The Gendered Impacts of Climate Change on Fisherfolk: Evidence from Nigeria and Cameroon

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Efforts to strengthen adaptive capacity often overlook the role of gender relations and socioeconomic inequalities that shape vulnerability. This study examines how small-scale fishing communities in Limbe, Cameroon, and Makoko, Nigeria, respond to climate change through gender-differentiated vulnerability, coping, and adaptation strategies. Using mixed-methods research design informed by the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework, the study assesses the resilience and livelihood needs of fisherfolk. The findings show that fisherfolk employ a diverse and interconnected set of coping and adaptation strategies shaped by access to resources, skills, beliefs, socio-cultural contexts, and prior experiences of environmental stress. These strategies span economic, physiological, social, institutional, religious, and psychological dimensions. However, climate change impacts women fisherfolk more severely than men across five key livelihood domains. Despite growing recognition of gendered climate vulnerability, the absence of gender-disaggregated data continues to constrain the development of effective, gender-responsive adaptation measures among fishing communities. The study identifies priority areas for action and calls for greater consensus on gender-sensitive approaches, emphasizing the need to enhance women’s participation in decision-making and policy formulation related to climate adaptation. Climate change Gender Fisherfolk Sustainability Resilience Figures Figure 1 Figure 2 Figure 3 Figure 4 Figure 5 Figure 6 Figure 7 1. Introduction Climate change stressors are currently jeopardizing aquatic ecosystems, fisheries, and coastal communities worldwide ( 1 , 2 , 3 ). In addition to affecting fish abundance and distribution, climate change significantly affects people’s ability to adapt to environmental changes while maintaining sustainable livelihoods and fishery resources ( 4 , 5 , 6 ). These effects are disproportionately felt by individuals already burdened by various forms of inequality ( 7 , 8 , 9 ). Studies have argued that human-environment interactions are influenced by social constructs within a framework of interrelated systems, such as class, gender, and ethnic hierarchy ( 10 ), because individuals already burdened by various forms of inequality are often the most exposed to the consequences of climate change and environmental degradation ( 11 ). Denton ( 12 ) emphasizes the intersection of gender and climate change impacts, creating unique vulnerabilities when combined with other forms of oppression, such as economic class and marginalization. Women from disadvantaged backgrounds are particularly vulnerable to the effects of climate change as they rely on vulnerable resources to sustain their families and have limited adaptive capacity ( 13 , 14 ). In fishing communities, women fisherfolk (i.e., mostly women fish traders, fish processors and fisherwomen) experience distinct impacts due to gender-specific work division and variations in the management and possession of assets and fishing resources ( 15 , 16 ). For instance, in Kenya, women reduce their food intake during drought-related food shortages because of cultural norms dictating that they come last with respect to food access during meals ( 17 , 18 ). The imbalance between men and women shouldering conflicting responsibilities related to work productivity, household chores, and caregiving often exacerbates gender disparities ( 19 , 20 ). This inequality is perpetuated by unequal gender norms and power dynamics ( 21 , 22 ). Africa features prominently in climate change literature because of the high vulnerability in general but especially of marginalized women and governance structures to various impacts ( 5 , 23 , 24 ). The continent struggles with a limited capacity to address and adapt to climate stressors, including erratic rainfall, extreme heat, flooding, rising sea levels, and the overexploitation of fishery resources ( 25 ), which severely affect communities that depend on small-scale fisheries for food security and socioeconomic livelihood ( 26 ). However, previous studies have often neglected the gender dimension in climate change adaptation, choosing to focus instead on resource governance and distribution and production optimization ( 27 , 28 ). Thus, understanding how individuals involved in small-scale fisheries perceive gender and climate change vulnerabilities is crucial. Against this background, this study aims to determine and evaluate the evidence-based effects of climate change vulnerabilities on gendered livelihood sustainability in the context of Limbe, Cameroon, and Makoko, Nigeria, which are two communities that are dependent on coastal fishing. In particular, we seek to understand the gender differences in how fisherfolk perceive, respond to, and adapt to various climatic stressors. 2. Literature Review 2.1. Gender Gaps in Climate Crises Since 2000, the inclusion of gender in climate disaster mitigation research has significantly increased, evolving from qualitative assessments of women’s vulnerabilities to more comprehensive regional and quantitative evaluations that consider adaptation strategies and economic growth ( 20 , 29 ). The IPCC ( 30 ) began discussing gender disparities in climate change vulnerability and their potential impact on achieving Sustainable Development Goal 5: Gender Equality. The assessment identified rural women as the most affected group, given their dependence on natural resources for their livelihoods and their responsibility for household tasks, such as looking for clean water and gathering firewood. According to Montreux and Barnett ( 31 ), women fisherfolk are less likely to prepare for climate- induced adaptation strategies and related disasters because of their numerous household commitments, which restrict the time and resources available for organizing disaster responses. Similarly, Flatø et al. ( 32 ) demonstrate that women’s domestic responsibilities hinder their ability to adapt to climate shocks, particularly those affecting their mobility. For instance, women, including women fisherfolk, accounted for 90% of the 140,000 fatalities during the 1991 cyclone in Bangladesh ( 33 ). Female mortality rates during and immediately after extreme weather events are often high, primarily because of their disadvantaged socioeconomic position ( 34 ). Eastin ( 35 ) comprehensively examines the relationship between gender equality and climate change and finds that climate change exacerbates gender disparities in developing nations. In Mali, Dillon and Gill’s ( 36 ) case study highlights how disparities in access to irrigation tools and other agricultural resources exacerbate gender gaps in crop yield during climate-related crises. However, the literature on gender and climate change in Africa often reinforces stereotypical narratives or generalizations about social norms, gender roles, access to resources, and control as explanations for resilience or vulnerability to climate change and possible adaptation strategies ( 36 ). 2.2. Female Marginalization and Power Dynamics in Climate Disaster Mitigation Literature Several studies have compared adaptive actions, resources, and means of living between women’s and men’s climate-change impacts ( 37 , 38 ). These comparisons have predominantly relied on secondary sources to elucidate outcomes, often categorizing them as resilient or vulnerable based on their degree of similarity or disparity (e.g., 39,40). Gender differences are often attributed to discriminatory sociocultural norms, labor division, and resource access, overlooking the broader political and economic dynamics of a community ( 37 ). This narrow research approach may lead to unforeseen gender dynamics in policy implementation and practical applications ( 2 ). Gender and environmental theories, research, and analyses from Western institutions, scholars, and funders risk significantly biasing studies on the African continent ( 41 ). Scholarship in gender and environmental studies risks perpetuating rigid, binary views and stereotypical representations of women’s unpaid caregiving labor and material subordination ( 42 , 43 ). Conversely, it may overemphasize women’s roles in exacerbating their existing workload burdens ( 44 ). Decolonial scholarship in gender and environmental justice studies challenges prevailing knowledge-creation norms ( 45 ). Critics focus on authority within knowledge creation systems (e.g., 46), which has favored male academics from Western countries (e.g., 41,47). Additionally, traditional notions of “authentic” knowledge are being questioned, particularly in data extraction and knowledge production, as epistemic, theoretical, and methodological biases face increasing scrutiny ( 48 ). New approaches to academic research are shifting the focus from privileged perspectives to amplifying historically marginalized voices and challenging unequal power dynamics in the Global South ( 49 ). Emerging academic literature has encouraged diverse methodological approaches to knowledge acquisition, interpretation, and exploration. The shift from focusing on “women in/and environment” and “gender and environment” to a “gendering of human-nature relationships” emphasizes power dynamics and complex socioeconomic systems, rather than individual subordination and autonomy ( 29 ). Gender is conceptualized as a fluid and negotiated term influenced by societal norms and values, interacting with various social categories differently depending on the context and time ( 44 ). These social constructs include sexual orientation, socioeconomic status, race, ethnicity, faith, physical abilities, country of origin, and life stage ( 50 ). These factors determine who engages with environmental resources and their specific actions, such as how, when, and for what purpose ( 51 ). 2.3. Sustainable Livelihoods Framework The concept of livelihoods has been used to understand the vulnerability context of communities ( 52 ) and their responses to impacts ( 53 ). Livelihoods encompass essential capabilities, assets, and activities required for sustenance ( 54 ), and a sustainable livelihood aims to unify the critical elements that influence the resilience and effectiveness of household strategies ( 55 ). Individuals utilize and develop various forms of capital assets, which are typically categorized as human, natural, financial, social, or physical. Livelihood research focuses on how people combine and transform these assets as well as their efforts to maintain or expand their asset base through interactions with others, markets, and society ( 56 ). The emphasis on assets is crucial, as they form the foundation of livelihoods and significantly influence an individual’s ability to manage vulnerabilities ( 57 ). Generally, those with more assets are less vulnerable, whereas asset erosion increases their vulnerability. The Sustainable Livelihoods Framework (SLF, Fig. 1 ) comprises several interconnected elements: positive livelihood outcomes; potential livelihood strategies; household assets or resources; broader institutional environments (government and private sectors, regulations, statutes, and cultural norms); and temporal events affecting vulnerability or resilience (e.g., climate fluctuations and market shifts). Among these, gender-focused analyses in the SLF have primarily concentrated on household capital ( 58 ). However, not all resources or capital are confined to the household level; while human, physical, and financial capital may remain within a household, social and natural capital may extend to the community ( 59 ). This study employs the SLF to establish a connection between households and broader spaces, such as the community and the state, which enables the formulation of specific coastal resilience strategies ( 60 ). Source: Serrat (2010) 3. Methodology 3.1. Study Areas 3.1.1. Limbe Fishing Community Limbe is a coastal city located in the Fako Division in southwestern Cameroon, Central Africa (Figs. 2 and 3 ). The city has a population of 72,109 and a long history of small-scale artisanal fishing ( 61 ). The limited economy relies primarily on agriculture, fishing, and small informal enterprises. Among Cameroon’s four primary artisanal fishing communities of Kribi, Mabanda, Youpwe, and Limbe, the latter represents a particular significant location because of presence of migrant fishers ( 62 ). Men typically handle fishing operations, while women manage fish processing and sales. Fishing in Limbe is conducted by migrant fisher folk from Nigeria, Ghana, Togo, Benin, and local indigenous populations (Bakweria and Bimbia ethnic groups). Fishers catch fish in traditional wooden boats that have been craved from trees and either have a motor attached to them or are operated manually ( 63 ). Fishers do not target any specific species, although their major catches are bonga ( Ethmalosa fimbriata) , strong kanda ( Sardinella maderensis ), grouper ( Epinephelinae spp.) , and barracuda ( Sphyraena spp.). Fishers sell everything they catch in their nets. Similar to most developing economies, small-scale fisheries are