Vulnerable migrant women and Beauty care in the city of Hyderabad

Vulnerable migrant women and Beauty care in the city of Hyderabad | Research Square window.SnipcartSettings = { analytics: { enabled: false } }; (function() { var accessVector = localStorage.getItem('access_vector') || ''; window.dataLayer = window.dataLayer || []; if (accessVector) { window.dataLayer.push({ user: { profile: { profileInfo: { snid: accessVector } } } }); } })(); (function(w,d,s,l,i){w[l]=w[l]||[];w[l].push({'gtm.start':new Date().getTime(),event:'gtm.js'});var f=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],j=d.createElement(s),dl=l!='dataLayer'?'&l='+l:'';j.async=true;j.src='https://www.googletagmanager.com/gtm.js?id='+i+dl;f.parentNode.insertBefore(j,f);})(window,document,'script','dataLayer','GTM-K279D39R'); Browse Preprints In Review Journals COVID-19 Preprints AJE Video Bytes Research Tools Research Promotion AJE Professional Editing AJE Rubriq About Preprint Platform In Review Editorial Policies Our Team Advisory Board Help Center Sign In Submit a Preprint Cite Share Download PDF Research Article Vulnerable migrant women and Beauty care in the city of Hyderabad Alok Kumar Pandey This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-7000673/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Under Review Version 1 posted 11 You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract Positioned as a global service hub, Hyderabad attracts aspirational migrants from across the globe but pushes many into low paid service work. This paper examines the intersection of gender and migrant workers from three northeast Indian states (Manipur, Nagaland, Mizoram) performing beauty care work in salons and spas that makes up the informal sector. Such care work and service providers keep the global service hub of Hyderabad moving. Beauty care work, as a form of aesthetic labor, takes its toll on the bodies of the women workers. This paper discusses the experiences of the first-generation female migrants who perform beauty care work and the embodied precarity that shapes their everyday lives. This paper also reveals how systemic inequalities tied to gender and urban economic restructuring coalesce in the lived experiences of these workers by situating beauty care work within the broader context of economic and social precarity. The study contributes to a deeper understanding of precarity by foregrounding the voices of marginalized Northeastern Indian migrants in urban India. gender precarity female migrants Northeastern India beauty work Introduction Hyderabad in Telangana, India, the global hub of the Information Technology (IT) services, attracts aspirational migrant youth from the rural hinterlands to make a livelihood. Hyderabad provides plenty of chances for professional development and career advancement due to its thriving IT sector and cheaper cost of living when compared to other major Indian cities. For both professional and unskilled migrants, Hyderabad's growth routes provide a wealth of opportunities. However, semi-skilled and non-skilled labour, particularly for female migrant workers, the chances are unpredictable and insecure. Networking and seeking support from local organizations help mitigate some of the risks associated with finding employment in the city. Among the many unorganised sectors, the beauty salon is one of the sectors in Hyderabad that gives employment opportunities to women migrants from Northeast Indian states. This study examines how migrant women from the three northeast states i.e., Manipur, Nagaland, and Mizoram perform care work and manage their lives and employment in the beauty salon sector in Hyderabad. The precarity that migrating women face is intertwined with gender, upward mobility, and discrimination. Through interviews and observations, the study sheds light on the challenges these women face in terms of job security, racial discrimination, fair wages, and access to resources. It also highlights the resilience and resourcefulness of these migrant women in navigating the complexities of urban employment. Precarity and Care Work Precarity theory provides a lens to analyze the instability experienced by marginalized workers within capitalist systems. Guy Standing's notion of the "precariat" describes a class of workers whose lives are marked by temporary contracts, exploitation, and a lack of social protections. Women migrants from northeast India working in the beauty salons in Hyderabad represent an embodiment of this precariat, navigating structural barriers that render their labor and lives insecure. Judith Butler’s (2004) conceptualization of precarity, which highlights the societal structures that leave certain lives more "exposable," to harm and suffering. Thereby these lives are constantly visible and judged reinforcing the persisting power structures. Northeast migrant workers are emblematic of embodied precarity and their experiences are shaped by the external power structures at the work site. Their labor in the beauty industry is not just physically taxing but also socially devalued, contributing to a cycle of marginalization and exploitation. Precarity has primarily defined the Euro-American experience as part of a broader conversation on the effects of post-Fordism, traumatic experiences, and innovative approaches to the class struggle (Butler, 2004; Hardt & Negri, 2005). Italian autonomous Marxist philosophers and authors like Antonio Negri, Paolo Virno, and Michael Hardt, whose work is representative of numerous labor movements in Europe from the 1970s onward, have contributed to one significant perspective on precarity. Increased global capital mobility during the 1960s exacerbated inequality, sparking labor movements and conflicts in the industrialized nations. As a result, there is a stronger desire for flexibility and worldwide mobility, raising job precarity. Precarity is a distinct sociohistorical state as well as a condition of life (Grenier et al., 2017). Low pay, unfavourable working conditions, long hours, high turnover, and temporary status all contribute to the precariousness and insecurity of migrant women workers (Fan, 2004), yet they are capable of aspiration (Appadurai, 2004; Rofel, 2007). A range of studies have explored the intersection of precarity and beauty salons. Liao (2016) highlights the precarious nature of work for migrant Chinese women in the beauty industry, where societal expectations of femininity compound low wages and limited job security. Arocho (2007) challenges the notion of beauty rituals as solely oppressive, emphasizing the complex history and cultural significance of adornment. Linnan (2007) underscores the potential of beauty salons as a setting for addressing health disparities, particularly among African American women, through interventions that consider the political economy of health. These studies collectively highlight the complex and multifaceted nature of precarity within the beauty salon industry. Intersectionality, a term coined by legal scholar Kimberlé Crenshaw, emphasizes the interconnected nature of systems of oppression, such as racism, sexism, classism, ableism, and homophobia (Cho et al., 2013; Crenshaw, 1989). When we apply an intersectional lens to the analysis of precarity, we can see how these different forms of oppression intersect and interact to create unique experiences of insecurity and vulnerability for individuals who occupy multiple marginalized identities. One of the key ways in which intersectionality manifests in the experience of precarity is through the labor market. Western labor markets are spaces marked by precarious employment and job polarization. Kalleberg's seminal work documents the growing trend of insecure, low-wage jobs without benefits, contrasting with a declining minority of stable, well-compensated positions (Vallas, 2015). This polarization has led to a bifurcation of "good" and "bad" jobs, with implications for social inequality (Acemoglu, 2001; Kalleberg, 2013). The concept of precarity has emerged to describe this enduring condition of economic uncertainty (Vallas, 2015). However, some scholars argue that perceptions of precariousness have increased across all occupations, with even high-paying jobs experiencing greater insecurity and lower satisfaction (Kalleberg, 2013). Additionally, a "culture of enterprise" has emerged, idealizing labor market uncertainties as opportunities for individual agency (Vallas & Prener, 2012). These changes in employment structures and cultural narratives have significant implications for labor market policies and workers' rights. Banti (2017) examines how they are configured into the 'service sector' and how the organization of the service sectors is redefined or problematized by gender identity. As a result, job instability exists at work, which is problematic for the employees because they are unsure of job descriptions and associated legal rights as employees. This puts migrant women in employment in numerous traps set by companies or organizations that lead to exploitation. Banti’s study highlights the sociodemographic profile of the Northeast (NE) female migrant that helps accelerate their migration and their practices of entry into the service sectors of Bangalore city. Banti and Raja Gopalan (2017) analyze the female migrants from NE, mainly employed in the beauty-care sector in Bangalore and Chennai. Additionally, they emphasize how women have emerged as the primary participants in migration studies while discussing the migration process from an intersectionality perspective. The intersectionality approach also demonstrates how one's social identity has a significant impact on the advantages and experiences one has in terms of gender. The study highlights that female migrants from northeastern India working in the beauty-care sector in Chennai and Bangalore experience economic inclusion but persistent social exclusion due to intersecting factors of gender, race, ethnicity, and labor market dynamics. Methodology This study used an ethnographic methodology to understand the lived experiences of migrant women from three Northeast Indian states (Manipur, Nagaland, Mizoram) working in beauty salons in Hyderabad, Telangana. Ethnography was used to capture the sustained social interaction and socio-cultural dynamics and workplace discrimination these women encounter. Data collection involved snowball sampling to access 44 migrant women working in 10 different salons as beauty therapists (15), beauticians (22), and nail artists (7). The fieldwork for this study was conducted in 2021-2022. It involved a mix of both qualitative and quantitative tools. The interview method was used to gather detailed narratives about discrimination at the workplace, while surveys collected comparative data on gender, education, and occupation analyzed with SPSS (IBM v26). The mixed methods thus enabled an understanding of how economic and educational factors shaped the migrant's work. Mutual acquaintances proved useful for snowball sampling, establishing trust, and maintaining associations with informants. Observation as tool was used to gather data on the activities carried out in the salons. Further, ethnographic interviews (Spradley 1979) helped to gather details of work processes, social relations and its implications on the socio-economic roles embodied in these workers. Ethnography helped to understand the intricacies of personal/professional spheres. The first author of the paper is a woman belonging to the state of Manipur and belongs to the capital Imphal. Therefore, the research topic is closely linked to the identity of the first author. This study was carried out between May 2021 and June 2022, a period marked by the upheaval and uncertainty brought on by the second wave of the COVID-19 pandemic in India. Navigating both public health restrictions and the emotional toll of the pandemic shaped how the research unfolded. With these constraints, purposive sampling was initially used to identify participants who could offer rich, meaningful insights. The first set of respondents were community leaders’ individuals deeply connected within their social networks and familiar with the nuances of the field. Their involvement proved invaluable, not only because of their own knowledge but also because they helped reach out to other respondents crucial for the study. As the study progressed, snowball sampling was adopted to widen the circle of participants. Referrals received created a snowball effect each conversation leading to another. Recognising the potential for repetition and sameness that snowball sampling sometimes brings, effort was made to follow leads that came from different social and professional backgrounds. This approach helped capture a more varied and layered set of perspectives. Interviews were designed to be semi-structured, allowing to explore key themes while also giving space for participants to speak freely and in their own rhythm. Conversations ranged from 30 minutes to an hour and a half, depending on how much the person wished to share and the nature of their experiences. Participants decided the location of the research meeting, which often contributed to a sense of ease. Some interviews took place in quiet corners near the participants homes like a small café run by one informant while others happened at their workplaces. Throughout the research process, confidentiality was rigorously maintained. Names of Salons and participants have been changed to maintain anonymity and to protect the identity of the respondents in this paper. Informed consent was obtained before each interview. This ensured that every individual was aware of the study’s intent and that their participation was completely voluntary. More than a procedural formality, these ethical practices were a reflection of the mutual respect and trust that underpinned the entire fieldwork process. Beauty Services as Care Work Beauty services are under theorized within the broader category of care work. Rooted in feminist theories of emotional and aesthetic labor (Hochschild, 1983; Wolkowitz, 2006), beauty services require practitioners to engage intimately with clients' bodies and emotions, often in ways that blur the boundaries between service and care. As Twigg et al. (2011) argue, personal care including hairdressing, skincare, and grooming should be conceptualized as bodily care labor because it involves sustaining the appearance and well-being of others, often in ways that are both physically taxing and emotionally attentive. This labor is profoundly gendered and racialized. Like nursing or domestic work, beauty labor is socially coded as “women’s work” intuitive, nurturing, and naturally suited to feminine dispositions (England, Budig & Folbre, 2002). However, this naturalization masks its skillfulness and justifies its economic devaluation. Care workers are expected to manage their own appearance, deliver emotional support, and perform relational labor, all while conforming to social norms of politeness and attentiveness. Indeed, beauty labor echoes what Tronto (1993) defines as “the practices of maintaining, continuing, and repairing the world so that we can live in it as well as possible.” In this light, beauty work becomes a form of relational care that is simultaneously commodified made invisible in the neoliberal labor market. Moreover, aesthetic labor theory (Warhurst et al., 2000; Elias et al., 2017) emphasizes that workers are hired not only for technical competence but also for the ability to embody a certain look or “style of service” that aligns with brand aesthetics or consumer expectations. For Northeast Indian migrants in the beauty industry, their appearance is both a marketable asset and a site of racialized gaze, positioning them within a precarious framework of demand and discrimination. Together, these perspectives situate beauty work within the continuum of feminized care professions, revealing how emotional, physical, and aesthetic labor are interconnected and systematically undervalued. The work cultures emphasis on physical presentation and customer service on the workers perpetuates a form of commodification, where workers are valued for their ability to appeal to clients’ desires. This commodification and limited opportunities for upward mobility entrench their precarious position within the labor market. Beauty work, as performed by migrant women from the Northeast in Hyderabad salons, exemplifies the broader category of what scholars call the “caring professions.” While traditionally applied to nursing, eldercare, and teaching, the notion of care includes aesthetic and affective labor forms of work that involve emotional engagement, physical touch, and intimate, client-facing service. These labor forms are undervalued in capitalist economies precisely because they are feminized, invisible, and often informal. As such, the beauty industry represents a critical site where questions of care, gender, and labor inequality converge. The labor these women perform is not simply technical or aesthetic; it is care work. It involves listening, attending to the emotional and physical needs of clients, and engaging in bodily labor that is physically taxing and emotionally draining. Yet, this labor is seldom recognized as “skilled” or “valuable” in formal policy frameworks, which often tie wage standards to masculinized forms of productivity. The systemic failure to recognize beauty labor as care work contributes to a gendered devaluation of this profession and reinforces the pay disparities experienced by women workers. Despite possessing equal or greater levels of skill and client interaction, women in the beauty sector often receive lower pay than their male counterparts, particularly in roles involving massage or therapeutic services. The principle of “equal pay for work of equal value,” enshrined in both international labour standards and Indian labour law, remains unrealized in this sector. Female workers are paid per service or on commission, which means limited hours or lower client loads (often due to safety constraints or discriminatory scheduling) directly translate into reduced earnings. Furthermore, beauty labor as care work remains structurally unsupported. Unlike other caring professions, beauty workers lack access to sick leave, maternity benefits, or protection against sexual harassment. Such rights and safeguards should be foundational to professions centered on care. Beauty salon The beauty salon is a complex and multifaceted space, as evidenced by various studies. Furman (2013) highlights the salon as a community hub for older women, where they assert their value and resist societal norms. Ourahmoune (2021) further explores the salon's significance, identifying it as a marketplace icon that facilitates self-actualization through beauty services. Santos (2000) and Baghel (2014) emphasize the salon's role in shaping cultural and social narratives. Santos (2000) focuses on constructing new images of Black beauty, while Baghel (2014) examines the salon as a site for negotiating urban aspirations and the interplay of social structure and agency. These studies underscore