Primed to Gamble: Environmental and Social Pathways into Gambling Harm from Childhood to Early Adulthood

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Abstract Background Public health models identify numerous contributors to gambling harm. Most research focuses on psychological factors, and most interventions on individual responsibility and problem gambling treatment. Instead, understanding policies, practices and contexts that underpin transitions into harmful gambling can inform preventive measures. This study aimed to explore environmental and social factors related to transitions into gambling harm among young adults in NSW, Australia, where per capita gambling losses are the highest in the world and young adults are the demographic most at risk of gambling harm. Methods The study recruited 20 NSW residents aged 18–23 years who reported past-year moderate-risk or problem gambling. Semi-structured interviews collected retrospective narrative accounts of their gambling experiences during childhood, adolescence, and early adulthood, and potential social and environmental influences on these experiences. Reflexive thematic narrative analysis was used. Results Participants reported routine exposure to gambling throughout their childhood through parents, gambling venues, advertising and simulated gambling. They recalled few cautionary messages and viewed gambling as a normal, benign and enjoyable adult activity. During adolescence, peer influence, family attitudes, advertising and simulated gambling were the main pro-gambling influences that could shape their growing anticipation of gambling. Most gambled as soon as they were legally allowed, if not before, as a rite of passage into adulthood, followed by early experimentation with gambling products. Their gambling then became routine, fostered by easy access, enticing product features, peer influences, and being targeted by gambling advertising. By early adulthood, they reported gambling-related harm, mainly to their emotional and financial wellbeing. Conclusions The study illuminates the range of pro-gambling influences that young people face when gambling products are widely accessible and heavily advertised. It shows how young people can become primed to gamble during their formative years and rapidly develop a gambling problem once they reach the legal gambling age. To address this public health issue, substantial changes are needed to reduce these environmental influences, including to gambling advertising, inducements, accessibility and harmful product features. Doing so can help reduce the cultural entrenchment of gambling and the consequent social influences that increase the risks of gambling harm for young people.
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Most research focuses on psychological factors, and most interventions on individual responsibility and problem gambling treatment. Instead, understanding policies, practices and contexts that underpin transitions into harmful gambling can inform preventive measures. This study aimed to explore environmental and social factors related to transitions into gambling harm among young adults in NSW, Australia, where per capita gambling losses are the highest in the world and young adults are the demographic most at risk of gambling harm. Methods The study recruited 20 NSW residents aged 18–23 years who reported past-year moderate-risk or problem gambling. Semi-structured interviews collected retrospective narrative accounts of their gambling experiences during childhood, adolescence, and early adulthood, and potential social and environmental influences on these experiences. Reflexive thematic narrative analysis was used. Results Participants reported routine exposure to gambling throughout their childhood through parents, gambling venues, advertising and simulated gambling. They recalled few cautionary messages and viewed gambling as a normal, benign and enjoyable adult activity. During adolescence, peer influence, family attitudes, advertising and simulated gambling were the main pro-gambling influences that could shape their growing anticipation of gambling. Most gambled as soon as they were legally allowed, if not before, as a rite of passage into adulthood, followed by early experimentation with gambling products. Their gambling then became routine, fostered by easy access, enticing product features, peer influences, and being targeted by gambling advertising. By early adulthood, they reported gambling-related harm, mainly to their emotional and financial wellbeing. Conclusions The study illuminates the range of pro-gambling influences that young people face when gambling products are widely accessible and heavily advertised. It shows how young people can become primed to gamble during their formative years and rapidly develop a gambling problem once they reach the legal gambling age. To address this public health issue, substantial changes are needed to reduce these environmental influences, including to gambling advertising, inducements, accessibility and harmful product features. Doing so can help reduce the cultural entrenchment of gambling and the consequent social influences that increase the risks of gambling harm for young people. Youth emerging adults young people gambling problems risk factors qualitative methods advertising peer influence simulated gambling parental factors Figures Figure 1 Background Public health models identify a range of contributors to gambling harm, including psychological, social and environmental factors (Hilbrecht et al., 2020; Korn et al., 2003; Wardle et al., 2024; Williams et al., 2012). However, most empirical research has focused on psychological factors (Baxter et al., 2019; Hancock & Smith, 2017), and most interventions on individual responsibility and problem gambling treatment, rather than policies, practices and contexts that underpin harmful gambling (Blank et al., 2021; Ukhova et al., 2024). A deeper understanding of environmental and social factors in transitions into gambling harm can inform public health measures in these domains, particularly for young adults who most commonly experience these transitions (Dellosa & Browne, 2024). Environmental factors shape opportunities for young people to gamble, placing them at increased risk of harm (Botella-Guijarro et al., 2020). Longitudinal studies show that increased accessibility, including online platforms, venues, and the use of smartphones and gambling apps, is associated with higher participation and difficulty in controlling engagement (Kristiansen et al., 2017; Kristiansen & Trabjerg, 2017). Simulated gambling, including social casino games, demo games and loot boxes, can also provide a pathway to monetary gambling and subsequent problems, with longitudinal studies linking simulated play in adolescence to real-money gambling as young adults (Hayer et al., 2018; Sakata & Jenkinson, 2022). Reaching the legal gambling age often leads to an increase in overall participation (Sakata & Jenkinson, 2022) and a shift from informal or simulated gambling to formal, regulated activities such as betting on electronic gaming machines (EGMs, also called poker machines or pokies) and casino card games (Delfabbro et al., 2009; Winters et al., 1995). Increased social media use and television viewing is associated with gambling problems in young adults (Emond et al., 2022; McAnally et al., 2022). This relationship may be influenced by exposure to gambling advertising on these platforms (Hing et al., 2024). Longitudinal evidence indicates that, generally, males and younger individuals are among those who encounter gambling advertising online most often (Savolainen et al., 2025). Encountering these advertisements is linked to an increase in problem gambling severity for those who already engage in online gambling (Savolainen et al., 2025). High exposure to gambling advertising in adolescence is also associated with an increased risk of transitioning from simulated gambling to real-money gambling (Hayer et al., 2018). The alignment of gambling with sport is a significant environmental influence that can normalise betting and contribute to young people’s transitions into sports betting (Seal et al., 2022). Informal betting and football tipping competitions with family and friends are common in adolescents (Hing et al., 2024). In young people, an involvement with sports can be associated with transitions into sports betting (Kristiansen et al., 2017; Kristiansen & Trabjerg, 2017). Participation in team sports has been found to have a ‘dose-response’ association with higher gambling engagement later in young adulthood (Duggan & Mohan, 2023). Social factors are also influential in the onset of youth gambling and progression to harm, particularly parental gambling habits and positive attitudes towards gambling (Hing et al., 2024; Hollén et al., 2020; Sakata & Jenkinson, 2022). Early adolescence is often the period of gambling initiation, frequently via exposure through parents and other family members (Hing et al., 2024; Vitaro et al., 2004; Kristiansen et al., 2015). Parents are often the source of a young person’s first gambling experiences and may shape their early attitudes (Hing et al., 2024). Low levels of parental monitoring are associated with an increased risk of problem gambling across adolescence and young adulthood (Emond et al., 2022; Lee et al., 2014). This may be particularly relevant for activities like simulated gambling, where parental supervision is often low (Hing, Lole, et al., 2023). Peer influence becomes increasingly important during later adolescence and early adulthood, with gambling used as a way to bond with others and practise skills (Hing et al., 2024). Changes in social circles and major life events, such as changing schools, can drive shifts in gambling behaviour as individuals adopt the norms of new peer groups (Kristiansen et al., 2017; Kristiansen & Trabjerg, 2017). Environmental factors can strongly influence the social context. For example, high levels of exposure to gambling advertising can contribute to a culture of acceptance that shapes peer and family norms towards gambling (Hing et al., 2024; Hayer et al., 2018). The gambling environment in New South Wa les Australians spend more per capita on gambling than in any other country (Di Stefano & Hutchinson, 2023). These losses in Australia are highest in the state of New South Wales (NSW; QLD Government Statistician’s Office [QGSO], 2025), making NSW one of the jurisdictions with the highest gambling losses per person globally. NSW has only 0.15% of the world’s population but has 37% of the world’s non-casino EGMs that together account for 63% of gambling losses in the state (Browne, 2023; QGSO, 2025). These 87,555 EGMs are located in 2,175 suburban pubs and clubs (NSW Government, 2025a, 2025b). Most of these venues also provide betting and keno facilities, while sports and race betting can also be accessed online. Together, EGMs and betting account for over 70% of gambling problems in Australia (Browne et al., 2023). Young adults aged 18-24 years have the highest prevalence of moderate risk/problem gambling in NSW (Browne et al., 2024). This cohort may therefore be one of the world’s most at-risk populations for gambling harm, given their location in a high-spending gambling environment. It is therefore instructive to explore their lived experience of transitioning into gambling harm and the factors they perceive to be influential. This exploration adds a qualitative complement to the correlational and descriptive findings outlined above, contributing to a more in-depth understanding of how these broader patterns manifest in people’s lived experiences. While an earlier study examined these experiences from childhood until age 17 years (Hing, Lole et al., 2023), the current study extends the focus to include the critical milestones of reaching the legal gambling age of 18 years and early adulthood. It aims to conduct a qualitative retrospective study of environmental and social factors related to transitions into gambling harm among young adults in NSW. The study cannot make causal inferences but can nevertheless inform public health measures to reduce the risk factors experienced by this cohort. Methods Sampling and recruitment A recruitment agency recruited 20 participants for the study, sufficient to reach data saturation (Hennink & Kaiser, 2022). Inclusion criteria were being aged 18-23 years, residing in NSW, and screening for past-year moderate risk (score of 3-7) or problem gambling (score of 8+) on the Problem Gambling Severity Index (PGSI; Ferris & Wynne, 2001). All participants were given an information sheet and informed consent preamble. Table 1 shows the sample’s sex and age groups. All participants in the problem gambling group ( n = 8) and three-quarters in the moderate risk group ( n = 12) were male, reflecting the NSW population where nearly three times as many young men as women report moderate risk or problem gambling (Browne et al., 2024). About two-thirds of participants were aged 21-23 years and one-third aged 18-20 years. [Insert Table 1 about here] Interview administration The semi-structured interviews collected retrospective narrative accounts of each participant’s gambling experiences during their childhood, adolescence and early adulthood. This ‘life history’ approach generated detailed chronicled accounts of participants’ lived experiences, contextualised in their dynamic personal, parental, peer and broader environments (Silva & Padilha, 2013). Two authors conducted the interviews on Zoom, each lasting 40-60 minutes. They were auto-transcribed, checked and corrected for accuracy and anonymised by the interviewer. The interview guide is published in Hing, Lole et al. (2025). Interview analysis The first author led the analysis, using thematic narrative analysis which embeds prominent themes extracted from the narratives within the broader sequence of events (Riessman, 2008; Rodriguez, 2016). First, a temporal sequence reflecting developmental stages and transitions in the participants’ gambling was composed. Second, reflexive thematic analysis drew out shared and contrasting elements across the narratives that pertained to key social and environmental influences on their gambling and related harm. The thematic analysis commenced with open coding to identify initial features of potential relevance to the research aim. An iterative process was used to add new codes, modify existing codes, and recode data as appropriate. Themes were then generated by clustering or collapsing codes that shared a unifying feature, to capture meaningful patterns in the data. Reflexive thematic analysis is distinct from coding reliability approaches (Braun et al., 2022). It focuses on the researchers’ reflective and thoughtful engagement with the data and the analytic process, rather than ‘correct’ procedures, ‘reliable’ coding or consensus between coders (Braun & Clarke, 2019). This approach recognises that subjectivity is not only inevitable but a valued resource to provide rich insights. The analyst has decades of experience in gambling research, including studies relevant to the themes in this paper: young people and risk factors for gambling harm. In line with reflexive thematic