threatened by climate change stressors, increasing maritime activities, illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing (IUU) fishing, and conflicts and competition for access with large-scale industrial fishing fleets ( 64 ). Additionally, the fishery ecosystem has been further degraded by the arrival of foreign industrial fishing fleets from China, Europe, and other countries, and by an increase in oil and gas exploration activities near traditional fishing areas ( 63 ). These challenges are exacerbated by the paucity of effective structures that promote and assist community engagement in fishery governance and management ( 65 ). Fishery managers, who lack the effective and appropriate capacity to design, implement, and enforce fishery laws and management processes to protect against climate change and IUU fishing activities, have been leaving their posts because of these challenges ( 63 ). They directly impact the livelihoods of many fishery-dependent households through a decline in fish caught, which has resulted in the inability to meet local fish demand, food security, and livelihoods, especially for women fisherfolk ( 66 , 67 ). By coping with and adapting to extreme events for generations, fishers have developed distinct understandings of extreme hazards and collective experiences of ecological adaptiveness more realistically than any other rural community, representing the most appropriate scale for institutional learning ( 63 ). Source Field Work Source Field Work 3.1.2. Makoko Fishing Community The fishing community of Makoko lies within the jurisdiction of the Lagos Mainland Local Government in Central Lagos State (Figs. 3 and 4 ). The settlement is a waterfront community located along Lagos Lagoon ( 68 ). Established by fisherfolk in the 18th century, it is now considered the world’s largest “floating slum” with a population of more than 800,000 ( 26 ). The community has come to depend on artisanal sand mining and small-scale fishing, selling to the city’s thriving building industry to sustain its livelihood ( 69 ). Local geographic conditions and fishing-based economies have led to the emergence of unique neighborhood characteristics, such as houses built on stilts in water with boats used as the primary mode of transportation ( 26 ). After Nigeria gained independence in 1960, Lagos experienced rapid growth, transforming Makoko from a peripheral neighborhood to the central part of the metropolis ( 70 ). The increased demand for land in the city places an additional strain on housing in Makoko because of its central location. Makoko’s structure is characterized by a network of canals that directly connect to the inner shores of the Lagos Lagoon, with smaller canals interspersed throughout. Near the inner coastline, a complex system of elevated walkways and small bridges links buildings and provides access to various structures (26). Population density is relatively low compared to other parts of Lagos, and settlements are more dispersed away from the coast. This pattern reflects the evolution of the settlement, beginning with the initial coastal core and expanding toward the open waters of the lagoon. Near the inner coastline, shallow water was converted into habitable land by filling basic timber structures with soil, sawdust, and wood waste from timber mills in the southern area. Homes are built on supports driven into lagoon beds, primarily using wood, bamboo, plywood, and corrugated iron sheets ( 71 ). Many residential buildings are of poor quality and fail to provide adequate protection from environmental hazards ( 72 ). Households closer to the mainland are connected to water sources via flexible plastic pipes. However, many families store water in large tanks owing to unreliable supply systems. Households farther from the coastline lack direct access to freshwater and must purchase it from mainland sources and transport it by boat ( 73 ). The area lacks an appropriate sewage system, with rudimentary toilets and showers consisting of timber platforms with floor holes enclosed in plastic sheets or wooden walls. Consequently, the lagoon water surrounding the settlement is severely contaminated. Only a small portion of the neighborhood has access to the electrical grid, resulting in an unequal power supply to the entire community. This forces many households to rely on private gas-powered generators, creating constant background noise in the area. On the outskirts of Makoko, a substantial section of the lagoon is filled with floating logs originating from outside Lagos and processed in sawmills south of the community to meet the city’s demand for construction timber. Lagos Lagoon has long been considered one of the most prolific fishing grounds in sub-Saharan Africa, with abundant fishery resources, such that locals do not need to travel outside the lagoon to meet local demand ( 74 ). However, with the transformation of Lagos into a megacity, climate change stressors, IUU fishing, sand mining, land reclamation in Makoko, and the intense fishing activities of fishing communities along the lagoon have undermined the environment and resources and continue to pose a threat to food security and the sustainable livelihood of fisherfolk, especially marginalized women fisherfolk ( 75 ). The residents of Makoko lack formal legal ownership of their land despite many families living there for generations. Authorities justify forced evictions by citing unauthorized occupations ( 75 ). These displacements occur without adequate compensation for property loss and often lead to violent confrontations with law enforcement ( 76 ). The neighborhood’s size and potential for political unrest limit authorities to gradual clearance, creating significant uncertainty about the future of this unique urban area and its inhabitants. These vulnerabilities have further exacerbated poverty and challenged masculinity because fisherfolk cannot make a living and fulfill the role of providers, driving many fisherfolk, especially women, to leave the industry. Only half the small-scale women fisherfolk remain compared to the early 1990s ( 77 ). Source CodeForAfrica 3.2. Data Collection and Analysis The Makoko fishing community was selected because it represents the world's largest floating slum, while Limbe, with its substantial migrant fisherfolk population forms a cornerstone of Cameroon's fisheries sector, was chosen as both communities face exacerbated climate change vulnerabilities. Mixed-methods research is ideal for investigating complex socio-ecological phenomena, enabling comprehensive data collection and analysis in both scope and depth ( 78 ). Thus, both qualitative and quantitative data on climate change vulnerabilities were collected. Data were integrated into a database designed to interact with other global climate change vulnerability datasets developed by the Food-Climate-Biodiversity Nexus project at the University of British Columbia ( https://solvingfcb.org ). These frameworks facilitate the establishment of intersectional approaches to investigate the links between gender-specific climate-related stressors, economic poverty, resilience, and adaptation strategies in our case studies. A total of 200 fisherfolk were interviewed in Limbe and Makoko. Consent forms written in English and translated into Pidgin English, Egun, Bakweri, and Bimbia were distributed and signed at the start of each survey, interview, and focus group session. Interviews were performed between January 2024 and January 2025. The qualitative data was collected through participant storytelling, four focus group discussions (with 10–15 participants from each fishing communities each, for a total of 2 each from Limbe and Makoko), in-depth interviews ( 2 ), with 10 key informants (community leaders), and field observations ( 79 ). Interviews were conducted with key informants, including leaders of community development associations and senior officials from the Lagos State Ministry of Physical Planning and Department of Fisheries in Limbe. Questions for the focus group discussions and key informant interviews were designed to explore key issues emerging from the survey data and to probe more deeply into the perceptions of gender, climate change, and adaptive strategies. Qualitative analysis of the focus group discussion and key informant interview data was conducted using NVivo software (version 12). A codebook was developed using both inductive and deductive methods and iteratively refined through three rounds of coding. Following an initial round of coding, the data were categorized and summarized with two subsequent rounds focusing on specific themes and subthemes. Selected quotes represent diverse viewpoints from various participant groups and research locations. For quantitative data, Excel was used to calculate descriptive statistics. SPSS (version 26.0) was used for the Spearman’s correlation analysis to demonstrate the link between livelihood capital and response pathways. Descriptive statistics (percentages, means, and standard deviations) and inferential statistics (chi-square tests, t-tests, and regression analyses) were also provided. R-Studio was used to create visual representations of fisherfolk response strategies to multiple stressors in the two coastal fishing communities. 4. Results 4.1. Gender, Occupation, and Uneven Exposure to Climate Impacts Descriptive statistics derived from the survey data in Limbe and Makoko reveal the extent to which gender roles are tightly scripted within the socioeconomic fabric of these two fishing communities. The gender distribution of respondents revealed significant differences between the Makoko and Limbe communities. In Makoko, 72.09% of respondents were male and 27.91% were female. Conversely, Limbe had a higher proportion of female respondents at 58.73%, with male respondents accounting for 41.27%. Respondents across both sites affirmed the persistence of a rigid division of labor: in Makoko, 100% of men are engaged in fishing activities, while 97.6% of women operate exclusively in fish processing and post-harvest trade. Limbe shows only marginally more occupational flexibility, with 92.2% of men reporting active participation in fishing and 84.4% of women engaged in processing. These statistics confirm the findings of earlier ethnographic work in the region and align with global patterns of labor segmentation in small-scale fisheries, where women are frequently concentrated in postharvest roles that receive less institutional support and capital investment. Fishers are more vulnerable to immediate environmental hazards, such as sea level rise, storm surges, and changing migration patterns of fish stocks, whereas women encounter cascading impacts on food security, market access, and household stability. For example, 87.6% of women in Limbe and 75.0% in Makoko reported experiencing severe food insecurity attributable to climate-related disruptions in the fishery supply chains. Furthermore, the increased unpredictability of fishing returns has led to an expansion in women’s unpaid labor burdens, such as collecting firewood, sourcing alternative foods, and household caregiving. were more frequently exposed to hazardous working environments, including exposure to firewood smoke during fish processing, which contributed to a rising incidence of respiratory illnesses. In Makoko, 61.9% of respondents identified women as disproportionately affected by climate-related health impacts in Limbe, this figure was 57.9%. These patterns underscore the need to analyze gendered exposure to climate risk not only in biophysical terms but also in relation to the spatial, social, and institutional positioning of women within the fisheries value chain. 4.2 Gendered Vulnerability Pathways To evaluate the strength and significance of gender-based disparities in climate vulnerability, we applied Pearson’s chi-square test across five key outcome indicators: workload intensification, health deterioration, food insecurity, income reduction, and adoption of coping strategies (Tables 1 – 3 ). All tests produced statistically significant results at the 95% confidence level or higher. Table 1 Gender-Based Disparity In Climate Vulnerability Indicator χ² Df p-value Effect Size (Cramer’s V) Gender vs. Food Insecurity 17.88 1 < 0.001 0.38 Gender vs. Increased Workload 14.26 1 < 0.001 0.34 Gender vs. Use of Coping Mechanisms 13.44 1 < 0.001 0.32 Gender vs. Health Impacts 10.38 1 0.0013 0.29 Gender vs. Income Loss 9.77 1 0.002 0.26 Source : Fieldwork These results confirm a strong and statistically significant association between gender and each major dimension of climate vulnerability, particularly food insecurity and increased workload ( 16 ). Women experience a significantly higher burden of food insecurity and are more likely to report health complications due to environmental stress and more engaged in adaptive or compensatory livelihood strategies. The magnitude of these associations (as indicated by Cramer’s V values between 0.26 and 0.38) underscores the relevance of gender as a structural axis of vulnerability—one that mediates both exposure and response capabilities. Moreover, the significance of these associations in both communities suggests that gendered vulnerability is not simply a product of local cultural norms but reflects broader systemic inequalities in resource access, institutional design, and labor valuation. 