em\u003e. https://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.4350150\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eYao, D., Lu, S., and Chen, X. (2024). Crowding-Out in Content Monetization Under Pay What You Want: Evidence From Live Streaming. \u003cem\u003eProduction and Operations Management. \u003c/em\u003eDOI:10.1177/10591478231224948.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eYe, Z., Dong, C., and Kavka, M. (2022). Navigating the economy of ambivalent intimacy: gender and relational labour in China\u0026rsquo;s livestreaming industry. \u003cem\u003eFeminist Media Studies\u003c/em\u003e, 23(7), 3384\u0026ndash;3400. https://doi.org/10.1080/14680777.2022.2112736\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eYuan, Y., Malik, N., Wang, W., and Srinivasan, K., 2025. Privacy Regulation in Live-Streaming Content. Availale at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=5261083. Accessed 19 Sep 2025.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eZhao, S., and Shi, F. (2024). 情感秩序的重构: 对网络直播打赏的理性分析[The reconstruction of emotional order: A rational analysis of tipping behavior in online live streaming (in Chinese)]. \u003cem\u003e山东大同大学学报(\u003c/em\u003e\u003cem\u003e社会科学版)[Journal of Datong University (Social Sciences Edition)]\u003c/em\u003e, 38(4), 123\u0026ndash;127. DOI:CNKI:SUN:DTZJ.0.2024-04-023.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eZhu, B. Y., and Wu, L. (2025). 青年 \u0026ldquo;断亲\u0026rdquo; 的行为逻辑与亲属关系再生产[The behavioral logic of young people\u0026rsquo;s \u0026ldquo;severance of kinship\u0026rdquo; and the reproduction of kinship (in Chinese)]. \u003cem\u003e当代青年研究[Contemporary \u003c/em\u003e\u003cem\u003eYouth Studies]\u003c/em\u003e, (4), 106. DOI:CNKI:SUN:QING.0.2025-04-006.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"},{"header":"Footnotes","content":"\u003col\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e Xinhua Net. (2025). From the Douyin live-streaming industry ecology conference: The transformation path of content, streamers, and the industry (in Chinese)[《从抖音直播行业生态大会看༚内容、主播与行业的蝶变之路》]. Available online at: \u003cspan class=\"ExternalRef\"\u003e\u003cspan class=\"RefSource\"\u003ehttp://www.news.cn/tech/20250509/1193d2751b484d829bd5f9d93acfc2c2/c.html\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan address=\"http://www.news.cn/tech/20250509/1193d2751b484d829bd5f9d93acfc2c2/c.html\" targettype=\"URL\" class=\"RefTarget\"\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e. Accessed 19 September, 2025.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e Sina Finance. (2018). \u0026ldquo;2017 Host Occupation Report\u0026rdquo; released: 66.8% of live streaming users have tipping behavior (in Chinese) [《2017 主播职业报告》发布, 66.8%的直播用户有打赏行为]. Available online at: \u003cspan class=\"ExternalRef\"\u003e\u003cspan class=\"RefSource\"\u003ehttp://finance.sina.com.cn/roll/2018-01-07/doc-ifyqiwuw7781789.shtml\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan address=\"http://finance.sina.com.cn/roll/2018-01-07/doc-ifyqiwuw7781789.shtml\" targettype=\"URL\" class=\"RefTarget\"\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e. Accessed 10 June, 2025.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e Entbrains Think Tank. (2018). \u0026ldquo;2017 China Online Live Streaming Industry Development Report\u0026rdquo; released in Chinese [《2017 中国网络直播行业发展报告》发布]. Available online at: \u003cspan class=\"ExternalRef\"\u003e\u003cspan class=\"RefSource\"\u003ehttp://www.entbrains.com/news/shownews.php?lang=cn\u0026amp;id=70\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan address=\"http://www.entbrains.com/news/shownews.php?lang=cn\u0026amp;id=70\" targettype=\"URL\" class=\"RefTarget\"\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e Accessed 9 January, 2025.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e In the context of live streaming, \u0026ldquo;PK\u0026rdquo; refers to a competitive interaction mechanism designed by the platform, where one streamer can challenge another to a \u0026ldquo;PK battle.\u0026rdquo; The winner is determined by the total amount of virtual gifts (tips) received from viewers during the session, while the loser is often required to perform a punishment, such as singing, dancing, or completing a humorous task.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e \u003cspan\u003e The fan-club task is another mechanism designed by the streaming platform to enhance audience engagement. Viewers can join a streamer\u0026rsquo;s fan club by paying as little as RMB 0.1 and then complete daily interactive task\u0026mdash;such as watching the designated streamer\u0026rsquo;s live stream for more than 20 minutes and sending virtual gifts like the RMB 0.1 \u0026ldquo;fan badge(粉丝团灯牌)\u0026rdquo; or higher-value items\u0026mdash;to accumulate intimacy points. The fan club ranking ranges from level 1\u0026ndash;20, with level 20 as the highest. A higher intimacy level indicates a stronger emotional attachment between the viewer and the streamer, and high-ranking fans are often treated with greater respect by both the streamer and other viewers in the live-streaming room.