analysis, this scholarly expertise was treated as an interpretive resource rather than a source of bias. The research enhanced trustworthiness of the findings by gathering data directly from participants with lived experience of gambling harm, adhering to standard reflexive thematic analysis methods, ensuring the interviewers reviewed the draft analysis, and illustrating the findings with participants’ quotes (Braun et al., 2022). These quotes have been lightly edited for clarity and conciseness. They are tagged by participant ID (P#); past-year gambling risk status (MR = moderate risk gambling, PG = problem gambling); age (in years); and reported sex (M = male, F = female). Findings Based on the themes generated from the analysis, Figure 1 presents key elements in the participants’ transitions into gambling harm. [Insert Figure 1 about here] Childhood Routine exposure Nearly all participants had strong childhood memories of parental gambling. Children could be passive onlookers or actively involved in making gambling selections, checking outcomes and receiving wins. Winning bets placed on children’s behalf were particularly memorable: ‘My dad … told me to pick one of the players for the first try and he ended up scoring it and winning me 200 bucks’ (P15, PG, 21, M). Many young people recalled gambling being embedded in family routines. This exposure served as an informal apprenticeship, where children learned not only the mechanics of gambling, but also formed connections through family bonding and leisure. These included links between betting and watching sport, purchasing scratch tickets when shopping, playing gambling games at family gatherings, or exposure to pokies and keno when the family dined at pubs and clubs: ‘You'd walk past the pokies … you'd notice keno, the screens and the numbers. You get that exposure early on, just going for lunch’ (P19, PG, 21, M). This socialisation could foster a childhood view of gambling as a normal adult pastime that brought enjoyment, social connectedness and the opportunity to win money. We'd visit my grandparents a lot and often play poker. They taught me how to play. It wasn't necessarily betting with money. But the idea of gambling, taking a bet, taking a risk to earn more, was definitely there from age 10 … You go from being a kid and playing card games for purely enjoyment, to being an adult and playing card games to win money. (P1, MR, 22, M) As a further source of exposure, gambling advertising formed a backdrop in the children’s media consumption. Most also engaged in simulated gambling, including loot boxes in digital games, daily spins, mock casino games and slot machines. Participants reported not taking much notice of gambling advertising at that time and not linking simulated gambling with monetary gambling. However, many realised later that these were subconscious sources of gambling exposure during childhood. Limited parental cautions Most participants could not recall their parents cautioning them about gambling when they were a child. If aware that their parents gambled, children might interpret this lack of advice as tacitly endorsing gambling. We've never discussed it. Definitely I would say the biggest influence I gained from them was that I thought gambling was okay. My parents do it. You look up to them. It's fine. (P13, PG, 20, M) However, nearly a third of participants recalled that their parents conveyed concerns about gambling and a few parents did not gamble at all. However, these experiences were insufficient to protect them from later gambling harm. My parents have always been pretty anti-gambling. From a reasonably young age, I would have known that. Like, ‘I have heard of friends that lost a lot of money through gambling’, or ‘he or she lost their house gambling’. (P1, MR, 22, M) Benign view of gambling Nearly all participants recalled having a positive attitude to gambling when they were a child, ranging from mild endorsement to enthusiastic curiosity and interest. I was interested by the poker machines … you'd always get a little glimpse of it [when at a venue]. As a kid, what you love is bright coloured lights and games. Also, helping my family, ‘Oh, what's your favourite number?’ And they'd use that for keno. They made it fun for me. I didn't know that people are losing money. (P16, PG, 23, M) Some recalled their intention, even at this young age, to gamble when they became adults, as this was seen as a normal, enjoyable and social adult activity. I knew it was something you do when you're over 18. I always thought I would eventually do it, something I was excited to do when I was old enough. Not just to win, the social aspect of it. (P12, MR, 21, F) Only a few participants recalled having a cautious view of gambling, which they attributed to their upbringing and safer gambling messages. Negative connotations from my parents, but also advertising. ‘Gamble responsibly. Always know what you can lose’ … Instead of anti-gambling, I'd say [I was] probably cautious of gambling. (P1, MR, 22, M) Adolescence Peer encouragement and involvement About half the participants gambled during adolescence before reaching the legal gambling age. Friends and older siblings could foster awareness and excitement and facilitate gambling opportunities. Sport betting was the most prominent gambling interest. It often became a topic of conversation and learning within friendship groups. We had a few older brothers that would tell the group what a multi was, you've got a few legs going … We had no idea what any of that meant, but we were slowly learning together … we would always talk about it. (P14, PG, 21, M) This interest could extend to private sports betting among friends for fun, competition and bragging rights. Nearly a third engaged in commercial sports betting, using fake IDs and older people’s accounts. My first bet was influenced by my brother. He told me to pick who's gonna win a fight. He put the bet on for me and sent me the money that I won. (P8, MR, 20, M) Private betting on casino-style card games was also a relatively common social activity: ‘A way for us to hang out’ (P15, PG, 21, M). This could involve non-financial bets, but small monetary amounts were more usual: ‘Everyone putting in $5. Just a normal thing amongst a group of friends’ (P19, PG, 21, M). Several participants recalled more exposure to EGMs, typically through going to venues with older friends or hearing about their wins. Two participants reported playing EGMs with friends before turning 18. After two memorable big wins, P11 continued playing them about monthly when underage, even though she knew she was unlikely to keep winning. The first time I gambled, when I was around 16, I won about $700. I went back the next week and won $500. My first two experiences felt like I was getting free money, but I knew that wasn’t sustainable … I used the casino once with a friend before I turned 18. (P11, MR, 18, F) Positive family attitudes to gambling During adolescence, about two-thirds of participants recalled no parental cautions about gambling. Those who did receive advice noted it tended to be brief and very occasional. These young people could receive mixed messages if their parents gambled themselves. Just a 5-second side comment. When we go to a club, ‘Oh, make sure you never gamble’. But then they'd go and do it. They never said, ‘This is the effect of gambling. This is how much you can lose’. (P16, PG, 23, M) In contrast, family could convey positive attitudes to gambling, including by example: ‘All the family are heavily into betting on sports, going to the casino. Other family members are platinum members at the casino’ (P7, MR, 18, F). Family could also encourage learning and engagement in gambling: ‘I was part of the punters’ club, my dad wanting me to try it’ (P3, MR, 23, M). My extended family all love sports … When I wanted to do sports betting, I would talk to them about what it's like, the stakes, the ins and outs. (P20, PG, 18, M) Increased exposure to gambling advertising Nearly all participants commented on the prolific gambling advertising they saw during adolescence. Several followed professional sport and recalled the concentration of advertising during games: ‘Watching the footy was the big one. Every time there was a try or a break in play, there’d be betting ads’ (P15, PG, 21, M). Gambling advertising was also widely seen on social media, which the participants increasingly used as they acquired a smartphone. They recalled frequently seeing posts by influencers ‘sponsored by betting websites’ (P2, MR, 23, M), as well as by friends posting about wins: ‘When I was 17, people were 18, going out and putting, “I won $300 on the pokies”’ (P1, MR, 22, M). Participants reported varying responses to gambling advertising at that time. Some were not interested because they were underage. Others were drawn in by advertising that portrayed betting as easy money. I was curious about it to the point where I actually wanted to participate in sports betting. I reckon the marketing and how it persuades the audience, knowing that it's the easiest way to make money potentially. (P20, PG, 18, M) Involvement in simulated gambling Nearly all participants engaged in simulated gambling when they were teenagers for social, competitive and entertainment reasons, and to win skins to sell for profit. Some regularly played social casino games. Through year 10 and upwards, a group of the boys I was with used to jump on the casino apps on their phones. I’d play as much as I could. There was no money involved. You’re just going through the game, daily spins or whatever on a wheel. (P17, PG, 22, M) When I was 15, I played a poker machine game on my phone for 20 or 30 minutes a day. It was just the thought of spending or winning money, even though it wasn’t real. (P11, MR, 18, F) While most participants were attracted to the gambling mechanics in games, very few recalled linking them with monetary gambling at the time: ‘It never crossed my mind that they'd be similar’ (P7, MR, 18, F). In contrast, one participant pondered: ‘It maybe made me more open to gambling or more exposed to it, more open to being willing to take on risk’ (P19, PG, 21, M). Growing interest and anticipation All except one participant recalled increased interest in gambling by late adolescence. This could be sparked by advertising and seeing gambling activities in venues, as well as social influences from older peers who were already gambling. Interested, definitely open to the idea, definitely more curious. Especially coming up to 16 years. My friends turning 18. My brother was turning 18. You go to a friend's place to watch a game and a few of them would have a bet. And you’d know if they would be winning. (P1, MR, 22, M) Participants often saw gambling as easy money. Advertising appeared to take advantage of their sports fandom, transforming their passion and statistical knowledge into a 'perceived edge' that masked the reality of the odds. I thought it was an easy way to make money. I was excited because I only saw the positive side. I figured that since I watched every game of footy, I’d be good at it. (P15, PG, 21, M) Some described their softening attitude to gambling throughout adolescence. Greater exposure, its increased normalisation and peer influences could lead to more tolerant attitudes: ‘It was less negative. There was more exposure to it. It became more of a social thing’ (P6, MR, 21, M). Many recalled anticipation and excitement about being able to gamble once 18. Years 10 to 12, you realise it's only a couple of years before you can try things. You get more intrigued, that rush of wanting to experience it. You're able to drink and gamble whenever you want. Because you're allowed to, you want to do it. (P17, PG, 22, M) Early adulthood Rite of passage and early experimentation Eight of the 20 participants reported gambling on their 18 th birthday, and two as soon as COVID lockdowns ended after they turned 18. This rite of passage was usually organised and funded by family, who appeared to see playing EGMs as a ritualised initiation into adulthood. My 18 th birthday. Day of. Totally down to the pub straight away for lunch. Dad gave us 50 bucks each to go slap on the pokies for the first time. That was all we basically did that day. (P17, PG, 22, M) Friends could also mark a participant’s 18 th birthday by encouraging them to play EGMs and intensify the experience by celebrating wins or consoling them about losses. The second I turned 18. Loved it. It was such a nice social thing to do with your friends. Everyone was excited to be there. If you win, it's absolutely mad. If you lose, you know, ‘Try again another day’. (P14, PG, 21, M) During these first experiences, friends could be instrumental in teaching participants how to gamble: ‘They explained what all the buttons did, how many lines there were, how much to bet’ (P15, PG, 21, M). In contrast, group norms influenced some participants to delay gambling uptake: ‘That wasn't yet in my friend group. I don't think that was the culture of it’ (P10, MR, 23, M). Several participants recalled initial wins that encouraged them to gamble again: ‘I won on my first time. So, I definitely wanted to do it again’ (P16, PG, 23, M). In contrast, early losses could deter participants from gambling for some time or on that activity. The first casino trip, I was super excited … Getting out $100. And I'd say, ‘Oh, it's gonna be awesome!’ Then I lost it within 10 minutes. I was like ‘I'm not doing this again, that sucked. I feel terrible. I want my money back’. (P6, MR, 21, M) Most participants tried EGMs, and sometimes casino games, before sports or race betting, reportedly due to the co-location and prominence of EGMs in the venues they visited. Pubs are almost dangerous in that it's there, it's flashy and it's bright. Some big sounds and it's right next to where you'll be. Whereas sports betting and horse racing, unless you actively seek it out, you don’t stumble into it as much. (P1, MR, 22, M) However, P8 who bet on sports when underage recalled downloading a betting app on his 18 th birthday, then betting regularly with peers: ‘As soon as I turned 18 and started to bet more, that's when I got a little bit more hooked’ (P8, MR, 20, M). Easy access and enticing product features Several factors were said to intensify gambling, including its ready accessibility: ‘At the pub, where you order the food is right next to the entrance to the pokie machines. So, as a curious 18-year-old with $20 in your pocket …’ (P1, MR, 22, M), and ‘You can do it on your phone or computer, and most places you go have it available’ (P18, PG, 21, M). Participants detailed how the sensory features of EGMs such as flashing lights, sounds and feedback loops engineered persistence. P15 identified their proliferation, continuous games and instant results, as well as the hook of a big win: ‘It’s more instant gratification with pokies’ (P15, PG, 21, M). P14 emphasised the audio-visuals, social endorsement and adrenaline rush. Pokies is my kryptonite. The flashing lights, the nice little noises. You've got people looking your way, they're walking past and ‘Good job’ and it makes you feel good. It's getting high without getting high. The adrenaline rush. (P14, PG, 21, M) Encouraging influence of friends Many participants reported that friends were a key influence on their gambling. Betting added excitement and camaraderie: ‘The social aspect and watching sports. It makes it more entertaining when you’ve got a stake in the game’ (P11, MR, 18, F). Some participants only bet on sports if they were with friends who bet: ‘During the State of Origin [rugby league game], everyone would gather up. Then I go, “I may as well put a bet on”’ (P2, MR, 23, M). Participants sometimes played EGMs because their friends did so, particularly when drinking together even though they did not enjoy it. You go to a pub. Then all the boys go to the pokies. I tried that and it was so horrible. Dead boring … but you just take part in it. (P6, MR, 21, M) Others discussed how gambling became normalised as a regular activity amongst friends. Some intimated that gambling with bigger-spending gamblers heightened their own expenditure. When I was 18, we were all spending the same amount. An ego thing where, ‘Oh, it doesn't matter if I get more money out’. On up till ‘I’ll get more than you’ sort of thing. (P14, PG, 21, M) Several participants started to gamble alone as their gambling intensified: ‘Playing pokies started off social and got to the point where I was going solo a couple of times a week’ (P14, PG, 21, M). Inundated with gambling advertising Participants were typically inundated with sports betting advertising once they turned 18. They particularly noticed it in social media: ‘It's massively increased. Sometimes I've clicked on one ad and then it's like an explosion, you'll get 50 more in your feed’ (P3, MR, 23, M). They felt intensely targeted: ‘You can be targeted by gambling ads on Facebook, Google. That’s one I definitely picked up on after turning 18’ (P16, PG, 23, M). Those who bet on sports recalled placing bets in response to reminders, inducements and advertising promoting a good chance of winning. I get a lot of texts with odds, deals and money-back guarantees. Absolutely it encourages me to bet. If I’m at home or work, gambling is the last thing on my mind, but when I get a text saying, ‘This team is paying $4 to win’, I’ll place a bet. As soon as it’s in front of me, I think about it. Watching the footy is when I see the most ads. They show you the odds and stats. It’s hard to say no. They make it seem like you’ve got a good chance of winning. (P15, PG, 21, M) Participants also reflected on the longer-term effects of gambling advertising, such as online influencers promoting an affluent and glamorous lifestyle supposedly built on gambling. If you teach yourself gambling, you could then become one of those influencers that became rich via gambling. Therefore, you want to do it as well. (P13, PG, 20, M) Those who played digital games also saw embedded gambling advertising. However, most participants reduced their gaming once they could engage in monetary gambling. Escalation into a routine Participants invariably recalled that their gambling escalated into a routine in the year or so after they turned 18: ‘Every weekend I'll go sports betting with my brother. After work - go to bars, and then on the weekend, my cousins will wanna go to the pub again’ (P8, MR, 20, M). The main activities they increasingly gambled on were EGMs and sports betting: ‘18, 19 was a pretty big poker machine time for me’ (P14, PG, 21, M), and ‘Mostly online sports betting, betting on horses, fortnightly or even weekly. It became more frequent because it was more accessible’ (P11, MR, 18, F). When I was 18, I would’ve been spending between $400 and $500 a week on the pokies. I’d get paid on a Friday and my mates and I would go straight to the pub. By Saturday morning, I’d almost be broke. That went on for about 18 months. (P15, PG, 21, M) Experiences of gambling harm Participants described how harm from their gambling compounded over time. Emotional harm was frequently mentioned. Guilt and stress could build about the decisions they were making and how to recoup losses: ‘A lot of guilt. Then, there's ambiguity. You don't really know what you're doing anymore. You don't know how you can get that money back’ (P13, PG, 20, M). These experiences could result in shame and distress about being unable to control their gambling and compound with each failed quit attempt. You feel like you've cheated on your rational self … I've said to myself, maybe 200 times, that I'm not going to gamble anymore. But I still to this day gamble. Each time you return, it gets that bit harder to manage those emotions. It feels a lot worse than when you said you weren't gonna do it the first time and came back again. (P16, PG, 23, M) Shame could also extend to embarrassment about being unable to afford social activities, but not wanting to admit that gambling was the reason: ‘Honestly, it just got embarrassing … I didn’t want to admit I was broke’ (P15, PG, 21, M). Financial harm was frequently highlighted as gambling incrementally escalated: ‘It's not linear…. It's $5, $50, $500, $5,000’ (P3, MR, 23, M), and ‘If you double it, all of a sudden, it's the rent (P1, MR, 22, M). Gambling expenditure undermined participants’ ability to save or spend money on other purchases. Instead: ‘That went straight down the drain’ (P16, PG, 23, M). A few recalled times they needed to borrow money because of their gambling. Not realising how much gambling was costing them, some later realised they could have allocated this money to more meaningful activities or longer-term goals: ‘I didn't understand how quick you can lose your money … You then realise how much you could be spending or saving for something else’ (P17, PG, 22, M). Relationship harm also occurred. For participants in romantic partnerships, arguments could arise over broken promises, prioritising gambling or financial constraints. Relationships with friends and family were affected. Some participants could not afford to go out with friends or were too distracted by gambling to fully engage in family outings: ‘I’d have to say no whenever they wanted to do something that involved spending money’ (P15, PG, 21, M). Being at a club. Everyone's having dinner. And where are you? In the poker machine room. You trade in family time. Then you sneak off and you’re just attached to this screen. (P16, PG, 23, M) A few participants recalled using work or study time to bet or being distracted by betting: ‘Watching races and putting money on, so it’s taken away from your study time’ (P17, PG, 22, M). However, none indicated more serious vocational effects, such as losing a job. Physical health harm was rarely reported, although the harmful combination of gambling, alcohol consumption and sedentary behaviour was noted: ‘It's just paired with unhealthy behaviours’ (P16, PG, 23, M). Despite its harmful effects, most participants were not attempting to reduce their gambling at the time of their interview. Discussion This study aimed to explore environmental and social factors related to transitions into gambling harm among young adults in NSW. It illuminates how various pro-gambling influences can accumulate in young people’s pathways towards harm. The participants’ narratives highlight how these potential influences can commence in childhood, increase during adolescence, and intensify in early adulthood. These experiences suggest that strategies to reduce gambling harm in young people should consider preventive measures in each of these life stages. During childhood, participants reported that their main exposure to gambling was through parents, who can help shape young people’s positive perceptions of gambling and increase their risk of later gambling harm (Dittman et al., 2023 ; Hollén et al., 2020 ; Winters et al., 2002 ). Preventive measures could therefore focus on supporting parents to reduce children’s exposure to gambling activities and environments. This influence was said to occur when parents gambled around their children, exposed them to gambling products, placed bets on their behalf, and incorporated gambling into family routines. These experiences can teach children how to gamble and endorse it as normal and harmless fun that enhances family bonding, social interaction, and the expectation of winning (Hing, Thorne et al., 2024 ; Kristiansen et al., 2015 ; Reith & Dobbie, 2011 ). However, it is nearly impossible for parents in Australia to shield their children from gambling. Pubs and clubs are popular settings for family meals, so many participants frequently saw EGMs, keno and betting facilities when dining out, consistent with earlier research in NSW (Bestman et al., 2018 , 2019 ). Also aligned with previous findings (Hing, Lole et al., 2023 ; O’Brien & Iqbal, 2019 ), children were routinely exposed to gambling advertising when watching sport and to gambling mechanics in simulated gambling. While these marketing exposures may appear innocuous, they contribute to a drip-feed of pro-gambling influences as young people grow up, and their gradual immersion in a gambling culture. The participants’ failure to consciously link simulated activities to 'real' gambling at the time may represent a stealth mechanism of harm. Because these games are viewed as distinct from monetary gambling, young people likely lowered their cognitive defences, allowing them to internalise gambling mechanics and reward schedules without the caution they might otherwise apply to adult gambling products. During adolescence, participants described how advertising normalised gambling, embedded it in youth culture, and primed young people for gambling, consistent with earlier research (Deans et al., 2017 ; Gordon et al., 2015 ; Hing, Rockloff et al., 2023 ). In this way, industry advertising harnessed peer influence to normalise gambling as a fun, social and harmless activity that provides easy money. Preventive measures for adolescents should therefore include countering the industry’s positive portrayals of gambling with education on risks and harms. The findings suggest that this education could counter misperceptions that sports betting is profitable and skill-based; explain how betting can escalate to gambling addiction; warn about predatory industry practices; and build capacity to resist peer influence. Without this education, young people may receive only positive messages about gambling that build their enthusiasm to start as soon as they reach the legal age (Lopez-Gonzalez et al., 2019 ; Nyemcsok et al., 2022 ). Regulations to reduce gambling advertising are also needed to limit this normalisation in the first place. About half the participants gambled as part of their 18th birthday celebrations, as a rite of passage into adulthood. This tradition occurs elsewhere (DiClemente et al., 2000 ; Reith & Dobbie, 2011 ) but may be particularly widespread in NSW where gambling facilities are available in pubs and clubs in nearly every suburb and town. Further, parents were the main instigators, reflecting gambling’s cultural acceptance among many Australian families (Browne et al., 2021 ; Dittman et al. 2025 ). Public education could target parents by challenging the gift of gambling funds and their encouragement of gambling as a benign ritual marking adulthood. By early adulthood, pro-gambling influences were embedded in the participants’ media, peer groups and social life. As they gambled more, they became intensely targeted by gambling advertising and by wagering direct messages. Consistent with previous findings (Drakeford & Hudson-Smith, 2015 ; Hing et al., 2022 ; Hing, Browne et al., 2025 ; Hing, Thorne et al., 2023 ; Parke & Parke, 2019 ), these messages were said to act as reminders, triggers, and inducements to bet, facilitated by instantaneous access through smartphone betting apps. Participants who played EGMs also identified that their easy access and well-known structural features fostered their increasingly persistent gambling (Livingstone, 2017; Parke & Griffiths, 2006 ). Gambling also became an intrinsic part of most participants’ social outings, since EGMs and sports bars in NSW are located in licensed venues which are social hubs for young adults. Peer normalisation of gambling therefore continued, reinforced by advertising, as well as ‘bet with mates’ and group chat functions in betting apps, which promote sports betting as an activity that bonds friendships among young men (Di Censo et al., 2025 ; Sproston et al., 2015 ). Governments in Australia continue to resist calls to reduce pro-gambling influences such as betting advertising and inducements, EGM accessibility, and harmful product features. Continued advocacy is therefore needed, but the entwinement of gambling policy with industry influence is seen as a major impediment to reform (Beresford, 2025 ). In the interim, safer gambling education should be escalated. The profile of harm reported in this study, which is characterised by intense emotional distress and financial erosion, yet notably devoid of 'rock bottom' events like job loss, positions early adulthood as a critical window for secondary prevention. Messaging and interventions could therefore encourage critical self-reflection on these accumulating markers of distress, framing feelings of guilt or financial anxiety not as a 'bad run' but as valid health indicators that warrant change or support for themselves or their peers. At present in Australia, the scope of such messaging has been largely limited to mandated taglines at the end of industry advertising. These types of initiatives struggle to compete with the vast resources brought to the commercial determinants that shape young people’s trajectories towards gambling harm. Meaningful change requires substantial and regulated changes to the gambling environment, particularly reductions in advertising, inducements and notifications, as well as safer EGM features such as pre-commitment and effective self-exclusion programs. Several limitations apply to this research. It prioritised gaining in-depth data over representative sampling. Self-selection bias may be present since voluntary consent was required. Men and moderate-risk gamblers were overrepresented, reflecting their greater prevalence among gamblers in NSW (Browne et al., 2024 ). Despite the small subsample of women, their trajectories (familial facilitation, social motives) appeared consistent with the male participants, but larger samples are needed for rigorous comparison. In any gambling research, social desirability biases may occur, particularly for people experiencing harm. The findings should be interpreted as insights into the lived experience of participants and not necessarily representative of all young people with moderate risk or problem gambling. The results also cannot be generalised to all young people who gamble. Lastly, not all possible determinants of gambling harm could be considered, including psychological factors. The study, instead, draws attention to social and environmental factors, which have received less focus in gambling research. Conclusion This study extends previous qualitative research among adolescents in NSW (Hing, Lole et al., 2023 ) to also explore factors related to pathways into gambling harm once young people reach the legal age. The participants’ narratives expose an ecosystem of saturation, in which children and young people