the beauty salon's importance as a community, self-expression, and cultural negotiation site. A beauty salon is a place where people go for aesthetic treatments. Some of these treatments include manicures, pedicures, facials, and hair treatments. Nail and hair salons are the two most well-liked varieties of beauty salons. Beauty salons in Hyderabad have become high-tech establishments that easily integrate aesthetic beauty and functional design to create warm and inviting surroundings for various clients. These salon establishments usually adopt a modern minimalist look while sometimes integrating a touch of traditional Hyderabadi flavour, creating a distinctive fusion that echoes the city's cultural roots. Beauty Salons exhibit a particular kind of aesthetic. Upon entering various beauty salons in Hyderabad, one can observe a consistent atmosphere that exudes warmth and coziness. Most of the time, the colours of the walls and furniture evoke that sentiment of comfort – usual shades of pink and grey symbolizing coziness in combination with light blue and white symbolizing tranquillity. The interiors are typically simple with clean lines and simple colour schemes of whites, beiges, and greys, with bold accents or metallic finishes popping in occasionally to add visual excitement. Upscale salons refine the experience with costly additions such as crystal chandeliers, supple seating, and marble counter space. The sensory ambience within these salons is meticulously designed through deliberate lighting that blends ambient comfort with task illumination at working surfaces, usually complemented by contemporary LED mirrors with variable settings. Background music varies in salons though most play music that creates a relaxing and ambient environment. Specialised sections in the salon are allocated for particular services, such as semi-private hair washing stations with reclining seats - some equipped with massage facilities in high-end salons - and separate sections for nail care comprising pedicure thrones and manicure tables set up for comfort. Treatment rooms for skin provide private, dimly-lit havens with facial beds and well-arranged product storage. In the background, storage rooms and staff rooms keep functioning efficiently in a low-key way. The Hyderabad salon industry offers unique levels of experience, from cost-effective areas with functionality as their primary concern to mid-range locations emphasising Instagram-worthy appearance and luxury spaces with exclusivity and high-end amenities. This considered interweaving of design aspects and functionality creates environments that support beauty treatments and promote relaxation with cleanliness and visual balance still being the top priorities so that clients feel transformed and revitalised. This well-thought-out atmosphere guarantees clients are relaxed and comfortable, making the salon more than a service establishment but a social venue where personal grooming and community converge. Most beauty salons in Hyderabad are open from 11 a.m. to 8 p.m., to suit clients with different schedules. Walk-ins are also allowed, and advance appointments are possible for ease. The scheduling flexibility makes the salon accessible to a broad base of customers, ranging from working professionals to housewives. The convenience of access in direct visits or telephone reservations cement the salon as a central pillar of daily life for most people who seek grooming services. Salons today welcome a wide range of clients, not just women, but also men and children. However, societal perceptions still primarily associate these spaces with femininity. More than just places for grooming, salons reflect shifting ideas about beauty and self-expression. The choices people make, whether a haircut, a facial, or a bold new colour, are shaped by culture, age, and personal identity, revealing how beauty norms continue to evolve across generations. Salon services demand is associated with personal economic independence, where disposable income is enough to spend on personal looks and health. Beauty trends have changed through generations, and salons have evolved by providing traditional and modern therapies. The professionals who operate in these areas, stylists, aestheticians, and nail technicians, have much to do with forming beauty trends and offer personalised care. Ultimately, beauty salons are more than just business ventures; they are social centres where self-care, aesthetics, and human connection intersect, mirroring larger cultural and economic forces. Salon Services All-encompassing "beauty therapists" are a thing of the past. With the growing beauty care sector in the market, salon services are constantly evolving with time. The grooming and beauty services have diversified and become complex. They continue to expand with the plethora of services that these spaces provide. It might be challenging to completely map the kind of services by which these spaces can be demarcated. Salon types include beauty salons, hair spas, wellness centres, and skin care facilities. Even at the most extensive spa salons, only some employees are likely to be able to do all services, as many independent salons specialize in a narrow range of services, from tanning to nail art. The most common salon services include hair cutting, coloring, and style, waxing and other hair removal methods, nail care, facial and skin care procedures, tanning, massages, and therapies like aromatherapy. For people working in this field, it means constantly learning and upgrading their skills to stay relevant and find work in well-known or high-end salon chains. Having a recognised certificate or clearing a skill test shows that they know their craft and gives them a better shot at getting hired and building a stable career. Therefore, workers in this field are expected to constantly update their abilities to find work regularly in an established or popular beauty salon chain. The labor force in this profession is youthful, talented, and skilled at the same time. By skilled, we mean the ability to use the equipment, interact with clients, and most importantly persuade clients to visit the salon. Every talent is a component of their workplace culture. Most customers envision hair and beauty salons due to their eye-catching posters, bold logos, and significant social media influence. This vision is also visible in most of Hyderabad's hair salons, nail bars, and beauty parlours. The majority of hairdressers and beauty therapists learn their craft in salons, and many of them work there throughout their whole careers. Spa salons typically provide upscale service and are hidden behind numerous self-contained spa complexes, such as those in hotels or resorts. The focus is on creating a premium experience so clients feel cared for as soon as they enter the salon. Beauty and spa can be seen merged in Hyderabad. It denotes that they provide body and head massages, facial massages, and other cosmetic and beauty services. Furthermore, it is conveniently accessible and has good visibility. Salon has high-quality, name-brand equipment like hairdryers, wash bowls, supply trolleys, styling trolleys, smocks, gloves, nail trimmers, facial beds, tanning beds, and other things. In a salon, both the equipment and the service provider are crucial. The Role of the Beautician and Beauty Therapist in the Salon This section discusses the beauticians and their experience at work. The Indian beauty industry has witnessed exponential growth, fuelled by increasing urbanization and consumer demand for aesthetic services. Migrants from the Northeast region have emerged as significant contributors to this sector, often occupying roles as beauticians, therapists, and salon workers. However, their participation in this feminized labor market is shaped by unique challenges, including regional discrimination, limited job security, and socio-cultural marginalization. The terms “beautician” and “beauty therapist” are often used interchangeably, but there are important distinctions between the two roles. A beautician typically focuses on basic beauty services such as hair styling, makeup, facials, waxing, and manicures or pedicures. They usually undergo shorter vocational or certificate courses and are trained primarily in cosmetic treatments. In contrast, a beauty therapist has a more comprehensive skill set that includes advanced skincare treatments, body therapies, massage, and sometimes even the use of electrical equipment for skin and muscle treatments. Beauty therapists often complete more in-depth training, such as a diploma or degree in beauty therapy, which also includes knowledge of anatomy, dermatology, and hygiene standards. Yes, it is important to recognize that women working in beauty salons are not only engaged in the physical labor of beautifying clients, but are also expected to maintain and project the aesthetic of the industry and the space itself. This includes curating the visual presentation of the salon, managing cleanliness and ambiance, and actively circulating the image of beauty through digital platforms like social media. In this way, the workers are not just service providers, they are aesthetic producers . Their labor shapes how beauty is presented, marketed, and consumed, both within the salon and beyond it. This care work, often overlooked, contributes directly to the social construction of the salon as an aesthetic space. Therefore, we can argue that the idea of “aesthetics” in beauty salons is not a passive backdrop but is actively produced and sustained by the women who labor there. Their work both visible and invisible—constructs what we come to understand as a “beautiful” space, and by extension, what we consider as beauty itself Precarity and Identity of Migrant Beauty Workers The following case of Rachel, a migrant beauty worker from Mizoram, illustrates the dual nature of aesthetic labor in urban India marked by precarious working conditions on one hand, and the potential for social and economic transformation on the other. By examining her journey, the study highlights the broader dynamics of migration, identity, and labor in the context of India’s neoliberal economy. The beauty industry is characterized by gendered labor practices, with women predominantly occupying roles as beauticians, therapists, and salon assistants. The work demands emotional labor, physical stamina, and adherence to societal beauty standards. Beauty workers are often expected to embody the ideals they help clients achieve, creating constant pressure to maintain an appearance that aligns with the industry’s expectations. Moreover, the industry’s informal nature exacerbates precarity. Many beauty salon workers are employed without formal contracts, limiting their access to benefits such as health insurance, maternity leave, or retirement plans. The absence of regulatory oversight leaves them vulnerable to exploitation and abusive workplace practices. Women working in beauty salons often spend less time at the workplace due to restricted working hours, a limitation frequently justified by salon owners and managers on the grounds of ensuring their safety particularly concerns related to commuting during late hours or working in isolated conditions. While these safety concerns are presented as protective measures, they ultimately reduce women’s opportunities to earn. Since wages and commissions(tips) in the beauty sector are often tied to the number of clients served, shorter work hours directly translate to lower income for women. This is especially problematic in a sector that relies heavily on female labor. Despite the perception of equal wages, men often earn more because they are allowed to work longer hours and take on more clients. As a result, the benefits of the beauty industry are unequally distributed, reinforcing gendered inequalities even within a predominantly female workforce. The beauty care work culture demands physical appearance and customer service from its workers perpetuating a form of commodification, where workers are valued for their ability to appeal to clients’ desires. This commodification, coupled with limited opportunities for upward mobility, entrenches their precarious position within the labor market. Rachel’s migration from a small village in Mizoram to Hyderabad exemplifies the economic push factors that drive women from marginalized regions to urban centres. Limited opportunities for education and employment in her hometown, compounded by her family’s financial struggles, prompted her decision to migrate. The gendered nature of Rachel’s migration underscores how women from the Northeast often enter service-oriented sectors such as beauty work, where their perceived “exotic” features align with societal beauty norms. However, this also entrenches their labor within stereotypical roles, limiting upward mobility. The concept of aesthetic labor (Warhurst, 2000), where workers are expected to embody the ideals of attractiveness and customer service, plays a central role in Rachel’s case. Her initial entry into the beauty industry as a poorly paid assistant highlights the commodification of her labor, where her skills and appearance became marketable assets. Despite her eventual success, Rachel’s journey was marked by precarity. She received low wages, frequently changed jobs, and lacked formal labor protections, which left her vulnerable to multiple forms of precarity. These included unpaid overtime, commission-based pay structures that offered no stability, and pressure to perform emotional and aesthetic labor without recognition or compensation. Additionally, her migrant status and informal employment meant she had limited recourse in cases of mistreatment or wage disputes. Rachel’s experience aligns with broader critiques of neoliberal labor markets, which prioritize flexibility, competition, and profit over worker security and well-being. In this context, the language of "choice" and "entrepreneurship" often masks systemic inequalities and labor exploitation particularly for women in feminized service sectors like beauty care work. Migration adds another dimension to the precarity of beauty salon workers. Migrants often enter the beauty industry due to its low entry barriers and the reliance on informal networks for recruitment. While these networks provide initial support, they also bind workers to exploitative arrangements with limited bargaining power. Language barriers, cultural differences, and discriminatory practices further marginalize migrant workers. Rachel faced racial slurs, stereotyping, and exclusion in her workplace, reflecting broader societal biases against migrants from Northeast India. These experiences underscore the intersection of regional identity, race, and migration status in shaping workplace vulnerabilities. They also face the dual burden of supporting families in their native home regions while adapting to the economic and social pressures of urban life. This dual responsibility amplifies the precariousness of their employment, as their livelihoods often lack the stability necessary to fulfil familial obligations. Rachel’s experiences reveal the persistent “othering” of Northeast migrants in Indian cities. Stereotypes and racial slurs, such as being labelled “Nepali” or “foreigner,” reflect deeply ingrained biases against individuals from the region. The term “Nepali,” though referring to a distinct national and ethnic identity, is frequently misused in Indian cities to racialize and homogenize people from the Northeast, reinforcing their status as perpetual outsiders. Such discrimination, however, did not deter Rachel from advancing in her career. Her resilience is demonstrated through her efforts to learn Telugu, the dominant local language, and to build social networks strategies that allowed her to navigate the urban labor market and establish a successful career. Rachel’s migration from Mizoram to Hyderabad was facilitated by social networks, a recurring theme in Northeast migration narratives. Ties to acquaintances and community members in Hyderabad provided her with housing, job opportunities, and emotional support. These networks not only eased her transition but also highlighted how Northeast migrants often rely on collective strategies to navigate hostile urban environments. Furthermore, skill acquisition and professional growth were crucial to Rachel’s empowerment. Her decision to enrol in a beauty academy and obtain certification underscores the importance of formal training in enhancing employability and financial independence. Performing Gender in the Beauty care Industry The beauty salon industry is deeply tied to the performance of gender, where gender functions both as a tool of labor and an expectation placed on workers. For Mary, a migrant also from Mizoram, working as a beauty therapist means continuously expressing and embodying feminine ideals not just through her appearance, but also through her interactions with clients. Her labor is gendered not simply because she is a woman, but because her work relies on aesthetic and emotional labor, both of which are socially coded as feminine. This creates an environment where she is expected to maintain a pleasant demeanour, nurture client relationships, and prioritize customer satisfaction often at the expense of her own comfort or boundaries. A moment that underscored the gendered precarity of salon work occurred when Mary: a client made inappropriate and unsolicited demands toward a male colleague. While this may seem like a reversal of typical gendered power relations, it instead highlights the complex and intersectional nature of gender and power in service work. Mary felt uncomfortable witnessing the interaction but did not feel empowered to intervene or speak up, due to her precarious position in a highly competitive and hierarchical industry. This example illustrates how gendered labor vulnerabilities are intensified in service sectors where customer satisfaction is valued above employee well-being. In such environments, workers particularly women are often expected to absorb discomfort and avoid confrontation, reinforcing unequal power dynamics in the workplace. Intersectionality: Migration, Class, and Work Mary’s journey of migration from Mizoram to Guwahati and later to Hyderabad situates her within a broader context of internal migration in India, where individuals from the Northeast often face marginalization and stereotyping. These stereotypes of Northeastern women as being docile, exotic, and suitable for service jobs have contributed to her acceptance and positioning in the beauty industry. This scenario reveals how racialized and gendered perceptions of labor create the possibilities of opportunity for migrant workers. Originating from an upper-middle-class family in Mizoram, Mary initially benefitted from certain structural privileges, including access to education and familial support, which facilitated her migration to urban centers in pursuit of better opportunities. However, this spatial and socio-economic transition led to a reconfiguration of her class position. Upon entering the urban labor market, she became embedded in the