\u003c/span\u003e \u003c/li\u003e\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":false,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"humanities-and-social-sciences-communications","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"palcomms","sideBox":"Learn more about [Humanities \u0026 Social Sciences Communications](http://www.nature.com/palcomms/)","snPcode":"41599","submissionUrl":"https://submission.springernature.com/new-submission/41599/3","title":"Humanities and Social Sciences Communications","twitterHandle":"","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":true,"editorialSystem":"stoa","reportingPortfolio":"Nature AJ","inReviewEnabled":true,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":false},"keywords":"live-stream, live-stream tipping, emotional consumption, virtual intimacy, gender performativity","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7991233/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-7991233/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eThis study explores the live-stream tipping practices of Chinese audiences, emphasizing the emotional consumption motives and gendered interaction dynamics embedded in these behaviors. With digital live streaming becoming a normalized mode of entertainment and communication, tipping has evolved into a distinctive channel through which individuals engage in mediated forms of sociality and pursue emotional comfort. Drawing on entertainment-oriented live streams on Chinese apps as the empirical context, this research adopts a qualitative approach that uses semi-structured interviews with streamers and audiences. The analysis identifies two emotionally driven modes of tipping: the \u003cstrong\u003e“romantic-fantasy” type\u003c/strong\u003e and the \u003cstrong\u003e“quasi-kin companionship” type. \u003c/strong\u003eThe \u003cem\u003eromantic-fantasy\u003c/em\u003e form predominantly occurs in cross-sex contexts, where tipping functions as a means for audiences to secure individualized emotional attention from streamers, co-creating a form of \u003cem\u003evirtual intimacy\u003c/em\u003e. In contrast, the \u003cem\u003equasi-kin companionship\u003c/em\u003e form is largely gender-neutral allowing audiences to perceive streamers as familiar companions and cultivate enduring relational bonds through sustained, small-scale tipping, thereby constructing an \u003cem\u003e“internet family.” \u003c/em\u003eOverall, this article contends that live-stream tipping cannot be reduced to a simple economic exchange. Rather, as a practice of emotional consumption, it illuminates the layered processes of emotional commodification in the digital media environment and reveals the gendered contours of affective interaction within online communities.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"Purchasing Intimacy: Emotional Consumption Patterns in Live- Stream Tipping","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2026-03-05 09:05:10","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7991233/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0},{"type":"editorInvitedReview","content":"","date":"2026-03-18T15:27:38+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorInvitedReview","content":"","date":"2026-03-13T07:21:02+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"212276948212382518024051972586146499989","date":"2026-02-27T18:37:59+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"31604665093927971259007124200945725261","date":"2026-02-27T15:50:44+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"71784602193395676177595113356766369869","date":"2026-02-27T15:15:25+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewersInvited","content":"","date":"2026-02-27T14:45:04+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorInvited","content":"","date":"2026-02-11T21:13:44+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorAssigned","content":"","date":"2026-02-10T02:35:26+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"checksComplete","content":"","date":"2025-11-24T17:07:45+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"submitted","content":"Humanities and Social Sciences Communications","date":"2025-11-24T17:04:46+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"humanities-and-social-sciences-communications","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"palcomms","sideBox":"Learn more about [Humanities \u0026 Social Sciences Communications](http://www.nature.com/palcomms/)","snPcode":"41599","submissionUrl":"https://submission.springernature.com/new-submission/41599/3","title":"Humanities and Social Sciences Communications","twitterHandle":"","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":true,"editorialSystem":"stoa","reportingPortfolio":"Nature AJ","inReviewEnabled":true,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":false}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"88d7c0e0-7ed3-4c15-8e6f-7ad4e73d2963","owner":[],"postedDate":"March 5th, 2026","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"under-review","subjectAreas":[{"id":63675519,"name":"Humanities/Cultural and media studies"},{"id":63675520,"name":"Social science/Cultural and media studies"},{"id":63675521,"name":"Biological sciences/Psychology"},{"id":63675522,"name":"Social science/Psychology"}],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2026-03-05T09:05:10+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2026-03-05 09:05:10","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-7991233","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-7991233","identity":"rs-7991233","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"XKTyCvWXoU3ODBz1xrDgd","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}