face an environment where pro-gambling influences are ever-present, spanning physical venues and every layer of digital media. It shows how young people can become primed to gamble during their formative years and how rapidly they can develop a gambling problem once they turn 18. To address this public health issue, substantial changes are needed to reduce environmental influences such as betting advertising and inducements, gambling accessibility, and harmful product features. Doing so will help to reduce the cultural entrenchment of gambling in NSW and the consequent family and peer influences that increase the risks of gambling harm for young people. Declarations Ethics approval and consent to participate This study was approved by the CQUniversity Human Research Ethics Committee, approval number 24880. All procedures followed were in accordance with the ethical standards of the responsible committee on human experimentation (institutional and national) and with the Helsinki Declaration of 1975, as revised in 2000 (5). Informed consent was obtained from all participants for being included in the study. Consent for publication statement Not applicable. Availability of data and materials The data that support the findings of this study are available from the New South Wales Office of Responsible Gambling, but restrictions apply to the availability of these data, which were used under license for the current study, and so are not publicly available. Data are, however, available from the authors upon reasonable request and with permission of the New South Wales Office of Responsible Gambling. In the first instance, please contact the corresponding author, Nerilee Hing: [email protected] Competing interest statement The authors declare they have no competing interests as defined by BMC, or other interests that might be perceived to influence the results and/or discussion reported in this paper. Funding This project was commissioned by the NSW Government’s Responsible Gambling Fund, with support from the NSW Office of Responsible Gambling. The original research report has undergone independent peer review, which was overseen by the Office. The views expressed in this manuscript are those of the authors and not necessarily those of the funding agency. The funding agency had no role in the conceptualisation, design, data collection, analysis, or preparation of the manuscript. Authors' contribution statement All authors designed the study and research materials. LL and GD conducted the data collection. NH, LL and GD contributed to the analyses and interpretation. 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Ontario: Ontario Problem Gambling Research Centre; 2012. https://opus.uleth.ca/items/031ad6de-8835-4932-8df8-4f39716b3e61 Winters KC, Stinchfield RD, Botzet A, Anderson N. A prospective study of youth gambling behaviors. Psychol Addict Behav. 2002;16:3–9. doi:10.1037//0893-164x.16.1.3. Winters KC, Stinchfield RD, Kim LG. Monitoring adolescent gambling in Minnesota. J Gambl Stud. 1995;11:165–183. doi:10.1007/BF02107113. Table Table 1. Interview sample by sex, age and gambling risk group Male Female 18-20 years 21-23 years Total Moderate risk gambling 9 3 4 8 12 Problem gambling 8 0 2 6 8 Total 17 3 6 14 20 Additional Declarations No competing interests reported. Cite Share Download PDF Status: Under Review Version 1 posted Reviews received at journal 20 Apr, 2026 Reviewers agreed at journal 17 Apr, 2026 Reviewers agreed at journal 17 Apr, 2026 Reviewers invited by journal 15 Apr, 2026 Editor assigned by journal 13 Apr, 2026 Editor invited by journal 23 Mar, 2026 Submission checks completed at journal 23 Mar, 2026 First submitted to journal 23 Mar, 2026 You are reading this latest preprint version Research Square lets you share your work early, gain feedback from the community, and start making changes to your manuscript prior to peer review in a journal. As a division of Research Square Company, we’re committed to making research communication faster, fairer, and more useful. We do this by developing innovative software and high quality services for the global research community. Our growing team is made up of researchers and industry professionals working together to solve the most critical problems facing scientific publishing. Also discoverable on Platform About Our Team In Review Editorial Policies Advisory Board Help Center Resources Author Services Accessibility API Access RSS feed Manage Cookie Preferences © Research Square 2026 | ISSN 2693-5015 (online) Privacy Policy Terms of Service Do Not Sell My Personal Information {"props":{"pageProps":{"initialData":{"identity":"rs-9143985","acceptedTermsAndConditions":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"archivedVersions":[],"articleType":"Research Article","associatedPublications":[],"authors":[{"id":628016984,"identity":"c7ec0ed2-9601-47f5-ae22-c828b4e4bfd0","order_by":0,"name":"Nerilee Hing","email":"data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAZAAAAAyAQMAAABI0h/eAAAABlBMVEX///8AAABVwtN+AAAACXBIWXMAAA7EAAAOxAGVKw4bAAAAwklEQVRIiWNgGAWjYFACHoYDDAw2MDbxWtJI1AIEh0nQYs7Ae/Bwwa/z8nw3EhgfvG1jkDc4QECLZQNfwuGZfbcNZ95IYDac28ZguIGQFoMDPAaHeXtuJxjcSGCT5m1jYCRWyzmQFvbfQC32xGnh+XEAbAszUEsiYS2HQbY0JBvOPPOwWXLOOYnkmQS1HO8x/szzx06e73jywQ9vymxs+whpYWAGYsY2IHGAsQFIShBSDwN/QFqIVTwKRsEoGAUjDgAAUS9Dae1yWXgAAAAASUVORK5CYII=","orcid":"","institution":"Central Queensland University","correspondingAuthor":true,"prefix":"","firstName":"Nerilee","middleName":"","lastName":"Hing","suffix":""},{"id":628016989,"identity":"dc2482d3-af8c-4ab4-b9dc-db72c24ea8c0","order_by":1,"name":"Lisa Lole","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"Central Queensland University","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Lisa","middleName":"","lastName":"Lole","suffix":""},{"id":628016993,"identity":"fc0e5a3a-586e-4388-b383-c1d738764aca","order_by":2,"name":"Georgia Dellosa","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"Central Queensland University","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Georgia","middleName":"","lastName":"Dellosa","suffix":""},{"id":628016995,"identity":"755be502-6839-4a83-af5b-bccc0dab5432","order_by":3,"name":"Catherine Tulloch","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"Central Queensland University","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Catherine","middleName":"","lastName":"Tulloch","suffix":""},{"id":628016997,"identity":"66f2cd4e-851d-4094-95c7-0f27ca9ed82b","order_by":4,"name":"Matthew Browne","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"Central Queensland University","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Matthew","middleName":"","lastName":"Browne","suffix":""},{"id":628017006,"identity":"7e72c643-cae8-46b8-8b65-23ee2e4300df","order_by":5,"name":"Alex M T Russell","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"Central Queensland University","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Alex","middleName":"M T","lastName":"Russell","suffix":""},{"id":628017009,"identity":"5f08526d-7c3e-45e8-8b92-a6b05be8b080","order_by":6,"name":"Matthew Rockloff","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"Central Queensland University","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Matthew","middleName":"","lastName":"Rockloff","suffix":""}],"badges":[],"createdAt":"2026-03-17 04:38:58","currentVersionCode":1,"declarations":"","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-9143985/v1","doiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-9143985/v1","draftVersion":[],"editorialEvents":[],"editorialNote":"","failedWorkflow":false,"files":[{"id":107675477,"identity":"b404cc84-0b4c-4464-8fed-8c2c2abb1abe","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2026-04-24 00:43:38","extension":"png","order_by":1,"title":"Figure 1","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":199946,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eSources of influence and their outcomes in participants’ childhood, adolescence and early adulthood\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"1.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-9143985/v1/5251bffc443b4119ed0622f3.png"},{"id":107707038,"identity":"1373c081-e4b9-4773-90ee-dbb006a5d718","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2026-04-24 09:19:18","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":497316,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-9143985/v1/a7931a8a-8027-4311-aedc-116ec4316075.pdf"}],"financialInterests":"No competing interests reported.","formattedTitle":"Primed to Gamble: Environmental and Social Pathways into Gambling Harm from Childhood to Early Adulthood","fulltext":[{"header":"Background","content":"\u003cp\u003ePublic health models identify a range of contributors to gambling harm, including psychological, social and environmental factors (Hilbrecht et al., 2020; Korn et al., 2003; Wardle et al., 2024; Williams et al., 2012). However, most empirical research has focused on psychological factors (Baxter et al., 2019; Hancock \u0026amp; Smith, 2017), and most interventions on individual responsibility and problem gambling treatment, rather than policies, practices and contexts that underpin harmful gambling (Blank et al., 2021; Ukhova et al., 2024). A deeper understanding of environmental and social factors in transitions into gambling harm can inform public health measures in these domains, particularly for young adults who most commonly experience these transitions (Dellosa \u0026amp; Browne, 2024).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eEnvironmental factors shape opportunities for young people to gamble, placing them at increased risk of harm (Botella-Guijarro et al., 2020). Longitudinal studies show that increased accessibility, including online platforms, venues, and the use of smartphones and gambling apps, is associated with higher participation and difficulty in controlling engagement (Kristiansen et al., 2017; Kristiansen \u0026amp; Trabjerg, 2017). Simulated gambling, including social casino games, demo games and loot boxes, can also provide a pathway to monetary gambling and subsequent problems, with longitudinal studies linking simulated play in adolescence to real-money gambling as young adults (Hayer et al., 2018; Sakata \u0026amp; Jenkinson, 2022). Reaching the legal gambling age often leads to an increase in overall participation (Sakata \u0026amp; Jenkinson, 2022) and a shift from informal or simulated gambling to formal, regulated activities such as betting on electronic gaming machines (EGMs, also called poker machines or pokies) and casino card games (Delfabbro et al., 2009; Winters et al., 1995).\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIncreased social media use and television viewing is associated with gambling problems in young adults (Emond et al., 2022; McAnally et al., 2022). This relationship may be influenced by exposure to gambling advertising on these platforms (Hing et al., 2024). Longitudinal evidence indicates that, generally, males and younger individuals are among those who encounter gambling advertising online most often (Savolainen et al., 2025). Encountering these advertisements is linked to an increase in problem gambling severity for those who already engage in online gambling (Savolainen et al., 2025). High exposure to gambling advertising in adolescence is also associated with an increased risk of transitioning from simulated gambling to real-money gambling (Hayer et al., 2018).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe alignment of gambling with sport is a significant environmental influence that can normalise betting and contribute to young people\u0026rsquo;s transitions into sports betting\u0026nbsp;(Seal et al., 2022). Informal betting and football tipping competitions with family and friends are common in adolescents (Hing et al., 2024). In young people, an involvement with sports can be associated with transitions into sports betting (Kristiansen et al., 2017; Kristiansen \u0026amp; Trabjerg, 2017). Participation in team sports has been found to have a \u0026lsquo;dose-response\u0026rsquo; association with higher gambling engagement later in young adulthood (Duggan \u0026amp; Mohan, 2023).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSocial factors are also influential in the onset of youth gambling and progression to\u0026nbsp;harm, particularly parental gambling habits and positive attitudes towards gambling (Hing et al., 2024; Holl\u0026eacute;n et al., 2020; Sakata \u0026amp; Jenkinson, 2022). Early adolescence is often the period of gambling initiation, frequently via exposure through parents and other family members (Hing et al., 2024; Vitaro et al., 2004; Kristiansen et al., 2015). Parents are often the source of a young person\u0026rsquo;s first gambling experiences and may shape their early attitudes (Hing et al., 2024). Low levels of parental monitoring are associated with an increased risk of problem gambling across adolescence and young adulthood (Emond et al., 2022; Lee et al., 2014). This may be particularly relevant for activities like simulated gambling, where parental supervision is often low (Hing, Lole, et al., 2023).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ePeer influence becomes increasingly important during later adolescence and early adulthood, with gambling used as a way to bond with others and practise skills (Hing et al., 2024). Changes in social circles and major life events, such as changing schools, can drive shifts in gambling behaviour as individuals adopt the norms of new peer groups (Kristiansen et al., 2017; Kristiansen \u0026amp; Trabjerg, 2017). Environmental factors can strongly influence the social context. For example, high levels of exposure to gambling advertising can contribute to a culture of acceptance that shapes peer and family norms towards gambling (Hing et al., 2024; Hayer et al., 2018).\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eThe gambling environment in New South Wa\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eles\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAustralians spend more per capita on gambling than in any other country (Di Stefano \u0026amp; Hutchinson, 2023). These losses in Australia are highest in the state of New South Wales (NSW; QLD Government Statistician\u0026rsquo;s Office [QGSO], 2025), making NSW one of the jurisdictions with the highest gambling losses per person globally.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eNSW has only 0.15% of the world\u0026rsquo;s population but has 37% of the world\u0026rsquo;s non-casino EGMs that together account for 63% of gambling losses in the state (Browne, 2023; QGSO, 2025). These 87,555 EGMs are located in 2,175 suburban pubs and clubs (NSW Government, 2025a, 2025b). Most of these venues also provide betting and keno facilities, while sports and race betting can also be accessed online. Together, EGMs and betting account for over 70% of gambling problems in Australia (Browne et al., 2023).