informal and feminized service sector, marked by low wages, job insecurity, and limited labor protections. This shift illustrates the dynamics of downward class mobility and highlights how migration, gender, and labor intersect to produce new forms of precarity. Despite her educational background, her position within the urban economy was shaped less by qualifications and more by the gendered nature of aesthetic labor, which often remains undervalued and unregulated The precariousness of Mary’s work reflects the structural vulnerabilities that are deeply entrenched in industries like beauty and personal care. Her example reveals how economic instability intertwines with emotional and physical challenges, making her professional journey fraught with risks that go beyond financial insecurity. These vulnerabilities stem from the broader systemic inequities in labor markets, particularly those that employ a high proportion of women in gendered service roles. Economic Insecurity as a Gendered Experience Mary’s first jobs in Guwahati and Hyderabad paid her meagre salaries, indicating that low-wage entry-level service jobs are economically precarious. Women like Mary whose labor is so strongly informed by gendered expectations about care and aesthetic labor, have economic vulnerability doubled over because their labor is so undervalued. The business of beauty is constructed upon a desire for personal attention, but the profit lines seldom trickle down to pay people equitably, especially subaltern workers. This economic precarity limits their choices of Mary and forces her to accept low-paid jobs as well as bear inappropriate behaviours from clients to secure their livelihood. It is also part of a more general tendency where women workers in the informal or semi-formal sectors are adversely affected in terms of income instability as well as lack of upward mobility. Although Mary appears resilient and able to show skill development, these system inequalities restrict her ability to gain financial independence or achieve long-term security without massive personal sacrifices. Emotional and Physical Vulnerabilities The emotional labor involved in Mary’s work as a beauty therapist makes her vulnerable. She is supposed to be calm and accommodating even when faced with uncomfortable situations, such as the inappropriate demands made by male clients. This expectation is based on the gendered assumption that women in service roles must prioritize client satisfaction over their well-being. The absence of institutional mechanisms to provide support for the workers in this context further underscores the imbalance of power between clients and employees. Physical vulnerability also manifests in the demands of her work. Long hours of standing, repetitive motions, and the physical exertion involved in providing beauty treatments can take a toll on her health. Moreover, during the Covid-19 lockdown, when Mary shifted to offering home services, the risks to her personal safety increased significantly. Entering clients' private spaces without institutional backing or safeguards exposed her to further insecurities, underlining the precarious nature of her work environment. Structural inequities are not in isolation but rather part of the much larger framework of a capitalist labor market that benefits from gendered labor exploitation. The beauty industry places Mary and others in its orbit within a male-centric capitalist structure in which profits seem to come ahead of rights and protections for workers. Such an industry nature, characterized by a hierarchical structure, poses further burdens on women as they are expected to balance technical expertise with emotional labor without sufficient compensation or recognition. One of the glaring examples of the continuation of structural vulnerabilities is that there is no institutional support for dealing with inappropriate behavior from clients or even for job security. It is this fear of losing her job that makes Mary hesitant to report incidents or resist client demands, which are further fuelled by a lack of alternative employment and stigmatization of women who challenge authority in such workplaces. Despite these challenges, Mary’s persistence in developing her skills and seeking better opportunities reflects her agency. By taking courses, attending workshops, and building a loyal clientele, she has managed to create a degree of professional stability in an otherwise unstable industry. Her aspirations to open her own salon signify a desire to reclaim control over her labor and move beyond the exploitative conditions she has faced. However, this agency does not negate the systemic barriers that she continues to face. The constant need to adapt and prove her worth highlights the unequal burden placed on women workers to navigate structural inequities. While her story is one of resilience, it also underscores the broader need for systemic reforms, such as stronger labour protections, equitable pay structures, and institutional mechanisms to address workplace harassment. Social Construction of Gender through Beauty Care Gender as a social construction underscores the fact that gender is not an inborn quality but a creation of social norms, expectations, and cultural narratives. For Mary her beauty therapist work is deeply set within the performance and reproduction of these gender norms. She does not only embody the expectations of a woman in her biological sense but also the roles and behavior she is supposed to reflect in her professional life. Her labor in the beauty industry is framed as innately feminine, involving the nurturing, aesthetic enhancement, and customer service qualities associated with women historically and culturally. This construction of gender further finds reinforcement through her encounters with clients and employers. The expectation that she should be accommodating, even in discomfort or violation of boundaries, reveals the construction of femininity in her workplace as pliable and service-oriented. This dynamic sustains the notion of women as caregivers and emotional labourers and normalizes their commodification of bodies and labour to meet client demands. For instance, Mary’s experience with a client’s inappropriate request reflects how women’s bodies in service roles are often subject to control and objectification, shaped by patriarchal and capitalist expectations of their labour. The social construction of gender also operates at the intersection of class and ethnicity in Mary’s case. She is a Mizo woman in a metropolitan city. Her identity is filtered through stereotypes of Northeastern women as exotic, approachable, and suited for customer-facing roles. These racialized and gendered assumptions influence her interactions in the workplace, shaping how she is perceived and treated by clients and colleagues. Her ability to operate under these dynamics yet maintain professional standards exemplifies her engaged negotiation of a gendered identity under strict structural restraints in this environment. The beauty sector itself forms a space that creates and reiterates the definitions of gender on the clients as well. Maryas a therapist in the aesthetic industry, is expected to fulfil many of the characteristics of beauty and femininity that would impress her clientele. Simultaneously, she is tasked with enhancing clients' adherence to these same ideals, further reinforcing societal constructs around gender. Her work thus becomes a space where femininity is both performed and consumed, contributing to the perpetuation of gendered expectations in broader cultural contexts. At the same time, Mary’s example also reveals how women can exercise agency within the constraints of gendered labor structures. Her aspiration to open her own beauty salon was not solely driven by the pursuit of financial independence; rather, it represented a strategic effort to reclaim control over her professional identity and redefine her role within a highly competitive and hierarchical industry. By envisioning herself not merely as a service worker but as an entrepreneur, Mary seeks to challenge the conventional narratives surrounding women’s labor in the beauty sector. Her goal to become a salon owner illustrates how women navigate, negotiate, and at times subvert the structural limitations imposed upon them, carving out new spaces of empowerment within the very systems that often marginalize them. Mary’s experiences illustrate the complexities of gendered labor in the beauty industry, where the intersection of race, class, migration, and gender creates specific vulnerabilities and opportunities. Her story highlights the need to critically examine how societal norms around gender and femininity shape the labor market and reinforce precarity for women workers. By situating Mary’s narrative within a broader theoretical framework, it becomes possible to illuminate the structural inequalities and the resilience that define her journey. This analysis underlines the need to address these systemic challenges to create more equitable labor conditions for women in gendered professions. Discrimination The beauty industry’s promise of empowerment must be matched by efforts to dismantle the structural conditions that perpetuate precarity, ensuring that workers can thrive both economically and socially. The precariousness of the beauty salon industry can be attributed to several factors, including the informal nature of employment, lack of worker protections, and gendered expectations. Migrant women from Northeast India, in particular, are among the most vulnerable, as they often face discrimination, exploitation, and harassment due to their distinct physical features, cultural differences, and language barriers. Occupational Disparities and Income Inequalities Table 1: State-wise classification of women and their occupation STATE Occupation Manipur Nagaland Mizoram Total Nail Artist 4 3 0 7 Therapist 4 3 8 15 Beautician 8 7 7 22 44 Table 2: Monthly Income of Beauty Care Providers Occupation Income ($) Nail Artist Therapist Beautician below -116 0 0 0 116-175 0 0 0 175-232 5 1 1 232-above 2 14 21 Table 1 and Table 2 highlight the distribution of occupations and income among beauty salon workers. Migrant women from Northeast India are primarily employed as beauticians, therapists, and nail artists. Despite their significant contributions, nail artists often face the lowest earning potential, with few earning above 232 dollars monthly. In contrast, therapists and beauticians report higher earning potential, but this disparity often correlates with access to training and credentials. The findings reveal that beauticians, particularly in Mizoram, Nagaland, and Manipur, have the highest representation, with 22 out of 44 surveyed women working in this role. However, nail artists face unique challenges, including limited opportunities for skill enhancement and training, which contribute to their lower earnings and more precarious positions. Types of Discrimination in the Workplace The study reveals four major categories of abuse experienced by salon workers: physical, verbal, psychological, and sexual harassment (Table 3). Table 3: Types of discrimination Nail Artist Therapist Beautician Total Physical 0 1 1 2 Verbal 2 8 9 19 Psychological 2 8 5 15 Sexual harassment 0 7 6 13 Salon workers often face various forms of abuse within their work environment, committed by individuals who interact with or work alongside them. Clients and customers frequently emerge as key perpetrators, particularly in incidents involving verbal abuse, sexual harassment, or inappropriate behaviour, often under the guise of casual interaction. For many salon workers, these experiences are harrowing because of the vulnerable position they are placed in. They are expected to smile, stay calm, and remain professional even when mistreated because "the client comes first." Behind the work's expectations is the constant pressure to keep customers happy often at the expense of their own dignity and emotional well-being. This makes workers feel voiceless and powerless, forced to endure behaviour that no one should accept to keep their jobs. At the same time, abuse does not always come from outside; sometimes, it is coworkers or colleagues who contribute to a toxic environment through exclusion, intimidation, or subtle forms of psychological pressure. Over time, this wears down any sense of safety or trust in the workplace, making it not just a place of work but a place of emotional strain. It should no longer be regarded as incidental or personal but rather as an occupational risk that demands institutional attention through clear labour protections, enforceable policies, and a critical reassessment of workplace norms in the beauty industry. In salon settings, the line between physical and sexual abuse can sometimes blur, but they remain distinct in intent and impact. Physical abuse typically involves acts of aggression such as slapping, grabbing, or pushing, actions often justified by clients or superiors as frustration or dissatisfaction but experienced by workers as violations of their bodily integrity. Sexual abuse includes any unwelcome sexualized behaviour, from inappropriate touching to suggestive comments or gestures. These experiences are often dismissed in service spaces, where workers, especially women, are expected to remain composed, accommodating, and “professional,” no matter how uncomfortable or unsafe they feel. Verbal abuse, reported by 19 women, is the most prevalent, followed by psychological harassment (15 women) and sexual harassment (13 women). These forms of abuse stem from unequal power dynamics, gender biases, and the informal nature of employment, which provide limited avenues for redress. Physical abuse, though less frequently reported, and pervasive sexual harassment highlights the vulnerabilities of women working in intimate, client-facing roles. For instance, therapists working in unisex salons often find themselves in enclosed spaces, heightening the risks of inappropriate behavior and harassment. The intersection of gender and migration exacerbates precarity for Northeast Indian women in beauty salons. Social stereotypes and prejudices marginalize these women, often branding them as "foreigners" or "outsiders." Such biases lead to discriminatory hiring practices, limited opportunities for professional growth, and lower social standing. Language barriers further compound these challenges. Many migrant women, hailing from regions where English or Hindi is not the primary language, struggle to communicate effectively with colleagues and clients. This often results in misunderstandings, isolation, and limited ability to assert their rights in the workplace. The unorganized nature of the beauty salon industry leaves workers vulnerable to harassment and exploitation. Anecdotal evidence, such as the story of Rani, a spa therapist from the Northeast, underscores the psychological toll of workplace harassment. Rani faced persistent inappropriate behavior from a regular client, leaving her feeling isolated and powerless. Similar narratives abound, highlight how economic constraints and lack of social support trap many women in cycles of abuse. Employers often exploit their employees by misusing their authority by withholding wages, restricting mobility, or coercing workers into compliance under the threat of job loss. In some cases, cultural and religious networks, such as church communities, provide avenues to resolve matters at the workplace. For example, interventions by church elders have helped address cases of harassment and exploitation in some instances. Discussion The Structural Roots of Precarity in the Beauty Industry The informal nature of employment in beauty salons provides fertile ground for precarious labor practices. As Table 1 illustrates, women from Manipur, Nagaland, and Mizoram are primarily employed as beauticians, therapists, and nail artists. These jobs are important for the sector but are characterized by low pay, no formal contracts, and few benefits that make workers vulnerable to abuse. The intersecting factors for some compounds are the precarity: a. Gendered Labor Expectations: The beauty industry is primarily driven by women, considered the "natural" caretaker and, therefore, less valuable. b. Migration and Marginalization: Migrant women from the Northeast, already marginalized because of ethnic and cultural differences, face greater discrimination and exclusion. c. Economic Exploitation: According to Table 2, nail artists have reported having considerably lower incomes than therapists and beauticians; the gap exists because of a lack of training and systemic devaluation of labor. This precarity not only hits these workers at their economic fronts but extends deeply into social and emotional fields, making insecurity the underlying condition of being. Precarity theory focuses on the embodied experience of insecurity, and it is in the daily realities of Northeast migrant women in beauty salons. As shown in Table 3, verbal (19 cases) and psychological abuse (15 cases) are their workplace experiences, which reveal the emotional labor of their labor. Sexual harassment (13 cases) further points out the gendered risks they face, especially in their roles that require close contact, such as spa therapists. Racializing Northeast women based on their appearance is a method of making them an "outsider" in the mainstream. Stereotypes against Northeasterners are often found in derogatory labels like "Nepali" and treated as inferior compared to South Indians. Such prejudices represent what Butler calls the "uneven distribution of vulnerability" in society, wherein certain bodies are made more "precarious" through systemic dehumanization. Language disadvantage further worsens precarity by making it difficult for workers to bargain for better terms or report abuses. Most migrants from the Northeast, having had less exposure to the dominant languages in their workplaces, cannot easily make their voices heard. Such linguistic precarity feeds into their isolation and vulnerability to exploitative employers. Also, the rise of the gig economy has further destabilized employment in the beauty industry. More and more workers are hired on temporary or freelance contracts, which denies them stable wages, healthcare, and other benefits. Precarity theory explains how such arrangements tend to affect women more than anyone else, who are overrepresented in part-time and informal sectors. Such precarious terms are often accepted because of the lack of opportunities in their home regions. For instance, the scarcity of nail artists in Mizoram (see Table 1) may be a testimony to low demand for such services or a lack of training facilities, compelling women to send themselves to urban centers, such as Hyderabad, despite the risks involved. Precarity is a condition imposed on workers and a site of resistance and negotiation. Though many Northeast migrant women are trapped in exploitative cycles, there are instances of solidarity and collective action as potential disruptors of their precarity. Church groups and local networks play an essential