4.3 Modeling the Determinants of Adaptive Behavior To explore the predictors of adaptive behavior among fisherfolk, we constructed a logistic regression model using the binary outcome variable of whether a respondent had adopted at least one adaptation strategy, such as livelihood diversification, participation in a savings group, or the uptake of new skills, within the past two years. The independent variables included gender, level of education, monthly household income, household size, years of residence in the community, and location (Makoko or Limbe). Table 2 Predictors of Adaptive Behavior among Fisherfolk Predictor β (Coeff.) Std. Error Odds Ratio (Exp(β)) p-value Gender (Female) 0.92 0.21 2.51 0.0003 Education (Years) 0.14 0.05 1.15 0.007 Monthly Income -0.027 0.011 0.97 0.018 Household Size 0.09 0.04 1.09 0.042 Years in Community 0.04 0.02 1.04 0.031 Community (Makoko = 1) 0.63 0.19 1.88 0.0014 Model Fit: Nagelkerke R² = 0.39; Hosmer-Lemeshow χ² = 6.22, p = 0.51 Source : Fieldwork The results indicate that women are more than twice as likely as men to engage in adaptation practices, even after controlling for education, income, and location ( 8 ). Education is also positively associated with adaptation, suggesting that cognitive assets and information access are key enablers of resilience. Conversely, income has a negative association with adaptation, implying that those with fewer resources are more likely to engage in low-cost, necessity-driven strategies rather than deliberate, planned resilience-building. This insight challenges dominant policy narratives that equate adaptation with capacity. Instead, our findings suggest a more complex reality in which adaptive behavior often emerges from distress, not strength. Table 3 Determinants of Household Resilience to Climate Change Livelihood Capital Spearman’s ρ p-value Human Capital + 0.48 < 0.01 Financial Capital + 0.53 < 0.01 Social Capital + 0.66 < 0.001 Physical Capital + 0.33 < 0.05 Natural Capital + 0.21 0.09 Source : Fieldwork Social capital, measured through engagement in community-based organizations, savings groups, and informal cooperatives, emerges as the strongest correlate of resilience. This finding supports the view that horizontal ties and collective agency are key enablers of adaptive capacity, particularly in resource-poor settings ( 26 ). Interestingly, natural capitals showed only a marginal association with resilience, which may reflect the degraded ecological conditions in both Limbe and Makoko. This limited direct control that small-scale fisherfolk, especially women, have over natural resource access and reinforces the importance of enabling institutional and social conditions over environmental endowments. 4.4 Climate Perceptions, Equity Norms, and the Legitimacy of Intervention Beyond behavior, perceptions of risk, justice, and institutional legitimacy are central to understanding climate responses ( 43 ). The perception data show high consensus on descriptive statements, such as “climate change has reduced fish stocks,” with over 90% agreement in both communities. However, normative statements, such as “women should lead local cooperatives” or “training should be gender-equal,” received much lower support, especially in Makoko, where agreement fell below 10%. This perception gap between what is and what ought to be revealed is not ignorance, but ambivalence. Respondents are acutely aware of the climate crisis and women’s contributions to the economy but hesitated to endorse changes that would alter established gender roles or redistribute power. This suggests that cultural norms, although not immutable, remain a significant barrier to institutional reforms. Compounding this is a notable trust deficit: only 26.6% of Makoko respondents and 40.6% in Limbe expressed confidence in government-led climate adaptation programs. Many cited failures of past interventions, perceived bias in NGO targeting, and a lack of transparency in aid distribution. This undermines the legitimacy of formal climate responses and reinforces the reliance on informal community-based mechanisms. Together, these insights highlight the need for climate governance that is effective, inclusive, context-sensitive, and aligned with local legitimacy structures. 4.5 Synthesis and Interpretation: Toward Gender-Equitable Climate Resilience in Small-Scale Fisheries The statistical findings presented offer not only empirical confirmation of gender-differentiated vulnerability to climate change but also reveal the structural mechanisms through which this differentiation is perpetuated in the coastal communities of Limbe and Makoko. These insights compel a broader interpretive synthesis that situates micro-level vulnerabilities within a larger socio-ecological and political-economic framework. This subsection provides such a synthesis by addressing two interrelated themes: the structural architecture of vulnerability, the gendered nature of adaptation, and the imperative of justice-oriented resilience building in climate policy. 4. 5.1 Structural Foundations of Gendered Vulnerability Across both communities, statistical analysis demonstrates that gender is not merely a demographic variable but also a determinant that profoundly shapes the distribution of climate impacts, access to resources, and the capacity to respond ( 80 ). Women in Makoko and Limbe are systematically positioned at the intersection of material deprivation and social exclusion. Their overrepresentation in postharvest roles, traditionally less capital-intensive and more precarious occupations, renders them particularly sensitive to climate-induced disruptions in fish supply, market access, and income continuity. The regression models revealed that gender remained a significant predictor of both perceived vulnerability and adaptive behavior, even when controlling for income, education, and household size. This finding is critical because it suggests that vulnerability is not reducible to poverty alone; rather, it is mediated through gendered institutional households, markets, cooperatives, and governance structures that regulate how people engage in ecological change ( 43 ). The exclusion of women from decision-making bodies, as noted in both the perception data and qualitative narratives, created a feedback loop in which their knowledge, needs, and priorities were omitted from climate planning. This leads to a mismatch between the institutional responses and living realities, which further erodes trust in formal interventions. The “policy credibility gap” ( 43 ), especially evident in Makoko, reflects this disjuncture between recognition of climate risks and belief in the efficacy of existing adaptation support systems. Moreover, the normative dissonance observed when respondents acknowledge current gender roles but do not endorse gender equity reveals that social norms function as barriers to transformation. These norms are not merely cultural artifacts but are embedded in the political economy of fisheries: who owns the boats, who controls the gear, who receives training, and who speaks in public forums. Thus, effective climate resilience cannot be achieved without addressing the foundational gender order in the fishery sector. 4.6. The Paradox of Feminized Adaptation One of the most striking findings was the higher likelihood of women engaging in adaptive behaviors. Women in both communities are significantly more likely to diversify their livelihoods, join informal savings groups ( Alajo ),[1] and seek alternative income-generating activities, such as petty trade, artisanal production, or even migration. However, this high rate of adaptation should not be interpreted as an indicator of empowerment. Rather, it reflects a structural paradox: women adapt more, not because they have more options, but because they are more vulnerable and less protected by formal systems. These adaptations are often reactive, accessible and burdensome. For example, climate change vulnerabilities increase women’s exposure to heat stress, smoke, and waterborne diseases. Others engage in transactional sexual relationships to access fish or credit strategies that are socially stigmatized and psychologically expensive. These are not voluntary adaptations, but expressions of constrained agency. Furthermore, the gendered burden of adaptation has inter-generational implications. Diverting women’s time and energy to coping strategies often comes at the expense of childcare, health maintenance, and community engagement. This can lead to the long-term erosion of social and human capital, as seen in the increased school dropout rates ( 26 ) and early marriages observed among daughters of woman-headed households in both communities ( 26 ). The result is a feminization of adaptation without a commensurate shift in the structural conditions that necessitate it. As such, the dominant policy discourse that celebrates community resilience or local innovation risks romanticizing coping mechanisms born out of structural neglect and gender injustice. 4.7. Women's Fisherfolk Vulnerabilities Induced by Patriarchal Society Most interviewed women fisherfolk in both communities depend on husbands or sons whose income is derived primarily from fishing. For these women, traditional savings institutions represent the final option: the inability to repay results in shame and embarrassment. Such defaults occur frequently because fishing, the primary source of income, remains extremely susceptible to climate change. Women fisherfolk without husbands or male relatives often rely on microcredit but encounter greater obstacles when securing loans, as lenders routinely doubt their repayment ability, intensifying their economic marginalization. Approaching government officials for support is intimidating and requires courage. All interviewed women fisherfolk reported that well-connected, influential fishers received aid, whereas women often lacked access to financial capital. Most poor women fisherfolk in both communities obtained necessities, such as rice and oil, by appealing directly to family members. Conflicts between households frequently arose over shared or contested resources, particularly regarding the distribution of food and aid. Climatic shocks during crises intensify the pressure on relationships between households, exposing the limits of cooperation and trust, while often triggering disputes rooted in deeper histories of competition, inequality, or exclusion. By examining the dynamics within and between households, this study frames climate change impacts not only as environmental phenomena, but also as social disruptors—forces that reconfigure social roles, redistribute burdens, and transform how communities negotiate risk and responsibility. This study defines conflict as a spectrum, ranging from simmering tensions to overt violence. Family conflicts manifest as open arguments or concealed tensions between spouses or extended family members who disagree on financial matters, caregiving responsibilities, or food security. These tensions can escalate into violence, including controlling behavior or physical altercations, particularly when climate-related challenges, such as income loss, disrupt traditional family roles and social expectations. 