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eYoung adults aged 18-24 years have the highest prevalence of moderate risk/problem gambling in NSW (Browne et al., 2024). This cohort may therefore be one of the world\u0026rsquo;s most at-risk populations for gambling harm, given their location in a high-spending gambling environment. It is therefore instructive to explore their lived experience of transitioning into gambling harm and the factors they perceive to be influential. This exploration adds a qualitative complement to the correlational and descriptive findings outlined above, contributing to a more in-depth understanding of how these broader patterns manifest in people\u0026rsquo;s lived experiences. While an earlier study examined these experiences from childhood until age 17 years (Hing, Lole et al., 2023), the current study extends the focus to include the critical milestones of reaching the legal gambling age of 18 years and early adulthood. It aims to conduct a qualitative retrospective study of environmental and social factors related to transitions into gambling harm among young adults in NSW. The study cannot make causal inferences but can nevertheless inform public health measures to reduce the risk factors experienced by this cohort.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Methods","content":"\u003ch3\u003e\u003cem\u003eSampling and recruitment\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eA recruitment agency recruited 20 participants for the study, sufficient to reach data saturation (Hennink \u0026amp; Kaiser, 2022). Inclusion criteria were being aged 18-23 years, residing in NSW, and screening for past-year moderate risk (score of 3-7) or problem gambling (score of 8+) on the Problem Gambling Severity Index (PGSI; Ferris \u0026amp; Wynne, 2001). All participants were given an information sheet and informed consent preamble.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTable 1 shows the sample\u0026rsquo;s sex and age groups. All participants in the problem gambling group (\u003cem\u003en\u003c/em\u003e = 8) and three-quarters in the moderate risk group (\u003cem\u003en\u003c/em\u003e = 12) were male, reflecting the NSW population where nearly three times as many young men as women report moderate risk or problem gambling (Browne et al., 2024). About two-thirds of participants were aged 21-23 years and one-third aged 18-20 years.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e[Insert Table 1 about here]\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003e\u003cem\u003eInterview administration\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe semi-structured interviews collected retrospective narrative accounts of each participant\u0026rsquo;s gambling experiences during their childhood, adolescence and early adulthood. This \u0026lsquo;life history\u0026rsquo; approach\u0026nbsp;generated detailed chronicled accounts of participants\u0026rsquo; lived experiences, contextualised in\u0026nbsp;their dynamic personal, parental, peer and broader environments (Silva \u0026amp; Padilha, 2013).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTwo authors conducted the interviews on Zoom, each lasting 40-60 minutes. They were auto-transcribed, checked and corrected for accuracy and anonymised by the interviewer. The interview guide is published in Hing, Lole et al. (2025).\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003e\u003cem\u003eInterview analysis\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe first author led the analysis, using thematic narrative analysis which embeds prominent themes extracted from the narratives within the broader sequence of events (Riessman, 2008; Rodriguez, 2016). First, a temporal sequence reflecting developmental stages and transitions in the participants\u0026rsquo; gambling was composed. Second, reflexive thematic analysis drew out shared and contrasting elements across the narratives that pertained to key social and environmental influences on their gambling and related harm.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe thematic analysis commenced with open coding to identify initial features of potential relevance to the research aim. An iterative process was used to add new codes, modify existing codes, and recode data as appropriate. Themes were then generated by clustering or collapsing codes that shared a unifying feature, to capture meaningful patterns in the data.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eReflexive thematic analysis is distinct from coding reliability approaches (Braun et al., 2022). It focuses on the researchers\u0026rsquo; reflective and thoughtful engagement with the data and the analytic process, rather than \u0026lsquo;correct\u0026rsquo; procedures, \u0026lsquo;reliable\u0026rsquo; coding or consensus between coders (Braun \u0026amp; Clarke, 2019). This approach recognises that subjectivity is not only inevitable but a valued resource to provide rich insights. The analyst has decades of experience in gambling research, including studies relevant to the themes in this paper: young people and risk factors for gambling harm. In line with reflexive thematic analysis, this scholarly expertise was treated as an interpretive resource rather than a source of bias.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe research enhanced trustworthiness of the findings by gathering data directly from participants with lived experience of gambling harm, adhering to standard reflexive thematic analysis methods, ensuring the interviewers reviewed the draft analysis, and illustrating the findings with participants\u0026rsquo; quotes (Braun et al., 2022). These quotes have been lightly edited for clarity and conciseness. They are tagged by participant ID (P#); past-year gambling risk status (MR = moderate risk gambling, PG = problem gambling); age (in years); and reported sex (M = male, F = female).\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Findings","content":"\u003cp\u003eBased on the themes generated from the analysis, Figure 1 presents key elements in the participants\u0026rsquo; transitions into gambling harm.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e[Insert Figure 1 about here]\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eChildhood\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cu\u003eRoutine exposure\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eNearly all participants had strong childhood memories of parental gambling. Children could be passive onlookers or actively involved in making gambling selections, checking outcomes and receiving wins. Winning bets placed on children\u0026rsquo;s behalf were particularly memorable: \u0026lsquo;My dad \u0026hellip; told me to pick one of the players for the first try and he ended up scoring it and winning me 200 bucks\u0026rsquo; (P15, PG, 21, M).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMany young people recalled gambling being embedded in family routines. This exposure served as an informal apprenticeship, where children learned not only the mechanics of gambling, but also formed connections through family bonding and leisure. These included links between betting and watching sport, purchasing scratch tickets when shopping, playing gambling games at family gatherings, or exposure to pokies and keno when the family dined at pubs and clubs: \u0026lsquo;You\u0026apos;d walk past the pokies \u0026hellip; you\u0026apos;d notice keno, the screens and the numbers. You get that exposure early on, just going for lunch\u0026rsquo; (P19, PG, 21, M).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis socialisation could foster a childhood view of gambling as a normal adult pastime that brought enjoyment, social connectedness and the opportunity to win money.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWe\u0026apos;d visit my grandparents a lot and often play poker. They taught me how to play. It wasn\u0026apos;t necessarily betting with money. But the idea of gambling, taking a bet, taking a risk to earn more, was definitely there from age 10 \u0026hellip; You go from being a kid and playing card games for purely enjoyment, to being an adult and playing card games to win money. (P1, MR, 22, M)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAs a further source of exposure, gambling advertising formed a backdrop in the children\u0026rsquo;s media consumption. Most also engaged in simulated gambling, including loot boxes in digital games, daily spins, mock casino games and slot machines. Participants reported not taking much notice of gambling advertising at that time and not linking simulated gambling with monetary gambling. However, many realised later that these were subconscious sources of gambling exposure during childhood.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cu\u003eLimited parental cautions\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMost participants could not recall their parents cautioning them about gambling when they were a child. If aware that their parents gambled, children might interpret this lack of advice as tacitly endorsing gambling.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWe\u0026apos;ve never discussed it. Definitely I would say the biggest influence I gained from them was that I thought gambling was okay. My parents do it. You look up to them. It\u0026apos;s fine. (P13, PG, 20, M)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eHowever, nearly a third of participants recalled that their parents conveyed concerns about gambling and a few parents did not gamble at all. However, these experiences were insufficient to protect them from later gambling harm.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMy parents have always been pretty anti-gambling. From a reasonably young age, I would have known that. Like, \u0026lsquo;I have heard of friends that lost a lot of money through gambling\u0026rsquo;, or \u0026lsquo;he or she lost their house gambling\u0026rsquo;. (P1, MR, 22, M)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cu\u003eBenign view of gambling\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eNearly all participants recalled having a positive attitude to gambling when they were a child, ranging from mild endorsement to enthusiastic curiosity and interest.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eI was interested by the poker machines \u0026hellip; you\u0026apos;d always get a little glimpse of it [when at a venue]. As a kid, what you love is bright coloured lights and games. Also, helping my family, \u0026lsquo;Oh, what\u0026apos;s your favourite number?\u0026rsquo; And they\u0026apos;d use that for keno. They made it fun for me. I didn\u0026apos;t know that people are losing money. (P16, PG, 23, M)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSome recalled their intention, even at this young age, to gamble when they became adults, as this was seen as a normal, enjoyable and social adult activity.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eI knew it was something you do when you\u0026apos;re over 18. I always thought I would eventually do it, something I was excited to do when I was old enough. Not just to win, the social aspect of it. (P12, MR, 21, F)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eOnly a few participants recalled having a cautious view of gambling, which they attributed to their upbringing and safer gambling messages.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eNegative connotations from my parents, but also advertising. \u0026lsquo;Gamble responsibly. Always know what you can lose\u0026rsquo; \u0026hellip; Instead of anti-gambling, I\u0026apos;d say [I was] probably cautious of gambling. (P1, MR, 22, M)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eAdolescence\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003e\u003cu\u003ePeer encouragement and involvement\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAbout half the participants gambled during adolescence before reaching the legal gambling age. Friends and older siblings could foster awareness and excitement and facilitate gambling opportunities. Sport betting was the most prominent gambling interest. It often became a topic of conversation and learning within friendship groups.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWe had a few older brothers that would tell the group what a multi was, you\u0026apos;ve got a few legs going \u0026hellip; We had no idea what any of that meant, but we were slowly learning together \u0026hellip; we would always talk about it. (P14, PG, 21, M)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis interest could extend to private sports betting among friends for fun, competition and bragging rights. Nearly a third engaged in commercial sports betting, using fake IDs and older people\u0026rsquo;s accounts.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMy first bet was influenced by my brother. He told me to pick who\u0026apos;s gonna win a fight. He put the bet on for me and sent me the money that I won. (P8, MR, 20, M)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ePrivate betting on casino-style card games was also a relatively common social activity: \u0026lsquo;A way for us to hang out\u0026rsquo; (P15, PG, 21, M). This could involve non-financial bets, but small monetary amounts were more usual: \u0026lsquo;Everyone putting in $5. Just a normal thing amongst a group of friends\u0026rsquo; (P19, PG, 21, M).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSeveral participants recalled more exposure to EGMs, typically through going to venues with older friends or hearing about their wins. Two participants reported playing EGMs with friends before turning 18. After two memorable big wins, P11 continued playing them about monthly when underage, even though she knew she was unlikely to keep winning.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe first time I gambled, when I was around 16, I won about $700. I went back the next week and won $500. My first two experiences felt like I was getting free money, but I knew that wasn\u0026rsquo;t sustainable \u0026hellip; I used the casino once with a friend before I turned 18. (P11, MR, 18, F)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cu\u003ePositive family attitudes to gambling\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDuring adolescence, about two-thirds of participants recalled no parental cautions about gambling. Those who did receive advice noted it tended to be brief and very occasional. These young people could receive mixed messages if their parents gambled themselves.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eJust a 5-second side comment. When we go to a club, \u0026lsquo;Oh, make sure you never gamble\u0026rsquo;. But then they\u0026apos;d go and do it. They never said, \u0026lsquo;This is the effect of gambling. This is how much you can lose\u0026rsquo;. (P16, PG, 23, M)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn contrast, family could convey positive attitudes to gambling, including by example: \u0026lsquo;All the family are heavily into betting on sports, going to the casino. Other family members are platinum members at the casino\u0026rsquo; (P7, MR, 18, F). Family could also encourage learning and engagement in gambling: \u0026lsquo;I was part of the punters\u0026rsquo; club, my dad wanting me to try it\u0026rsquo; (P3, MR, 23, M).