role in supporting some of the women subjected to harassment or abuse. In the case of Dolly, church elders intervened when employers refused to pay wages or continued harassment. Although limited in scale, these acts of solidarity reveal the possibility of community-based resistance to systemic exploitation. Some women manage to escape precarity through skill diversification, getting higher-paid jobs, or creating loyal clientele. According to the theory, however, all these individual efforts remain insufficient to solve the underlying structural inequalities driving their vulnerability. Conclusion This research explores precarity of gender and Northeastern India migrants working in Hyderabad's beauty industry. Based on the theoretical framework of precarity, it looks at beauty care work as a paradigmatic expression of these women's insecure and precarious lives. As defined by Judith Butler and Guy Standing, precarity is more than an economic vulnerability; it can include any form of social or existential instability, which can often be exacerbated by structural inequality. The findings in this paper emphasize that for Northeastern migrants, the precarity of their conditions is amplified by their intersectional identities as women, migrants, and members of a culturally marginalized community. What is promised to be an upwardly mobile trajectory in Hyderabad, presented as a global city and a hub of opportunities, contrasts sharply with the service-sector employment that characterizes low wages, demands for physical and emotional labor, and a lack of security or recognition. The nature of beauty work illustrates this paradox: a) This serves to give employment but only in an insecure framework offering meagre wages. b) The job security does not exist, and employees face exploitation in the workplace. c) The social invisibility of employees continues, and the workers are further marginalized. Such findings argue that precarity, in the beauty industry particularly, arises from the relational character of affective labour and economic systems. This labour is put into the market as commercialized, where interpersonal competencies are considered market assets, but without providing meaningful social or economic security to these women. This seals their dependence on insecure systems while curtailing the chances of upward mobility. Though there is scope for aspirational individuals wanting to transform their present situation, the structural circumstances do not offer the flexibility. Focusing on the lived experiences of Northeast women of India in the beauty industry, the study indicates how systemic factors such as globalization, urban migration, and gendered labor practices intersect to perpetuate precarity in urban labor markets. This article contributes to precarity theory by situating it within the specific context of urbanizing India and low-wage service work, underlining the importance of intersecting regional, gendered, and migratory identities in shaping precarious labor conditions. This study advances empirical understanding of precarity and its structural underpinnings as it explores how aesthetic labor in the guise of beauty care work operates within a globalizing urban context. Declarations Acknowledgment We are deeply grateful to all the participants who took part in this study. Their willingness to share their time, experiences, and personal reflections made this research possible. We sincerely appreciate the openness and trust they extended to us throughout the course of the fieldwork. We would also like to thank the Doctoral Research Committee of the Department of Anthropology, University of Hyderabad, for their valuable guidance and for granting ethical approval for this study. Their support played a crucial role in ensuring the ethical and academic integrity of our research. Funding Declaration : No funding was received for conducting this study. Clinical trial number : Not applicable. Consent to Participate declaration : Informed oral consent was obtained from all participants prior to their involvement in the study. The aims, methods, and voluntary nature of the research were clearly explained in language that was accessible and culturally appropriate. Participants were assured that their participation was entirely voluntary and that they could withdraw at any time without facing any negative consequences. No individuals under the age of 16 were included in the research. Consent to Publish declaration: Participants provided consent for the publication of any identifiable information or quoted material included in this manuscript. Ethics declaration : This study received ethical clearance from the Doctoral Research Committee of the Department of Anthropology, University of Hyderabad. Doctoral Research Committee functioned as the institutional body responsible for reviewing and approving research involving human participants. All research activities were carried out in accordance with the ethical guidelines and standards established by Department of Anthropology, University of Hyderabad. Prior to participation, informed consent was obtained from all individuals involved in the study, and every effort was made to ensure their confidentiality, autonomy, and well-being throughout the research process. Data availability The datasets generated during and/or analysed during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request. References Appadurai, A. (2004). The Capacity to Aspire: Culture and the Terms of Recognition’in Vijayendra Rao and Michael Walton (eds), Culture and Public Action. Stanford University Press, Stanford. Arocho, M. I. Q. (2007). Beauty Salons: Consumption and the Production of the Self. In None of the Above: Puerto Ricans in the Global Era (pp. 109–128). Springer. Baghel, D., Parthasarathy, D., & Gupta, M. (2014). Will you walk into my parlor? 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Also discoverable on Platform About Our Team In Review Editorial Policies Advisory Board Help Center Resources Author Services Accessibility API Access RSS feed Manage Cookie Preferences © Research Square 2026 | ISSN 2693-5015 (online) Privacy Policy Terms of Service Do Not Sell My Personal Information {"props":{"pageProps":{"initialData":{"identity":"rs-7000673","acceptedTermsAndConditions":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"archivedVersions":[],"articleType":"Research Article","associatedPublications":[],"authors":[{"id":519081593,"identity":"cb91b585-1ac6-41ad-9cc1-a3fb48a7be7d","order_by":0,"name":"Alok Kumar Pandey","email":"data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAZAAAAAyAQMAAABI0h/eAAAABlBMVEX///8AAABVwtN+AAAACXBIWXMAAA7EAAAOxAGVKw4bAAAA+UlEQVRIiWNgGAWjYDACdgZmEMXYwMB8AEQCERAk4NPCDNfClkCyFh4DhBZ8gL+Z+bBxQc0d2X6JnG8SH3cclm1gP/yA4eEO3FokDrMlJ8849sx45ozcbZIzzxw2buBJM2BIPIPHmsM8xod52A4nbriRu02at+1wYgNDDgNDYhtuHfJgLf8OJ+6/kfMMooX/DX4tBkAtySCVGyRy2CBaJAjYYgj0i/HMvsPGM848M7ac2ZZu3CbxzOAAPi1yx5sPSxd8Oyzb35788MbHNmvZfv7khw9/4tECAuCIYRBIAJHNDGxA8gB+DTAt/GB1dYQUj4JRMApGwQgEABUeVuaeuMBpAAAAAElFTkSuQmCC","orcid":"","institution":"University of Hyderabad","correspondingAuthor":true,"prefix":"","firstName":"Alok","middleName":"Kumar","lastName":"Pandey","suffix":""}],"badges":[],"createdAt":"2025-06-29 04:53:07","currentVersionCode":1,"declarations":"","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7000673/v1","doiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-7000673/v1","draftVersion":[],"editorialEvents":[],"editorialNote":"","failedWorkflow":false,"files":[{"id":92269701,"identity":"4e528cdc-af5e-4001-b8bc-305a93975feb","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-09-26 14:23:36","extension":"docx","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"acdc-reference","size":69686,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"VulnerablemigrantwomenandBeautycareinthecityofHyderabad.docx","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7000673/v1/88ae426d097e87900c496681.docx"},{"id":92268423,"identity":"478843b2-a42e-4da9-b151-ab75fcdafd57","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-09-26 14:07:36","extension":"json","order_by":1,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"acdc-reference","size":3900,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"c7b3bd22048e4b13bb1af13d313681f9.json","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7000673/v1/626fdc7148613b8d813814e6.json"},{"id":92268426,"identity":"a072a1a5-5c90-4024-ab05-31a18bdb49e5","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-09-26 14:07:36","extension":"xml","order_by":2,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"acdc-reference","size":116484,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"c7b3bd22048e4b13bb1af13d313681f91enriched.xml","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7000673/v1/4bef1589621cccf1cfd3415a.xml"},{"id":92268427,"identity":"b5260f4e-bc8f-43d2-a7d2-7b08605565cb","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-09-26 14:07:36","extension":"xml","order_by":3,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"acdc-reference","size":111589,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"c7b3bd22048e4b13bb1af13d313681f91structuring.xml","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7000673/v1/f7b957f54f0aa70d7f539162.xml"},{"id":92269209,"identity":"7b954050-7aba-4e75-801c-ac0575c9f4ec","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-09-26 14:15:36","extension":"html","order_by":4,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"acdc-reference","size":122224,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"earlyproof.html","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7000673/v1/f199d2baa1b66156abe90d57.html"},{"id":92270530,"identity":"9c84d8de-3ebe-4647-9e71-aa7c7216a3a7","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-09-26 14:31:36","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":776209,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7000673/v1/7ea7510f-db1e-4d90-b78a-3d00941c8ed7.pdf"}],"financialInterests":"No competing interests reported.","formattedTitle":"Vulnerable migrant women and Beauty care in the city of Hyderabad","fulltext":[{"header":"Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003eHyderabad in Telangana, India, the global hub of the Information Technology (IT) services, attracts aspirational migrant youth from the rural hinterlands to make a livelihood. Hyderabad provides plenty of chances for professional development and career advancement due to its thriving IT sector and cheaper cost of living when compared to other major Indian cities. For both professional and unskilled migrants, Hyderabad\u0026apos;s growth routes provide a wealth of opportunities. However, semi-skilled and non-skilled labour, particularly for female migrant workers, the chances are unpredictable and insecure. Networking and seeking support from local organizations help mitigate some of the risks associated with finding employment in the city. Among the many unorganised sectors, the beauty salon is one of the sectors in Hyderabad that gives employment opportunities to women migrants from Northeast Indian states. This study examines how migrant women from the three northeast states i.e., Manipur, Nagaland, and Mizoram perform care work and manage their lives and employment in the beauty salon sector in Hyderabad. The precarity that migrating women face is intertwined with gender, upward mobility, and discrimination. Through interviews and observations, the study sheds light on the challenges these women face in terms of job security, racial discrimination, fair wages, and access to resources. It also highlights the resilience and resourcefulness of these migrant women in navigating the complexities of urban employment.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003e\u003cstrong\u003ePrecarity and Care Work\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ePrecarity theory provides a lens to analyze the instability experienced by marginalized workers within capitalist systems. Guy Standing\u0026apos;s notion of the \u0026quot;precariat\u0026quot; describes a class of workers whose lives are marked by temporary contracts, exploitation, and a lack of social protections. Women migrants from northeast India working in the beauty salons in Hyderabad represent an embodiment of this precariat, navigating structural barriers that render their labor and lives insecure. Judith Butler\u0026rsquo;s (2004) conceptualization of precarity, which highlights the societal structures that leave certain lives more \u0026quot;exposable,\u0026quot; to harm and suffering. Thereby these lives are constantly visible and judged reinforcing the persisting power structures. Northeast migrant workers are emblematic of embodied precarity and their experiences are shaped by the external power structures at the work site.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTheir labor in the beauty industry is not just physically taxing but also socially devalued, contributing to a cycle of marginalization and exploitation. Precarity has primarily defined the Euro-American experience as part of a broader conversation on the effects of post-Fordism, traumatic experiences, and innovative approaches to the class struggle (Butler, 2004; Hardt \u0026amp; Negri, 2005). Italian autonomous Marxist philosophers and authors like Antonio Negri, Paolo Virno, and Michael Hardt, whose work is representative of numerous labor movements in Europe from the 1970s onward, have contributed to one significant perspective on precarity. Increased global capital mobility during the 1960s exacerbated inequality, sparking labor movements and conflicts in the industrialized nations. As a result, there is a stronger desire for flexibility and worldwide mobility, raising job precarity. Precarity is a distinct sociohistorical state as well as a condition of life (Grenier et al., 2017). Low pay, unfavourable working conditions, long hours, high turnover, and temporary status all contribute to the precariousness and insecurity of migrant women workers (Fan, 2004), yet they are capable of aspiration (Appadurai, 2004; Rofel, 2007).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eA range of studies have explored the intersection of precarity and beauty salons. Liao (2016) highlights the precarious nature of work for migrant Chinese women in the beauty industry, where societal expectations of femininity compound low wages and limited job security. Arocho (2007) challenges the notion of beauty rituals as solely oppressive, emphasizing the complex history and cultural significance of adornment. Linnan (2007) underscores the potential of beauty salons as a setting for addressing health disparities, particularly among African American women, through interventions that consider the political economy of health. These studies collectively highlight the complex and multifaceted nature of precarity within the beauty salon industry. Intersectionality, a term coined by legal scholar Kimberl\u0026eacute; Crenshaw, emphasizes the interconnected nature of systems of oppression, such as racism, sexism, classism, ableism, and homophobia (Cho et al., 2013; Crenshaw, 1989). When we apply an intersectional lens to the analysis of precarity, we can see how these different forms of oppression intersect and interact to create unique experiences of insecurity and vulnerability for individuals who occupy multiple marginalized identities. One of the key ways in which intersectionality manifests in the experience of precarity is through the labor market. Western labor markets are spaces marked by precarious employment and job polarization.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eKalleberg\u0026apos;s seminal work documents the growing trend of insecure, low-wage jobs without benefits, contrasting with a declining minority of stable, well-compensated positions (Vallas, 2015). This polarization has led to a bifurcation of \u0026quot;good\u0026quot; and \u0026quot;bad\u0026quot; jobs, with implications for social inequality (Acemoglu, 2001; Kalleberg, 2013). The concept of precarity has emerged to describe this enduring condition of economic uncertainty (Vallas, 2015). However, some scholars argue that perceptions of precariousness have increased across all occupations, with even high-paying jobs experiencing greater insecurity and lower satisfaction (Kalleberg, 2013). Additionally, a \u0026quot;culture of enterprise\u0026quot; has emerged, idealizing labor market uncertainties as opportunities for individual agency (Vallas \u0026amp; Prener, 2012). These changes in employment structures and cultural narratives have significant implications for labor market policies and workers\u0026apos; rights. Banti (2017) examines how they are configured into the \u0026apos;service sector\u0026apos; and how the organization of the service sectors is redefined or problematized by gender identity. As a result, job instability exists at work, which is problematic for the employees because they are unsure of job descriptions and associated legal rights as employees. This puts migrant women in employment in numerous traps set by companies or organizations that lead to exploitation. Banti\u0026rsquo;s study highlights the sociodemographic profile of the Northeast (NE) female migrant that helps accelerate their migration and their practices of entry into the service sectors of Bangalore city. Banti and Raja Gopalan (2017) analyze the female migrants from NE, mainly employed in the beauty-care sector in Bangalore and Chennai. Additionally, they emphasize how women have emerged as the primary participants in migration studies while discussing the migration process from an intersectionality perspective. The intersectionality approach also demonstrates how one\u0026apos;s social identity has a significant impact on the advantages and experiences one has in terms of gender. The study highlights that female migrants from northeastern India working in the beauty-care sector in Chennai and Bangalore experience economic inclusion but persistent social exclusion due to intersecting factors of gender, race, ethnicity, and labor market dynamics.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Methodology ","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis study used an ethnographic methodology to understand the lived experiences of migrant women from three Northeast Indian states (Manipur, Nagaland, Mizoram) working in beauty salons in Hyderabad, Telangana. Ethnography was used to capture the sustained social interaction and \u0026nbsp; socio-cultural dynamics and workplace discrimination these women encounter. Data collection involved snowball sampling to access 44 migrant women working in 10 different salons as \u0026nbsp; beauty therapists (15), beauticians (22), and nail artists (7).