How Words Shape Neighborhood Appeal: Analyzing Naples Through Airbnb

How Words Shape Neighborhood Appeal: Analyzing Naples Through Airbnb | Research Square window.SnipcartSettings = { analytics: { enabled: false } }; (function() { var accessVector = localStorage.getItem('access_vector') || ''; window.dataLayer = window.dataLayer || []; if (accessVector) { window.dataLayer.push({ user: { profile: { profileInfo: { snid: accessVector } } } }); } })(); (function(w,d,s,l,i){w[l]=w[l]||[];w[l].push({'gtm.start':new Date().getTime(),event:'gtm.js'});var f=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],j=d.createElement(s),dl=l!='dataLayer'?'&l='+l:'';j.async=true;j.src='https://www.googletagmanager.com/gtm.js?id='+i+dl;f.parentNode.insertBefore(j,f);})(window,document,'script','dataLayer','GTM-K279D39R'); Browse Preprints In Review Journals COVID-19 Preprints AJE Video Bytes Research Tools Research Promotion AJE Professional Editing AJE Rubriq About Preprint Platform In Review Editorial Policies Our Team Advisory Board Help Center Sign In Submit a Preprint Cite Share Download PDF Research Article How Words Shape Neighborhood Appeal: Analyzing Naples Through Airbnb Caterina Ambrosio, Antón Freire Varela, Vincenzo Laezza This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-7012263/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract Since 2008, Airbnb has grown exponentially, changing the way tourism is practiced in multiple ways. However, its impact extends beyond disintermediating tourism or hospitality modes, creating significant spatial and socio-economic changes in major tourist cities. Airbnb has also become a powerful placemaking tool, changing the connotation of many neighborhoods that have quickly fallen prey to touristification. Moreover, the platform has been instrumental in shaping change, standardizing living spaces, and constructing ad hoc narratives defined by the styles it promotes. Considering the city of Naples (Italy), the aim of this work is to understand how the city is described by the owners of Airbnb units, in order to identify distortions or mutations that mask the perception of the city. Some dimensions that emerged concern neighborhood safety, points of interest, and mobility. Special attention is given to the differences between central and suburban neighborhoods. The data was collected through Inside Airbnb as of March 13, 2025. The proposed analysis involves integrating GIS with text-based analysis techniques to spatially map hosts’ descriptions and uncover patterns of misrepresentation or standardization imposed by the platform. The analysis revealed Airbnb's ability to construct concrete narratives based on the characteristics of individual neighborhoods. Moreover, a dominant narrative emerged outside the historic city center, emphasizing the authenticity and experiential quality of these areas, discourses that potentially aim to attract tourists and may trigger processes of touristification beyond the city center. Airbnb Tourist Narratives Semantic Analysis GIS Naples Figures Figure 1 Figure 2 Figure 3 1. Introduction In recent decades, tourism has emerged as one of the most transformative economic forces reshaping urban landscapes worldwide. Central to this evolution is Airbnb, a digital platform launched in 2008, initially perceived as an innovative and alternative accommodation solution, capitalizing on underutilized residential spaces and fostering unique and authentic travel experiences. Since its inception, Airbnb has expanded rapidly, becoming an integral player in global tourism and significantly redefining urban environments. Its growth coincided notably with significant shifts in the broader economic structure, characterized by increasing urbanization, globalization, and the financialization of urban spaces, trends that intensified cities’ roles as major hubs of financial, cultural, and consumer activities (Guttentag, 2015 ; Wachsmuth & Weisler, 2018 ; Cocola-Gant, 2016 ). Airbnb’s business model, grounded in the sharing economy paradigm, appeared initially as a promising and ethically-driven approach to tourism, promoting greater interaction between tourists and local residents, as well as offering economic benefits directly to local hosts. This model contrasted starkly with traditional tourism infrastructures, often criticized for their extractive nature and limited economic benefits for local populations. Airbnb thus positioned itself as an alternative that prioritized authentic local experiences, community interactions, and economic decentralization (Guttentag, 2015 ; Dredge & Gyimóthy, 2015 ). However, as Airbnb grew in popularity and economic significance, its impacts became increasingly multifaceted and contentious, reflecting broader debates around urban development and socioeconomic equity. The platform’s widespread adoption contributed notably to profound transformations within urban neighborhoods, particularly in major tourist destinations where short-term rental practices intensified residential displacement and accelerated processes of gentrification. Short-term rentals became lucrative investment opportunities, attracting substantial financial interest and shifting housing markets significantly, resulting in escalating rental prices and reduced residential availability. These dynamic exacerbated inequalities, impacting particularly vulnerable and marginalized communities that found themselves increasingly displaced from their traditional neighborhoods (Wachsmuth & Weisler, 2018 ; Cocola-Gant, 2016 ; García-López et al., 2020 ). At the urban scale, the emergence of Airbnb dovetails with the evolution of cities towards leisure-oriented spaces, shaped profoundly by the needs and desires of a globally mobile population. Urban centers have increasingly prioritized tourism and leisure services, fostering the development of dedicated zones catering specifically to tourist consumption. Such tourist-oriented urban restructuring intensified the phenomenon of touristification, whereby local economies and cultures undergo substantial reshaping to accommodate visitor demands, resulting in the creation of highly specialized yet homogenized leisure spaces (Cocola-Gant, 2016 ; Colomb & Novy, 2016 ). Consequently, urban areas worldwide began facing significant challenges related to overtourism, a phenomenon characterized by excessive tourist concentrations that exceed urban capacity, degrading quality of life for local residents, straining public infrastructure, and leading to cultural erosion. The repercussions of overtourism extend beyond immediate economic and physical impacts, fostering broader social and cultural tensions within urban communities. The central role of Airbnb in facilitating increased visitor flows and reshaping urban spaces placed it at the heart of contemporary debates around sustainable urban tourism management, community resilience, and social equity (Guttentag, 2015 ; Milano et al., 2019 ). These impacts have driven municipalities worldwide to initiate regulatory responses aimed at mitigating Airbnb’s adverse effects. However, attempts to regulate Airbnb often encounter significant resistance due to the platform’s resilient business strategies and substantial economic interests supporting its proliferation. Moreover, the adaptive nature of Airbnb’s spatial impacts further complicates regulatory interventions. Initially concentrated within traditional tourist areas, the saturation of these spaces prompted a spatial redistribution of Airbnb listings toward neighborhoods traditionally peripheral to tourist flows. This spatial shift aligns with broader strategies adopted by urban administrations globally, designed to decentralize tourism and manage overcrowding in city centers by redistributing visitor flows to previously marginalized neighborhoods (Wachsmuth & Weisler, 2018 ; Sans & Quaglieri Domínguez, 2016 ). Within this complex urban context, Naples represents an intriguing case for examining Airbnb’s influence on urban tourism dynamics. The city’s distinctive cultural heritage, socioeconomic diversity, and complex urban geography make it particularly sensitive to the multifaceted impacts of short-term rental platforms. This research aims to understand specifically how Airbnb shapes visitor perceptions and movements within Naples through the narratives constructed by hosts in their listings. These narratives, crafted strategically to attract potential visitors, play a crucial role in repositioning neighborhoods previously excluded from traditional tourism circuits, thereby reshaping their identities and urban functions (Celata & Romano, 2022 ). To comprehensively analyze these narratives, this study adopts a two-step analytical approach leveraging data from Inside Airbnb, a widely recognized platform collecting detailed listing information from Airbnb’s online database. The analysis comprises an initial semantic network approach to identify prevalent clusters of descriptors and understand their structural relationships within Airbnb listings. Subsequently, a qualitative investigation into these narrative clusters provides deeper insights into how specific urban areas in Naples are discursively reconstructed, highlighting both their unique identities and their appeal to tourists. By exploring these discursive practices, the research aims to elucidate Airbnb’s broader role in transforming urban spaces into consumable experiences, shaping visitor flows, and ultimately influencing urban tourism dynamics in contemporary cities (Celata & Romano, 2022 ). 2. Theoretical Background Airbnb has become in recent years a key player in the tourism industry, without which it would be difficult to understand contemporary travel. Its emergence in 2008, amid a period of significant global economic turmoil, marked a turning point in the way people travel today, characterized by greater fluidity and centrality of the experiential component (Seeler and Schänzel, 2019 ). It is also essential to situate Airbnb within a dynamic of profound changes in the global economic structure that began in the last century, with increasing concentration of capital in cities, which have become the planet’s major financial and consumption hubs (Sassen, 1995 ). Within this framework, and based on the premise of the growing development of the sharing economy model -built on collaborative systems connected to online platforms and applications- Airbnb positioned itself as an alternative to traditional accommodation models, capable of fostering a more ethical form of travel by making use of underutilized spaces and enabling direct economic support to local populations, and a more authentic experience through firsthand interaction with host communities (Gallagher, 2017 ). What initially appeared as an alternative to tourism practices rooted in traditional extractive models, over time and with the expansion of this type of tourist accommodation in cities worldwide, the so-called Airbnb model began to show its significant socioeconomic impact on local communities, far from the collaborative economy ideal originally promoted (Frenken and Schor, 2017 ). While on one hand Airbnb disrupted traditional hospitality paradigms by becoming, in many cases, a complementary source of household income, on the other hand, its increasingly massive presence across multiple neighborhoods began to consolidate spatial fix practices in urban environments with catastrophic consequences for local populations (Yrigoy, 2014 ). Before discussing these consequences, it is necessary to highlight how Airbnb plays a key role in the construction and reproduction of hegemonic tourism and urban models today. On one hand, as previously mentioned, cities have become magnets for international capital, undergoing a major transformation from productive to tertiarized and financialized urban spaces (Rutland, 2010 ). Within this process of deindustrialization, urban spaces can be distinguished between zones of consumption and zones of devastation (Zukin, 1991 ), highlighting the exclusionary nature and strong market orientation of new urban spaces. This urban model, which began in the late 20th century, has gone hand in hand with the emergence of a new creative class (Florida, 2002 ) that has gradually colonized the city, triggering or accelerating social exclusion processes promoted by international flows of economic and cultural capital. On the other hand, partly due to the demands of these new urban inhabitants, city centers have acquired a strong leisure orientation, making leisure a fundamental component of the new urban experience, characterized by spaces for consumption of cultural and recreational products representative of contemporary urban lifestyles (Markusen and Schrock, 2009 ; Mullins et al., 1999 ). Tourism plays a fundamental role in reproducing this model, attracting increasing numbers of visitors thanks to the renewed image of the city as a cultural and leisure hub. Thus, in this context marked by the intersection of flows of people and capital in the urban environment, Airbnb has managed to establish itself as a prominent actor, attracting both significant capital flows, which have identified this hospitality model as a lucrative real estate investment opportunity, and satisfying the needs of highly mobile individuals. Tourism has therefore become a crucial resource for cities, profoundly influencing their socioeconomic structures and urban landscapes. Tourism development in these environments tends to occur in specific areas where the majority of tourist flows concentrate, creating differentiated zones or “bubbles” (Cohen, 1972 ; Jaakson, 2004 ) where tourists can access a wide range of activities and services. This hyperspecialization leads to a gradual transformation of the traditional economic and social fabric as well as urban spaces towards new forms adapted to tourist demands and needs. This process, known as “touristification,” can give rise to challenges such as overtourism (Dodds and Butler, 2019 ). Overtourism is a complex phenomenon that has been extensively studied. It is defined as “the excessive growth of visitors leading to overcrowding in areas where residents suffer the consequences of temporary and seasonal tourism peaks, which have caused permanent changes to their lifestyles, denied access to amenities, and damaged their general well-being” (Milano et al., 2019 , p. 1). In the European context, this phenomenon has often occurred in historic city centers, resulting in pronounced touristification and generating new forms of exclusion of local populations through urban mechanisms such as price inflation, evictions, and closure of local businesses, as well as cultural and symbolic mechanisms like changes in lifestyle and atmosphere in these areas (Cocola-Gant, 2019 ; Crespi-Villabona and Domínguez-Pérez, 2021 ). This process involves multiple stakeholders, including public administration, tourism operators, airlines, travel agencies, and, of course, actors such as Airbnb. Recently, the impact of tourism on the city has entered the public debate, identifying Airbnb as one of the main drivers behind the destruction of the socioeconomic and cultural fabric of various urban areas. The principal effect of the Airbnb model lies in the core of its business strategy: short-term rentals, which have become far more profitable for property owners and real estate investors compared to traditional rental models. The main consequence is the exclusion of a significant portion of apartments from the residential market, causing a notable increase in rental prices and thus a substantial rent gap that drives important gentrification processes (Wachsmuth and Weisler, 2018 ). The displacement of local communities generates erosion of social capital in the area and, in contexts such as the United States, where Airbnb controls nearly 20% of the tourist accommodation market, it can also lead to the exclusion of racialized communities (Gold, 2019 ). While Airbnb may contribute to job creation and promote interaction between tourists and locals to some extent, its negative externalities also drive changes in local culture, endangering traditions and spatial uses rooted in host communities (Petruzzi et al., 2020 ). Moreover, in terms of sustainability, the massive presence of short-term rental housing can generate major impacts beyond the destabilization of the real estate market and displacement of local communities, such as the overloading of