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMy extended family all love sports \u0026hellip; When I wanted to do sports betting, I would talk to them about what it\u0026apos;s like, the stakes, the ins and outs. (P20, PG, 18, M)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cu\u003eIncreased exposure to gambling advertising\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eNearly all participants commented on the prolific gambling advertising they saw during adolescence. Several followed professional sport and recalled the concentration of advertising during games: \u0026lsquo;Watching the footy was the big one. Every time there was a try or a break in play, there\u0026rsquo;d be betting ads\u0026rsquo; (P15, PG, 21, M).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eGambling advertising was also widely seen on social media, which the participants increasingly used as they acquired a smartphone. They recalled frequently seeing posts by influencers \u0026lsquo;sponsored by betting websites\u0026rsquo; (P2, MR, 23, M), as well as by friends posting about wins: \u0026lsquo;When I was 17, people were 18, going out and putting, \u0026ldquo;I won $300 on the pokies\u0026rdquo;\u0026rsquo; (P1, MR, 22, M).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eParticipants reported varying responses to gambling advertising at that time. Some were not interested because they were underage. Others were drawn in by advertising that portrayed betting as easy money.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eI was curious about it to the point where I actually wanted to participate in sports betting. I reckon the marketing and how it persuades the audience, knowing that it\u0026apos;s the easiest way to make money potentially. (P20, PG, 18, M)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cu\u003eInvolvement in simulated gambling\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eNearly all participants engaged in simulated gambling when they were teenagers for social, competitive and entertainment reasons, and to win skins to sell for profit. Some regularly played social casino games.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThrough year 10 and upwards, a group of the boys I was with used to jump on the casino apps on their phones. I\u0026rsquo;d play as much as I could. There was no money involved. You\u0026rsquo;re just going through the game, daily spins or whatever on a wheel. (P17, PG, 22, M)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWhen I was 15, I played a poker machine game on my phone for 20 or 30 minutes a day. It was just the thought of spending or winning money, even though it wasn\u0026rsquo;t real. (P11, MR, 18, F)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWhile most participants were attracted to the gambling mechanics in games, very few recalled linking them with monetary gambling at the time: \u0026lsquo;It never crossed my mind that they\u0026apos;d be similar\u0026rsquo; (P7, MR, 18, F). In contrast, one participant pondered: \u0026lsquo;It maybe made me more open to gambling or more exposed to it, more open to being willing to take on risk\u0026rsquo; (P19, PG, 21, M).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003e\u003cu\u003eGrowing interest and anticipation\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAll except one participant recalled increased interest in gambling by late adolescence. This could be sparked by advertising and seeing gambling activities in venues, as well as social influences from older peers who were already gambling.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eInterested, definitely open to the idea, definitely more curious. Especially coming up to 16 years. My friends turning 18. My brother was turning 18. You go to a friend\u0026apos;s place to watch a game and a few of them would have a bet. And you\u0026rsquo;d know if they would be winning. (P1, MR, 22, M)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eParticipants often saw gambling as easy money. Advertising appeared to take advantage of their sports fandom, transforming their passion and statistical knowledge into a \u0026apos;perceived edge\u0026apos; that masked the reality of the odds.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eI thought it was an easy way to make money. I was excited because I only saw the positive side. I figured that since I watched every game of footy, I\u0026rsquo;d be good at it. (P15, PG, 21, M)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSome described their softening attitude to gambling throughout adolescence. Greater exposure, its increased normalisation and peer influences could lead to more tolerant attitudes: \u0026lsquo;It was less negative. There was more exposure to it. It became more of a social thing\u0026rsquo; (P6, MR, 21, M). Many recalled anticipation and excitement about being able to gamble once 18.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eYears 10 to 12, you realise it\u0026apos;s only a couple of years before you can try things. You get more intrigued, that rush of wanting to experience it. You\u0026apos;re able to drink and gamble whenever you want. Because you\u0026apos;re allowed to, you want to do it. (P17, PG, 22, M)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003e\u003cem\u003eEarly adulthood\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003e\u003cu\u003eRite of passage and early experimentation\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eEight of the 20 participants reported gambling on their 18\u003csup\u003eth\u003c/sup\u003e birthday, and two as soon as COVID lockdowns ended after they turned 18. This rite of passage was usually organised and funded by family, who appeared to see playing EGMs as a ritualised initiation into adulthood.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMy 18\u003csup\u003eth\u003c/sup\u003e birthday. Day of. Totally down to the pub straight away for lunch. Dad gave us 50 bucks each to go slap on the pokies for the first time. That was all we basically did that day. (P17, PG, 22, M)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFriends could also mark a participant\u0026rsquo;s 18\u003csup\u003eth\u003c/sup\u003e birthday by encouraging them to play EGMs and intensify the experience by celebrating wins or consoling them about losses.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe second I turned 18. Loved it. It was such a nice social thing to do with your friends. Everyone was excited to be there. If you win, it\u0026apos;s absolutely mad. If you lose, you know, \u0026lsquo;Try again another day\u0026rsquo;. (P14, PG, 21, M)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDuring these first experiences, friends could be instrumental in teaching participants how to gamble: \u0026lsquo;They explained what all the buttons did, how many lines there were, how much to bet\u0026rsquo; (P15, PG, 21, M). In contrast, group norms influenced some participants to delay gambling uptake: \u0026lsquo;That wasn\u0026apos;t yet in my friend group. I don\u0026apos;t think that was the culture of it\u0026rsquo; (P10, MR, 23, M).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSeveral participants recalled initial wins that encouraged them to gamble again: \u0026lsquo;I won on my first time. So, I definitely wanted to do it again\u0026rsquo; (P16, PG, 23, M). In contrast, early losses could deter participants from gambling for some time or on that activity.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe first casino trip, I was super excited \u0026hellip; Getting out $100. And I\u0026apos;d say, \u0026lsquo;Oh, it\u0026apos;s gonna be awesome!\u0026rsquo; Then I lost it within 10 minutes. I was like \u0026lsquo;I\u0026apos;m not doing this again, that sucked. I feel terrible. I want my money back\u0026rsquo;. (P6, MR, 21, M)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMost participants tried EGMs, and sometimes casino games, before sports or race betting, reportedly due to the co-location and prominence of EGMs in the venues they visited.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ePubs are almost dangerous in that it\u0026apos;s there, it\u0026apos;s flashy and it\u0026apos;s bright. Some big sounds and it\u0026apos;s right next to where you\u0026apos;ll be. Whereas sports betting and horse racing, unless you actively seek it out, you don\u0026rsquo;t stumble into it as much. (P1, MR, 22, M)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eHowever, P8 who bet on sports when underage recalled downloading a betting app on his 18\u003csup\u003eth\u003c/sup\u003e birthday, then betting regularly with peers: \u0026lsquo;As soon as I turned 18 and started to bet more, that\u0026apos;s when I got a little bit more hooked\u0026rsquo; (P8, MR, 20, M).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cu\u003eEasy access and enticing product features\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSeveral factors were said to intensify gambling, including its ready accessibility: \u0026lsquo;At the pub, where you order the food is right next to the entrance to the pokie machines. So, as a curious 18-year-old with $20 in your pocket \u0026hellip;\u0026rsquo; (P1, MR, 22, M), and \u0026lsquo;You can do it on your phone or computer, and most places you go have it available\u0026rsquo; (P18, PG, 21, M).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eParticipants detailed how the sensory features of EGMs such as flashing lights, sounds and feedback loops engineered persistence. P15 identified their proliferation, continuous games and instant results, as well as the hook of a big win: \u0026lsquo;It\u0026rsquo;s more instant gratification with pokies\u0026rsquo; (P15, PG, 21, M). P14 emphasised the audio-visuals, social endorsement and adrenaline rush.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ePokies is my kryptonite. The flashing lights, the nice little noises. You\u0026apos;ve got people looking your way, they\u0026apos;re walking past and \u0026lsquo;Good job\u0026rsquo; and it makes you feel good. It\u0026apos;s getting high without getting high. The adrenaline rush. (P14, PG, 21, M)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cu\u003eEncouraging influence of friends\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMany participants reported that friends were a key influence on their gambling. Betting added excitement and camaraderie: \u0026lsquo;The social aspect and watching sports. It makes it more entertaining when you\u0026rsquo;ve got a stake in the game\u0026rsquo; (P11, MR, 18, F). Some participants only bet on sports if they were with friends who bet: \u0026lsquo;During the State of Origin [rugby league game], everyone would gather up. Then I go, \u0026ldquo;I may as well put a bet on\u0026rdquo;\u0026rsquo; (P2, MR, 23, M).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eParticipants sometimes played EGMs because their friends did so, particularly when drinking together even though they did not enjoy it.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eYou go to a pub. Then all the boys go to the pokies. I tried that and it was so horrible. Dead boring \u0026hellip; but you just take part in it. (P6, MR, 21, M)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eOthers discussed how gambling became normalised as a regular activity amongst friends. Some intimated that gambling with bigger-spending gamblers heightened their own expenditure.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWhen I was 18, we were all spending the same amount. An ego thing where, \u0026lsquo;Oh, it doesn\u0026apos;t matter if I get more money out\u0026rsquo;. On up till \u0026lsquo;I\u0026rsquo;ll get more than you\u0026rsquo; sort of thing. (P14, PG, 21, M)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSeveral participants started to gamble alone as their gambling intensified: \u0026lsquo;Playing pokies started off social and got to the point where I was going solo a couple of times a week\u0026rsquo; (P14, PG, 21, M).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cu\u003eInundated with gambling advertising\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eParticipants were typically inundated with sports betting advertising once they turned 18. They particularly noticed it in social media: \u0026lsquo;It\u0026apos;s massively increased. Sometimes I\u0026apos;ve clicked on one ad and then it\u0026apos;s like an explosion, you\u0026apos;ll get 50 more in your feed\u0026rsquo; (P3, MR, 23, M). They felt intensely targeted: \u0026lsquo;You can be targeted by gambling ads on Facebook, Google. That\u0026rsquo;s one I definitely picked up on after turning 18\u0026rsquo; (P16, PG, 23, M).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThose who bet on sports recalled placing bets in response to reminders, inducements and advertising promoting a good chance of winning.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eI get a lot of texts with odds, deals and money-back guarantees. Absolutely it encourages me to bet. If I\u0026rsquo;m at home or work, gambling is the last thing on my mind, but when I get a text saying, \u0026lsquo;This team is paying $4 to win\u0026rsquo;, I\u0026rsquo;ll place a bet. As soon as it\u0026rsquo;s in front of me, I think about it. Watching the footy is when I see the most ads. They show you the odds and stats. It\u0026rsquo;s hard to say no. They make it seem like you\u0026rsquo;ve got a good chance of winning. (P15, PG, 21, M)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eParticipants also reflected on the longer-term effects of gambling advertising, such as online influencers promoting an affluent and glamorous lifestyle supposedly built on gambling.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIf you teach yourself gambling, you could then become one of those influencers that became rich via gambling. Therefore, you want to do it as well. (P13, PG, 20, M)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThose who played digital games also saw embedded gambling advertising. However, most participants reduced their gaming once they could engage in monetary gambling.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003e\u003cu\u003eEscalation into a routine\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eParticipants invariably recalled that their gambling escalated into a routine in the year or so after they turned 18: \u0026lsquo;Every weekend I\u0026apos;ll go sports betting with my brother. After work - go to bars, and then on the weekend, my cousins will wanna go to the pub again\u0026rsquo; (P8, MR, 20, M).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe main activities they increasingly gambled on were EGMs and sports betting: \u0026lsquo;18, 19 was a pretty big poker machine time for me\u0026rsquo; (P14, PG, 21, M), and \u0026lsquo;Mostly online sports betting, betting on horses, fortnightly or even weekly. It became more frequent because it was more accessible\u0026rsquo; (P11, MR, 18, F).