4.8 Climate and Violence within Fishing Households In our focus group discussions across both fishing communities, half the married women reported that financial hardships generate distress and frustration, frequently precipitating family disputes, and occasionally domestic violence. These women described how diminishing fish stocks, attributed notably to shifting climate patterns, have imposed severe economic strain on their households, exacerbating debt burdens and contributing to harassment and violent behavior within the home. When men cannot express their frustration publicly, they frequently redirect this tension toward members of their households. Minor domestic disputes, such as discussions about insufficient food supplies, can escalate into serious conflicts, where trivial disagreements can result in violent behavior. Women often remain silent to avoid exacerbating these situations, quietly struggling to fulfill their families’ needs while suppressing their true concerns. In the following, pseudonyms were used to protect participants’ identities. Mama Itunu in Limbe stated: My husband is a fisher; extreme weather patterns have rendered his fishing activities perilous and reduced his daily hauls. The diminished catches combined with recent regulatory changes have significantly impacted his income. For three consecutive months, he remains at home without employment, creating substantial financial hardship for our household during these periods. Our children require sustenance regardless of circumstances. When I request provisions, such as cassava flakes (garri), corn flour, rice, and beans, he becomes irritable quickly. What begins as a simple conversation often escalates to physical violence, which I am forced to endure. Her story reveals how women fisherfolk frequently bear the hidden burden of keeping their families together during prolonged periods of uncertainty, balancing unmet needs, limited options, and the psychological strain of daily survival challenges. However, not every married woman in this study experienced violence, despite facing similar environmental and economic hardships. One woman explained that her husband’s family pressured her to secure employment at a soap manufacturing plant in Oshodi, Lagos, with her husband’s consent. She had given birth just two months prior and could no longer continue fishing because of its physically demanding nature. Each day, upon returning to Makoko, she faced relentless criticism from her mother-in-law, who branded her as lazy and accused her of contributing insufficiently to the household expenses. Meanwhile, her husband remained unemployed owing to declining fish stocks. Despite these hardships, some parents consistently prioritized their children’s meals, with their testimony revealing periods of severe hunger while notably avoiding any mention of domestic conflict. Conversely, homes in both communities without male breadwinners, typically headed by widows or women whose husbands had abandoned them, reported no family disputes or tensions. Instead, these women emphasized the dual burden of single parenthood and the sole financial responsibility for their households. These mothers shouldered complete domestic responsibilities while confronting significant systemic barriers exacerbated by the loss of income due to climate impacts. For most of these women, the primary concern shifted from personal safety to the challenge of securing their children’s futures. These mothers articulated their struggles not only in meeting their daily needs but also in identifying culturally appropriate methods to protect their daughters’ prospects. Facing tight financial budgets, rising living expenses, and increased exposure to climate-related disasters, these women described intense pressure to arrange early marriages for their daughters while securing adequate dowries. Even after their daughters married, many women fisherfolk regularly encountered various stresses and challenges. 4.8.1 Climate Vulnerabilities Induced Early Marriages Among Daughters of Women Fisherfolk The stories gathered from interviews reveal the ongoing hardships that women fisherfolk in both communities face after enduring floods and erosion throughout their lives. The women shared powerful childhood memories of losing their homes, animals, and loved ones. Erosion and flooding have emerged as relentless forces that destroy everything on their path, leaving families struggling to survive under perilous and uncertain conditions. Households struggle with forced displacement, financial hardship, and the severe impacts on education and health. Marriage emerged repeatedly in personal stories and focus group discussions. Women fisherfolk in both communities, particularly Makoko, widely believe that girls should marry young. Climate stress, food insecurity, and poverty exacerbate these circumstances. Girls as young as 15 years find themselves marrying, often before they are prepared for the demands of married life, yet they are still expected to fulfill predetermined gender roles within the household. Most women fisherfolk said they accepted their daughters marrying young, provided their husbands cared for them properly. However, these women rejected the widespread belief that early marriage occurs because families seek financial relief from climate-related hardships. Instead, they attributed the practice to social pressure to uphold traditional cultural customs. During focus group discussions, most women fisherfolk revealed that they arranged early marriages for their daughters, hoping that they would experience better lives with their spouses than they had before. Unfortunately, their daughters faced challenges similar to those of their mothers as young wives. Mama Ti in the Makoko fishing community shared the following: As a widow, I found myself facing severe financial hardship. My fishing business, my only source of income—began declining because of climate-related challenges. With virtually no earnings, I could barely afford food for myself, let alone support my teenage daughter. When a white Lebanese man proposed marriage to my daughter, it appeared to offer a solution to our financial crisis. She now suffers daily abuse, and I feel utterly helpless. I lack the resources to bring her home, yet witnessing her pain is devastating. When reflecting on their experiences, women generally held deep expectations that their daughters’ marriages to men, primarily fishers, would improve their families’ living conditions. However, these expectations remained unfulfilled, particularly in financially struggling households caring for numerous children, including stepchildren, from their husbands’ relationships. Despite this disappointment, these women accepted their circumstances and recognized that their vulnerable positions stemmed largely from their economic and social status. They firmly believe that severe weather conditions have perpetuated the poverty cycle, and that many related safety issues could have been resolved with better income-generating opportunities. 5. Discussions 5.1. Impacts on Human and Social Capital This study demonstrates that climate change concurrently affects food availability, and diet within the Makoko and Limbe fishing communities at the household level (Figs. 5 to 7). This finding corroborates those of Sorensen et al . ( 81 ), which indicate that climate change directly and indirectly disrupts food availability, access, and nutritional security. Climate change impacts on both fishing communities stem from sea level rise, floods, income shocks, and health effects induced by increased disease-causing microbes and vector activity. The impact on food and nutrition security in fishing communities varies between men and women, particularly in Makoko, where women fisherfolk (91%) are disproportionately affected. Botreau and Cohen ( 82 ) indicate that regions with high food insecurity, such as sub-Saharan Africa, experience a greater impact of climate-induced food and nutritional insecurity on women. This disparity stems from social gender roles that increase women’s vulnerability and limit their access to financial resources compared to men. Alcantara et al . ( 83 ) and Singh et al . ( 84 ) corroborate this finding, demonstrating that women constitute a significant portion of the global population living in poverty, making them particularly susceptible to the adverse effects of climate change. The close relationship between ecological and social systems underscores the need for a comprehensive approach to climate resilience that integrates environmental and gender dynamics ( 85 ). Financial disparities exacerbate these challenges, with only 41.7% of women in Makoko and 34.4% in Limbe perceiving equitable access to financial resources. During our focus group discussions in Makoko, Ewa a fish trader shared the following: I provide financial incentives to fishers to secure fish because of scarcity. On occasion, I engage in sexually intimate relationships with various fishers who promise substantial quantities of fish. However, for over three months, I have not received any fish, and some fishers have absconded with my money. They frequently cite abnormal sea level rise as the reason for their inability to deliver. This menace has become so common that even some teenage girls are now not interested in fishing or processing but will rather have sex with these fishers who sail far with better fishing gear. Our interviews regarding the impact of climate vulnerability on gender and food security in both fishing communities revealed significantly higher levels of food insecurity among households headed by widowed, divorced, separated, and single women. Tibesigwa et al . ( 86 ) observe a statistically significant consumption gap of up to 21% between female- and male-headed households, with female-headed households more likely to experience food insecurity. This finding aligns with previous research indicating that female-headed households were disproportionately vulnerable to weather and climate variability ( 87 , 88 ). During our focus group discussion, Mama Sna, a female fish trader in Limbe, stated: I am a widow with five children. I lost my husband, a fisher, thirteen years ago during a severe storm while he was fishing. With limited fish in Limbe and minimal social support from the government, our livelihood has been shattered. We’ve experienced days without food. My children are no longer in school; they now help me with my fish business and run errands for people in the local community. As a devoted Muslim, I adhere to the belief that women should keep their bodies pure, so I refuse to resort to prostitution despite our hardships. Instead, I plan to arrange marriages for my two daughters, aged 21 and 19, to wealthy, handsome, hardworking and romantic fishers next year so that they can support me financially. I hope to collect a dowery of more than 200,000 francs (> 500 US dollars), biscuits, native attires, soft drinks, bags of rice, salt, sugarcanes, sweets, smoked fish, food stuffs, and basket of fruits from the traditional wedding. This will enable me to start a cosmetic shop to supplement my fish business. Favas et al . ( 89 ) note that limited access to financial resources and decision-making authority remain significant obstacles to women’s progress, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa. In Limbe, 63.5% of participants have diversified their income sources, mirroring the approach adopted by 53.7% in Makoko. According to Salgueiro-Otero et al . ( 90 ), this shift is not merely a choice but a strategy that women have adopted in response to dwindling fish stocks and unpredictable weather patterns that threaten their traditional livelihoods. Women fisherfolk are turning to small-scale trading as a survival strategy. In Limbe, 68.9% of women rely on this approach, while 56.0% in Makoko exhibit similar trends. Our research in both communities (92%) revealed that, amid climate-induced natural disasters and conflicts, the essential sexual and reproductive health needs of women fisherfolk are often overlooked. This neglect has severe consequences, including an increased risk of maternal mortality, early marriage, and unintended pregnancies. Behrman and Weitzman ( 91 ) argue that these forms of exclusion perpetuate disparities in women’s wealth, health, education, and workforce participation. Societal and cultural norms also impose limitations that hinder women’s abilities to recover from climate-related disasters ( 80 , 92 ). In sub-Saharan Africa, natural disasters affect populations differently based on gender and intersecting inequalities. Vulnerability and exposure levels vary according to gender, age, ethnicity, and economic class ( 93 , 94 ). Neumayer and Plümper’s ( 34 ) study of 41 countries from 1981 to 2002 finds that women often delayed relocating from dangerous areas owning to caregiving responsibilities, prioritizing vulnerable household members, such as children and the elderly. In Zimbabwe, women’s participation in disaster risk reduction and its management is limited by patriarchal cultural norms( 95 ). These norms assign property rights and decision-making powers, particularly regarding livestock, to men ( 95 ). Climate change has gendered health implications for fisherfolk, particularly affecting women fish processors in Makoko and Limbe. These women rise early to collect water and firewood for smoking fish, a task made more challenging owing to environmental changes. Our study revealed that women fisherfolk in Limbe are more susceptible (58%) to climate change-related health effects than their counterparts in Makoko. In Makoko, most women fisherfolk have adapted to health challenges, such as malaria, cough, sore throat, body pain, arthritis, fatigue, red eyes, typhoid, and cholera. They achieve this by utilizing traditional ecological knowledge, including herbs and concoctions prepared by traditional herbalists. Mama Jami, a fish processor in Makoko, said the following: As a struggling fish processor, I dry my catch using firewood. When I experience chronic respiratory issues, like coughs and catarrh, or suffer from red eyes, body pain, fatigue, malaria, typhoid, or cholera—often exacerbated by the hot weather—I seek treatment from a traditional herbalist. In lieu of full payment, I offer him small fish, vegetables, fufu, and cassava flakes (garri). The herbalist chants incantations, makes sacrifices to the sea goddess, and provides me with potent herbs and concoctions to bathe with, apply to my body, and drink. Despite their adaptability, women fisherfolk in Limbe, particularly fish processors (12% of our focus group discussions), reported various health issues. These include high blood pressure, miscarriage, bleeding, premature delivery, complications during childbirth, reduced infant birth weight, and decreased libido. The following declaration was made by Mama Bi during our focus group discussion in Limbe: I usually run away from my husband after smoking fish because my body is extremely hot and aching because of the hot weather experienced often