public infrastructures due to tourist massification or increased pollution (whether noise, solid waste, or air pollution), elements which in many cases lead to the loss of value of the neighborhood or city as a tourist destination (Monaco, 2024 ; Contu et al., 2019 ; Garcia-Ayllon, 2018 ). This unsustainable situation has prompted different public administrations to begin regulating the short-term rental market, although the sector’s great resilience to various regulatory processes in cities like New York, Barcelona, or Berlin should be emphasized (von Briel and Dolnicar, 2020). While most Airbnb housing units tend to concentrate in specific city areas, exacerbating the effects of touristification (Gil and Sequera, 2020 ), in recent years saturation in the most touristic spots has driven a diversion of visitor flows towards neighborhoods previously excluded from the local tourist map. This spatial reconfiguration should be understood within a widespread decentralization strategy undertaken by public and public-private actors aiming to manage the impact of overtourism in urban centers (Milano, 2018 ). Such strategies have been developed in cities like Amsterdam (Sibrijns and Vanneste, 2021 ) and Madrid (de la Calle Vaquero et al., 2018), among others. In cities like Barcelona (Mansilla and Milano, 2022) or Paris (Gravari-Barbas and Jacquot, 2019 ), placemaking strategies have been implemented to attract new visitors to neighborhoods previously little visited by tourists, assigning new connotations and meanings to certain urban spaces more in line with international tourism standards. In this regard, it is interesting to observe the role Airbnb plays in the distribution of tourist flows within the city. As mentioned, short-term rental apartments concentrate mainly in central city areas, corresponding to the presence of tourist attractions and nearby well-accessible leisure zones (Xu et al., 2019 ). However, a notable presence of tourist apartments can also be observed in renewed urban zones (García-Amaya et al., 2021 ). Likewise, due to saturation in many city center areas, demand and supply of these apartments extend towards neighboring districts, with Airbnb acting as an agent of touristification and expansion of tourist flows (Álvarez-Herranz and Macedo-Ruiz, 2021). Within this expansion dynamic of Airbnb’s area of influence, property type significantly affects its spatial distribution. On one hand, more professionalized properties, owned by a few landlords and operating similarly to traditional hospitality, are mainly located in the city’s tourist and business districts. On the other hand, less professionalized owners tend to situate their properties in neighborhoods less affected by touristification (Gyódi, 2024 ). Although both types of ownership negatively affect local communities, the more professionalized are a clear example of the distortion of Airbnb’s original idea, performing a mere instrumentalization of place identity for strictly economic purposes (Röslmaier and Ioannides, 2023 ). In this sense, the narrative created by Airbnb, and its capacity to generate images and new identities from content produced by hosts and visitors, plays a crucial role in creating and diverting tourist flows toward neighborhoods that become “authentic” or “alternative” tourist destinations, generating a bottom-up placemaking dynamic and reproducing the same displacement processes observed in the more traditional tourist neighborhoods (Stewart, 2022 ; Stors, 2020 ). 3. Case study: Naples (Italy) Naples’ relationship with tourism has very ancient roots, dating back to when the city became one of the capitals of the Grand Tour, one of the earliest expressions of what we now call tourism (Towner, 1985 ). A rather troubled history, marked by world wars, epidemics, and organized crime, had marginalized Naples from the main European tourist routes until the end of the last century, when this negative trend began to reverse. During this period, the municipal authorities focused their efforts on improving urban services and infrastructure, as well as on the redevelopment of the city’s extensive historical and cultural heritage, primarily concentrated in the historic center of Naples, one of the largest in the world (approximately 11 km²), and inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List in 1995 (De Falco and Corbino, 2023 ). The modernization and redevelopment projects promoted by the city administration, along with the significant recognition by UNESCO, played a crucial role in reconstructing Naples as a tourist destination. However, this transformation was made possible through the reproduction of images and narratives that emphasize the exoticism and authenticity of the city and the Neapolitan people, making them highly attractive to tourists (Iandolo, 2023 ). The process of reimagining Naples’ image led to a marked increase in tourist flows, submerging the city in a true tourism tsunami characterized by chaos and the fragmentation of the tourist offer into heterogeneous initiatives and experiences, without guidance or planning from any significant public or private actor (Corbisiero, 2019 ). This unregulated growth contributed to the regeneration of certain areas of the city but also triggered a rapid process of touristification of the historic center, which has become a space for tourist consumption. This strong tourism orientation has not only failed to address the city’s chronic problems - including social and economic fragility, organized crime, and lack of services- but has also generated a series of critical concerns related to the development of a tourism model characterized by excesses and deficiencies, both in terms of supply and demand (Iovino, 2023 ). The existence of a non-gentrified historic center has drawn the attention of the tourism industry to Naples as an authentic and “untouched” urban destination, accelerating the previously mentioned process of touristification in this area. This has exacerbated various socio-economic issues, increasing the number of evictions and triggering a gradual process of displacement of working-class populations from the historic center (Esposito, 2023 ). In this dynamic, actors such as Airbnb - enabled by the apathetic and at times negligent attitude of the city administration - play a major role, with short-term rentals increasingly replacing traditional ones, leading to a severe housing crisis driven by the predominance of short-term leases. These rentals, combined with overcrowding and the concentration of tourism-oriented commercial activities (Freire Varela, 2025 ), have produced a situation in which residents are now demanding their right to live and remain in the historic center (Caputi and Fava, 2023 ). Using data from the Inside Airbnb website (2025), it is possible to highlight various aspects regarding the way Airbnb has expanded within the Municipality of Naples. In Fig. 1 , we can observe, first and foremost, the spatial distribution of Airbnb listings across the municipal area (10,271 in total as of March 13, 2025), with an overwhelming concentration inside the boundaries of the UNESCO-protected zone, which hosts the majority of the city’s historical and cultural heritage. More specifically, and as previously noted, the historic center neighborhoods are the most heavily affected by the pressure of short-term rentals, characterized by a high density of this type of accommodation. With regard to accommodation types, 63.5% are entire homes or apartments, whereas only 35.1% are private rooms, indicating that Airbnb significantly subtracts housing units from the conventional residential market. This trend becomes even more evident when looking at the average rental duration, with 82% of listings being rented for less than 30 days, emphasizing the intensive use of these properties for tourism purposes. Focusing on the structure of the supply, we see that 65% of the listings are managed by hosts with multiple properties (in many cases more than 10 each), revealing a process of professionalization or semi-professionalization of the Airbnb offer in the city. This dynamic is further confirmed by the presence of hosts managing more than 100 listings each, with the top four hosts alone accounting for over 475 listings. 4. Methodology The research questions can be formalized as follows: Q1. How are narratives about Neapolitan neighborhoods constructed on Airbnb? Q2. Can Airbnb contribute to shifting touristification impact toward areas other than those typically associated with tourism? To address these research questions, we chose to use Inside Airbnb , an independent platform that collects publicly available data on Airbnb listings in various cities around the world[1] . Inside Airbnb is widely regarded as an authoritative and extensively used source in scientific literature for the analysis of urban and tourism dynamics mediated by digital platforms (Gutiérrez et. al, 2017 ). The data extraction took place on March 3, 2025. The records include the entire set of active listings in the city of Naples on that date. A total of 79 variables were extracted, of which two were used for the analysis: Id, Neighborhood and Neighborhood overview. Variable name Description Id Identification number of the apartment Neighborhood Name of neighborhood of the apartment Neighborhood overview Description of the neighborhood provided by the host The corpus analyzed consists of 10272 records. This numerical consistency enabled the adoption of a two-step analytical strategy, combining quantitative and qualitative approaches. First, social network analysis was used to identify semantic clusters and dominant descriptors across Airbnb listings, offering both a structural mapping of the discursive space and interpretive insights into how neighborhood narratives are constructed and disseminated. In the second phase, a qualitative in-depth analysis of the previously identified clusters was conducted, allowing for a more nuanced understanding of their specific narrative configurations. Before proceeding with the analysis, data cleaning procedures were applied to the dataset. First, terms with fewer than 15 occurrences were removed, as words below this threshold were deemed irrelevant for the analysis. Additionally, a stop list was created to filter out empty words - such as articles, prepositions, and adverbs - as well as terms directly related to the research subject, such as Naples , city , and neighborhood. The integration of these two analytical steps allowed for a clear understanding of how hosts construct and promote neighborhood attributes to enhance their appeal. This, in turn, made it possible to explore how neighborhoods less influenced by the presence of major landmarks can nonetheless be positioned as attractive to potential visitors. 5. Results 5.1. Semantic Bipartite Network Structure and Topological and Structural Indicators The semantic network under analysis is a directed bipartite graph composed of two node classes: Airbnb listings and semantic terms drawn from neighborhood descriptions associated with those listings. The graph includes 4869 nodes and 44898 directed edges, illustrating a richly interlinked system where multiple properties share descriptors and specific terms are used across numerous listings. Because of the bipartite structure, connections only exist between these two sets of nodes, providing a clear and interpretable semantic mapping. Although the number of connections is high, the overall graph density is 0.002, indicating sparsity, a common feature in real-world bipartite networks where not all possible connections exist. This low density, however, is counterbalanced by a relatively high average degree (9.221), suggesting that individual listings tend to include multiple semantic descriptors, and that these descriptors appear across different nodes. Such redundancy is a crucial feature of semantic consistency and narrative propagation within the platform. The graph diameter, equal to 7, indicates the maximum distance between any two nodes in the network, while the average path length of 2.959 confirms a compact semantic structure. This implies that any node - whether a listing or a descriptor - can be reached from another through fewer than three steps on average. From a semantic standpoint, this suggests an efficient transmission of meaning and a high degree of discursive overlap, where shared terms allow otherwise distant listings to be indirectly associated through common semantic intermediaries. This tightly-knit structure allows the detection of interconnected semantic fields, often emerging organically around dominant descriptive patterns. The Fruchterman-Reingold layout used to spatialize the network reveals multiple concentrated clusters that correspond to groups of listings interconnected by shared language use, forming identifiable modular communities within the discursive fabric. The community detection algorithm applied to the network yields a modularity score of 0.331, which denotes a meaningful internal segmentation of the graph. These modules do not emerge at random: they signal latent semantic logics within the data, identifying areas of high internal coherence in terms of descriptors used and listings involved. These communities may correspond to physical geographies (e.g., neighborhoods or boroughs) or to more abstract semantic constructs (e.g., lifestyle-oriented narratives, proximity to transportation, historical character, etc.). 5.2. Semantic Implications and Interpretive Insights The emergent structure is indicative of a multi-scalar and differentiated semantic landscape. Each community or module reflects a distinct semantic ecology, wherein a subset of listings is described using a specific lexicon. These lexicons encode recurring themes such as centrality, liveliness, tranquility, authenticity, convenience, or exclusivity. As such, the network provides a robust representation of how urban space is discursively constructed on the Airbnb platform. What emerges is not simply a reflection of objective place characteristics, but a selective and strategic representation of urban identity tailored to attract potential visitors. Hosts deploy descriptive terms not randomly, but in patterns that align with broader imaginaries of the city. In doing so, they contribute to a symbolic economy of place, where certain themes (e.g., “vibrant”, “safe”, “authentic”, “connected”) become dominant signifiers that confer value upon specific spatial contexts. Moreover, the network highlights the presence of transversal descriptors, or more precisely terms that appear across multiple modules and function as semantic bridges. These terms contribute to a layered semantic topology, where localized specificity coexists with generalized branding strategies. They indicate inter-modular permeability, showing how individual terms or expressions serve to link distinct communities of listings, reinforcing the coherence of Airbnb’s overall representational structure. The presence of such highly central nodes creates asymmetries in semantic influence, where a small subset of terms disproportionately shapes the discursive framework. These nodes often include generic yet powerful adjectives or locative markers (e.g., “central,” “lively,” “historic,” “quiet”), reinforcing dominant narratives and reducing the visibility of more peripheral or unique urban features. In summary, the semantic bipartite network constructed from Airbnb neighborhood descriptions reveals a highly structured and navigable system of associations. Through modularity and centrality, we observe not only how language clusters around themes and spaces, but also how certain descriptors gain discursive dominance, shaping the way the city is understood, navigated, and consumed. This network does not simply map the city because it produces an urban imaginary, grounded in tourism, platform logics, and host strategies. It renders the city legible to visitors through structured vocabulary, creating a discursive infrastructure where semantic value aligns with visibility, centrality, and economic potential. As regards the various modularities identified within the network, following there are their main characteristics. 