\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe fieldwork for this study was conducted in 2021-2022. It involved a mix of both qualitative and quantitative tools. The interview method was used to gather detailed narratives about discrimination at the workplace, while surveys collected comparative data on gender, education, and occupation analyzed with SPSS (IBM v26). The mixed methods thus enabled an understanding of how economic and educational factors shaped the migrant\u0026apos;s work. Mutual acquaintances proved useful for snowball sampling, establishing trust, and maintaining associations with informants. Observation as tool was used to gather data on the activities carried out in the salons. Further, ethnographic interviews (Spradley 1979) helped to gather details of work processes, social relations and its implications on the socio-economic roles embodied in these workers. Ethnography helped to understand the intricacies of personal/professional spheres. The first author of the paper is a woman belonging to the state of Manipur and belongs to the capital Imphal. Therefore, the research topic is closely linked to the identity of the first author.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis study was carried out between May 2021 and June 2022, a period marked by the upheaval and uncertainty brought on by the second wave of the COVID-19 pandemic in India. Navigating both public health restrictions and the emotional toll of the pandemic shaped how the research unfolded. With these constraints, purposive sampling was initially used to identify participants who could offer rich, meaningful insights. The first set of respondents were community leaders\u0026rsquo; individuals deeply connected within their social networks and familiar with the nuances of the field. Their involvement proved invaluable, not only because of their own knowledge but also because they helped reach out to other respondents crucial for the study.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAs the study progressed, snowball sampling was adopted to widen the circle of participants. Referrals received created a snowball effect each conversation leading to another. Recognising the potential for repetition and sameness that snowball sampling sometimes brings, effort was made to follow leads that came from different social and professional backgrounds. This approach helped capture a more varied and layered set of perspectives. Interviews were designed to be semi-structured, allowing to explore key themes while also giving space for participants to speak freely and in their own rhythm. Conversations ranged from 30 minutes to an hour and a half, depending on how much the person wished to share and the nature of their experiences. Participants decided the location of the research meeting, which often contributed to a sense of ease. Some interviews took place in quiet corners near the participants homes like a small caf\u0026eacute; run by one informant while others happened at their workplaces.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThroughout the research process, confidentiality was rigorously maintained. Names of Salons and participants have been changed to maintain anonymity and to protect the identity of the respondents in this paper. Informed consent was obtained before each interview. This ensured that every individual was aware of the study\u0026rsquo;s intent and that their participation was completely voluntary. More than a procedural formality, these ethical practices were a reflection of the mutual respect and trust that underpinned the entire fieldwork process.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eBeauty Services as Care Work\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBeauty services are under theorized within the broader category of care work. Rooted in feminist theories of emotional and aesthetic labor (Hochschild, 1983; Wolkowitz, 2006), beauty services require practitioners to engage intimately with clients\u0026apos; bodies and emotions, often in ways that blur the boundaries between service and care. As Twigg et al. (2011) argue, personal care including hairdressing, skincare, and grooming should be conceptualized as bodily care labor because it involves sustaining the appearance and well-being of others, often in ways that are both physically taxing and emotionally attentive. This labor is profoundly gendered and racialized. Like nursing or domestic work, beauty labor is socially coded as \u0026ldquo;women\u0026rsquo;s work\u0026rdquo; intuitive, nurturing, and naturally suited to feminine dispositions (England, Budig \u0026amp; Folbre, 2002). However, this naturalization masks its skillfulness and justifies its economic devaluation. Care workers are expected to manage their own appearance, deliver emotional support, and perform relational labor, all while conforming to social norms of politeness and attentiveness. Indeed, beauty labor echoes what Tronto (1993) defines as \u0026ldquo;the practices of maintaining, continuing, and repairing the world so that we can live in it as well as possible.\u0026rdquo; In this light, beauty work becomes a form of relational care that is simultaneously commodified made invisible in the neoliberal labor market.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMoreover, aesthetic labor theory (Warhurst et al., 2000; Elias et al., 2017) emphasizes that workers are hired not only for technical competence but also for the ability to embody a certain look or \u0026ldquo;style of service\u0026rdquo; that aligns with brand aesthetics or consumer expectations. For Northeast Indian migrants in the beauty industry, their appearance is both a marketable asset and a site of racialized gaze, positioning them within a precarious framework of demand and discrimination. Together, these perspectives situate beauty work within the continuum of feminized care professions, revealing how emotional, physical, and aesthetic labor are interconnected and systematically undervalued. The work cultures emphasis on physical presentation and customer service on the workers perpetuates a form of commodification, where workers are valued for their ability to appeal to clients\u0026rsquo; desires. This commodification and limited opportunities for upward mobility entrench their precarious position within the labor market.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBeauty work, as performed by migrant women from the Northeast in Hyderabad salons, exemplifies the broader category of what scholars call the \u0026ldquo;caring professions.\u0026rdquo; While traditionally applied to nursing, eldercare, and teaching, the notion of care includes aesthetic and affective labor forms of work that involve emotional engagement, physical touch, and intimate, client-facing service. These labor forms are undervalued in capitalist economies precisely because they are feminized, invisible, and often informal. As such, the beauty industry represents a critical site where questions of care, gender, and labor inequality converge. The labor these women perform is not simply technical or aesthetic; it is care work. It involves listening, attending to the emotional and physical needs of clients, and engaging in bodily labor that is physically taxing and emotionally draining. Yet, this labor is seldom recognized as \u0026ldquo;skilled\u0026rdquo; or \u0026ldquo;valuable\u0026rdquo; in formal policy frameworks, which often tie wage standards to masculinized forms of productivity. The systemic failure to recognize beauty labor as care work contributes to a gendered devaluation of this profession and reinforces the pay disparities experienced by women workers.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDespite possessing equal or greater levels of skill and client interaction, women in the beauty sector often receive lower pay than their male counterparts, particularly in roles involving massage or therapeutic services. The principle of \u0026ldquo;equal pay for work of equal value,\u0026rdquo; enshrined in both international labour standards and Indian labour law, remains unrealized in this sector. Female workers are paid per service or on commission, which means limited hours or lower client loads (often due to safety constraints or discriminatory scheduling) directly translate into reduced earnings. Furthermore, beauty labor as care work remains structurally unsupported. Unlike other caring professions, beauty workers lack access to sick leave, maternity benefits, or protection against sexual harassment. Such rights and safeguards should be foundational to professions centered on care.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eBeauty salon\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe beauty salon is a complex and multifaceted space, as evidenced by various studies. Furman (2013) highlights the salon as a community hub for older women, where they assert their value and resist societal norms. Ourahmoune (2021) further explores the salon\u0026apos;s significance, identifying it as a marketplace icon that facilitates self-actualization through beauty services. Santos (2000) and Baghel (2014) emphasize the salon\u0026apos;s role in shaping cultural and social narratives. Santos (2000) focuses on constructing new images of Black beauty, while Baghel (2014) examines the salon as a site for negotiating urban aspirations and the interplay of social structure and agency. These studies underscore the beauty salon\u0026apos;s importance as a community, self-expression, and cultural negotiation site.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eA beauty salon is a place where people go for aesthetic treatments. Some of these treatments include manicures, pedicures, facials, and hair treatments. Nail and hair salons are the two most well-liked varieties of beauty salons. Beauty salons in Hyderabad have become high-tech establishments that easily integrate aesthetic beauty and functional design to create warm and inviting surroundings for various clients. These salon establishments usually adopt a modern minimalist look while sometimes integrating a touch of traditional Hyderabadi flavour, creating a distinctive fusion that echoes the city\u0026apos;s cultural roots. Beauty Salons exhibit a particular kind of aesthetic. Upon entering various beauty salons in Hyderabad, one can observe a consistent atmosphere that exudes warmth and coziness. Most of the time, the colours of the walls and furniture evoke that sentiment of comfort \u0026ndash; usual shades of pink and grey symbolizing coziness in combination with light blue and white symbolizing tranquillity. The interiors are typically simple with clean lines and simple colour schemes of whites, beiges, and greys, with bold accents or metallic finishes popping in occasionally to add visual excitement. Upscale salons refine the experience with costly additions such as crystal chandeliers, supple seating, and marble counter space. The sensory ambience within these salons is meticulously designed through deliberate lighting that blends ambient comfort with task illumination at working surfaces, usually complemented by contemporary LED mirrors with variable settings. Background music varies in salons though most play music that creates a relaxing and ambient environment.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSpecialised sections in the salon are allocated for particular services, such as semi-private hair washing stations with reclining seats - some equipped with massage facilities in high-end salons - and separate sections for nail care comprising pedicure thrones and manicure tables set up for comfort. Treatment rooms for skin provide private, dimly-lit havens with facial beds and well-arranged product storage. In the background, storage rooms and staff rooms keep functioning efficiently in a low-key way. The Hyderabad salon industry offers unique levels of experience, from cost-effective areas with functionality as their primary concern to mid-range locations emphasising Instagram-worthy appearance and luxury spaces with exclusivity and high-end amenities. This considered interweaving of design aspects and functionality creates environments that support beauty treatments and promote relaxation with cleanliness and visual balance still being the top priorities so that clients feel transformed and revitalised.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis well-thought-out atmosphere guarantees clients are relaxed and comfortable, making the salon more than a service establishment but a social venue where personal grooming and community converge. Most beauty salons in Hyderabad are open from 11 a.m. to 8 p.m., to suit clients with different schedules. Walk-ins are also allowed, and advance appointments are possible for ease. The scheduling flexibility makes the salon accessible to a broad base of customers, ranging from working professionals to housewives. The convenience of access in direct visits or telephone reservations cement the salon as a central pillar of daily life for most people who seek grooming services. Salons today welcome a wide range of clients, not just women, but also men and children. However, societal perceptions still primarily associate these spaces with femininity. More than just places for grooming, salons reflect shifting ideas about beauty and self-expression. The choices people make, whether a haircut, a facial, or a bold new colour, are shaped by culture, age, and personal identity, revealing how beauty norms continue to evolve across generations. Salon services demand is associated with personal economic independence, where disposable income is enough to spend on personal looks and health. Beauty trends have changed through generations, and salons have evolved by providing traditional and modern therapies. The professionals who operate in these areas, stylists, aestheticians, and nail technicians, have much to do with forming beauty trends and offer personalised care. Ultimately, beauty salons are more than just business ventures; they are social centres where self-care, aesthetics, and human connection intersect, mirroring larger cultural and economic forces.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eSalon Services\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAll-encompassing \u0026quot;beauty therapists\u0026quot; are a thing of the past. With the growing beauty care sector in the market, salon services are constantly evolving with time. The grooming and beauty services have diversified and become complex. They continue to expand with the plethora of services that these spaces provide. It might be challenging to completely map the kind of services by which these spaces can be demarcated. \u0026nbsp;Salon types include beauty salons, hair spas, wellness centres, and skin care facilities. Even at the most extensive spa salons, only some employees are likely to be able to do all services, as many independent salons specialize in a narrow range of services, from tanning to nail art. The most common salon services include hair cutting, coloring, and style, waxing and other hair removal methods, nail care, facial and skin care procedures, tanning, massages, and therapies like aromatherapy.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFor people working in this field, it means constantly learning and upgrading their skills to stay relevant and find work in well-known or high-end salon chains. Having a recognised certificate or clearing a skill test shows that they know their craft and gives them a better shot at getting hired and building a stable career. Therefore, workers in this field are expected to constantly update their abilities to find work regularly in an established or popular beauty salon chain. The labor force in this profession is youthful, talented, and skilled at the same time. By skilled, we mean the ability to use the equipment, interact with clients, and most importantly persuade clients to visit the salon. Every talent is a component of their workplace culture.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMost customers envision hair and beauty salons due to their eye-catching posters, bold logos, and significant social media influence. This vision is also visible in most of Hyderabad\u0026apos;s hair salons, nail bars, and beauty parlours. The majority of hairdressers and beauty therapists learn their craft in salons, and many of them work there throughout their whole careers. Spa salons typically provide upscale service and are hidden behind numerous self-contained spa complexes, such as those in hotels or resorts. The focus is on creating a premium experience so clients feel cared for as soon as they enter the salon. Beauty and spa can be seen merged in Hyderabad. It denotes that they provide body and head massages, facial massages, and other cosmetic and beauty services. Furthermore, it is conveniently accessible and has good visibility. Salon has high-quality, name-brand equipment like hairdryers, wash bowls, supply trolleys, styling trolleys, smocks, gloves, nail trimmers, facial beds, tanning beds, and other things. In a salon, both the equipment and the service provider are crucial.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eThe Role of the Beautician and Beauty Therapist in the Salon\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis section discusses the beauticians and their experience at work. The Indian beauty industry has witnessed exponential growth, fuelled by increasing urbanization and consumer demand for aesthetic services. Migrants from the Northeast region have emerged as significant contributors to this sector, often occupying roles as beauticians, therapists, and salon workers. However, their participation in this feminized labor market is shaped by unique challenges, including regional discrimination, limited job security, and socio-cultural marginalization.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe terms \u0026ldquo;beautician\u0026rdquo; and \u0026ldquo;beauty therapist\u0026rdquo; are often used interchangeably, but there are important distinctions between the two roles. A beautician typically focuses on basic beauty services such as hair styling, makeup, facials, waxing, and manicures or pedicures. They usually undergo shorter vocational or certificate courses and are trained primarily in cosmetic treatments. In contrast, a beauty therapist has a more comprehensive skill set that includes advanced skincare treatments, body therapies, massage, and sometimes even the use of electrical equipment for skin and muscle treatments. Beauty therapists often complete more in-depth training, such as a diploma or degree in beauty therapy, which also includes knowledge of anatomy, dermatology, and hygiene standards.