nowadays, and the heat from the firewood, and I don’t want any form of sexual intimacy with him; however, he wouldn’t let me be. He usually gets cold Coca-Cola, meat pies, pain killer tablets, ice blocks, and water to help cool my body. Among Limbe women, fisherfolk reported that some immigrant women (7%) from Benin, Togo, and Ghana also experienced health issues, such as cataracts, poor vision requiring eye drops, and maternal mortality. Participants attributed these problems to the hot climate, heat exposure, smoke inhalation, and pollutants from the firewood used in processing. According to 88% of these women fisherfolk, local women’s fishing organizations contribute funds and assist in transporting the deceased, primarily from Limbe by water, to their home countries for burial. Our findings align with those of Grace et al. ( 96 ) regarding the impact of birth weight, precipitation, and temperature in 19 African nations. Their study demonstrates that climate change influenced birth weight and infant and female mortality. Consistent with our findings, Rosen et al . ( 97 ) demonstrate that drought directly impacts women by reducing household assets, increasing food insecurity, and heightening vulnerability to adverse sexual and reproductive health outcomes. Our results also correlate with those of Neumayer and Plumper ( 34 ), demonstrating that gender-specific exposure and vulnerability rooted in cultural and social norms and daily socioeconomic patterns lead to disproportionately higher mortality rates among women after climate-related disasters. For instance, women who give birth during or shortly after natural disasters face an increased risk of adverse reproductive outcomes, including preeclampsia, hemorrhaging, premature labor, and delivery complications ( 98 , 99 ). Mami, an elderly fish trader in Limbe, shared the following. We have lost some of our women fish traders and processors because of the harsh climate and heat from firewood. Many are stressed and weakened from standing for hours as part of their work and become anemic from prolonged exposure to fire before going to the hospital to give birth. Tragically, sometimes neither the baby nor the mother survive. Human illness emerged as a significant concern in Limbe’s fishing communities, particularly noted in our focus group discussions with fishers and women fisherfolk (75%). Both communities experienced an increase in illnesses including malaria, cholera, typhoid, diarrhea, fatigue, new gastrointestinal conditions, and HIV/AIDS. In Limbe, mosquito nets distributed to communities were misused by fishers to catch juvenile fish when a fisheries management agent was absent, which negatively affected the fishery. Additionally, 88% of the surveyed women fisherfolk, particularly in the Makoko fishing communities, attributed health issues not only to climate change but also to behavioral and cultural shifts, poor personal hygiene, inadequate sanitation, and increasing resistance of disease vectors to medications. In Limbe, our focus group discussions revealed a trend of increasing cholera-related mortality rates with uncertainty regarding future outcomes. Women fisherfolk expressed concerns that these rates might continue to increase in the coming years without intervention. These findings align with McLeod et al . ( 100 )—that the consequence of extreme weather events on human capital is the loss of life. This impact not only affects surviving family members but also has the potential to disrupt economic and social systems beyond the immediate household. For instance, the Asian Tsunami highlighted the disparity in vulnerability between male and female household members when facing fatal outcomes during extreme events. The actual mortality is twice as high for women in certain areas ( 101 ). This vulnerability can be attributed to the traditional roles of female household members and, in many cases, their lack of swimming skills ( 101 ). Mama John, a fish trader in Limbe, shared the following: Over the past couple of years, a significant number of fisherfolk, notably women, have succumbed to diseases like malaria, typhoid, and cholera. Unfortunately, this trend of fatalities is on the rise. Additionally, the rising sea levels and resultant floods have led to stagnant water, creating an ideal breeding ground for mosquitoes. To combat the encroaching water, I had to elevate our bed for several weeks. Despite my efforts, the water eventually infiltrated our home, resulting in the tragic loss of my child while I was occupied with my household duties. Although I feel powerless in this situation, I hold on to the hope that I will reunite with my son on the day of resurrection. According to the World Bank ( 102 ), increased temperatures and altered rainfall patterns could lead to higher malaria transmission rates in sub-Saharan Africa. Our interviews in both communities (50%) indicated that malaria infections result in premature births and low birth weights among women fisherfolk. This could lead to an increased demand for caregiving from women fisherfolk, limiting their engagement in other productive tasks and heightening their overall vulnerability. According to the World Bank ( 102 ) study, which covered 33 countries across west, central, east, and southern Africa, malaria infections during pregnancy resulted in 819,000 infants being born with low birth weights. Children born to mothers with placental malaria are more than twice as likely to be underweight ( 103 ). Our study also highlighted that maternal malnutrition resulting from low fish catchability significantly affects the health outcomes of mothers, infants, newborns, and children in both communities (71%), particularly in the Makoko fishing community, when exposed to climate change stressors. This issue was further exacerbated by cultural taboos and the practice of women fisherfolk sacrificing food for their husbands. Blakstad and Smith ( 104 ) identify malnutrition among women due to climate change, noting that women often skip meals to ensure that other family members are fed during periods of food scarcity. Our findings correlate with those of Serna ( 17 ), who reveal that during food scarcity in northeastern Kenyan communities, women often reduced their food intake to ensure that male household members had sufficient nourishment. Furthermore, Sorensen et al . ( 81 ) find that women are more susceptible to chronic malnutrition and more vulnerable to climate-related food and nutritional insecurity. According to Baba Ibeji, a fisher from Makoko: Prolonged food scarcity occurs when catches are low or after severe weather events, often resulting in the loss of the primary income earner. In these situations, families adapt by reducing meal quality through cost-cutting measures. They choose cheaper food items, use less cooking oil and ingredients, and prepare simpler dishes. Additionally, they decrease food portions and may reduce daily meal frequency. For survival, some fishing families borrow money for food, send children to live with relatives to ease the financial burden, seek support from religious institutions and from informal sources, like local alajo savers, or seek employment opportunities by migrating to other communities, even within the fishing industry. This hierarchy is primarily because relatives and neighbors rarely discuss interests or share a common understanding of crises. According to Mama Tobi from Makoko, Any occurrence of severe natural disasters impacts the psychological and social well-being of survivors, leading to depression and post-traumatic stress disorder among fishing communities. The presence of faith and a belief in the mercy of a higher power assist fishing households in alleviating their suffering, be it caused by hunger or feelings of uncertainty and fear. A significant drawback of the physiological approach is that women in fishing communities frequently experience inadequate or irregular nutrition owing to unequal power dynamics within households. This disparity often leads to different impacts during crises in both the Limbe and Makoko fishing communities. The concept of “extended entitlements” addresses this notion by including “socially legitimated” entitlements that are not dependent on market mechanisms ( 105 , 106 ). These entitlements encompass the distribution of food within families, commonly referred to as “dependency entitlements” ( 107 ). Our findings from interviews in both fishing communities demonstrated that children, women fisherfolk, and elderly individuals experience heightened challenges owing to their increasing physiological needs and diminished physical resilience. This is supported by Behrman et al . ( 91 ), who indicate that nutritional factors can impede women’s full participation and limit their effectiveness in agriculture-related businesses. Moreover, insufficient human capital and inadequate access to essential resources, such as education, healthcare, time, and labor, contribute to the social exclusion experienced by women in the fishing industry. Mama Tolu from Makoko stated as follows. I am pregnant, at a time there are fewer fish in Makoko owing to climate change. Sometimes my husband brings home catfish that our local taboos prohibit me from eating. I cook these fish for my children and husband but go to bed without eating myself, which is detrimental to my health. Our focus group discussions in both fishing communities revealed that fisherfolk engaged in additional activities as secondary income sources because of reduced catches. To support their livelihoods and improve food security, they pursued various endeavors, including crop cultivation, trading, livestock rearing, sewing, artisanal work, and unskilled labor. This aligns with the findings of Berachi ( 108 ) and Akanni et al . ( 109 ), who suggest that diversification enables fisherfolk to utilize resources more effectively and promote sustainability. Our interviews from both fishing communities revealed that the decline in natural resource-based livelihoods, particularly fisheries, has led to fishers migrating to urban areas and other rural locations for sustainable income. This trend is particularly prominent at this time. However, the adaptive measures undertaken by fishers have been found to increase the vulnerability of women fisherfolk within the community. Source Field Work Fig: 7 Women fish processors and fishers in Limbe, Cameroon Source Field Work 5.1.1 Women Fisherfolk Vulnerabilities Women in rural African fishing communities face interconnected disadvantages that stem from social customs, traditional gender expectations, and economic dependence. These entrenched disparities amplify their vulnerability to weather events. Limited decision-making authority within households and communities, coupled with cultural expectations of compliance and self-sacrifice, creates a foundation for the vulnerability that climate disasters exploit most severely. In both fishing communities, especially in the Makoko fishing community, early marriage represents a traditional practice in which young girls receive protection through their husbands’ guidance, serving as an accepted cultural norm. Most impoverished fishing households feel compelled to marry their daughters off to meet the community’s expectations. This practice aligns with Schuler and Rottach’s ( 110 ) findings that demonstrate how communities exert pressure on families to arrange marriages once girls reach puberty, believing that delayed marriage creates a financial burden. Research by Ensor ( 111 ) in South Sudan confirms these observations. In economically disadvantaged families, parents frequently arrange marriages for their daughters at a young age to secure brides for prospective husbands. Parents also justify this practice as protection against premarital sexual relationships and pregnancies outside the marriage. Young married women in Makoko face similar expectations to those found throughout rural Bangladesh: they must care for their husbands’ relatives, bear children, and fulfill their evolving roles as they progress through the life stages from wife to mother and eventually to mother-in-law and grandmother ( 112 ). Interviewed women fisherfolk in both communities viewed this as a natural life progression—a perspective that aligns with Rahman et al .’s ( 113 ) findings, which also highlight comparable pressures placed on wives. These women frequently undervalue their own financial and social contributions, dismiss them as insignificant, and allow them to remain hidden and unrecognized, both at home and within the broader community. This unequal distribution of power based on gender maintains women’s financial dependence on male relatives, perpetuating imbalanced relationships among spouses in terms of freedom, opportunities, and decision-making autonomy. These power imbalances also manifest between mothers-in-law and daughters-in-law within these communities, placing young women at a heightened risk of domestic abuse from both spouses and extended family members. Because of societal pressure, they often bear children, assist their mothers-in-law with such tasks as smoking fish, and manage all household responsibilities. This creates a challenging predicament, in which they face competing demands. Despite these hardships, women fisherfolk in both communities do not blame the social systems that perpetuate these inequities. Instead, they perceive their circumstances as inevitable, viewing them as fate rather than those conditions that could be transformed. This perspective extends beyond Africa. Research examining Iranian women during natural disasters revealed that spousal violence was not perceived as violence by the women themselves, who had become accustomed to violent treatment within their families and communities, where domestic abuse was already normalized ( 112 , 114 ). Domestic violence has become entrenched in African societal norms. This finding aligns with research by Rezwana and Pain ( 115 ) in Bangladesh’s coastal regions, which reveals that older women frequently counsel younger women to accept abusive behavior. These advisors promote tolerance to prevent shame associated with separation or divorce, urging women not to challenge traditional practices that could jeopardize their standing within the community. These challenges extend beyond those of married women. Widows and abandoned women fisherfolk who depend financially on male relatives face severe economic hardships, especially when caring for young children. Society perceives them as defenseless women lacking protection and expects them to seek security through male partnerships, which often pressures them into remarriage. Women fisherfolk in both communities typically regard remarriage as a necessity for survival rather than a personal choice. This dynamic perpetuates the cycles of dependency and vulnerability. 