5.3. Modularity Modularity 1: Call for experience and authenticity The first modularity represents a tourism narrative strongly centered on the experiences and feelings of the city. This modularity features a high number of adjectives descriptive of the neighborhoods involved (traditional, friendly) but also of the resources possessed (connected, transportation, funicular, subways). The terms recall an authentic neighborhood context characterized by elements of folklore ( Maradona, murals, Spanish Quarters, bass, murals ). There is no shortage of references to typical gastronomy ( pizzerias, trattorias, pastry, wine, cuisine ) and the city’s nightlife ( clubs, nightlife, pubs ), which are fully part of the previously mentioned narrative of the city in images and experiences. Highlighted are not so much the artistic beauties but the experiences you can have in these neighborhoods; Modularity 2: The postcard city The second modularity builds a strongly evocative, at times poetic narrative of the city. It focuses very insistently on the historical, artistic but also scenic heritage of the city ( historic center, wonders, treasures, landmarks, magnificent, beauties and paradise ). There are terms such as village, hamlet, noble, terraces, scents that evoke an intimate and ancient atmosphere. There is no lack of reference to chaos, which, however, always appear framed within a charming rhetoric; Modularity 3: Regional mobility hub The third modularity is very different from the previous ones. It focuses on a lexicon strongly oriented toward urban and interregional mobility, with terms that recall stations ( Garibaldi, central, station, pier ), transportation lines ( bus, subway, circumvesuviana, alibus ), and connections with highly attractive external tourist destinations such as Capri, Ischia, Procida, Pompeii, Sorrento, and Amalfi. Words such as airport, port, ferry, marina or shuttle highlight Naples’ role as a logistical hub and not just a destination. Terms that refer to the city itself are scarce, but sites of interest outside the capital city of Naples are mentioned. This modularity returns a functional, connected, instrumental image of Naples, designed also for tourists in transit or those who want to aim for regional and not just city tourism; Modularity 4: Monumental and sacred city The fourth modularity is distinguished by a lexicon strongly anchored in the city’s historical, artistic and religious heritage. We find terms such as duomo, cathedral, chapel, church, basilica, monastery, catacombs and cemetery , which highlight the centrality of places of worship, and words such as museum, mann, capodimonte, museo, museums, artistic, heritage and unesco that instead recall the importance of museums and cultural heritage in general. This modularity, compared to previous ones, point all to a tourism narrative focused on artistic and spiritual landmarks, positioning Naples as a city of extraordinary cultural and religious richness. With the aim of exploring the interconnection between the attributes of different modularities and their spatial distribution within the municipality of Naples, Fig. 3 presents a map displaying the predominant modularity among Airbnb units across the city’s neighborhoods. The most widespread modularity within the municipal area is the first one, which is predominant in more than half of Naples’ neighborhoods (16 out of 30). Among the neighborhoods involved are both affluent and central areas such as Chiaia, as well as disadvantaged and marginalized districts like Scampia and Ponticelli. This highlights the territorial transversality of the hegemonic narrative, which, as previously discussed, is grounded in elements that evoke the city’s authenticity and experiential character. In contrast, the third modularity is concentrated in the eastern and western peripheral neighborhoods, areas that are, a priori, less attractive from a touristic point of view but host key mobility infrastructures. These include Naples International Airport, located in San Pietro a Patierno in the northern periphery; the Central Train Station and several Circumvesuviana railway stops (a regional train line that connects the city to the Vesuvius National Park and to towns such as Herculaneum, Pompeii, and Sorrento) situated in the eastern suburbs such as San Giovanni a Teduccio and Zona Industriale; and finally, the western districts of Fuorigrotta and Bagnoli, which are connected by rail to the Campi Flegrei area, a coastal zone of significant historical and environmental interest. This indicates that Airbnb’s narrative in these areas tends to emphasize urban and regional mobility resources rather than other features. The fourth modularity, by contrast, is exclusively predominant in the most historic districts of the city, where the main tourist landmarks and the highest concentration of heritage elements are found. In this part of Naples, one can find landmarks such as the Royal Palace of Capodimonte in San Carlo all’Arena, the Sansevero Chapel in Pendino, or Castel dell’Ovo in San Ferdinando. Here, the narrative constructed by Airbnb focuses on the presence of historical and religious heritage, reinforcing the identity of the Neapolitan historic center. As can be observed, the second modularity is not predominant in any neighborhood of the city. However, it is mostly concentrated in the historic center, aligning closely with the fourth modularity in the construction of a tourist narrative centered on the monumental and historical components of this area of Naples. Moreover, it is worth noting that, at the time the data were extracted, there was still one neighborhood in Naples (Miano, located in the northern periphery) where no Airbnb units were reported. Conclusion This study aims to investigate (Q1) how narratives about Neapolitan neighborhoods are constructed on Airbnb and (Q2) whether these narratives can contribute to redirecting tourist flows beyond traditional touristic areas. The analysis identified four distinct discursive configurations that reveal how neighborhoods - both central and peripheral - are represented, framed, and promoted on the platform. It is worth noting that the historic center shares a specific narrative centered on the area’s historical, cultural, and artistic heritage, clearly defining an identity that appeals to a segment of demand interested in such offerings. Conversely, the dominant narrative modality is distributed across the municipal territory (excluding the most touristified areas) without clear distinctions based on the socioeconomic or spatial characteristics of the neighborhoods. This suggests that Airbnb’s narratives in these areas seek to evoke elements such as authenticity (which is increasingly degraded in central areas due to the commodification of space) and the experiential character of neighborhood life, offering a contrast to already-touristified zones. In this sense, it is particularly revealing that a neighborhood like Posillipo - with the highest per capita income in the city and located in one of the most scenic areas - shares the same narrative structure as Scampia, a northern peripheral area among the city’s most marginalized and impoverished. Despite the many differences between them, the unifying narrative element is the promise of a unique and authentic experience beyond standardized central areas. In cases where symbolic or cultural capital is lacking, the narrative shifts toward highlighting logistical convenience, and emphasize transport infrastructure, mobility, and proximity to other regional attractions. While it is not possible to make definitive claims, these findings suggest that Airbnb may serve as a lever for decentralizing tourist flows toward peripheral neighborhoods of Naples by promoting narratives grounded in uniqueness and local experiences. This raises important questions about how tourist flows may gradually be redistributed through platform-mediated storytelling and whether the patterns observed in Naples align with similar dynamics documented in other urban contexts, where redirected flows have led to processes of touristification and community displacement (Akarsu et al., 2020 ; Mansilla & Milano, 2019 ). From a methodological perspective, this study proposes a valuable tool: semantic network analysis, particularly when employed within a mixed-method research design, shows strong potential in tourism studies. Its main strength lies in bridging the gap between quantitative rigor and qualitative depth, allowing for systematic mapping of the structural relationships among concepts while preserving contextual richness. Unlike purely quantitative approaches, which often flatten narrative complexity, semantic network analysis captures the relational construction of meaning within discourse. At the same time, it complements qualitative methods by offering a scalable way to handle large textual datasets without sacrificing interpretive nuance. This is especially relevant in tourism research, where understanding how destinations are discursively produced - through the interplay of place imaginaries, commercial storytelling, and user-generated content - is key to analyzing platform-driven place-making dynamics (Colladon et al., 2019 ). Moreover, semantic analysis becomes particularly powerful when integrated with spatial mapping techniques, as it enables researchers to explore how discourses are structured not only semantically but also geographically, shedding light on the socio-spatial dynamics of urban tourism. Future research could build on these findings by incorporating deeper qualitative components. Analyzing tourist feedback and online reviews would help reveal how host-constructed narratives are perceived, negotiated, or even challenged by visitors. This would allow for a richer understanding of the alignment - or potential dissonance - between promotional discourse and tourists’ actual experiences or expectations. Additionally, extending the analysis beyond Airbnb to include other short-term rental platforms (such as Booking.com, Vrbo, or local alternatives) and user-generated content from travel forums and social media could provide a more comprehensive view of how different digital ecosystems jointly shape urban tourist imaginaries. This multiplatform approach would also allow for assessing whether the identified narrative strategies are platform-specific or reflect broader cross-platform dynamics in the commodification and representation of urban space. Declarations Acknowledgments For the author Caterina Ambrosio, this work was supported by FOSSR (Fostering Open Science in Social Science Research), funded by the European Union - NextGenerationEU under NRRP Grant agreement n. MUR IR0000008, and CESSDA - Consortium of European Social Science Data Archives. The content of this paper reflects only the author’s view. The European Commission and MUR are not responsible for any use that may be made of the information it contains. Funding declaration The authors did not receive any specific funding for this research. Ethics declaration This research does not involve human participants, personal data, or sensitive information that would require formal ethical approval. References Akarsu, T. N., Foroudi, P., & Melewar, T. C. (2020). What makes Airbnb likeable? Exploring the nexus between service attractiveness, country image, perceived authenticity and experience from a social exchange theory perspective within an emerging economy context. International Journal of Hospitality Management, 91, 102635. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijhm.2020.102635 Álvarez-Herranz, A., & Macedo-Ruíz, E. (2021). An Evaluation of the Three Pillars of Sustainability in Cities with High Airbnb Presence: A Case Study of the City of Madrid. Sustainability, 13(6), 3220. https://doi.org/10.3390/su13063220 Caputi, A., & Fava, A. (2023). Privati di Napoli: La città contesa tra beni comuni e privatizzazioni. Castelvecchi. Celata, F., & Romano, A. (2022). Narrative constructions and the touristification of urban peripheries: Airbnb and neighbourhood change in Naples. Urban Studies, 59(4), 795–813. Cocola-Gant, A. (2016). Holiday rentals: The new gentrification battlefront. Sociological Research Online, 21(3), 112–120. Cocola-Gant, A. (2019). Gentrification and displacement: Urban inequality in cities of late capitalism. In T. Schwanen & R. Van Kempen (Eds.), Handbook of urban geography (pp. 297–310). Edward Elgar Publishing. https://doi.org/10.4337/9781785364600.00030 Cohen, E. (1972). Toward a sociology of international tourism. Social Research, 39, 164–189. Colladon, A. F., Guardabascio, B., & Innarella, R. (2019). Using social network and semantic analysis to analyze online travel forums and forecast tourism demand. Decision Support Systems, 123, 113075. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.dss.2019.113075 Colomb, C., & Novy, J. (2016). Urban tourism and its discontents: An introduction. In Protest and resistance in the tourist city (pp. 1–30). Routledge. Contu, G., Conversano, C., Frigau, L., & Mola, F. (2019). The impact of Airbnb on hidden and sustainable tourism: The case of Italy. International Journal of Tourism Policy, 9(2), 99–130. https://doi.org/10.1504/IJTP.2019.102628 Corbisiero, F. (2019). Grand Tour. Ieri, oggi e domani. In E. Amaturo & A. M. Zaccaria (Eds.), Napoli. Persone, spazi e pratiche di innovazione (pp. 73–91). Rubbettino. Crespi-Villabona, M., & Domínguez-Pérez, M. (2021). The consequences of touristification in the center of large cities: The case of Madrid and Barcelona. Ciudad y Territorio, 53, 61–82. https://doi.org/10.37230/CyTET.2021.M21.04 De Falco, S., & Corbino, A. (2023). Naples and tourism: Conflicts of a dream realised? Analysis of a fast-changing urban landscape. AIMS Geosciences, 9(4), 754–768. https://doi.org/10.3934/geosci.2023040 Dodds, R., & Butler, R. (2019). The phenomena of overtourism: A review. International Journal of Tourism Cities, 5(4), 519–528. https://doi.org/10.1108/IJTC-06-2019-0090 Dredge, D., & Gyimóthy, S. (2015). The collaborative economy and tourism: Critical perspectives, questionable claims and silenced voices. Tourism Recreation Research, 40(3), 286–302. Esposito, A. (2023). Tourism-driven displacement in Naples, Italy. Land Use Policy, 134, 106919. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.landusepol.2023.106919 Florida, R. (2002). The Rise of the Creative Class: and How It’s Transforming Work, Leisure, Community, and Everyday Life. Basic Books, New York. Freire Varela, A. (2025). Eating the city: Socio-spatial analysis of the foodification process in the city of Naples (Italy). International Journal of Gastronomy and Food Science, 39, 101130. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijgfs.2025.101130 Frenken, K., & Schor, J. (2017). Putting the sharing economy into perspective. Environmental Innovation and Societal Transitions, 23, 3–10. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.eist.2017.01.003 Gallagher, L. (2017). The hustle. In L. Gallagher (Ed.), The Airbnb story: How three ordinary guys disrupted an industry, made billions ... and created plenty of controversy (pp. 6–81). Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company. García-Amaya, A. M., Temes-Cordovez, R., Simancas-Cruz, M., & Peñarrubia-Zaragoza, M. P. (2021). The Airbnb effect on areas subject to urban renewal in Valencia (Spain). International Journal of Tourism Cities, 7(2), 361–390. https://doi.org/10.1108/IJTC-03-2020-0041 Garcia-Ayllon, S. (2018). Urban Transformations as an Indicator of Unsustainability in the P2P Mass Tourism Phenomenon: The Airbnb Case in Spain through Three Case Studies. Sustainability, 10(8), 2933. https://doi.org/10.3390/su10082933 García-López, M. À., Jofre-Monseny, J., Martínez Mazza, R., & Segú, M. (2020). Do short-term rental platforms affect housing markets? Evidence from Airbnb in Barcelona. Journal of Urban Economics, 119, 103278. Gil, J., & Sequera, J. (2020). The professionalization of Airbnb in Madrid: far from a collaborative economy. Current Issues in Tourism, 25(20), 3343–3362. https://doi.org/10.1080/13683500.2020.1757628 Gold, A. E. (2019). Community consequences of Airbnb. Washington Law Review, 94(4), 1577–1616. Retrieved from https://digitalcommons.law.uw.edu/wlr/vol94/iss4/2 Gravari-Barbas, M., & Jacquot, S. (2019). Mechanisms, actors and impacts of the touristification of a tourism periphery: The Saint-Ouen flea market, Paris. International Journal of Tourism Cities, 5 (3), 370–391. https://doi.org/10.1108/IJTC-11-2018-0093 Gutiérrez, J., García-Palomares, J. C., Romanillos, G., & Salas-Olmedo, M. H. (2017). The eruption of Airbnb in tourist cities: Comparing spatial patterns of hotels and peer-to-peer accommodation in Barcelona. Tourism management, 62, 278-291. Guttentag, D. (2015). Airbnb: disruptive innovation and the rise of an informal tourism accommodation sector. Current Issues in Tourism, 18(12), 1192–1217. https://doi.org/10.1080/13683500.2013.827159 Gyódi, K. (2024). The spatial patterns of Airbnb offers, hotels and attractions: Are professional hosts taking over cities? Current Issues in Tourism, 27(17), 2757–2782. https://doi.org/10.1080/13683500.2023.2239428 Iandolo, S. (2023). Lo stigma territoriale come motore dell’attrazione turistica: Rischi e spunti etnografici dalla città di Napoli. Memorie Geografiche, NS, 23, 449–454. ISBN: 978-88-946901-32. Inside Airbnb. (n.d.). Naples. Retrieved May 12, 2025, from https://insideairbnb.com/naples/ Iovino, G. (2023). Tourism and cultural heritage in the urban transformation of Naples. GeoProgress Journal, 10(1). Jaakson, R. (2004). Beyond the tourist bubble?: cruiseship passengers in port. Annals of Tourism Research 31 (1), 44–60. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.annals.2003.08.003. Lycarião, D., & dos Santos, M. A. (2017). Bridging semantic and social network analyses: The case of the hashtag #precisamosfalarsobreaborto (we need to talk about abortion) on Twitter. Information, Communication & Society, 20(3), 368–385. https://doi.org/10.1080/1369118X.2016.1168469 Mansilla, J. A., & Milano, C. (2019). Becoming centre: tourism placemaking and space production in two neighborhoods in Barcelona. Tourism Geographies, 24(4–5), 599–620. https://doi.org/10.1080/14616688.2019.1571097 Markusen, A., & Schrock, G. (2009). Consumption-Driven Urban Development. Urban Geography, 30(4), 344–367. https://doi.org/10.2747/0272-3638.30.4.344 Milano, C. (2018). Overtourism, malestar social y turismofobia: Un debate controvertido. PASOS. Revista de Turismo y Patrimonio Cultural, 16(3), 551–564. https://doi.org/10.25145/j.pasos.2018.16.041 Milano, C., Cheer, J. M., & Novelli, M. (2019). Overtourism: Excesses, discontents and measures in travel and tourism. CABI. Milano, C., Cheer, J. M., & Novelli, M. (2019). Overtourism: Excesses, discontents and measures in travel and tourism. CABI. Monaco, S. (2024). Identity, territories, and sustainability: Challenges and opportunities for achieving the UN Sustainable Development Goals. Emerald Publishing Limited. https://doi.org/10.1108/9781837975495 Mullins, P., Natalier, K., Smith, P., & Smeaton, B. (1999). Cities and consumption spaces. Urban Affairs Review, 35(1), 44–71. https://doi.org/10.1177/10780879922184284 Petruzzi, M. A., Marques, G. S., do Carmo, M., & Correia, A. (2020). Airbnb and neighbourhoods: An exploratory study. International Journal of Tourism Cities, 6(1), 72–89. https://doi.org/10.1108/IJTC-08-2019-0119 Röslmaier, M., & Ioannides, D. (2023). ‘Made in Airbnb’: Sense of Localness in Neolocalism: Tourism Dynamics on Heimaey, Iceland. Island Studies Journal, 18(2). https://doi.org/10.24043/001c.88998 Rutland, T. (2010). The financialization of urban redevelopment. Geography Compass, 4(8), 1167–1178. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-8198.2010.00348.x Sans, A. A., & Quaglieri Domínguez, A. (2016). Unravelling Airbnb: Urban perspectives from Barcelona. In Reinventing the Local in Tourism (pp. 209–228). Channel View Publications. Sassen, S. (1995). The State and the Global City: Notes towards a Conception of Place-Centered Governance. Competition & Change, 1(1), 31-50. https://doi.org/10.1177/102452949500100103 Seeler, S., & Schänzel, H. A. (2019). From the fluidity of the experience economy to transformative experiences as a catalyst for positive change: The future of experiential travel. Journal of Tourism Futures, 5(2), 111–113. https://doi.org/10.1108/JTF-06-2019-081 Sibrijns, G. R., & Vanneste, D. (2021). Managing overtourism in collaboration: The case of ‘From Capital City to Court City’, a tourism redistribution policy project between Amsterdam and The Hague. Journal of Destination Marketing & Management, 20, 100569. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jdmm.2021.100569 Stewart, R. (2022). Authenticity for rent? Airbnb hosts and the commodification of urban displacement. Proceedings of the ACM on Human-Computer Interaction, 6(CSCW2), Article 493, 1–28. https://doi.org/10.1145/3555594 Stors, N. (2020). Constructing new urban tourism space through Airbnb. Tourism Geographies, 24(4–5), 692–715. https://doi.org/10.1080/14616688.2020.1750683 Towner, J. (1985). The Grand Tour: A key phase in the history of tourism. Annals of Tourism Research, 12(3), 297–333. https://doi.org/10.1016/0160-7383(85)90002-7 Vincent D. Blondel, Jean-Loup Guillaume, Renaud Lambiotte, and Etienne Lefebvre. “Fast Unfolding of Communities in Large Networks.” Journal of Statistical Mechanics: Theory and Experiment 2008, no. 10 (October 2008): P10008. https://doi.org/10.1088/1742-5468/2008/10/P10008. von Briel, D., & Dolnicar, S. (2021). The evolution of Airbnb regulation: An international longitudinal investigation 2008–2020. Annals of Tourism Research, 87, 103074. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.annals.2021.103074 Wachsmuth, D., & Weisler, A. (2018). Airbnb and the rent gap: Gentrification through the sharing economy. Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space, 50(6), 1147-1170. https://doi.org/10.1177/0308518X18778038 Wachsmuth, D., & Weisler, A. (2018). Airbnb and the rent gap: Gentrification through the sharing economy. Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space, 50(6), 1147–1170. Xu, F., Hu, M., La, L., Wang, J., & Huang, C. (2019). The influence of neighbourhood environment on Airbnb: a geographically weighed regression analysis. Tourism Geographies, 22(1), 192–209. https://doi.org/10.1080/14616688.2019.1586987 Yrigoy, I., 2014. The production of tourist spaces as a spatial fix. Tourism Geographies, 16 (4), 636–652. https://doi.org/10.1080/14616688.2014.915876 Zhang, X., Zhu, R., Chen, L., Zhang, Z., & Chen, M. (2022). News from Messenger? A cross-national comparative study of news media's audience engagement strategies via Facebook Messenger chatbots. Digital Journalism. https://doi.org/10.1080/21670811.2022.2145329 Zukin, S. (1991). Landscapes of Power: From Detroit to Disney World. University of California Press, Berkeley, CA. Footnotes https://insideairbnb.com/ Additional Declarations No competing interests reported. Cite Share Download PDF Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Research Square lets you share your work early, gain feedback from the community, and start making changes to your manuscript prior to peer review in a journal. As a division of Research Square Company, we’re committed to making research communication faster, fairer, and more useful. We do this by developing innovative software and high quality services for the global research community. Our growing team is made up of researchers and industry professionals working together to solve the most critical problems facing scientific publishing. Also discoverable on Platform About Our Team In Review Editorial Policies Advisory Board Help Center Resources Author Services Accessibility API Access RSS feed Manage Cookie Preferences © Research Square 2026 | ISSN 2693-5015 (online) Privacy Policy Terms of Service Do Not Sell My Personal Information {"props":{"pageProps":{"initialData":{"identity":"rs-7012263","acceptedTermsAndConditions":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"archivedVersions":[],"articleType":"Research Article","associatedPublications":[],"authors":[{"id":502705418,"identity":"9b60f734-2a40-4f5e-b898-2e346d72bdd0","order_by":0,"name":"Caterina Ambrosio","email":"data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAZAAAAAyAQMAAABI0h/eAAAABlBMVEX///8AAABVwtN+AAAACXBIWXMAAA7EAAAOxAGVKw4bAAABCklEQVRIiWNgGAWjYNACAzDJBiJ4GNgbGBgSYFysgBldC88BqBacepjhLKgSiQRUPjrgbz9/8HFFwR15BvbTaY8rKupk+CXfmD14uMOOgU++AasWiTPJzIZnDJ4ZNvDkbjc8c+Ywj+TsHHODxDPJOB1mwJDMJtlgcJixgSF3m2Rj2wEeg9s5ZhKJbcy4tfA/Zv8J1GLfwP8WpKWOx+DmGZCWetxaJJLZGIFaEhskwLYw8xjc4AFpOYxTi8SNx8YghyW3SbzdbtgA8ktPWhlQy3EeNrYErFr4+xMffmz4c9i2nz9328OGijp7fvbD2yR/tlXLyTcfwG4NDGC4gge/+lEwCkbBKBgF+AAADyRSw31iBoMAAAAASUVORK5CYII=","orcid":"","institution":"University of Naples Federico II","correspondingAuthor":true,"prefix":"","firstName":"Caterina","middleName":"","lastName":"Ambrosio","suffix":""},{"id":502705419,"identity":"bdca1994-7d65-4e13-b57a-ef26f0fdad82","order_by":1,"name":"Antón Freire Varela","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"University of Naples Federico II","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Antón","middleName":"Freire","lastName":"Varela","suffix":""},{"id":502705420,"identity":"6eee3561-0ecc-46a5-8916-af8dc0b2588d","order_by":2,"name":"Vincenzo Laezza","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"University of Naples Federico II","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Vincenzo","middleName":"","lastName":"Laezza","suffix":""}],"badges":[],"createdAt":"2025-06-30 15:38:06","currentVersionCode":1,"declarations":"","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7012263/v1","doiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-7012263/v1","draftVersion":[],"editorialEvents":[],"editorialNote":"","failedWorkflow":false,"files":[{"id":90021464,"identity":"9c67de0f-1440-46b9-9665-19f77475a7f3","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-08-27 13:09:38","extension":"png","order_by":1,"title":"Figure 1","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":259836,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eAirbnb presence in the municipality of Naples\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSource: authors\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"floatimage1.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7012263/v1/b8802e384cd4d3cfa6e5df04.png"},{"id":90022474,"identity":"d92c10b6-8e69-4f03-b777-ff401ca50c6e","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-08-27 13:25:38","extension":"png","order_by":2,"title":"Figure 2","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":241379,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eRepresentation of the bipartite network with modularity\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSource: authors\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"floatimage2.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7012263/v1/decb781f1bc1198a1cfd6009.png"},{"id":90021469,"identity":"cb5b4829-8c96-4118-9430-6e51e38b0667","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-08-27 13:09:38","extension":"png","order_by":3,"title":"Figure 3","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":302766,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eSpatial distribution of modularity\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSource: authors\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"floatimage3.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7012263/v1/997d9e7e352c5ead0df5fcd8.png"},{"id":90023471,"identity":"2c545678-4480-4d36-a91b-68343de97218","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-08-27 13:41:38","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":1238489,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7012263/v1/daf2d450-c088-4b8d-9632-b21b65c357b2.pdf"}],"financialInterests":"No competing interests reported.","formattedTitle":"How Words Shape Neighborhood Appeal: Analyzing Naples Through Airbnb","fulltext":[{"header":"1. Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003eIn recent decades, tourism has emerged as one of the most transformative economic forces reshaping urban landscapes worldwide. Central to this evolution is Airbnb, a digital platform launched in 2008, initially perceived as an innovative and alternative accommodation solution, capitalizing on underutilized residential spaces and fostering unique and authentic travel experiences. Since its inception, Airbnb has expanded rapidly, becoming an integral player in global tourism and significantly redefining urban environments. Its growth coincided notably with significant shifts in the broader economic structure, characterized by increasing urbanization, globalization, and the financialization of urban spaces, trends that intensified cities\u0026rsquo; roles as major hubs of financial, cultural, and consumer activities (Guttentag, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e; Wachsmuth \u0026amp; Weisler, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR54\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; Cocola-Gant, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAirbnb\u0026rsquo;s business model, grounded in the sharing economy paradigm, appeared initially as a promising and ethically-driven approach to tourism, promoting greater interaction between tourists and local residents, as well as offering economic benefits directly to local hosts. This model contrasted starkly with traditional tourism infrastructures, often criticized for their extractive nature and limited economic benefits for local populations. Airbnb thus positioned itself as an alternative that prioritized authentic local experiences, community interactions, and economic decentralization (Guttentag, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e; Dredge \u0026amp; Gyim\u0026oacute;thy, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR15\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eHowever, as Airbnb grew in popularity and economic significance, its impacts became increasingly multifaceted and contentious, reflecting broader debates around urban development and socioeconomic equity. The platform\u0026rsquo;s widespread adoption contributed notably to profound transformations within urban neighborhoods, particularly in major tourist destinations where short-term rental practices intensified residential displacement and accelerated processes of gentrification. Short-term rentals became lucrative investment opportunities, attracting substantial financial interest and shifting housing markets significantly, resulting in escalating rental prices and reduced residential availability. These dynamic exacerbated inequalities, impacting particularly vulnerable and marginalized communities that found themselves increasingly displaced from their traditional neighborhoods (Wachsmuth \u0026amp; Weisler, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR54\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; Cocola-Gant, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e; Garc\u0026iacute;a-L\u0026oacute;pez et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAt the urban scale, the emergence of Airbnb dovetails with the evolution of cities towards leisure-oriented spaces, shaped profoundly by the needs and desires of a globally mobile population. Urban centers have increasingly prioritized tourism and leisure services, fostering the development of dedicated zones catering specifically to tourist consumption. Such tourist-oriented urban restructuring intensified the phenomenon of touristification, whereby local economies and cultures undergo substantial reshaping to accommodate visitor demands, resulting in the creation of highly specialized yet homogenized leisure spaces (Cocola-Gant, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e; Colomb \u0026amp; Novy, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e). Consequently, urban areas worldwide began facing significant challenges related to overtourism, a phenomenon characterized by excessive tourist concentrations that exceed urban capacity, degrading quality of life for local residents, straining public infrastructure, and leading to cultural erosion. The repercussions of overtourism extend beyond immediate economic and physical impacts, fostering broader social and cultural tensions within urban communities. The central role of Airbnb in facilitating increased visitor flows and reshaping urban spaces placed it at the heart of contemporary debates around sustainable urban tourism management, community resilience, and social equity (Guttentag, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e; Milano et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR38\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). These impacts have driven municipalities worldwide to initiate regulatory responses aimed at mitigating Airbnb\u0026rsquo;s adverse effects. However, attempts to regulate