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eYes, it is important to recognize that women working in beauty salons are not only engaged in the physical labor of beautifying clients, but are also expected to maintain and project the \u003cem\u003eaesthetic\u003c/em\u003e of the industry and the space itself. This includes curating the visual presentation of the salon, managing cleanliness and ambiance, and actively circulating the image of beauty through digital platforms like social media. In this way, the workers are not just service providers, they are \u003cem\u003eaesthetic producers\u003c/em\u003e. Their labor shapes how beauty is presented, marketed, and consumed, both within the salon and beyond it. This care work, often overlooked, contributes directly to the social construction of the salon as an aesthetic space. Therefore, we can argue that the idea of \u0026ldquo;aesthetics\u0026rdquo; in beauty salons is not a passive backdrop but is actively produced and sustained by the women who labor there. Their work both visible and invisible\u0026mdash;constructs what we come to understand as a \u0026ldquo;beautiful\u0026rdquo; space, and by extension, what we consider as beauty itself\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003e\u003cstrong\u003ePrecarity and Identity of Migrant Beauty Workers\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe following case of Rachel, a migrant beauty worker from Mizoram, illustrates the dual nature of aesthetic labor in urban India marked by precarious working conditions on one hand, and the potential for social and economic transformation on the other. By examining her journey, the study highlights the broader dynamics of migration, identity, and labor in the context of India\u0026rsquo;s neoliberal economy. The beauty industry is characterized by gendered labor practices, with women predominantly occupying roles as beauticians, therapists, and salon assistants. The work demands emotional labor, physical stamina, and adherence to societal beauty standards. Beauty workers are often expected to embody the ideals they help clients achieve, creating constant pressure to maintain an appearance that aligns with the industry\u0026rsquo;s expectations. Moreover, the industry\u0026rsquo;s informal nature exacerbates precarity. Many beauty salon workers are employed without formal contracts, limiting their access to benefits such as health insurance, maternity leave, or retirement plans. The absence of regulatory oversight leaves them vulnerable to exploitation and abusive workplace practices.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWomen working in beauty salons often spend less time at the workplace due to restricted working hours, a limitation frequently justified by salon owners and managers on the grounds of ensuring their safety particularly concerns related to commuting during late hours or working in isolated conditions. While these safety concerns are presented as protective measures, they ultimately reduce women\u0026rsquo;s opportunities to earn. Since wages and commissions(tips) in the beauty sector are often tied to the number of clients served, shorter work hours directly translate to lower income for women. This is especially problematic in a sector that relies heavily on female labor. Despite the perception of equal wages, men often earn more because they are allowed to work longer hours and take on more clients. As a result, the benefits of the beauty industry are unequally distributed, reinforcing gendered inequalities even within a predominantly female workforce.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe beauty care work culture demands physical appearance and customer service from its workers perpetuating a form of commodification, where workers are valued for their ability to appeal to clients\u0026rsquo; desires. This commodification, coupled with limited opportunities for upward mobility, entrenches their precarious position within the labor market. Rachel\u0026rsquo;s migration from a small village in Mizoram to Hyderabad exemplifies the economic push factors that drive women from marginalized regions to urban centres. Limited opportunities for education and employment in her hometown, compounded by her family\u0026rsquo;s financial struggles, prompted her decision to migrate. The gendered nature of Rachel\u0026rsquo;s migration underscores how women from the Northeast often enter service-oriented sectors such as beauty work, where their perceived \u0026ldquo;exotic\u0026rdquo; features align with societal beauty norms. However, this also entrenches their labor within stereotypical roles, limiting upward mobility. The concept of aesthetic labor (Warhurst, 2000), where workers are expected to embody the ideals of attractiveness and customer service, plays a central role in Rachel\u0026rsquo;s case. Her initial entry into the beauty industry as a poorly paid assistant highlights the commodification of her labor, where her skills and appearance became marketable assets.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDespite her eventual success, Rachel\u0026rsquo;s journey was marked by precarity. She received low wages, frequently changed jobs, and lacked formal labor protections, which left her vulnerable to multiple forms of precarity. These included unpaid overtime, commission-based pay structures that offered no stability, and pressure to perform emotional and aesthetic labor without recognition or compensation. Additionally, her migrant status and informal employment meant she had limited recourse in cases of mistreatment or wage disputes. Rachel\u0026rsquo;s experience aligns with broader critiques of neoliberal labor markets, which prioritize flexibility, competition, and profit over worker security and well-being. In this context, the language of \u0026quot;choice\u0026quot; and \u0026quot;entrepreneurship\u0026quot; often masks systemic inequalities and labor exploitation particularly for women in feminized service sectors like beauty care work.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMigration adds another dimension to the precarity of beauty salon workers. Migrants often enter the beauty industry due to its low entry barriers and the reliance on informal networks for recruitment. While these networks provide initial support, they also bind workers to exploitative arrangements with limited bargaining power. Language barriers, cultural differences, and discriminatory practices further marginalize migrant workers. Rachel faced racial slurs, stereotyping, and exclusion in her workplace, reflecting broader societal biases against migrants from Northeast India. These experiences underscore the intersection of regional identity, race, and migration status in shaping workplace vulnerabilities. They also face the dual burden of supporting families in their native home regions while adapting to the economic and social pressures of urban life. This dual responsibility amplifies the precariousness of their employment, as their livelihoods often lack the stability necessary to fulfil familial obligations.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eRachel\u0026rsquo;s experiences reveal the persistent \u0026ldquo;othering\u0026rdquo; of Northeast migrants in Indian cities. Stereotypes and racial slurs, such as being labelled \u0026ldquo;Nepali\u0026rdquo; or \u0026ldquo;foreigner,\u0026rdquo; reflect deeply ingrained biases against individuals from the region. The term \u0026ldquo;Nepali,\u0026rdquo; though referring to a distinct national and ethnic identity, is frequently misused in Indian cities to racialize and homogenize people from the Northeast, reinforcing their status as perpetual outsiders. Such discrimination, however, did not deter Rachel from advancing in her career. Her resilience is demonstrated through her efforts to learn Telugu, the dominant local language, and to build social networks strategies that allowed her to navigate the urban labor market and establish a successful career.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eRachel\u0026rsquo;s migration from Mizoram to Hyderabad was facilitated by social networks, a recurring theme in Northeast migration narratives. Ties to acquaintances and community members in Hyderabad provided her with housing, job opportunities, and emotional support. These networks not only eased her transition but also highlighted how Northeast migrants often rely on collective strategies to navigate hostile urban environments. Furthermore, skill acquisition and professional growth were crucial to Rachel\u0026rsquo;s empowerment. Her decision to enrol in a beauty academy and obtain certification underscores the importance of formal training in enhancing employability and financial independence.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003e\u003cstrong\u003ePerforming Gender in the Beauty care Industry\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe beauty salon industry is deeply tied to the performance of gender, where gender functions both as a tool of labor and an expectation placed on workers. For Mary, a migrant also from Mizoram, working as a beauty therapist means continuously expressing and embodying feminine ideals not just through her appearance, but also through her interactions with clients. Her labor is gendered not simply because she is a woman, but because her work relies on aesthetic and emotional labor, both of which are socially coded as feminine. This creates an environment where she is expected to maintain a pleasant demeanour, nurture client relationships, and prioritize customer satisfaction often at the expense of her own comfort or boundaries.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eA moment that underscored the gendered precarity of salon work occurred when Mary: a client made inappropriate and unsolicited demands toward a male colleague.\u0026nbsp;While this may seem like a reversal of typical gendered power relations, it instead highlights the complex and intersectional nature of gender and power in service work. Mary felt uncomfortable witnessing the interaction but did not feel empowered to intervene or speak up, due to her precarious position in a highly competitive and hierarchical industry. This example illustrates how gendered labor vulnerabilities are intensified in service sectors where customer satisfaction is valued above employee well-being. In such environments, workers particularly women are often expected to absorb discomfort and avoid confrontation, reinforcing unequal power dynamics in the workplace.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eIntersectionality: Migration, Class, and Work\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMary\u0026rsquo;s journey of migration from Mizoram to Guwahati and later to Hyderabad situates her within a broader context of internal migration in India, where individuals from the Northeast often face marginalization and stereotyping. These stereotypes of Northeastern women as being docile, exotic, and suitable for service jobs have contributed to her acceptance and positioning in the beauty industry. This scenario reveals how racialized and gendered perceptions of labor create the possibilities of opportunity for migrant workers. Originating from an upper-middle-class family in Mizoram, Mary initially benefitted from certain structural privileges, including access to education and familial support, which facilitated her migration to urban centers in pursuit of better opportunities. However, this spatial and socio-economic transition led to a reconfiguration of her class position. Upon entering the urban labor market, she became embedded in the informal and feminized service sector, marked by low wages, job insecurity, and limited labor protections. This shift illustrates the dynamics of downward class mobility and highlights how migration, gender, and labor intersect to produce new forms of precarity. Despite her educational background, her position within the urban economy was shaped less by qualifications and more by the gendered nature of aesthetic labor, which often remains undervalued and unregulated\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe precariousness of Mary\u0026rsquo;s work reflects the structural vulnerabilities that are deeply entrenched in industries like beauty and personal care. Her example reveals how economic instability intertwines with emotional and physical challenges, making her professional journey fraught with risks that go beyond financial insecurity. These vulnerabilities stem from the broader systemic inequities in labor markets, particularly those that employ a high proportion of women in gendered service roles.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eEconomic Insecurity as a Gendered Experience\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMary\u0026rsquo;s first jobs in Guwahati and Hyderabad paid her meagre salaries, indicating that low-wage entry-level service jobs are economically precarious. Women like Mary whose labor is so strongly informed by gendered expectations about care and aesthetic labor, have economic vulnerability doubled over because their labor is so undervalued. The business of beauty is constructed upon a desire for personal attention, but the profit lines seldom trickle down to pay people equitably, especially subaltern workers. This economic precarity limits their choices of Mary and forces her to accept low-paid jobs as well as bear inappropriate behaviours from clients to secure their livelihood. It is also part of a more general tendency where women workers in the informal or semi-formal sectors are adversely affected in terms of income instability as well as lack of upward mobility. Although Mary appears resilient and able to show skill development, these system inequalities restrict her ability to gain financial independence or achieve long-term security without massive personal sacrifices.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eEmotional and Physical Vulnerabilities\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe emotional labor involved in Mary\u0026rsquo;s work as a beauty therapist makes her vulnerable. She is supposed to be calm and accommodating even when faced with uncomfortable situations, such as the inappropriate demands made by male clients. This expectation is based on the gendered assumption that women in service roles must prioritize client satisfaction over their well-being. The absence of institutional mechanisms to provide support for the workers in this context further underscores the imbalance of power between clients and employees.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ePhysical vulnerability also manifests in the demands of her work. Long hours of standing, repetitive motions, and the physical exertion involved in providing beauty treatments can take a toll on her health. Moreover, during the Covid-19 lockdown, when Mary shifted to offering home services, the risks to her personal safety increased significantly. Entering clients\u0026apos; private spaces without institutional backing or safeguards exposed her to further insecurities, underlining the precarious nature of her work environment. Structural inequities are not in isolation but rather part of the much larger framework of a capitalist labor market that benefits from gendered labor exploitation. The beauty industry places Mary and others in its orbit within a male-centric capitalist structure in which profits seem to come ahead of rights and protections for workers. Such an industry nature, characterized by a hierarchical structure, poses further burdens on women as they are expected to balance technical expertise with emotional labor without sufficient compensation or recognition.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eOne of the glaring examples of the continuation of structural vulnerabilities is that there is no institutional support for dealing with inappropriate behavior from clients or even for job security. It is this fear of losing her job that makes Mary hesitant to report incidents or resist client demands, which are further fuelled by a lack of alternative employment and stigmatization of women who challenge authority in such workplaces.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDespite these challenges, Mary\u0026rsquo;s persistence in developing her skills and seeking better opportunities reflects her agency. By taking courses, attending workshops, and building a loyal clientele, she has managed to create a degree of professional stability in an otherwise unstable industry. Her aspirations to open her own salon signify a desire to reclaim control over her labor and move beyond the exploitative conditions she has faced. However, this agency does not negate the systemic barriers that she continues to face. The constant need to adapt and prove her worth highlights the unequal burden placed on women workers to navigate structural inequities. While her story is one of resilience, it also underscores the broader need for systemic reforms, such as stronger labour protections, equitable pay structures, and institutional mechanisms to address workplace harassment.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eSocial Construction of Gender through Beauty Care\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eGender as a social construction underscores the fact that gender is not an inborn quality but a creation of social norms, expectations, and cultural narratives. For Mary her beauty therapist work is deeply set within the performance and reproduction of these gender norms. She does not only embody the expectations of a woman in her biological sense but also the roles and behavior she is supposed to reflect in her professional life. Her labor in the beauty industry is framed as innately feminine, involving the nurturing, aesthetic enhancement, and customer service qualities associated with women historically and culturally.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis construction of gender further finds reinforcement through her encounters with clients and employers. The expectation that she should be accommodating, even in discomfort or violation of boundaries, reveals the construction of femininity in her workplace as pliable and service-oriented. This dynamic sustains the notion of women as caregivers and emotional labourers and normalizes their commodification of bodies and labour to meet client demands. For instance, Mary\u0026rsquo;s experience with a client\u0026rsquo;s inappropriate request reflects how women\u0026rsquo;s bodies in service roles are often subject to control and objectification, shaped by patriarchal and capitalist expectations of their labour. The social construction of gender also operates at the intersection of class and ethnicity in Mary\u0026rsquo;s case. She is a Mizo woman in a metropolitan city. Her identity is filtered through stereotypes of Northeastern women as exotic, approachable, and suited for customer-facing roles. These racialized and gendered assumptions influence her interactions in the workplace, shaping how she is perceived and treated by clients and colleagues. Her ability to operate under these dynamics yet maintain professional standards exemplifies her engaged negotiation of a gendered identity under strict structural restraints in this environment. The beauty sector itself forms a space that creates and reiterates the definitions of gender on the clients as well. Maryas a therapist in the aesthetic industry, is expected to fulfil many of the characteristics of beauty and femininity that would impress her clientele. Simultaneously, she is tasked with enhancing clients\u0026apos; adherence to these same ideals, further reinforcing societal constructs around gender. Her work thus becomes a space where femininity is both performed and consumed, contributing to the perpetuation of gendered expectations in broader cultural contexts.