5.2 Impacts on Natural Capital Fisherfolk (98%) in both communities demonstrated a deep understanding of climate change’s physical impacts. They were acutely aware of alterations in seasonal patterns, including the increased frequency of extreme events, such as sea level rise and floods, fluctuations in water temperature, changes in wind and storm patterns, and declining fish catches. Most fishers in both communities observed increasing intensity and unpredictability during the rainy and dry seasons. Our findings align with those of Ordinola ( 116 ) and Perry et al . ( 117 ), who show a decline in species distribution, heightened seasonal variability, rising sea levels, and an increase in extreme events, such as floods, heatwaves, and tidal surges. Fishers in Limbe also highlighted ongoing wetland and mangrove degradation due to human activities and climate change. Our findings reveal that approximately 30% of women fisherfolk in Limbe dedicated significant time to collecting fuelwood, a consequence of mangrove destruction. As Fry et al . ( 118 ) highlight, fuelwood collection can adversely affect women’s health by placing significant stress on their metabolism and causing musculoskeletal damage. Our focus group discussions also revealed that climate change affects the availability of fish resources. Our research findings are consistent with those of the Coalition for Fair Fisheries Arrangements ( 119 ), which predicts a global decline in fish catches of 7.7% due to the escalating effects of climate change. However, this decrease could be even more severe in Nigeria, potentially exceeding 50%, and Ghana, potentially exceeding 60%. These findings are consistent with those of White et al . ( 120 ), indicating that increased sea temperatures lead to diminished fish reproduction and growth, prompting populations to shift toward cooler waters farther from the equator. Fisherfolk generally agreed that fish sizes and quantities decreased during floods, with fish movement patterns closely related to wind and precipitation variations. Moderate floods in both fishing communities have led to improved income and food security owing to enhanced catches. However, excessive flooding causes road blockages, infrastructure damage, and increased post-harvest losses, particularly in the Limbe fishing community. This finding aligns with those of Monnereau and Oxenford ( 121 ), who highlight that adverse weather conditions detrimentally affect fisheries, the livelihoods of fishers, and their communities, while also contributing to post-harvest losses. Karlsson and McLean ( 122 ) indicate that excessive rainfall and storm surges can flood fishing grounds and damage boats, equipment, and critical infrastructure essential for fishers’ livelihoods. Small-scale fishers in both communities face significant challenges from severe storms and rising sea levels. The ongoing increase in sea level threatens the habitats of fish species owing to coastal erosion, reducing the availability of fishing grounds in these two communities. According to Baba Ola, a fisher from Makoko, We live in a delicate balance between harsh weather and survival, where even an unseen current, gust of wind, or storm can have life-altering consequences. The storms and rising sea levels have destroyed our boats, nets, and houses. Many children have drowned because of the rising water. The severe weather also disrupts our fishing activities. Moreover, the water is no longer clean, contaminated with pollutants, stones, and sand. Mulyasari et al. ( 123 ) demonstrate that this phenomenon significantly affects fish population ecology by depleting essential resources that sustain fishers’ livelihoods. Over time, this depletion can lead to reduced biodiversity in aquatic ecosystems as certain fish species become threatened or extinct. It may also disrupt food chains, affecting not only fish populations, but also other marine life that depend on them. Such ecological imbalances ultimately harm the overall health of marine environments. Okeke-Ogbuafor et al . ( 124 ) emphasize that rising sea levels disproportionately affect communities in vulnerable coastal areas, exacerbating the risks of displacement and loss of livelihood. Our interviews revealed that climate-induced water pollution in Makoko severely impacted access to clean water, resulting in diminished quality of life. Women fisherfolk, tasked with collecting household water, spend more than 30 minutes daily on this essential chore. The vulnerability of women to an inadequate clean water supply for household use, particularly during dry periods, is linked to sociocultural expectations concerning task distribution, especially those related to water collection ( 125 , 126 ). This correlates with research by Bronkhorst ( 127 ) and Graham et al . ( 128 ), indicating that 46–90% of adult women in 24 sub-Saharan African countries are primary water collectors, spending over 30 minutes on this task. Pickering and Davis ( 129 ) reveal that reducing the one-way commute time between home and water sources by 15 minutes could significantly decrease stress levels. Furthermore, this reduction in commuting time could lead to a 41% decrease in diarrhea prevalence and an 11% reduction in mortality rates in children under 5 years of age. Most survey responses from Limbe (78%) and Makoko (60%) indicated significant changes in water temperature within the communities, resulting in fish species migration and altered breeding patterns. This observation aligns with Sharp ( 130 ), who emphasizes that fish, being poikilothermic creatures, are greatly affected by habitat temperature variations. These changes significantly affect marine life’s metabolism, growth rate, production, seasonal reproduction, reproductive success, and vulnerability to diseases and toxins. Most artisanal fishers in both communities have now shifted their operations further offshore to track migratory fish and explore new fishing grounds in their own and neighboring countries. Consequently, fishing costs have increased, and many fishers have shifted from small boats to medium-sized vessels (see also 121,131). For 85% of marine artisanal fishers in Limbe and Makoko, the wind is regarded as the most hazardous element of weather and climate that impacts their fishing activities: “Strong winds pose a serious threat to our canoes... When it is windy, the sea becomes turbulent, impacting every fisher and leading to no or reduced catches and accidents.” (Baba James, a fisher from Limbe). Moreover, the warming of sea temperature presents a significant challenge. Although a deep understanding of the scientific aspects is lacking, many fishers have noticed a distinct increase in water temperature. As noted by baba Egun, a traditional marine fisher from Makoko, Periodically, there is a scarcity of fish for more than 2 months owing to fish migration influenced by warming waters. This trend adversely impacts our traditional fishing operations, forcing us to venture farther out into the ocean in search of fish. However, sometimes we lack the means to afford transportation and fuel. Nowadays, we often borrow money from our wives to buy fuel for our boats. These challenges in some families have led to infidelity, HIV/AIDS infections, and divorce, because husbands are often absent for months while fishing, neglecting their marital obligations. Some resort to multiple sexual partners to fulfill their desires during these extended periods away from home. Consequently, some wives have pursued alternative income-generating activities to supplement their earnings and support their household livelihoods. Most Makoko fishers previously relied on traditional methods to predict weather conditions before fishing. Baba Kunle explained that, by observing the sea, stars, and sky, fishers could assess the safety of embarking on a fishing trip. He noted the belief that a dark moon indicated favorable fishing days, while a bright moon suggested the opposite. However, Baba Ayo stated that although moon observations were once used to make decisions, current reliance on this practice often led to abrupt returns owing to strong winds. Consequently, he shifted his focus to furniture and shoe businesses to support his family. Our interviews indicate that climate change affects not only fishers in both communities but also those engaged in supporting activities, such as women fisherfolk (fish processors, traders, and fisherwomen). It may have a greater impact on secondary workers than on the fishers themselves. The vulnerability of women fisherfolk in both communities increased when men migrated for employment. This situation is exacerbated by social marginalization, lack of education, and limited knowledge of loan acquisition from commercial institutions among some of these women, particularly because of declining fish stocks. Moreover, the impact of disasters on both communities, especially Makoko, might have been amplified by the absence of gender considerations in humanitarian responses and recovery efforts. For instance, women often face barriers in accessing government aid when authorities require property and assets to be distributed among male heads of households. Our findings align with those of Juran and Trivedi ( 132 ), who indicate that women’s vulnerability to natural disasters is influenced by their gender; women typically have limited access to information, healthcare, and food resources, as well as reduced decision-making authority. Neumayer and Plümper ( 34 ) also highlight that gender-based disparities in access to resources, capabilities, and opportunities embedded in daily socioeconomic structures are the primary factors contributing to women’s increased vulnerability and higher mortality rates during disasters than men. According to Baba Segi in the Limbe fishing community, We struggle to catch just one or two fish to eat and rest, but how will the women who trade and process fish find enough to sustain their families? Among them, Mam Ngu, a fish processor, emphasized the urgent need for government assistance, noting that many have depleted their financial resources, even resorting to loans from local savings groups to provide for their children. 