Airbnb often encounter significant resistance due to the platform\u0026rsquo;s resilient business strategies and substantial economic interests supporting its proliferation. Moreover, the adaptive nature of Airbnb\u0026rsquo;s spatial impacts further complicates regulatory interventions. Initially concentrated within traditional tourist areas, the saturation of these spaces prompted a spatial redistribution of Airbnb listings toward neighborhoods traditionally peripheral to tourist flows. This spatial shift aligns with broader strategies adopted by urban administrations globally, designed to decentralize tourism and manage overcrowding in city centers by redistributing visitor flows to previously marginalized neighborhoods (Wachsmuth \u0026amp; Weisler, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR54\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; Sans \u0026amp; Quaglieri Dom\u0026iacute;nguez, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR45\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eWithin this complex urban context, Naples represents an intriguing case for examining Airbnb\u0026rsquo;s influence on urban tourism dynamics. The city\u0026rsquo;s distinctive cultural heritage, socioeconomic diversity, and complex urban geography make it particularly sensitive to the multifaceted impacts of short-term rental platforms. This research aims to understand specifically how Airbnb shapes visitor perceptions and movements within Naples through the narratives constructed by hosts in their listings. These narratives, crafted strategically to attract potential visitors, play a crucial role in repositioning neighborhoods previously excluded from traditional tourism circuits, thereby reshaping their identities and urban functions (Celata \u0026amp; Romano, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eTo comprehensively analyze these narratives, this study adopts a two-step analytical approach leveraging data from Inside Airbnb, a widely recognized platform collecting detailed listing information from Airbnb\u0026rsquo;s online database. The analysis comprises an initial semantic network approach to identify prevalent clusters of descriptors and understand their structural relationships within Airbnb listings. Subsequently, a qualitative investigation into these narrative clusters provides deeper insights into how specific urban areas in Naples are discursively reconstructed, highlighting both their unique identities and their appeal to tourists. By exploring these discursive practices, the research aims to elucidate Airbnb\u0026rsquo;s broader role in transforming urban spaces into consumable experiences, shaping visitor flows, and ultimately influencing urban tourism dynamics in contemporary cities (Celata \u0026amp; Romano, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"2. Theoretical Background","content":"\u003cp\u003eAirbnb has become in recent years a key player in the tourism industry, without which it would be difficult to understand contemporary travel. Its emergence in 2008, amid a period of significant global economic turmoil, marked a turning point in the way people travel today, characterized by greater fluidity and centrality of the experiential component (Seeler and Sch\u0026auml;nzel, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR47\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). It is also essential to situate Airbnb within a dynamic of profound changes in the global economic structure that began in the last century, with increasing concentration of capital in cities, which have become the planet\u0026rsquo;s major financial and consumption hubs (Sassen, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR46\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1995\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eWithin this framework, and based on the premise of the growing development of the sharing economy model -built on collaborative systems connected to online platforms and applications- Airbnb positioned itself as an alternative to traditional accommodation models, capable of fostering a more ethical form of travel by making use of underutilized spaces and enabling direct economic support to local populations, and a more authentic experience through firsthand interaction with host communities (Gallagher, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR20\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e). What initially appeared as an alternative to tourism practices rooted in traditional extractive models, over time and with the expansion of this type of tourist accommodation in cities worldwide, the so-called Airbnb model began to show its significant socioeconomic impact on local communities, far from the collaborative economy ideal originally promoted (Frenken and Schor, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR19\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e). While on one hand Airbnb disrupted traditional hospitality paradigms by becoming, in many cases, a complementary source of household income, on the other hand, its increasingly massive presence across multiple neighborhoods began to consolidate spatial fix practices in urban environments with catastrophic consequences for local populations (Yrigoy, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR57\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eBefore discussing these consequences, it is necessary to highlight how Airbnb plays a key role in the construction and reproduction of hegemonic tourism and urban models today. On one hand, as previously mentioned, cities have become magnets for international capital, undergoing a major transformation from productive to tertiarized and financialized urban spaces (Rutland, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR44\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e). Within this process of deindustrialization, urban spaces can be distinguished between zones of consumption and zones of devastation (Zukin, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR59\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1991\u003c/span\u003e), highlighting the exclusionary nature and strong market orientation of new urban spaces. This urban model, which began in the late 20th century, has gone hand in hand with the emergence of a new creative class (Florida, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR17\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2002\u003c/span\u003e) that has gradually colonized the city, triggering or accelerating social exclusion processes promoted by international flows of economic and cultural capital. On the other hand, partly due to the demands of these new urban inhabitants, city centers have acquired a strong leisure orientation, making leisure a fundamental component of the new urban experience, characterized by spaces for consumption of cultural and recreational products representative of contemporary urban lifestyles (Markusen and Schrock, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR36\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e; Mullins et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR41\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1999\u003c/span\u003e). Tourism plays a fundamental role in reproducing this model, attracting increasing numbers of visitors thanks to the renewed image of the city as a cultural and leisure hub. Thus, in this context marked by the intersection of flows of people and capital in the urban environment, Airbnb has managed to establish itself as a prominent actor, attracting both significant capital flows, which have identified this hospitality model as a lucrative real estate investment opportunity, and satisfying the needs of highly mobile individuals.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eTourism has therefore become a crucial resource for cities, profoundly influencing their socioeconomic structures and urban landscapes. Tourism development in these environments tends to occur in specific areas where the majority of tourist flows concentrate, creating differentiated zones or \u0026ldquo;bubbles\u0026rdquo; (Cohen, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1972\u003c/span\u003e; Jaakson, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2004\u003c/span\u003e) where tourists can access a wide range of activities and services. This hyperspecialization leads to a gradual transformation of the traditional economic and social fabric as well as urban spaces towards new forms adapted to tourist demands and needs. This process, known as \u0026ldquo;touristification,\u0026rdquo; can give rise to challenges such as overtourism (Dodds and Butler, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). Overtourism is a complex phenomenon that has been extensively studied. It is defined as \u0026ldquo;the excessive growth of visitors leading to overcrowding in areas where residents suffer the consequences of temporary and seasonal tourism peaks, which have caused permanent changes to their lifestyles, denied access to amenities, and damaged their general well-being\u0026rdquo; (Milano et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR38\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e, p. 1). In the European context, this phenomenon has often occurred in historic city centers, resulting in pronounced touristification and generating new forms of exclusion of local populations through urban mechanisms such as price inflation, evictions, and closure of local businesses, as well as cultural and symbolic mechanisms like changes in lifestyle and atmosphere in these areas (Cocola-Gant, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e; Crespi-Villabona and Dom\u0026iacute;nguez-P\u0026eacute;rez, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). This process involves multiple stakeholders, including public administration, tourism operators, airlines, travel agencies, and, of course, actors such as Airbnb.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eRecently, the impact of tourism on the city has entered the public debate, identifying Airbnb as one of the main drivers behind the destruction of the socioeconomic and cultural fabric of various urban areas. The principal effect of the Airbnb model lies in the core of its business strategy: short-term rentals, which have become far more profitable for property owners and real estate investors compared to traditional rental models. The main consequence is the exclusion of a significant portion of apartments from the residential market, causing a notable increase in rental prices and thus a substantial rent gap that drives important gentrification processes (Wachsmuth and Weisler, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR54\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). The displacement of local communities generates erosion of social capital in the area and, in contexts such as the United States, where Airbnb controls nearly 20% of the tourist accommodation market, it can also lead to the exclusion of racialized communities (Gold, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR25\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). While Airbnb may contribute to job creation and promote interaction between tourists and locals to some extent, its negative externalities also drive changes in local culture, endangering traditions and spatial uses rooted in host communities (Petruzzi et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR42\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). Moreover, in terms of sustainability, the massive presence of short-term rental housing can generate major impacts beyond the destabilization of the real estate market and displacement of local communities, such as the overloading of public infrastructures due to tourist massification or increased pollution (whether noise, solid waste, or air pollution), elements which in many cases lead to the loss of value of the neighborhood or city as a tourist destination (Monaco, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR40\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e; Contu et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e; Garcia-Ayllon, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). This unsustainable situation has prompted different public administrations to begin regulating the short-term rental market, although the sector\u0026rsquo;s great resilience to various regulatory processes in cities like New York, Barcelona, or Berlin should be emphasized (von Briel and Dolnicar, 2020).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eWhile most Airbnb housing units tend to concentrate in specific city areas, exacerbating the effects of touristification (Gil and Sequera, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e), in recent years saturation in the most touristic spots has driven a diversion of visitor flows towards neighborhoods previously excluded from the local tourist map. This spatial reconfiguration should be understood within a widespread decentralization strategy undertaken by public and public-private actors aiming to manage the impact of overtourism in urban centers (Milano, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR37\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). Such strategies have been developed in cities like Amsterdam (Sibrijns and Vanneste, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR48\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e) and Madrid (de la Calle Vaquero et al., 2018), among others. In cities like Barcelona (Mansilla and Milano, 2022) or Paris (Gravari-Barbas and Jacquot, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e), placemaking strategies have been implemented to attract new visitors to neighborhoods previously little visited by tourists, assigning new connotations and meanings to certain urban spaces more in line with international tourism standards.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn this regard, it is interesting to observe the role Airbnb plays in the distribution of tourist flows within the city. As mentioned, short-term rental apartments concentrate mainly in central city areas, corresponding to the presence of tourist attractions and nearby well-accessible leisure zones (Xu et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR56\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). However, a notable presence of tourist apartments can also be observed in renewed urban zones (Garc\u0026iacute;a-Amaya et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR21\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). Likewise, due to saturation in many city center areas, demand and supply of these apartments extend towards neighboring districts, with Airbnb acting as an agent of touristification and expansion of tourist flows (\u0026Aacute;lvarez-Herranz and Macedo-Ruiz, 2021). Within this expansion dynamic of Airbnb\u0026rsquo;s area of influence, property type significantly affects its spatial distribution. On one hand, more professionalized properties, owned by a few landlords and operating similarly to traditional hospitality, are mainly located in the city\u0026rsquo;s tourist and business districts. On the other hand, less professionalized owners tend to situate their properties in neighborhoods less affected by touristification (Gy\u0026oacute;di, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR29\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). Although both types of ownership negatively affect local communities, the more professionalized are a clear example of the distortion of Airbnb\u0026rsquo;s original idea, performing a mere instrumentalization of place identity for strictly economic purposes (R\u0026ouml;slmaier and Ioannides, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR43\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). In this sense, the narrative created by Airbnb, and its capacity to generate images and new identities from content produced by hosts and visitors, plays a crucial role in creating and diverting tourist flows toward neighborhoods that become \u0026ldquo;authentic\u0026rdquo; or \u0026ldquo;alternative\u0026rdquo; tourist destinations, generating a bottom-up placemaking dynamic and reproducing the same displacement processes observed in the more traditional tourist neighborhoods (Stewart, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR49\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Stors, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR50\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"3. Case study: Naples (Italy)","content":"\u003cp\u003eNaples\u0026rsquo; relationship with tourism has very ancient roots, dating back to when the city became one of the capitals of the Grand Tour, one of the earliest expressions of what we now call tourism (Towner, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR51\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1985\u003c/span\u003e). A rather troubled history, marked by world wars, epidemics, and organized crime, had marginalized Naples from the main European tourist routes until the end of the last century, when this negative trend began to reverse. During this period, the municipal authorities focused their efforts on improving urban services and infrastructure, as well as on the redevelopment of the city\u0026rsquo;s extensive historical and cultural heritage, primarily concentrated in the historic center of Naples, one of the largest in the world (approximately 11 km\u0026sup2;), and inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List in 1995 (De Falco and Corbino, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe modernization and redevelopment projects promoted by the city administration, along with the significant recognition by UNESCO, played a crucial role in reconstructing Naples as a tourist destination. However, this transformation was made possible through the reproduction of images and narratives that emphasize the exoticism and authenticity of the city and the Neapolitan people, making them highly attractive to tourists (Iandolo, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR30\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe process of reimagining Naples\u0026rsquo; image led to a marked increase in tourist flows, submerging the city in a true tourism tsunami characterized by chaos and the fragmentation of the tourist offer into heterogeneous initiatives and experiences, without guidance or planning from any significant public or private actor (Corbisiero, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). This unregulated growth contributed to the regeneration of certain areas of the city but also triggered a rapid process of touristification of the historic center, which has become a space for tourist consumption. This strong tourism orientation has not only failed to address the city\u0026rsquo;s chronic problems - including social and economic fragility, organized crime, and lack of services- but has also generated a series of critical concerns related to the development of a tourism model characterized by excesses and deficiencies, both in terms of supply and demand (Iovino, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe existence of a non-gentrified historic center has drawn the attention of the tourism industry to Naples as an authentic and \u0026ldquo;untouched\u0026rdquo; urban destination, accelerating the previously mentioned process of touristification in this area. This has exacerbated various socio-economic issues, increasing the number of evictions and triggering a gradual process of displacement of working-class populations from the historic center (Esposito, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). In this dynamic, actors such as Airbnb - enabled by the apathetic and at times negligent attitude of the city administration - play a major role, with short-term rentals increasingly replacing traditional ones, leading to a severe housing crisis driven by the predominance of short-term leases. These rentals, combined with overcrowding and the concentration of tourism-oriented commercial activities (Freire Varela, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e), have produced a situation in which residents are now demanding their right to live and remain in the historic center (Caputi and Fava, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR3\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eUsing data from the Inside Airbnb website (2025), it is possible to highlight various aspects regarding the way Airbnb has expanded within the Municipality of Naples. In Fig.\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Fig1\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e1\u003c/span\u003e, we can observe, first and foremost, the spatial distribution of Airbnb listings across the municipal area (10,271 in total as of March 13, 2025), with an overwhelming concentration inside the boundaries of the UNESCO-protected zone, which hosts the majority of the city\u0026rsquo;s historical and cultural heritage. More specifically, and as previously noted, the historic center neighborhoods are the most heavily affected by the pressure of short-term rentals, characterized by a high density of this type of accommodation.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eWith regard to accommodation types, 63.5% are entire homes or apartments, whereas only 35.1% are private rooms, indicating that Airbnb significantly subtracts housing units from the conventional residential market. This trend becomes even more evident when looking at the average rental duration, with 82% of listings being rented for less than 30 days, emphasizing the intensive use of these properties for tourism purposes.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eFocusing on the structure of the supply, we see that 65% of the listings are managed by hosts with multiple properties (in many cases more than 10 each), revealing a process of professionalization or semi-professionalization of the Airbnb offer in the city. This dynamic is further confirmed by the presence of hosts managing more than 100 listings each, with the top four hosts alone accounting for over 475 listings.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"4. Methodology","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe research questions can be formalized as follows:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eQ1. How are narratives about Neapolitan neighborhoods constructed on Airbnb?\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eQ2. Can Airbnb contribute to shifting touristification impact toward areas other than those typically associated with tourism?\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eTo address these research questions, we chose to use \u003cem\u003eInside Airbnb\u003c/em\u003e, an independent platform that collects publicly available data on Airbnb listings in various cities around the world[1]\u003ca class=\"FNLink\" href=\"#Fn1\" id=\"#FNLinkFn1\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e. \u003cem\u003eInside Airbnb\u003c/em\u003e is widely regarded as an authoritative and extensively used source in scientific literature for the analysis of urban and tourism dynamics mediated by digital platforms (Guti\u0026eacute;rrez et. al, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR27\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe data extraction took place on March 3, 2025. The records include the entire set of active listings in the city of Naples on that date. A total of 79 variables were extracted, of which two were used for the analysis: Id, Neighborhood and Neighborhood overview.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"gridtable\"\u003e\u003ctable float=\"No\" id=\"Taba\" border=\"1\"\u003e\u003ccolgroup cols=\"2\"\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c1\" colnum=\"1\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c2\" colnum=\"2\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cthead\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eVariable name\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/th\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eDescription\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/th\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003c/thead\u003e\u003ctbody\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eId\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eIdentification number of the apartment\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eNeighborhood\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eName of neighborhood of the apartment\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eNeighborhood overview\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eDescription of the neighborhood provided by the host\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003c/tbody\u003e\u003c/colgroup\u003e\u003c/table\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe corpus analyzed consists of 10272 records. This numerical consistency enabled the adoption of a two-step analytical strategy, combining quantitative and qualitative approaches. First, social network analysis was used to identify semantic clusters and dominant descriptors across Airbnb listings, offering both a structural mapping of the discursive space and interpretive insights into how neighborhood narratives are constructed and disseminated. In the second phase, a qualitative in-depth analysis of the previously identified clusters was conducted, allowing for a more nuanced understanding of their specific narrative configurations. Before proceeding with the analysis, data cleaning procedures were applied to the dataset. First, terms with fewer than 15 occurrences were removed, as words below this threshold were deemed irrelevant for the analysis. Additionally, a stop list was created to filter out empty words - such as articles, prepositions, and adverbs - as well as terms directly related to the research subject, such as \u003cem\u003eNaples\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003ecity\u003c/em\u003e, and neighborhood.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe integration of these two analytical steps allowed for a clear understanding of how hosts construct and promote neighborhood attributes to enhance their appeal. This, in turn, made it possible to explore how neighborhoods less influenced by the presence of major landmarks can nonetheless be positioned as attractive to potential visitors.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"5. Results","content":"\u003cdiv id=\"Sec6\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e5.1. \u003cb\u003eSemantic Bipartite Network Structure and Topological and Structural Indicators\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe semantic network under analysis is a directed bipartite graph composed of two node classes: Airbnb listings and semantic terms drawn from neighborhood descriptions associated with those listings. The graph includes 4869 nodes and 44898 directed edges, illustrating a richly interlinked system where multiple properties share descriptors and specific terms are used across numerous listings. Because of the bipartite structure, connections only exist between these two sets of nodes, providing a clear and interpretable semantic mapping.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAlthough the number of connections is high, the overall graph density is 0.002, indicating sparsity, a common feature in real-world bipartite networks where not all possible connections exist. This low density, however, is counterbalanced by a relatively high average degree (9.221), suggesting that individual listings tend to include multiple semantic descriptors, and that these descriptors appear across different nodes. Such redundancy is a crucial feature of semantic consistency and narrative propagation within the platform.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe graph diameter, equal to 7, indicates the maximum distance between any two nodes in the network, while the average path length of 2.959 confirms a compact semantic structure. This implies that any node - whether a listing or a descriptor - can be reached from another through fewer than three steps on average. From a semantic standpoint, this suggests an efficient transmission of meaning and a high degree of discursive overlap, where shared terms allow otherwise distant listings to be indirectly associated through common semantic intermediaries. This tightly-knit structure allows the detection of interconnected semantic fields, often emerging organically around dominant descriptive patterns. The Fruchterman-Reingold layout used to spatialize the network reveals multiple concentrated clusters that correspond to groups of listings interconnected by shared language use, forming identifiable modular communities within the discursive fabric.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe community detection algorithm applied to the network yields a modularity score of 0.331, which denotes a meaningful internal segmentation of the graph. These modules do not emerge at random: they signal latent semantic logics within the data, identifying areas of high internal coherence in terms of descriptors used and listings involved. These communities may correspond to physical geographies (e.g., neighborhoods or boroughs) or to more abstract semantic constructs (e.g., lifestyle-oriented narratives, proximity to transportation, historical character, etc.).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec7\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e5.2. Semantic Implications and Interpretive Insights\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe emergent structure is indicative of a multi-scalar and differentiated semantic landscape. Each community or module reflects a distinct semantic ecology, wherein a subset of listings is described using a specific lexicon. These lexicons encode recurring themes such as centrality, liveliness, tranquility, authenticity, convenience, or exclusivity. As such, the network provides a robust representation of how urban space is discursively constructed on the Airbnb platform. What emerges is not simply a reflection of objective place characteristics, but a selective and strategic representation of urban identity tailored to attract potential visitors. Hosts deploy descriptive terms not randomly, but in patterns that align with broader imaginaries of the city. In doing so, they contribute to a symbolic economy of place, where certain themes (e.g., \u0026ldquo;vibrant\u0026rdquo;, \u0026ldquo;safe\u0026rdquo;, \u0026ldquo;authentic\u0026rdquo;, \u0026ldquo;connected\u0026rdquo;) become dominant signifiers that confer value upon specific spatial contexts. Moreover, the network highlights the presence of transversal descriptors, or more precisely terms that appear across multiple modules and function as semantic bridges. These terms contribute to a layered semantic topology, where localized specificity coexists with generalized branding strategies. They indicate inter-modular permeability, showing how individual terms or expressions serve to link distinct communities of listings, reinforcing the coherence of Airbnb\u0026rsquo;s overall representational structure. The presence of such highly central nodes creates asymmetries in semantic influence, where a small subset of terms disproportionately shapes the discursive framework. These nodes often include generic yet powerful adjectives or locative markers (e.g., \u0026ldquo;central,\u0026rdquo; \u0026ldquo;lively,\u0026rdquo; \u0026ldquo;historic,\u0026rdquo; \u0026ldquo;quiet\u0026rdquo;), reinforcing dominant narratives and reducing the visibility of more peripheral or unique urban features.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn summary, the semantic bipartite network constructed from Airbnb neighborhood descriptions reveals a highly structured and navigable system of associations. Through modularity and centrality, we observe not only how language clusters around themes and spaces, but also how certain descriptors gain discursive dominance, shaping the way the city is understood, navigated, and consumed. This network does not simply map the city because it produces an urban imaginary, grounded in tourism, platform logics, and host strategies. It renders the city legible to visitors through structured vocabulary, creating a discursive infrastructure where semantic value aligns with visibility, centrality, and economic potential.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAs regards the various modularities identified within the network, following there are their main characteristics.