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWhen I was 18, I would\u0026rsquo;ve been spending between $400 and $500 a week on the pokies. I\u0026rsquo;d get paid on a Friday and my mates and I would go straight to the pub. By Saturday morning, I\u0026rsquo;d almost be broke. That went on for about 18 months. (P15, PG, 21, M)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003e\u003cem\u003eExperiences of gambling harm\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eParticipants described how harm from their gambling compounded over time. Emotional harm was frequently mentioned. Guilt and stress could build about the decisions they were making and how to recoup losses: \u0026lsquo;A lot of guilt. Then, there\u0026apos;s ambiguity. You don\u0026apos;t really know what you\u0026apos;re doing anymore. You don\u0026apos;t know how you can get that money back\u0026rsquo; (P13, PG, 20, M).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThese experiences could result in shame and distress about being unable to control their gambling and compound with each failed quit attempt.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eYou feel like you\u0026apos;ve cheated on your rational self \u0026hellip; I\u0026apos;ve said to myself, maybe 200 times, that I\u0026apos;m not going to gamble anymore. But I still to this day gamble. Each time you return, it gets that bit harder to manage those emotions. It feels a lot worse than when you said you weren\u0026apos;t gonna do it the first time and came back again. (P16, PG, 23, M)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eShame could also extend to embarrassment about being unable to afford social activities, but not wanting to admit that gambling was the reason: \u0026lsquo;Honestly, it just got embarrassing \u0026hellip; I didn\u0026rsquo;t want to admit I was broke\u0026rsquo; (P15, PG, 21, M).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFinancial harm was frequently highlighted as gambling incrementally escalated: \u0026lsquo;It\u0026apos;s not linear\u0026hellip;. It\u0026apos;s $5, $50, $500, $5,000\u0026rsquo; (P3, MR, 23, M), and \u0026lsquo;If you double it, all of a sudden, it\u0026apos;s the rent (P1, MR, 22, M). Gambling expenditure undermined participants\u0026rsquo; ability to save or spend money on other purchases. Instead: \u0026lsquo;That went straight down the drain\u0026rsquo; (P16, PG, 23, M). A few recalled times they needed to borrow money because of their gambling. Not realising how much gambling was costing them, some later realised they could have allocated this money to more meaningful activities or longer-term goals: \u0026lsquo;I didn\u0026apos;t understand how quick you can lose your money \u0026hellip; You then realise how much you could be spending or saving for something else\u0026rsquo; (P17, PG, 22, M).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eRelationship harm also occurred. For participants in romantic partnerships, arguments could arise over broken promises, prioritising gambling or financial constraints. Relationships with friends and family were affected. Some participants could not afford to go out with friends or were too distracted by gambling to fully engage in family outings: \u0026lsquo;I\u0026rsquo;d have to say no whenever they wanted to do something that involved spending money\u0026rsquo; (P15, PG, 21, M).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBeing at a club. Everyone\u0026apos;s having dinner. And where are you? In the poker machine room. You trade in family time. Then you sneak off and you\u0026rsquo;re just attached to this screen. (P16, PG, 23, M)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eA few participants recalled using work or study time to bet or being distracted by betting: \u0026lsquo;Watching races and putting money on, so it\u0026rsquo;s taken away from your study time\u0026rsquo; (P17, PG, 22, M). However, none indicated more serious vocational effects, such as losing a job.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ePhysical health harm was rarely reported, although the harmful combination of gambling, alcohol consumption and sedentary behaviour was noted: \u0026lsquo;It\u0026apos;s just paired with unhealthy behaviours\u0026rsquo; (P16, PG, 23, M).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDespite its harmful effects, most participants were not attempting to reduce their gambling at the time of their interview.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Discussion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis study aimed to explore environmental and social factors related to transitions into gambling harm among young adults in NSW. It illuminates how various pro-gambling influences can accumulate in young people\u0026rsquo;s pathways towards harm. The participants\u0026rsquo; narratives highlight how these potential influences can commence in childhood, increase during adolescence, and intensify in early adulthood. These experiences suggest that strategies to reduce gambling harm in young people should consider preventive measures in each of these life stages.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDuring childhood, participants reported that their main exposure to gambling was through parents, who can help shape young people\u0026rsquo;s positive perceptions of gambling and increase their risk of later gambling harm (Dittman et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR20\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e; Holl\u0026eacute;n et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR38\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e; Winters et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR66\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2002\u003c/span\u003e). Preventive measures could therefore focus on supporting parents to reduce children\u0026rsquo;s exposure to gambling activities and environments. This influence was said to occur when parents gambled around their children, exposed them to gambling products, placed bets on their behalf, and incorporated gambling into family routines. These experiences can teach children how to gamble and endorse it as normal and harmless fun that enhances family bonding, social interaction, and the expectation of winning (Hing, Thorne et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR36\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e; Kristiansen et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR42\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e; Reith \u0026amp; Dobbie, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR54\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eHowever, it is nearly impossible for parents in Australia to shield their children from gambling. Pubs and clubs are popular settings for family meals, so many participants frequently saw EGMs, keno and betting facilities when dining out, consistent with earlier research in NSW (Bestman et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR3\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). Also aligned with previous findings (Hing, Lole et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e; O\u0026rsquo;Brien \u0026amp; Iqbal, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR50\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e), children were routinely exposed to gambling advertising when watching sport and to gambling mechanics in simulated gambling. While these marketing exposures may appear innocuous, they contribute to a drip-feed of pro-gambling influences as young people grow up, and their gradual immersion in a gambling culture. The participants\u0026rsquo; failure to consciously link simulated activities to 'real' gambling at the time may represent a stealth mechanism of harm. Because these games are viewed as distinct from monetary gambling, young people likely lowered their cognitive defences, allowing them to internalise gambling mechanics and reward schedules without the caution they might otherwise apply to adult gambling products.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDuring adolescence, participants described how advertising normalised gambling, embedded it in youth culture, and primed young people for gambling, consistent with earlier research (Deans et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e; Gordon et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR25\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e; Hing, Rockloff et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). In this way, industry advertising harnessed peer influence to normalise gambling as a fun, social and harmless activity that provides easy money. Preventive measures for adolescents should therefore include countering the industry\u0026rsquo;s positive portrayals of gambling with education on risks and harms. The findings suggest that this education could counter misperceptions that sports betting is profitable and skill-based; explain how betting can escalate to gambling addiction; warn about predatory industry practices; and build capacity to resist peer influence. Without this education, young people may receive only positive messages about gambling that build their enthusiasm to start as soon as they reach the legal age (Lopez-Gonzalez et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR45\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e; Nyemcsok et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR49\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). Regulations to reduce gambling advertising are also needed to limit this normalisation in the first place.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAbout half the participants gambled as part of their 18th birthday celebrations, as a rite of passage into adulthood. This tradition occurs elsewhere (DiClemente et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2000\u003c/span\u003e; Reith \u0026amp; Dobbie, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR54\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e) but may be particularly widespread in NSW where gambling facilities are available in pubs and clubs in nearly every suburb and town. Further, parents were the main instigators, reflecting gambling\u0026rsquo;s cultural acceptance among many Australian families (Browne et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e; Dittman et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR19\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e). Public education could target parents by challenging the gift of gambling funds and their encouragement of gambling as a benign ritual marking adulthood.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eBy early adulthood, pro-gambling influences were embedded in the participants\u0026rsquo; media, peer groups and social life. As they gambled more, they became intensely targeted by gambling advertising and by wagering direct messages. Consistent with previous findings (Drakeford \u0026amp; Hudson-Smith, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR21\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e; Hing et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR35\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Hing, Browne et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e; Hing, Thorne et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e; Parke \u0026amp; Parke, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR51\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e), these messages were said to act as reminders, triggers, and inducements to bet, facilitated by instantaneous access through smartphone betting apps. Participants who played EGMs also identified that their easy access and well-known structural features fostered their increasingly persistent gambling (Livingstone, 2017; Parke \u0026amp; Griffiths, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR52\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e). Gambling also became an intrinsic part of most participants\u0026rsquo; social outings, since EGMs and sports bars in NSW are located in licensed venues which are social hubs for young adults. Peer normalisation of gambling therefore continued, reinforced by advertising, as well as \u0026lsquo;bet with mates\u0026rsquo; and group chat functions in betting apps, which promote sports betting as an activity that bonds friendships among young men (Di Censo et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e; Sproston et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR61\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eGovernments in Australia continue to resist calls to reduce pro-gambling influences such as betting advertising and inducements, EGM accessibility, and harmful product features. Continued advocacy is therefore needed, but the entwinement of gambling policy with industry influence is seen as a major impediment to reform (Beresford, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e). In the interim, safer gambling education should be escalated. The profile of harm reported in this study, which is characterised by intense emotional distress and financial erosion, yet notably devoid of 'rock bottom' events like job loss, positions early adulthood as a critical window for secondary prevention. Messaging and interventions could therefore encourage critical self-reflection on these accumulating markers of distress, framing feelings of guilt or financial anxiety not as a 'bad run' but as valid health indicators that warrant change or support for themselves or their peers. At present in Australia, the scope of such messaging has been largely limited to mandated taglines at the end of industry advertising. These types of initiatives struggle to compete with the vast resources brought to the commercial determinants that shape young people\u0026rsquo;s trajectories towards gambling harm. Meaningful change requires substantial and regulated changes to the gambling environment, particularly reductions in advertising, inducements and notifications, as well as safer EGM features such as pre-commitment and effective self-exclusion programs.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSeveral limitations apply to this research. It prioritised gaining in-depth data over representative sampling. Self-selection bias may be present since voluntary consent was required. Men and moderate-risk gamblers were overrepresented, reflecting their greater prevalence among gamblers in NSW (Browne et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). Despite the small subsample of women, their trajectories (familial facilitation, social motives) appeared consistent with the male participants, but larger samples are needed for rigorous comparison. In any gambling research, social desirability biases may occur, particularly for people experiencing harm. The findings should be interpreted as insights into the lived experience of participants and not necessarily representative of all young people with moderate risk or problem gambling. The results also cannot be generalised to all young people who gamble. Lastly, not all possible determinants of gambling harm could be considered, including psychological factors. The study, instead, draws attention to social and environmental factors, which have received less focus in gambling research.