5.3. Impacts on Physical and Financial Capital The destruction of physical assets, declining fish stocks, and loss of net income were frequently cited as climate change vulnerabilities in both communities, particularly affecting women fisherfolk in Limbe. Our focus group discussions revealed that fishers and women fisherfolk in both communities, who already lacked essential resources, such as land, equipment, and savings, were typically the most severely affected by climate-induced economic challenges. Our findings align with those of the World Bank ( 102 ), which indicate that women face significant obstacles in diversifying their livelihoods to adapt to climate change impacts when they lack equitable access to land, credit, information, and agricultural technology. In both communities, extreme weather events disrupted marketing systems and infrastructure, impacting the productive activities of fishers and women fisherfolk differently, with distinct gender implications. Climatic events have significantly impacted Makoko’s fishing community, destroying non-productive physical assets, such as homes, schools, and sewage systems. This devastation extends beyond the immediate loss of fishing equipment, such as nets and boats, affecting the community’s overall infrastructure and quality of life. Our interviews revealed that despite efforts to fill and elevate houses with sand following flooding, poor housing conditions in Makoko persisted. This has led to the loss of essential infrastructure, resulting in the displacement and resettlement of 31% of fisherfolk. This situation mirrors observations in northern Peru, where fisherfolk identified the destruction or loss of homes as a significant consequence of El Niño ( 133 ). According to Mama Funmi, a fish trader in Makoko, I am at a loss for what to do or where to go. Everything I have worked for over the years, including my fashion designer certificate and fishing net, has been lost to the flood that ravaged the area. Now I am left with nothing, back to square one. I don’t know where to begin. Our interviews revealed that heavy rainfall and floods caused infrastructure destruction, rendering roads to the fishing community impassable and hindering the transportation of goods to markets in Limbe. These factors significantly affect fishing-based economies, livelihoods, and income in the area. This aligns with the findings of Perry et al . ( 134 ) and Birkmann and Fernando ( 96 ), who demonstrate that climate vulnerability and changes, such as sea level rise and increased storms and floods, can adversely affect the physical assets of households and entire communities. This outcome not only reduces their ability to harvest effectively but also disrupts critical public infrastructure and services essential for sustaining livelihoods. This finding aligns with Aiken et al. ( 135 ), who reveals that Jamaican fishers experienced significant setbacks during hurricanes. They lost 90% of their traps, leading to a decline in earnings, substantial repair expenses, and delays in resuming fishing activities. Similarly, in Belize, the aftermath of Hurricane Mitch in 1998 caused an estimated 1.2 million US dollars damage to fishing gear and related infrastructure ( 136 ). Fishing communities’ responses to environmental disruptions fall into four categories: adjustments within the fishing industry (50%); changes outside the fishing industry (23%); strategies for potential future disruptions (10%); and emergency responses and coping mechanisms (17%). Most fisherfolk in both fishing communities implemented more strategies across different categories. Concerning adjustments in the fishing industry, a significant percentage of participants (76%) highlighted the absence of a specific plan, opting instead to continue their fishing activities as usual. Respondents from both fishing communities identified several strategies to mitigate income loss, including increasing fishing efforts, seeking new fishing grounds, and targeting a wide range of species. Although some respondents observed that changes within the fishing sector boosted income and enhanced food security, most reported that overall stability either remained unchanged (71%) or deteriorated (29%) when strategies emphasized increasing fishing efforts instead of diversifying livelihoods. Fisherfolk who tried to diversify their livelihoods by borrowing from local alajo savers, practicing aquaculture, raising livestock or pigs, producing soap, selling beauty products, clothing, jewelry, or groceries, working as photographers, making furniture, hairdressing, seeking help from religious institutions, turning to prostitution, or exiting the fish trade altogether saw their long-term incomes fall by roughly 33%. Approximately 45% of fisherfolk in both communities had adopted practices to improve fish processing. Many had also raised their homes with sand, waste, and sawdust to reduce flood risk. Together, these initiatives strengthened food security and increased household income. Most emergency response strategies other than those that rely on social networks ultimately undermine household welfare over time. When asked about their readiness for future climate-related challenges in both fishing communities, 52% of the respondents admitted they had no concrete plans. Tietze and Villareal ( 137 ) note that fishers in many communities rely on informal credit, because formal options are scarce, costly, and encumbered by unfavorable terms. Climate disturbances can intensify adverse financial circumstances. Their economic toll is evident in the destruction of household assets and the disruption of livelihoods, especially for women fisherfolk. One key finding from this study is that fisherfolk prefer to modify their practices within the fish industry rather than diversifying them into other industries. Despite acknowledging that these fishing-focused approaches are short-term and can negatively affect household stability, they also contribute to resource depletion through the rise of IUU fishing and the use of prohibited fishing techniques. Our findings align with those of Sievanen ( 138 ) and Limuwa et al . ( 139 ), who show that small-scale fishers commonly intensify their efforts or modify their strategies when catches decline. Coulthard ( 140 ) observes similar trends in India’s small-scale lagoon fisheries, highlighting the difficulty of adapting to rapidly changing and unpredictable environments. Turner et al . ( 141 ) emphasize that each adaptation entails trade-offs affecting multiple aspects of livelihood-trade-offs that outsiders might not immediately perceive. For instance, in the Ugandan Lake Victoria Basin, ecological and social factors shape the decision to continue fishing. Climate change and environmental degradation erode the adaptive capacity of fishery socioecological systems. However, policy responses that intensify fishing or deepen dependence on the sector can undermine the long-term viability of small-scale fisheries and exacerbate existing social inequalities ( 142 ). 6. Conclusions This study revealed that fishing families respond to challenging climatic conditions by employing different approaches based on the resources and expertise at their disposal, the limitations they face, and dynamic community relationships shaped by both external influences and internal circumstances. The cyclical nature of fishing earnings, combined with extended periods of underemployment and unemployment, scarce low-skilled jobs in informal sectors, and inadequate institutional support services, contributed to fisherfolk’s diminished resilience against climate-induced stressors. While prevailing models of climate adaptation in fisheries tend to focus on technical fixes, improved forecasting systems, and livelihood training, our analysis underscores that resilience is not simply a matter of capacity or exposure but of equity and voice. It must be understood not only as the ability to “bounce back” from shocks but as the ability to transform the conditions that make certain groups disproportionately vulnerable. Our study supports previous research demonstrating that social- and gender-based disparities increase women’s vulnerability (26; 112;143). We found that women in both fishing communities face challenges not only from male-dominated systems, in which men hold greater authority, but also from their complex relationships with other women within and beyond their households. Older female family members, particularly mothers-in-law, often enforce traditional gender roles, creating significant family tensions. These patterns reveal that vulnerability extends beyond the simple dynamics of male dominance over women and encompasses a complex hierarchy of relationships between households and communities. This hierarchical system amplifies emotional distress, restricts personal autonomy, and exacerbates climate-related vulnerabilities. Although women fisherfolk acknowledge the environmental and economic challenges they face, their narratives demonstrate limited awareness of the broader structural forces perpetuating their vulnerable circumstances. Women fisherfolk in both communities tended to view challenges as inevitable realities, creating a pattern in which deep-rooted inequalities go unexamined. This unconscious acceptance normalizes their hardships and exposure to violence, while reducing opportunities for collective action or meaningful transformation. Addressing the connection between climate effects and social vulnerability requires reforms that address established inequities. Therefore, building gender-equitable resilience requires a paradigm shift in how adaptation is conceptualized, measured, and implemented. Resilience must be considered. It must attend to unequal power relations—between men and women, and between formal institutions and informal actors—that determine who adapts and how. Policies must address material inequalities (income, land, and credit) and symbolic exclusions (participation, recognition, and legitimacy). Adaptation must be integrated with rights, and resilience cannot substitute justice. Women’s resilience should not be premised on continued exclusion from the economic and political benefits of the fishery sector. Current plans and policies demonstrate limited connections between gender, climate change, and disaster risk reduction, indicating a fragmented approach to policymaking. There is a pressing need to enhance mainstream gender efforts across various sectors responsible for climate change adaptation and disaster management to strengthen women’s resilience to climate change impacts. Legal reforms must also ensure tenure security, enforce anti-discrimination laws in cooperative leadership, and institutionalize gender quotas in climate planning bodies. Social capital must be supported and instrumentalized. Women’s informal savings groups, which have emerged as powerful sources of adaptive capacity, must be formally recognized, resourced, and protected from repression. Instead of treating these groups as cheap delivery mechanisms for donor programs, they should be viewed as autonomous institutions with political agencies. Metrics of success must be recalibrated. Beyond income and assets, measures of adaptation success should include such indicators as reduced unpaid labor, improved reproductive health outcomes, increased decision-making participation, and enhanced collective bargaining power. Climate adaptation planning should be participatory, dialogic, and forward-looking, involving women as co-designers of solutions, rather than passive recipients of aid. This involves acknowledging and addressing tensions, trade-offs, and diverse visions of what a “resilient” fishery community should look like. The fishing communities of Limbe and Makoko illustrate how gendered divisions of labor, access, and authority intersect with ecological shocks to produce highly differentiated experiences of vulnerability. However, they also reveal the possibility of resistance and innovation, often led by women fisherfolk, whose efforts are under-recognized but essential. A truly transformative approach to climate resilience must go beyond adaptation to interrogate structures that render some groups perpetually adaptive and others permanently protected. Declarations Acknowledgements Funding support was provided by the Canadian Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC) through the Solving Food, Climate, Biodiversity project; The Robin Rigby Trust-Saint Mary's University; International Doctoral Research Award (IDRA)-Universities Canada; Cosmos International Graduate Travel Award; The Nature Conservancy on Gender Equity Project and the Gender in Aquaculture and Fisheries Section (GAFS) of the Asian Fisheries Society. We are deeply grateful for this support. We also appreciate Too Big to Ignore: Think Solutions Workshop, Vonat and ASDEV (NGOs), our research assistants, study participants, and anonymous reviewers for their support, guidance, and constructive feedback. Conflict of interest The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest. Authors Contributions Ayodele Oloko: conceptualization; investigation; methodology; writing – original draft; review and editing, visualization. Philippe Le Billon: writing – review and editing, supervision. Shehu Latunji Akintola: writing – review and editing. Ilyass Dahmouni: writing –review and editing, visualization. Muhammed A. Oyinlola: writing –review and editing, visualization. Raymond K. Ayilu: writing – review and editing. Louise Teh: writing – review and editing, William Cheung: writing – review and editing, supervision. Sangeeta Mangubhai: writing – review and editing. Ifesinachi Okafor-Yarwood: writing – review and editing. Iria García-Lorenzo: writing – review and editing. Akinkunmi Sunday Ojo: writing – review and editing. Rashid Sumaila: writing – review and editing, supervision. Clinical Trial Number Not applicable. Ethics Declarations The authors declare no competing interests. Consent to Participate The study received approval from the University of British Columbia Ethics Board, and all procedures involving human participants adhered to established ethical standards. Consent to publish All authors have consented to publish in the ‘Discover Sustainability’ journal. Data Availability Status The datasets generated and/or analysed during the current study are not publicly available due to restrictions imposed during the interview-based data collection process but are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request. References Nelson GC, Valin H, Sands RD, Havlík P, Ahammad H, Deryng D, Elliott J, Fujimori S, Hasegawa T, Heyhoe E, Kyle P. Climate change effects on agriculture: Economic responses to biophysical shocks. Proceedings of the National Academy of sciences. 