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAt the same time, Mary\u0026rsquo;s example also reveals how women can exercise agency within the constraints of gendered labor structures. Her aspiration to open her own beauty salon was not solely driven by the pursuit of financial independence; rather, it represented a strategic effort to reclaim control over her professional identity and redefine her role within a highly competitive and hierarchical industry. By envisioning herself not merely as a service worker but as an entrepreneur, Mary seeks to challenge the conventional narratives surrounding women\u0026rsquo;s labor in the beauty sector. Her goal to become a salon owner illustrates how women navigate, negotiate, and at times subvert the structural limitations imposed upon them, carving out new spaces of empowerment within the very systems that often marginalize them.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMary\u0026rsquo;s experiences illustrate the complexities of gendered labor in the beauty industry, where the intersection of race, class, migration, and gender creates specific vulnerabilities and opportunities. Her story highlights the need to critically examine how societal norms around gender and femininity shape the labor market and reinforce precarity for women workers. By situating Mary\u0026rsquo;s narrative within a broader theoretical framework, it becomes possible to illuminate the structural inequalities and the resilience that define her journey. This analysis underlines the need to address these systemic challenges to create more equitable labor conditions for women in gendered professions.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eDiscrimination\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe beauty industry\u0026rsquo;s promise of empowerment must be matched by efforts to dismantle the structural conditions that perpetuate precarity, ensuring that workers can thrive both economically and socially. \u0026nbsp;The precariousness of the beauty salon industry can be attributed to several factors, including the informal nature of employment, lack of worker protections, and gendered expectations. Migrant women from Northeast India, in particular, are among the most vulnerable, as they often face discrimination, exploitation, and harassment due to their distinct physical features, cultural differences, and language barriers.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eOccupational Disparities and Income Inequalities\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eTable 1: State-wise classification of women and their occupation\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cdiv align=\"\"\u003e\n \u003ctable border=\"1\" cellspacing=\"0\" cellpadding=\"0\" width=\"488\"\u003e\n \u003ctbody\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 102px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd colspan=\"3\" valign=\"bottom\" style=\"width: 305px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;STATE\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd colspan=\"2\" valign=\"bottom\" style=\"width: 81px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 102px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eOccupation\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 105px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eManipur\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 113px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eNagaland\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 86px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eMizoram\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd colspan=\"2\" valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 81px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eTotal\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 102px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eNail Artist\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 105px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e4\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 113px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e3\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 86px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e0\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 79px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e7\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 2px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 102px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eTherapist\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 105px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e4\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 113px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e3\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 86px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e8\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 79px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e15\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 2px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 102px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eBeautician\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 105px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e8\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 113px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e7\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 86px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e7\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 79px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e22\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 2px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 102px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 105px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 113px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 86px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 79px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e44\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 2px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003c/tbody\u003e\n \u003c/table\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eTable 2: Monthly Income of Beauty Care Providers\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cdiv align=\"\"\u003e\n \u003ctable border=\"1\" cellspacing=\"0\" cellpadding=\"0\" width=\"422\"\u003e\n \u003ctbody\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 120px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd colspan=\"3\" valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 302px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eOccupation\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 120px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eIncome ($)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 104px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eNail Artist\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 95px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eTherapist\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 104px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eBeautician\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 120px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003ebelow -116\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 104px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e0\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 95px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e0\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 104px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e0\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 120px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e116-175\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 104px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e0\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 95px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e0\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 104px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e0\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 120px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e175-232\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 104px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e5\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 95px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e1\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 104px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e1\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 120px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e232-above\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 104px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 95px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e14\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 104px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e21\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003c/tbody\u003e\n \u003c/table\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTable 1 and Table 2 highlight the distribution of occupations and income among beauty salon workers. Migrant women from Northeast India are primarily employed as beauticians, therapists, and nail artists. Despite their significant contributions, nail artists often face the lowest earning potential, with few earning above 232 dollars monthly. In contrast, therapists and beauticians report higher earning potential, but this disparity often correlates with access to training and credentials.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe findings reveal that beauticians, particularly in Mizoram, Nagaland, and Manipur, have the highest representation, with 22 out of 44 surveyed women working in this role. However, nail artists face unique challenges, including limited opportunities for skill enhancement and training, which contribute to their lower earnings and more precarious positions.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eTypes of Discrimination in the Workplace\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe study reveals four major categories of abuse experienced by salon workers: physical, verbal, psychological, and sexual harassment (Table 3).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eTable 3: Types of discrimination\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ctable border=\"1\" cellspacing=\"0\" cellpadding=\"0\" width=\"525\"\u003e\n \u003ctbody\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 180px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 91px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eNail Artist\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 88px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eTherapist\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 96px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eBeautician\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 71px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eTotal\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 180px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003ePhysical\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 91px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e0\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 88px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e1\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 96px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e1\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 71px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 180px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eVerbal\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 91px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 88px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e8\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 96px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e9\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 71px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e19\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 180px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003ePsychological\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 91px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 88px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e8\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 96px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e5\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 71px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e15\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 180px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eSexual harassment\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 91px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e0\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 88px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e7\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 96px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e6\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 71px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e13\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003c/tbody\u003e\n\u003c/table\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSalon workers often face various forms of abuse within their work environment, committed by individuals who interact with or work alongside them. Clients and customers frequently emerge as key perpetrators, particularly in incidents involving verbal abuse, sexual harassment, or inappropriate behaviour, often under the guise of casual interaction. For many salon workers, these experiences are harrowing because of the vulnerable position they are placed in. They are expected to smile, stay calm, and remain professional even when mistreated because \u0026quot;the client comes first.\u0026quot; Behind the work\u0026apos;s expectations is the constant pressure to keep customers happy \u0026nbsp;often at the expense of their own dignity and emotional well-being. This makes workers feel voiceless and powerless, forced to endure behaviour that no one should accept to keep their jobs. At the same time, abuse does not always come from outside; sometimes, it is coworkers or colleagues who contribute to a toxic environment through \u0026nbsp;exclusion, intimidation, or subtle forms of psychological pressure. Over time, this wears down any sense of safety or trust in the workplace, making it not just a place of work but a place of emotional strain. It should no longer be regarded as incidental or personal but rather as an occupational risk that demands institutional attention through clear labour protections, enforceable policies, and a critical reassessment of workplace norms in the beauty industry.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn salon settings, the line between physical and sexual abuse can sometimes blur, but they remain distinct in intent and impact. Physical abuse typically involves acts of aggression such as slapping, grabbing, or pushing, actions often justified by clients or superiors as frustration or dissatisfaction but experienced by workers as violations of their bodily integrity. Sexual abuse includes any unwelcome sexualized behaviour, from inappropriate touching to suggestive comments or gestures. These experiences are often dismissed in service spaces, where workers, especially women, are expected to remain composed, accommodating, and \u0026ldquo;professional,\u0026rdquo; no matter how uncomfortable or unsafe they feel.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eVerbal abuse, reported by 19 women, is the most prevalent, followed by psychological harassment (15 women) and sexual harassment (13 women). These forms of abuse stem from unequal power dynamics, gender biases, and the informal nature of employment, which provide limited avenues for redress. Physical abuse, though less frequently reported, and pervasive sexual harassment highlights the vulnerabilities of women working in intimate, client-facing roles. For instance, therapists working in unisex salons often find themselves in enclosed spaces, heightening the risks of inappropriate behavior and harassment.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe intersection of gender and migration exacerbates precarity for Northeast Indian women in beauty salons. Social stereotypes and prejudices marginalize these women, often branding them as \u0026quot;foreigners\u0026quot; or \u0026quot;outsiders.\u0026quot; Such biases lead to discriminatory hiring practices, limited opportunities for professional growth, and lower social standing. Language barriers further compound these challenges. Many migrant women, hailing from regions where English or Hindi is not the primary language, struggle to communicate effectively with colleagues and clients. This often results in misunderstandings, isolation, and limited ability to assert their rights in the workplace. The unorganized nature of the beauty salon industry leaves workers vulnerable to harassment and exploitation. Anecdotal evidence, such as the story of Rani, a spa therapist from the Northeast, underscores the psychological toll of workplace harassment. Rani faced persistent inappropriate behavior from a regular client, leaving her feeling isolated and powerless. Similar narratives abound, highlight how economic constraints and lack of social support trap many women in cycles of abuse.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eEmployers often exploit their employees by misusing their authority by withholding wages, restricting mobility, or coercing workers into compliance under the threat of job loss. In some cases, cultural and religious networks, such as church communities, provide avenues to resolve matters at the workplace. For example, interventions by church elders have helped address cases of harassment and exploitation in some instances.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Discussion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe Structural Roots of Precarity in the Beauty Industry\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe informal nature of employment in beauty salons provides fertile ground for precarious labor practices. As Table 1 illustrates, women from Manipur, Nagaland, and Mizoram are primarily employed as beauticians, therapists, and nail artists. These jobs are important for the sector but are characterized by low pay, no formal contracts, and few benefits that make workers vulnerable to abuse. The intersecting factors for some compounds are the precarity:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ea. Gendered Labor Expectations: The beauty industry is primarily driven by women, considered the \u0026quot;natural\u0026quot; caretaker and, therefore, less valuable.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eb. Migration and Marginalization: Migrant women from the Northeast, already marginalized because of ethnic and cultural differences, face greater discrimination and exclusion.