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Conclusion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis study extends previous qualitative research among adolescents in NSW (Hing, Lole et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e) to also explore factors related to pathways into gambling harm once young people reach the legal age. The participants\u0026rsquo; narratives expose an ecosystem of saturation, in which children and young people face an environment where pro-gambling influences are ever-present, spanning physical venues and every layer of digital media. It shows how young people can become primed to gamble during their formative years and how rapidly they can develop a gambling problem once they turn 18. To address this public health issue, substantial changes are needed to reduce environmental influences such as betting advertising and inducements, gambling accessibility, and harmful product features. Doing so will help to reduce the cultural entrenchment of gambling in NSW and the consequent family and peer influences that increase the risks of gambling harm for young people.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eEthics approval and consent to participate\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis study was approved by the CQUniversity Human Research Ethics Committee, approval number 24880. All procedures followed were in accordance with the ethical standards of the responsible committee on human experimentation (institutional and national) and with the Helsinki Declaration of 1975, as revised in 2000 (5). Informed consent was obtained from all participants for being included in the study.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eConsent for publication statement\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eNot applicable.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAvailability of data and materials\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe data that support the findings of this study are available from the New South Wales Office of Responsible Gambling, but restrictions apply to the availability of these data, which were used under license for the current study, and so are not publicly available. Data\u0026nbsp;are, however, available from the authors upon reasonable request and with permission of the New South Wales Office of Responsible Gambling. In the first instance, please contact the corresponding author, Nerilee Hing: [email protected]\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eCompeting interest statement\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe authors declare they have no competing interests as defined by BMC, or other interests that might be perceived to influence the results and/or discussion reported in this paper.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eFunding\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis project was commissioned by the NSW Government\u0026rsquo;s Responsible Gambling Fund, with support from the NSW Office of Responsible Gambling. The original research report has undergone independent peer review, which was overseen by the Office. The views expressed in this manuscript are those of the authors and not necessarily those of the funding agency. The funding agency had no role in the conceptualisation, design, data collection, analysis, or preparation of the manuscript.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAuthors\u0026apos; contribution statement\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAll authors designed the study and research materials. LL and GD conducted the data collection. NH, LL and GD contributed to the analyses and interpretation. NH completed the first draft of the manuscript, with some of the Background material drafted by CT. All authors read, refined and approved the submitted version of the manuscript.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eBaxter DG, Hilbrecht M, Wheaton CT. A mapping review of research on gambling harm in three regulatory environments. Harm Reduct J. 2019;16:12. doi:10.1186/s12954-018-0265-3.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eBeresford Q. Hooked: Inside the murky world of Australia\u0026apos;s gambling industry. 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Melbourne: Gambling Research Australia; 2015. https://acquire.cqu.edu.au/articles/report/Marketing_of_sports_betting_and_racing/13386389?file=32582285\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eUkhova D, Marionneau V, Nikkinen J, Wardle H. Public health approaches to gambling: a global review of legislative trends. Lancet Public Health. 2024;9:e57\u0026ndash;e67. doi: 10.1016/S2468-2667(23)00221-\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eVitaro F, Wanner B, Ladouceur R, Brendgen M, Tremblay RE. Trajectories of gambling during adolescence. J Gambl Stud. 2004;20:47\u0026ndash;69. doi:10.1023/B:JOGS.0000016703.84727.d3.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eWardle H, Degenhardt L, Marionneau V, Reith G, Livingstone C, Sparrow M, et al. The Lancet Public Health Commission on gambling. Lancet Public Health. 2024;9:e950\u0026ndash;e994. doi: 10.1016/S2468-2667(24)00167-1\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eWilliams RJ, West BL, Simpson RI. Prevention of problem gambling: a comprehensive review of the evidence, and identified best practices. Ontario: Ontario Problem Gambling Research Centre; 2012. https://opus.uleth.ca/items/031ad6de-8835-4932-8df8-4f39716b3e61\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eWinters KC, Stinchfield RD, Botzet A, Anderson N. A prospective study of youth gambling behaviors. Psychol Addict Behav. 2002;16:3\u0026ndash;9. doi:10.1037//0893-164x.16.1.3.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eWinters KC, Stinchfield RD, Kim LG. Monitoring adolescent gambling in Minnesota. J Gambl Stud. 1995;11:165\u0026ndash;183. doi:10.1007/BF02107113.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"},{"header":"Table","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eTable 1.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003eInterview sample by\u0026nbsp;sex, age and gambling risk group\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ctable border=\"1\" cellspacing=\"0\" cellpadding=\"0\" width=\"605\"\u003e\n \u003ctbody\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 181px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 85px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eMale\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 85px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFemale\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 85px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e18-20 years\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 85px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e21-23 years\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 85px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eTotal\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 181px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eModerate risk gambling\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 85px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e9\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 85px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e3\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 85px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e4\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 85px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e8\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 85px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e12\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 181px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eProblem gambling\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 85px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e8\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 85px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e0\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 85px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 85px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e6\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 85px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e8\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 181px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eTotal\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 85px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e17\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 85px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e3\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 85px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e6\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 85px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e14\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 85px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e20\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003c/tbody\u003e\n\u003c/table\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":false,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"bmc-public-health","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"pubh","sideBox":"Learn more about [BMC Public Health](http://bmcpublichealth.biomedcentral.com/)","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"https://www.editorialmanager.com/pubh/default.aspx","title":"BMC Public Health","twitterHandle":"@BMC_series","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"em","reportingPortfolio":"BMC Series","inReviewEnabled":true,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"Youth, emerging adults, young people, gambling problems, risk factors, qualitative methods, advertising, peer influence, simulated gambling, parental factors","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-9143985/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-9143985/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003ch2\u003eBackground\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003ePublic health models identify numerous contributors to gambling harm. Most research focuses on psychological factors, and most interventions on individual responsibility and problem gambling treatment. Instead, understanding policies, practices and contexts that underpin transitions into harmful gambling can inform preventive measures. This study aimed to explore environmental and social factors related to transitions into gambling harm among young adults in NSW, Australia, where per capita gambling losses are the highest in the world and young adults are the demographic most at risk of gambling harm.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eMethods\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe study recruited 20 NSW residents aged 18\u0026ndash;23 years who reported past-year moderate-risk or problem gambling. Semi-structured interviews collected retrospective narrative accounts of their gambling experiences during childhood, adolescence, and early adulthood, and potential social and environmental influences on these experiences. Reflexive thematic narrative analysis was used.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eResults\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eParticipants reported routine exposure to gambling throughout their childhood through parents, gambling venues, advertising and simulated gambling. They recalled few cautionary messages and viewed gambling as a normal, benign and enjoyable adult activity. During adolescence, peer influence, family attitudes, advertising and simulated gambling were the main pro-gambling influences that could shape their growing anticipation of gambling. Most gambled as soon as they were legally allowed, if not before, as a rite of passage into adulthood, followed by early experimentation with gambling products. Their gambling then became routine, fostered by easy access, enticing product features, peer influences, and being targeted by gambling advertising. By early adulthood, they reported gambling-related harm, mainly to their emotional and financial wellbeing.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eConclusions\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe study illuminates the range of pro-gambling influences that young people face when gambling products are widely accessible and heavily advertised. It shows how young people can become primed to gamble during their formative years and rapidly develop a gambling problem once they reach the legal gambling age. To address this public health issue, substantial changes are needed to reduce these environmental influences, including to gambling advertising, inducements, accessibility and harmful product features. Doing so can help reduce the cultural entrenchment of gambling and the consequent social influences that increase the risks of gambling harm for young people.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"Primed to Gamble: Environmental and Social Pathways into Gambling Harm from Childhood to Early Adulthood","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2026-04-24 00:43:35","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-9143985/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0},{"type":"editorInvitedReview","content":"","date":"2026-04-20T06:40:26+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"29033736505487251282463792196427930394","date":"2026-04-17T13:06:42+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"228175893396982485711525036337868613624","date":"2026-04-17T05:35:43+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewersInvited","content":"","date":"2026-04-15T12:50:40+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorAssigned","content":"","date":"2026-04-13T14:33:00+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorInvited","content":"","date":"2026-03-23T08:23:28+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"checksComplete","content":"","date":"2026-03-23T04:29:31+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"submitted","content":"BMC Public Health","date":"2026-03-23T04:23:18+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"bmc-public-health","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"pubh","sideBox":"Learn more about [BMC Public Health](http://bmcpublichealth.biomedcentral.com/)","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"https://www.editorialmanager.com/pubh/default.aspx","title":"BMC Public Health","twitterHandle":"@BMC_series","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"em","reportingPortfolio":"BMC Series","inReviewEnabled":true,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"5f9cd616-59e0-481d-b65b-8369bd9fbf9a","owner":[],"postedDate":"April 24th, 2026","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"under-review","subjectAreas":[],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2026-04-24T00:43:35+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2026-04-24 00:43:35","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-9143985","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-9143985","identity":"rs-9143985","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"XKTyCvWXoU3ODBz1xrDgd","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}

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