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cdiv id=\"Sec8\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\n \u003ch2\u003e5.3. Modularity\u003c/h2\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eModularity 1: Call for experience and authenticity\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThe first modularity represents a tourism narrative strongly centered on the experiences and feelings of the city. This modularity features a high number of adjectives descriptive of the neighborhoods involved (traditional, friendly) but also of the resources possessed (connected, transportation, funicular, subways). The terms recall an authentic neighborhood context characterized by elements of folklore (\u003cem\u003eMaradona, murals, Spanish Quarters, bass, murals\u003c/em\u003e). There is no shortage of references to typical gastronomy (\u003cem\u003epizzerias, trattorias, pastry, wine, cuisine\u003c/em\u003e) and the city\u0026rsquo;s nightlife (\u003cem\u003eclubs, nightlife, pubs\u003c/em\u003e), which are fully part of the previously mentioned narrative of the city in images and experiences. Highlighted are not so much the artistic beauties but the experiences you can have in these neighborhoods;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eModularity 2: The postcard city\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThe second modularity builds a strongly evocative, at times poetic narrative of the city. It focuses very insistently on the historical, artistic but also scenic heritage of the city (\u003cem\u003ehistoric center, wonders, treasures, landmarks, magnificent, beauties\u003c/em\u003e and \u003cem\u003eparadise\u003c/em\u003e). There are terms such as village, hamlet, noble, terraces, scents that evoke an intimate and ancient atmosphere. There is no lack of reference to chaos, which, however, always appear framed within a charming rhetoric;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eModularity 3: Regional mobility hub\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThe third modularity is very different from the previous ones. It focuses on a lexicon strongly oriented toward urban and interregional mobility, with terms that recall stations (\u003cem\u003eGaribaldi, central, station, pier\u003c/em\u003e), transportation lines (\u003cem\u003ebus, subway, circumvesuviana, alibus\u003c/em\u003e), and connections with highly attractive external tourist destinations such as Capri, Ischia, Procida, Pompeii, Sorrento, and Amalfi. Words such as \u003cem\u003eairport, port, ferry, marina\u003c/em\u003e or \u003cem\u003eshuttle\u003c/em\u003e highlight Naples\u0026rsquo; role as a logistical hub and not just a destination. Terms that refer to the city itself are scarce, but sites of interest outside the capital city of Naples are mentioned. This modularity returns a functional, connected, instrumental image of Naples, designed also for tourists in transit or those who want to aim for regional and not just city tourism;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eModularity 4: Monumental and sacred city\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThe fourth modularity is distinguished by a lexicon strongly anchored in the city\u0026rsquo;s historical, artistic and religious heritage. We find terms such as \u003cem\u003eduomo, cathedral, chapel, church, basilica, monastery, catacombs\u003c/em\u003e and \u003cem\u003ecemetery\u003c/em\u003e, which highlight the centrality of places of worship, and words such as \u003cem\u003emuseum, mann, capodimonte, museo, museums, artistic, heritage\u003c/em\u003e and \u003cem\u003eunesco\u003c/em\u003e that instead recall the importance of museums and cultural heritage in general. This modularity, compared to previous ones, point all to a tourism narrative focused on artistic and spiritual landmarks, positioning Naples as a city of extraordinary cultural and religious richness.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eWith the aim of exploring the interconnection between the attributes of different modularities and their spatial distribution within the municipality of Naples, Fig. \u003cspan class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e3\u003c/span\u003e presents a map displaying the predominant modularity among Airbnb units across the city\u0026rsquo;s neighborhoods.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThe most widespread modularity within the municipal area is the first one, which is predominant in more than half of Naples\u0026rsquo; neighborhoods (16 out of 30). Among the neighborhoods involved are both affluent and central areas such as Chiaia, as well as disadvantaged and marginalized districts like Scampia and Ponticelli. This highlights the territorial transversality of the hegemonic narrative, which, as previously discussed, is grounded in elements that evoke the city\u0026rsquo;s authenticity and experiential character.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eIn contrast, the third modularity is concentrated in the eastern and western peripheral neighborhoods, areas that are, a priori, less attractive from a touristic point of view but host key mobility infrastructures. These include Naples International Airport, located in San Pietro a Patierno in the northern periphery; the Central Train Station and several Circumvesuviana railway stops (a regional train line that connects the city to the Vesuvius National Park and to towns such as Herculaneum, Pompeii, and Sorrento) situated in the eastern suburbs such as San Giovanni a Teduccio and Zona Industriale; and finally, the western districts of Fuorigrotta and Bagnoli, which are connected by rail to the Campi Flegrei area, a coastal zone of significant historical and environmental interest. This indicates that Airbnb\u0026rsquo;s narrative in these areas tends to emphasize urban and regional mobility resources rather than other features.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThe fourth modularity, by contrast, is exclusively predominant in the most historic districts of the city, where the main tourist landmarks and the highest concentration of heritage elements are found. In this part of Naples, one can find landmarks such as the Royal Palace of Capodimonte in San Carlo all\u0026rsquo;Arena, the Sansevero Chapel in Pendino, or Castel dell\u0026rsquo;Ovo in San Ferdinando. Here, the narrative constructed by Airbnb focuses on the presence of historical and religious heritage, reinforcing the identity of the Neapolitan historic center.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eAs can be observed, the second modularity is not predominant in any neighborhood of the city. However, it is mostly concentrated in the historic center, aligning closely with the fourth modularity in the construction of a tourist narrative centered on the monumental and historical components of this area of Naples. Moreover, it is worth noting that, at the time the data were extracted, there was still one neighborhood in Naples (Miano, located in the northern periphery) where no Airbnb units were reported.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Conclusion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis study aims to investigate (Q1) how narratives about Neapolitan neighborhoods are constructed on Airbnb and (Q2) whether these narratives can contribute to redirecting tourist flows beyond traditional touristic areas. The analysis identified four distinct discursive configurations that reveal how neighborhoods - both central and peripheral - are represented, framed, and promoted on the platform.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIt is worth noting that the historic center shares a specific narrative centered on the area\u0026rsquo;s historical, cultural, and artistic heritage, clearly defining an identity that appeals to a segment of demand interested in such offerings. Conversely, the dominant narrative modality is distributed across the municipal territory (excluding the most touristified areas) without clear distinctions based on the socioeconomic or spatial characteristics of the neighborhoods. This suggests that Airbnb\u0026rsquo;s narratives in these areas seek to evoke elements such as authenticity (which is increasingly degraded in central areas due to the commodification of space) and the experiential character of neighborhood life, offering a contrast to already-touristified zones. In this sense, it is particularly revealing that a neighborhood like Posillipo - with the highest per capita income in the city and located in one of the most scenic areas - shares the same narrative structure as Scampia, a northern peripheral area among the city\u0026rsquo;s most marginalized and impoverished. Despite the many differences between them, the unifying narrative element is the promise of a unique and authentic experience beyond standardized central areas.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn cases where symbolic or cultural capital is lacking, the narrative shifts toward highlighting logistical convenience, and emphasize transport infrastructure, mobility, and proximity to other regional attractions.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eWhile it is not possible to make definitive claims, these findings suggest that Airbnb may serve as a lever for decentralizing tourist flows toward peripheral neighborhoods of Naples by promoting narratives grounded in uniqueness and local experiences. This raises important questions about how tourist flows may gradually be redistributed through platform-mediated storytelling and whether the patterns observed in Naples align with similar dynamics documented in other urban contexts, where redirected flows have led to processes of touristification and community displacement (Akarsu et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e; Mansilla \u0026amp; Milano, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR35\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eFrom a methodological perspective, this study proposes a valuable tool: semantic network analysis, particularly when employed within a mixed-method research design, shows strong potential in tourism studies. Its main strength lies in bridging the gap between quantitative rigor and qualitative depth, allowing for systematic mapping of the structural relationships among concepts while preserving contextual richness. Unlike purely quantitative approaches, which often flatten narrative complexity, semantic network analysis captures the relational construction of meaning within discourse. At the same time, it complements qualitative methods by offering a scalable way to handle large textual datasets without sacrificing interpretive nuance.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis is especially relevant in tourism research, where understanding how destinations are discursively produced - through the interplay of place imaginaries, commercial storytelling, and user-generated content - is key to analyzing platform-driven place-making dynamics (Colladon et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). Moreover, semantic analysis becomes particularly powerful when integrated with spatial mapping techniques, as it enables researchers to explore how discourses are structured not only semantically but also geographically, shedding light on the socio-spatial dynamics of urban tourism.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eFuture research could build on these findings by incorporating deeper qualitative components. Analyzing tourist feedback and online reviews would help reveal how host-constructed narratives are perceived, negotiated, or even challenged by visitors. This would allow for a richer understanding of the alignment - or potential dissonance - between promotional discourse and tourists\u0026rsquo; actual experiences or expectations.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAdditionally, extending the analysis beyond Airbnb to include other short-term rental platforms (such as Booking.com, Vrbo, or local alternatives) and user-generated content from travel forums and social media could provide a more comprehensive view of how different digital ecosystems jointly shape urban tourist imaginaries. This multiplatform approach would also allow for assessing whether the identified narrative strategies are platform-specific or reflect broader cross-platform dynamics in the commodification and representation of urban space.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAcknowledgments\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFor the author Caterina Ambrosio, this work was supported by FOSSR (Fostering Open Science in Social Science Research), funded by the European Union - NextGenerationEU under NRRP Grant agreement n. MUR IR0000008, and CESSDA - Consortium of European Social Science Data Archives. The content of this paper reflects only the author\u0026rsquo;s view. The European Commission and MUR are not responsible for any use that may be made of the information it contains.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eFunding declaration\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe authors did not receive any specific funding for this research.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eEthics declaration\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis research does not involve human participants, personal data, or sensitive information that would require formal ethical approval.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eAkarsu, T. N., Foroudi, P., \u0026amp; Melewar, T. C. (2020). What makes Airbnb likeable? Exploring the nexus between service attractiveness, country image, perceived authenticity and experience from a social exchange theory perspective within an emerging economy context. International Journal of Hospitality Management, 91, 102635. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijhm.2020.102635\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003e\u0026Aacute;lvarez-Herranz, A., \u0026amp; Macedo-Ru\u0026iacute;z, E. (2021). An Evaluation of the Three Pillars of Sustainability in Cities with High Airbnb Presence: A Case Study of the City of Madrid. Sustainability, 13(6), 3220. https://doi.org/10.3390/su13063220\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eCaputi, A., \u0026amp; Fava, A. (2023). Privati di Napoli: La citt\u0026agrave; contesa tra beni comuni e privatizzazioni. Castelvecchi.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eCelata, F., \u0026amp; Romano, A. (2022). Narrative constructions and the touristification of urban peripheries: Airbnb and neighbourhood change in Naples. Urban Studies, 59(4), 795\u0026ndash;813.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eCocola-Gant, A. (2016). Holiday rentals: The new gentrification battlefront. Sociological Research Online, 21(3), 112\u0026ndash;120.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eCocola-Gant, A. (2019). Gentrification and displacement: Urban inequality in cities of late capitalism. In T. Schwanen \u0026amp; R. Van Kempen (Eds.), Handbook of urban geography (pp. 297\u0026ndash;310). Edward Elgar Publishing. https://doi.org/10.4337/9781785364600.00030\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eCohen, E. (1972). Toward a sociology of international tourism. Social Research, 39, 164\u0026ndash;189.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eColladon, A. F., Guardabascio, B., \u0026amp; Innarella, R. (2019). Using social network and semantic analysis to analyze online travel forums and forecast tourism demand. Decision Support Systems, 123, 113075. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.dss.2019.113075\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eColomb, C., \u0026amp; Novy, J. (2016). Urban tourism and its discontents: An introduction. In Protest and resistance in the tourist city (pp. 1\u0026ndash;30). Routledge.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eContu, G., Conversano, C., Frigau, L., \u0026amp; Mola, F. (2019). The impact of Airbnb on hidden and sustainable tourism: The case of Italy. International Journal of Tourism Policy, 9(2), 99\u0026ndash;130. https://doi.org/10.1504/IJTP.2019.102628\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eCorbisiero, F. (2019). Grand Tour. Ieri, oggi e domani. In E. Amaturo \u0026amp; A. M. Zaccaria (Eds.), Napoli. Persone, spazi e pratiche di innovazione (pp. 73\u0026ndash;91). Rubbettino.