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ec. Economic Exploitation: According to Table 2, nail artists have reported having considerably lower incomes than therapists and beauticians; the gap exists because of a lack of training and systemic devaluation of labor.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis precarity not only hits these workers at their economic fronts but extends deeply into social and emotional fields, making insecurity the underlying condition of being. Precarity theory focuses on the embodied experience of insecurity, and it is in the daily realities of Northeast migrant women in beauty salons. As shown in Table 3, verbal (19 cases) and psychological abuse (15 cases) are their workplace experiences, which reveal the emotional labor of their labor. Sexual harassment (13 cases) further points out the gendered risks they face, especially in their roles that require close contact, such as spa therapists. Racializing Northeast women based on their appearance is a method of making them an \u0026quot;outsider\u0026quot; in the mainstream. Stereotypes against Northeasterners are often found in derogatory labels like \u0026quot;Nepali\u0026quot; and treated as inferior compared to South Indians. Such prejudices represent what Butler calls the \u0026quot;uneven distribution of vulnerability\u0026quot; in society, wherein certain bodies are made more \u0026quot;precarious\u0026quot; through systemic dehumanization.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eLanguage disadvantage further worsens precarity by making it difficult for workers to bargain for better terms or report abuses. Most migrants from the Northeast, having had less exposure to the dominant languages in their workplaces, cannot easily make their voices heard. Such linguistic precarity feeds into their isolation and vulnerability to exploitative employers. Also, the rise of the gig economy has further destabilized employment in the beauty industry. More and more workers are hired on temporary or freelance contracts, which denies them stable wages, healthcare, and other benefits. Precarity theory explains how such arrangements tend to affect women more than anyone else, who are overrepresented in part-time and informal sectors.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSuch precarious terms are often accepted because of the lack of opportunities in their home regions. For instance, the scarcity of nail artists in Mizoram (see Table 1) may be a testimony to low demand for such services or a lack of training facilities, compelling women to send themselves to urban centers, such as Hyderabad, despite the risks involved.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ePrecarity is a condition imposed on workers and a site of resistance and negotiation. Though many Northeast migrant women are trapped in exploitative cycles, there are instances of solidarity and collective action as potential disruptors of their precarity. Church groups and local networks play an essential role in supporting some of the women subjected to harassment or abuse. In the case of Dolly, church elders intervened when employers refused to pay wages or continued harassment. Although limited in scale, these acts of solidarity reveal the possibility of community-based resistance to systemic exploitation. Some women manage to escape precarity through skill diversification, getting higher-paid jobs, or creating loyal clientele. According to the theory, however, all these individual efforts remain insufficient to solve the underlying structural inequalities driving their vulnerability.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Conclusion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis research explores precarity of gender and Northeastern India migrants working in Hyderabad\u0026apos;s beauty industry. Based on the theoretical framework of precarity, it looks at beauty care work as a paradigmatic expression of these women\u0026apos;s insecure and precarious lives. As defined by Judith Butler and Guy Standing, precarity is more than an economic vulnerability; it can include any form of social or existential instability, which can often be exacerbated by structural inequality. The findings in this paper emphasize that for Northeastern migrants, the precarity of their conditions is amplified by their intersectional identities as women, migrants, and members of a culturally marginalized community. What is promised to be an upwardly mobile trajectory in Hyderabad, presented as a global city and a hub of opportunities, contrasts sharply with the service-sector employment that characterizes low wages, demands for physical and emotional labor, and a lack of security or recognition. The nature of beauty work illustrates this paradox:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ea) This serves to give employment but only in an insecure framework offering meagre wages.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eb) The job security does not exist, and employees face exploitation in the workplace.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ec) The social invisibility of employees continues, and the workers are further marginalized.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSuch findings argue that precarity, in the beauty industry particularly, arises from the relational character of affective labour and economic systems. This labour is put into the market as commercialized, where interpersonal competencies are considered market assets, but without providing meaningful social or economic security to these women. This seals their dependence on insecure systems while curtailing the chances of upward mobility. Though there is scope for aspirational individuals wanting to transform their present situation, the structural circumstances do not offer the flexibility. Focusing on the lived experiences of Northeast women of India in the beauty industry, the study indicates how systemic factors such as globalization, urban migration, and gendered labor practices intersect to perpetuate precarity in urban labor markets. This article contributes to precarity theory by situating it within the specific context of urbanizing India and low-wage service work, underlining the importance of intersecting regional, gendered, and migratory identities in shaping precarious labor conditions. This study advances empirical understanding of precarity and its structural underpinnings as it explores how aesthetic labor in the guise of beauty care work operates within a globalizing urban context.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAcknowledgment\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWe are deeply grateful to all the participants who took part in this study. Their willingness to share their time, experiences, and personal reflections made this research possible. We sincerely appreciate the openness and trust they extended to us throughout the course of the fieldwork.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWe would also like to thank the Doctoral Research Committee of the Department of Anthropology, University of Hyderabad, for their valuable guidance and for granting ethical approval for this study. Their support played a crucial role in ensuring the ethical and academic integrity of our research.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eFunding Declaration\u003c/strong\u003e: No funding was received for conducting this study.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eClinical trial number\u003c/strong\u003e: Not applicable.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eConsent to Participate declaration\u003c/strong\u003e:\u0026nbsp;Informed oral consent was obtained from all participants prior to their involvement in the study. The aims, methods, and voluntary nature of the research were clearly explained in language that was accessible and culturally appropriate. Participants were assured that their participation was entirely voluntary and that they could withdraw at any time without facing any negative consequences. No individuals under the age of 16 were included in the research.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eConsent to Publish declaration:\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003eParticipants provided consent for the publication of any identifiable information or quoted material included in this manuscript.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eEthics declaration\u003c/strong\u003e: This study received ethical clearance from the Doctoral Research Committee of the Department of Anthropology, University of Hyderabad. Doctoral Research Committee functioned as the institutional body responsible for reviewing and approving research involving human participants. All research activities were carried out in accordance with the ethical guidelines and standards established by Department of Anthropology, University of Hyderabad. Prior to participation, informed consent was obtained from all individuals involved in the study, and every effort was made to ensure their confidentiality, autonomy, and well-being throughout the research process.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eData availability\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe datasets generated during and/or analysed during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eAppadurai, A. (2004). The Capacity to Aspire: Culture and the Terms of Recognition\u0026rsquo;in Vijayendra Rao and Michael Walton (eds), Culture and Public Action. Stanford University Press, Stanford.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eArocho, M. I. Q. (2007). Beauty Salons: Consumption and the Production of the Self. In \u003cem\u003eNone of the Above: Puerto Ricans in the Global Era\u003c/em\u003e (pp. 109\u0026ndash;128). 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(2017). \u003cem\u003eAesthetic Labour: Rethinking Beauty Politics in Neoliberalism\u003c/em\u003e. Palgrave Macmillan.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eEngland, P., Budig, M., \u0026amp; Folbre, N. (2002). Wages of virtue: The relative pay of care work. \u003cem\u003eSocial Problems\u003c/em\u003e, 49(4), 455\u0026ndash;473.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eFan, C. C. (2004). The state, the migrant labor regime, and maiden workers in China. Political Geography, 23(3), 283\u0026ndash;305.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eFurman, F. (2013). \u003cem\u003eFacing the mirror: Older women and beauty shop culture\u003c/em\u003e. Routledge.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eGoodman, L. A. (1961). Snowball sampling. The Annals of Mathematical Statistics, 148\u0026ndash;170.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eGrenier, A., Phillipson, C., Laliberte Rudman, D., Hatzifilalithis, S., Kobayashi, K., \u0026amp; Marier, P. (2017). Precarity in late life: Understanding new forms of risk and insecurity. \u003cem\u003eJournal of Aging Studies\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e43\u003c/em\u003e, 9\u0026ndash;14. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jaging.2017.08.002\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eHardt, M., \u0026amp; Negri, A. (2005). Multitude: War and democracy in the age of empire. Penguin.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eHochschild, A. R. (1983). \u003cem\u003eThe Managed Heart: Commercialization of Human Feeling\u003c/em\u003e. University of California Press.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eKalleberg, A. L. (2011). \u003cem\u003eGood jobs, bad jobs: The rise of polarized and precarious employment systems in the United States, 1970s-2000s\u003c/em\u003e. Russell Sage Foundation.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eKalleberg, A. L. (2013). Book review symposium: Response to reviews of Arne L Kalleberg, Good Jobs, Bad Jobs: The rise of polarized and precarious employment systems in the United States, 1970s to 2000s.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eKalleberg, A. L. (2016). Good jobs, bad jobs. \u003cem\u003eThe SAGE handbook of the sociology of work and employment. London: Sage\u003c/em\u003e, 111-128.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eKalleberg, A. L., \u0026amp; Vallas, S. P. (Eds.). (2017). \u003cem\u003ePrecarious work\u003c/em\u003e. Emerald Publishing Limited.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eKalleberg, A. L., \u0026amp; Vallas, S. P. (Eds.). (2017). Probing precarious work: Theory, research, and politics. In \u003cem\u003ePrecarious work\u003c/em\u003e (pp. 1-30). Emerald Publishing Limited.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eKikon, D., \u0026amp; Karlsson, B. G. (2019). Leaving the Land: Indigenous Migration and Affective Labour in India. 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Beauty salon-a marketplace icon. \u003cem\u003eConsumption Markets \u0026amp; Culture\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e24\u003c/em\u003e(6), 611\u0026ndash;619.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eRofel, L. (2007). Desiring China: Experiments in neoliberalism, sexuality, and public culture. Duke University Press.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eSantos, J. T. dos. (2000). O negro no espelho: Imagens e discursos nos sal\u0026otilde;es de beleza \u0026eacute;tnicos. \u003cem\u003eEstudos Afro-Asi\u0026aacute;ticos\u003c/em\u003e, 49\u0026ndash;65.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eStanding, G. (2011). \u003cem\u003eThe Precariat: The New Dangerous Class\u003c/em\u003e. Bloomsbury Academic.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eTronto, J. C. (1993). \u003cem\u003eMoral Boundaries: A Political Argument for an Ethic of Care\u003c/em\u003e. Routledge.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eTwigg, J., Wolkowitz, C., Cohen, R. L., \u0026amp; Nettleton, S. (2011). 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(2006). \u003cem\u003eBodies at Work\u003c/em\u003e. Sage.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eWood, R. (2024). From aesthetic labour to affective labour: Feminine beauty and body work as self-care in UK \u0026lsquo;lockdown\u0026rsquo;. \u003cem\u003eGender, Place \u0026amp; Culture\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e31\u003c/em\u003e(1), 82-101.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":false,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":true,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"discover-global-society","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"Learn more about [Discover Global Society](https://www.springer.com/journal/44282)","snPcode":"44282","submissionUrl":"https://submission.nature.com/new-submission/44282/3","title":"Discover Global Society","twitterHandle":"","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":true,"editorialSystem":"stoa","reportingPortfolio":"Discover Series","inReviewEnabled":true,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"gender, precarity, female migrants, Northeastern India, beauty work","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7000673/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-7000673/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003ePositioned as a global service hub, Hyderabad attracts aspirational migrants from across the globe but pushes many into low paid service work. This paper examines the intersection of gender and migrant workers from three northeast Indian states (Manipur, Nagaland, Mizoram) performing beauty care work in salons and spas that makes up the informal sector. Such care work and service providers keep the global service hub of Hyderabad moving. Beauty care work, as a form of aesthetic labor, takes its toll on the bodies of the women workers. This paper discusses the experiences of the first-generation female migrants who perform beauty care work and the embodied precarity that shapes their everyday lives. This paper also reveals how systemic inequalities tied to gender and urban economic restructuring coalesce in the lived experiences of these workers by situating beauty care work within the broader context of economic and social precarity. The study contributes to a deeper understanding of precarity by foregrounding the voices of marginalized Northeastern Indian migrants in urban India.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"Vulnerable migrant women and Beauty care in the city of Hyderabad","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2025-09-26 14:07:31","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7000673/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0},{"type":"decision","content":"Revision requested","date":"2025-10-29T12:08:57+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorInvitedReview","content":"","date":"2025-10-26T22:49:40+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorInvitedReview","content":"","date":"2025-10-17T13:09:41+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"230130633378621138738657275348189318536","date":"2025-10-07T05:22:38+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"302054300423834669158461791451044437869","date":"2025-10-05T00:30:49+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"318463608578519505150646003500098831101","date":"2025-10-01T18:36:12+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"152650101215222147557786389138062983125","date":"2025-09-28T16:10:37+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewersInvited","content":"","date":"2025-09-17T07:21:04+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorAssigned","content":"","date":"2025-08-13T08:02:14+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"checksComplete","content":"","date":"2025-07-29T16:47:42+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"submitted","content":"Discover Global Society","date":"2025-07-29T16:44:35+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"discover-global-society","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"Learn more about [Discover Global Society](https://www.springer.com/journal/44282)","snPcode":"44282","submissionUrl":"https://submission.nature.com/new-submission/44282/3","title":"Discover Global Society","twitterHandle":"","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":true,"editorialSystem":"stoa","reportingPortfolio":"Discover Series","inReviewEnabled":true,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"e5929f8a-f9bb-4424-bfe0-1cdc135151a0","owner":[],"postedDate":"September 26th, 2025","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"under-review","subjectAreas":[],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2026-01-27T10:29:39+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2025-09-26 14:07:31","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-7000673","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-7000673","identity":"rs-7000673","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"8U1c8b4HqxoKbykW_rLl7","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}