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eCrespi-Villabona, M., \u0026amp; Dom\u0026iacute;nguez-P\u0026eacute;rez, M. (2021). The consequences of touristification in the center of large cities: The case of Madrid and Barcelona. Ciudad y Territorio, 53, 61\u0026ndash;82. https://doi.org/10.37230/CyTET.2021.M21.04\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eDe Falco, S., \u0026amp; Corbino, A. (2023). Naples and tourism: Conflicts of a dream realised? Analysis of a fast-changing urban landscape. AIMS Geosciences, 9(4), 754\u0026ndash;768. https://doi.org/10.3934/geosci.2023040\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eDodds, R., \u0026amp; Butler, R. (2019). The phenomena of overtourism: A review. International Journal of Tourism Cities, 5(4), 519\u0026ndash;528. https://doi.org/10.1108/IJTC-06-2019-0090\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eDredge, D., \u0026amp; Gyim\u0026oacute;thy, S. (2015). The collaborative economy and tourism: Critical perspectives, questionable claims and silenced voices. Tourism Recreation Research, 40(3), 286\u0026ndash;302.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eEsposito, A. (2023). Tourism-driven displacement in Naples, Italy. Land Use Policy, 134, 106919. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.landusepol.2023.106919\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eFlorida, R. (2002). The Rise of the Creative Class: and How It\u0026rsquo;s Transforming Work, Leisure, Community, and Everyday Life. Basic Books, New York.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eFreire Varela, A. (2025). Eating the city: Socio-spatial analysis of the foodification process in the city of Naples (Italy). International Journal of Gastronomy and Food Science, 39, 101130. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijgfs.2025.101130\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eFrenken, K., \u0026amp; Schor, J. (2017). Putting the sharing economy into perspective. Environmental Innovation and Societal Transitions, 23, 3\u0026ndash;10. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.eist.2017.01.003\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eGallagher, L. (2017). The hustle. In L. Gallagher (Ed.), The Airbnb story: How three ordinary guys disrupted an industry, made billions ... and created plenty of controversy (pp. 6\u0026ndash;81). Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eGarc\u0026iacute;a-Amaya, A. M., Temes-Cordovez, R., Simancas-Cruz, M., \u0026amp; Pe\u0026ntilde;arrubia-Zaragoza, M. P. (2021). The Airbnb effect on areas subject to urban renewal in Valencia (Spain). International Journal of Tourism Cities, 7(2), 361\u0026ndash;390. https://doi.org/10.1108/IJTC-03-2020-0041\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eGarcia-Ayllon, S. (2018). Urban Transformations as an Indicator of Unsustainability in the P2P Mass Tourism Phenomenon: The Airbnb Case in Spain through Three Case Studies. Sustainability, 10(8), 2933. https://doi.org/10.3390/su10082933\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eGarc\u0026iacute;a-L\u0026oacute;pez, M. \u0026Agrave;., Jofre-Monseny, J., Mart\u0026iacute;nez Mazza, R., \u0026amp; Seg\u0026uacute;, M. (2020). Do short-term rental platforms affect housing markets? Evidence from Airbnb in Barcelona. Journal of Urban Economics, 119, 103278.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eGil, J., \u0026amp; Sequera, J. (2020). The professionalization of Airbnb in Madrid: far from a collaborative economy. Current Issues in Tourism, 25(20), 3343\u0026ndash;3362. https://doi.org/10.1080/13683500.2020.1757628\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eGold, A. E. (2019). Community consequences of Airbnb. Washington Law Review, 94(4), 1577\u0026ndash;1616. Retrieved from https://digitalcommons.law.uw.edu/wlr/vol94/iss4/2\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eGravari-Barbas, M., \u0026amp; Jacquot, S. (2019). Mechanisms, actors and impacts of the touristification of a tourism periphery: The Saint-Ouen flea market, Paris. \u003cem\u003eInternational Journal of Tourism Cities, 5\u003c/em\u003e(3), 370\u0026ndash;391. https://doi.org/10.1108/IJTC-11-2018-0093\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eGuti\u0026eacute;rrez, J., Garc\u0026iacute;a-Palomares, J. C., Romanillos, G., \u0026amp; Salas-Olmedo, M. H. (2017). The eruption of Airbnb in tourist cities: Comparing spatial patterns of hotels and peer-to-peer accommodation in Barcelona. Tourism management, 62, 278-291.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eGuttentag, D. (2015). Airbnb: disruptive innovation and the rise of an informal tourism accommodation sector. Current Issues in Tourism, 18(12), 1192\u0026ndash;1217. https://doi.org/10.1080/13683500.2013.827159\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eGy\u0026oacute;di, K. (2024). The spatial patterns of Airbnb offers, hotels and attractions: Are professional hosts taking over cities? Current Issues in Tourism, 27(17), 2757\u0026ndash;2782. https://doi.org/10.1080/13683500.2023.2239428\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eIandolo, S. (2023). Lo stigma territoriale come motore dell\u0026rsquo;attrazione turistica: Rischi e spunti etnografici dalla citt\u0026agrave; di Napoli. Memorie Geografiche, NS, 23, 449\u0026ndash;454. ISBN: 978-88-946901-32.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eInside Airbnb. (n.d.). Naples. Retrieved May 12, 2025, from https://insideairbnb.com/naples/\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eIovino, G. (2023). Tourism and cultural heritage in the urban transformation of Naples. GeoProgress Journal, 10(1).\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eJaakson, R. (2004). Beyond the tourist bubble?: cruiseship passengers in port. Annals of Tourism Research 31 (1), 44\u0026ndash;60. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.annals.2003.08.003.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eLycari\u0026atilde;o, D., \u0026amp; dos Santos, M. A. (2017). Bridging semantic and social network analyses: The case of the hashtag #precisamosfalarsobreaborto (we need to talk about abortion) on Twitter. Information, Communication \u0026amp; Society, 20(3), 368\u0026ndash;385. https://doi.org/10.1080/1369118X.2016.1168469\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eMansilla, J. A., \u0026amp; Milano, C. (2019). Becoming centre: tourism placemaking and space production in two neighborhoods in Barcelona. Tourism Geographies, 24(4\u0026ndash;5), 599\u0026ndash;620. https://doi.org/10.1080/14616688.2019.1571097\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eMarkusen, A., \u0026amp; Schrock, G. (2009). Consumption-Driven Urban Development. Urban Geography, 30(4), 344\u0026ndash;367. https://doi.org/10.2747/0272-3638.30.4.344\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eMilano, C. (2018). Overtourism, malestar social y turismofobia: Un debate controvertido. PASOS. Revista de Turismo y Patrimonio Cultural, 16(3), 551\u0026ndash;564. https://doi.org/10.25145/j.pasos.2018.16.041\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eMilano, C., Cheer, J. M., \u0026amp; Novelli, M. (2019). Overtourism: Excesses, discontents and measures in travel and tourism. CABI.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eMilano, C., Cheer, J. M., \u0026amp; Novelli, M. (2019). Overtourism: Excesses, discontents and measures in travel and tourism. CABI.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eMonaco, S. (2024). Identity, territories, and sustainability: Challenges and opportunities for achieving the UN Sustainable Development Goals. Emerald Publishing Limited. https://doi.org/10.1108/9781837975495\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eMullins, P., Natalier, K., Smith, P., \u0026amp; Smeaton, B. (1999). Cities and consumption spaces. Urban Affairs Review, 35(1), 44\u0026ndash;71. https://doi.org/10.1177/10780879922184284\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003ePetruzzi, M. A., Marques, G. S., do Carmo, M., \u0026amp; Correia, A. (2020). Airbnb and neighbourhoods: An exploratory study. International Journal of Tourism Cities, 6(1), 72\u0026ndash;89. https://doi.org/10.1108/IJTC-08-2019-0119\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eR\u0026ouml;slmaier, M., \u0026amp; Ioannides, D. (2023). \u0026lsquo;Made in Airbnb\u0026rsquo;: Sense of Localness in Neolocalism: Tourism Dynamics on Heimaey, Iceland. Island Studies Journal, 18(2). https://doi.org/10.24043/001c.88998\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eRutland, T. (2010). The financialization of urban redevelopment. Geography Compass, 4(8), 1167\u0026ndash;1178. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-8198.2010.00348.x\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eSans, A. A., \u0026amp; Quaglieri Dom\u0026iacute;nguez, A. (2016). Unravelling Airbnb: Urban perspectives from Barcelona. In Reinventing the Local in Tourism (pp. 209\u0026ndash;228). Channel View Publications.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eSassen, S. (1995). The State and the Global City: Notes towards a Conception of Place-Centered Governance. Competition \u0026amp; Change, 1(1), 31-50. https://doi.org/10.1177/102452949500100103\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eSeeler, S., \u0026amp; Sch\u0026auml;nzel, H. A. (2019). From the fluidity of the experience economy to transformative experiences as a catalyst for positive change: The future of experiential travel. Journal of Tourism Futures, 5(2), 111\u0026ndash;113. https://doi.org/10.1108/JTF-06-2019-081\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eSibrijns, G. R., \u0026amp; Vanneste, D. (2021). Managing overtourism in collaboration: The case of \u0026lsquo;From Capital City to Court City\u0026rsquo;, a tourism redistribution policy project between Amsterdam and The Hague. Journal of Destination Marketing \u0026amp; Management, 20, 100569. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jdmm.2021.100569\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eStewart, R. (2022). Authenticity for rent? Airbnb hosts and the commodification of urban displacement. Proceedings of the ACM on Human-Computer Interaction, 6(CSCW2), Article 493, 1\u0026ndash;28. https://doi.org/10.1145/3555594\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eStors, N. (2020). Constructing new urban tourism space through Airbnb. Tourism Geographies, 24(4\u0026ndash;5), 692\u0026ndash;715. https://doi.org/10.1080/14616688.2020.1750683\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eTowner, J. (1985). The Grand Tour: A key phase in the history of tourism. Annals of Tourism Research, 12(3), 297\u0026ndash;333. https://doi.org/10.1016/0160-7383(85)90002-7\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eVincent D. Blondel, Jean-Loup Guillaume, Renaud Lambiotte, and Etienne Lefebvre. \u0026ldquo;Fast Unfolding of Communities in Large Networks.\u0026rdquo; Journal of Statistical Mechanics: Theory and Experiment 2008, no. 10 (October 2008): P10008. https://doi.org/10.1088/1742-5468/2008/10/P10008.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003evon Briel, D., \u0026amp; Dolnicar, S. (2021). The evolution of Airbnb regulation: An international longitudinal investigation 2008\u0026ndash;2020. Annals of Tourism Research, 87, 103074. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.annals.2021.103074\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eWachsmuth, D., \u0026amp; Weisler, A. (2018). Airbnb and the rent gap: Gentrification through the sharing economy. Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space, 50(6), 1147-1170. https://doi.org/10.1177/0308518X18778038\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eWachsmuth, D., \u0026amp; Weisler, A. (2018). Airbnb and the rent gap: Gentrification through the sharing economy. Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space, 50(6), 1147\u0026ndash;1170.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eXu, F., Hu, M., La, L., Wang, J., \u0026amp; Huang, C. (2019). The influence of neighbourhood environment on Airbnb: a geographically weighed regression analysis. Tourism Geographies, 22(1), 192\u0026ndash;209. https://doi.org/10.1080/14616688.2019.1586987\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eYrigoy, I., 2014. The production of tourist spaces as a spatial fix. Tourism Geographies, 16 (4), 636\u0026ndash;652. https://doi.org/10.1080/14616688.2014.915876\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eZhang, X., Zhu, R., Chen, L., Zhang, Z., \u0026amp; Chen, M. (2022). News from Messenger? A cross-national comparative study of news media\u0026apos;s audience engagement strategies via Facebook Messenger chatbots. Digital Journalism. https://doi.org/10.1080/21670811.2022.2145329\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eZukin, S. (1991). Landscapes of Power: From Detroit to Disney World. University of California Press, Berkeley, CA.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"},{"header":"Footnotes","content":"\u003col\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e \u003cspan class=\"ExternalRef\"\u003e\u003cspan class=\"RefSource\"\u003ehttps://insideairbnb.com/\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan address=\"https://insideairbnb.com/\" targettype=\"URL\" class=\"RefTarget\"\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":true,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"Airbnb, Tourist Narratives, Semantic Analysis, GIS, Naples","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7012263/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-7012263/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eSince 2008, Airbnb has grown exponentially, changing the way tourism is practiced in multiple ways. However, its impact extends beyond disintermediating tourism or hospitality modes, creating significant spatial and socio-economic changes in major tourist cities. Airbnb has also become a powerful placemaking tool, changing the connotation of many neighborhoods that have quickly fallen prey to touristification. Moreover, the platform has been instrumental in shaping change, standardizing living spaces, and constructing ad hoc narratives defined by the styles it promotes.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eConsidering the city of Naples (Italy), the aim of this work is to understand how the city is described by the owners of Airbnb units, in order to identify distortions or mutations that mask the perception of the city. Some dimensions that emerged concern neighborhood safety, points of interest, and mobility. Special attention is given to the differences between central and suburban neighborhoods. The data was collected through Inside Airbnb as of March 13, 2025. The proposed analysis involves integrating GIS with text-based analysis techniques to spatially map hosts\u0026rsquo; descriptions and uncover patterns of misrepresentation or standardization imposed by the platform.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe analysis revealed Airbnb's ability to construct concrete narratives based on the characteristics of individual neighborhoods. Moreover, a dominant narrative emerged outside the historic city center, emphasizing the authenticity and experiential quality of these areas, discourses that potentially aim to attract tourists and may trigger processes of touristification beyond the city center.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"How Words Shape Neighborhood Appeal: Analyzing Naples Through Airbnb","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2025-08-27 13:09:33","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7012263/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"16e0c521-35a0-475d-ad95-2334aea83987","owner":[],"postedDate":"August 27th, 2025","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"posted","subjectAreas":[],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2026-04-17T23:53:39+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2025-08-27 13:09:33","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-7012263","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-7012263","identity":"rs-7012263","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"8U1c8b4HqxoKbykW_rLl7","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}