2014;111(9):3274-9. 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Impacts of climate variability and change on fishery-based livelihoods. Mar policy. 2010;34(3):375–83. Tietze U, Villareal LV. Microfinance in fisheries and aquaculture. Guidelines and case studies. 2003. Sievanen L. How do small-scale fishers adapt to environmental variability? Lessons from Baja California, Sur, Mexico. Maritime Stud. 2014;13(1):9. Limuwa MM, Sitaula BK, Njaya F, Storebakken T. Evaluation of small-scale fishers’ perceptions on climate change and their coping strategies: Insights from Lake Malawi. Climate. 2018;6(2):34. Coulthard S. Adapting to environmental change in artisanal fisheries—Insights from a South Indian Lagoon. Glob Environ Change. 2008;18(3):479–89. Turner R, McConney P, Monnereau I. Climate change adaptation and extreme weather in the small-scale fisheries of Dominica. Coastal Manage. 2020;48(5):436–55. Fakoya KA, Saba AO, Oloko A, Akintola SL, Ajelara KO, Abiodun-Solanke A, Olasope MA, Olabamiji IO. Enhancing fisheries development in sub-Saharan Africa: The role of participatory processes and cross-disciplinary strategies in research. Oceanography. 2025;38(1). Oloko A, Teh L, Harper S, Fakoya K, Elegbede IO. The plight of female fish traders in fish-for-sex transactions in Sub-Saharan Africa. SPC Women Fisher Info Bull. 2024;40. Footnotes Alajo are informal savings group aimed at providing informal credit in the absence of formal financial institutions. Additional Declarations No competing interests reported. Cite Share Download PDF Status: Under Review Version 1 posted Editorial decision: Revision requested 23 Jan, 2026 Editor assigned by journal 20 Jan, 2026 Submission checks completed at journal 20 Jan, 2026 First submitted to journal 14 Jan, 2026 You are reading this latest preprint version Research Square lets you share your work early, gain feedback from the community, and start making changes to your manuscript prior to peer review in a journal. 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Work\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"floatimage3.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-8606229/v1/0ff0c8da1ef154be5ccbaf88.png"},{"id":101205196,"identity":"28ff7a18-164d-41cd-a8a0-7955f2265ee1","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2026-01-27 09:48:27","extension":"png","order_by":4,"title":"Figure 4","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":1293655,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eDrone Shot of Makoko\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eSource\u003c/strong\u003e: CodeForAfrica\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"floatimage4.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-8606229/v1/b94e14ea42b5eafc9070a53e.png"},{"id":101205142,"identity":"4935f65a-8f87-45da-98a7-47f734517c12","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2026-01-27 09:47:33","extension":"png","order_by":5,"title":"Figure 5","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":362460,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eFisherfolk in Limbe\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eSource: \u003c/strong\u003eField Work\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"floatimage5.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-8606229/v1/56851ff2ee6238a00578859a.png"},{"id":101206016,"identity":"54b279a7-1e60-470d-8bb0-63fa0df7d1fa","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2026-01-27 09:51:13","extension":"png","order_by":6,"title":"Figure 6","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":475658,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eWomen fish traders in Makoko, Nigeria\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"floatimage6.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-8606229/v1/51b3b8d753430b58d4aba0ba.png"},{"id":101206169,"identity":"f902efc3-126c-4c13-a9f5-e5fce3ac849c","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2026-01-27 09:55:32","extension":"png","order_by":7,"title":"Figure 7","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":1126942,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eWomen fish processors and fishers in Limbe, Cameroon\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eSource: \u003c/strong\u003eField Work\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"floatimage7.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-8606229/v1/3859857a8f03ec223ac5efe0.png"},{"id":101299357,"identity":"9b417125-c487-4ac6-852d-2a086b704f73","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2026-01-28 09:41:34","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":6145239,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-8606229/v1/6a5d39c5-df94-4c75-a4f4-e47f80390aa0.pdf"}],"financialInterests":"No competing interests reported.","formattedTitle":"The Gendered Impacts of Climate Change on Fisherfolk: Evidence from Nigeria and Cameroon","fulltext":[{"header":"1. Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003eClimate change stressors are currently jeopardizing aquatic ecosystems, fisheries, and coastal communities worldwide (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR3\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e3\u003c/span\u003e). In addition to affecting fish abundance and distribution, climate change significantly affects people\u0026rsquo;s ability to adapt to environmental changes while maintaining sustainable livelihoods and fishery resources (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e4\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e5\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e6\u003c/span\u003e). These effects are disproportionately felt by individuals already burdened by various forms of inequality (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e7\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e8\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e9\u003c/span\u003e). Studies have argued that human-environment interactions are influenced by social constructs within a framework of interrelated systems, such as class, gender, and ethnic hierarchy (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e10\u003c/span\u003e), because individuals already burdened by various forms of inequality are often the most exposed to the consequences of climate change and environmental degradation (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e11\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDenton (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e12\u003c/span\u003e) emphasizes the intersection of gender and climate change impacts, creating unique vulnerabilities when combined with other forms of oppression, such as economic class and marginalization. Women from disadvantaged backgrounds are particularly vulnerable to the effects of climate change as they rely on vulnerable resources to sustain their families and have limited adaptive capacity (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e13\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e14\u003c/span\u003e). In fishing communities, women fisherfolk (i.e., mostly women fish traders, fish processors and fisherwomen) experience distinct impacts due to gender-specific work division and variations in the management and possession of assets and fishing resources (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR15\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e15\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e16\u003c/span\u003e). For instance, in Kenya, women reduce their food intake during drought-related food shortages because of cultural norms dictating that they come last with respect to food access during meals (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR17\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e17\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e18\u003c/span\u003e). The imbalance between men and women shouldering conflicting responsibilities related to work productivity, household chores, and caregiving often exacerbates gender disparities (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR19\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e19\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR20\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e20\u003c/span\u003e). This inequality is perpetuated by unequal gender norms and power dynamics (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR21\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e21\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e22\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAfrica features prominently in climate change literature because of the high vulnerability in general but especially of marginalized women and governance structures to various impacts (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e5\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e23\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e24\u003c/span\u003e). The continent struggles with a limited capacity to address and adapt to climate stressors, including erratic rainfall, extreme heat, flooding, rising sea levels, and the overexploitation of fishery resources (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR25\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e25\u003c/span\u003e), which severely affect communities that depend on small-scale fisheries for food security and socioeconomic livelihood (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e26\u003c/span\u003e). However, previous studies have often neglected the gender dimension in climate change adaptation, choosing to focus instead on resource governance and distribution and production optimization (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR27\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e27\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e28\u003c/span\u003e). Thus, understanding how individuals involved in small-scale fisheries perceive gender and climate change vulnerabilities is crucial. Against this background, this study aims to determine and evaluate the evidence-based effects of climate change vulnerabilities on gendered livelihood sustainability in the context of Limbe, Cameroon, and Makoko, Nigeria, which are two communities that are dependent on coastal fishing. In particular, we seek to understand the gender differences in how fisherfolk perceive, respond to, and adapt to various climatic stressors.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"2. Literature Review","content":"\u003cdiv id=\"Sec3\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e2.1. Gender Gaps in Climate Crises\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eSince 2000, the inclusion of gender in climate disaster mitigation research has significantly increased, evolving from qualitative assessments of women\u0026rsquo;s vulnerabilities to more comprehensive regional and quantitative evaluations that consider adaptation strategies and economic growth (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR20\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e20\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR29\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e29\u003c/span\u003e). The IPCC (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR30\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e30\u003c/span\u003e) began discussing gender disparities in climate change vulnerability and their potential impact on achieving Sustainable Development Goal 5: Gender Equality. The assessment identified rural women as the most affected group, given their dependence on natural resources for their livelihoods and their responsibility for household tasks, such as looking for clean water and gathering firewood.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAccording to Montreux and Barnett (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e31\u003c/span\u003e), women fisherfolk are less likely to prepare for climate- induced adaptation strategies and related disasters because of their numerous household commitments, which restrict the time and resources available for organizing disaster responses. Similarly, Flat\u0026oslash; \u003cem\u003eet al.\u003c/em\u003e (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e32\u003c/span\u003e) demonstrate that women\u0026rsquo;s domestic responsibilities hinder their ability to adapt to climate shocks, particularly those affecting their mobility. For instance, women, including women fisherfolk, accounted for 90% of the 140,000 fatalities during the 1991 cyclone in Bangladesh (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e33\u003c/span\u003e). Female mortality rates during and immediately after extreme weather events are often high, primarily because of their disadvantaged socioeconomic position (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR34\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e34\u003c/span\u003e). Eastin (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR35\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e35\u003c/span\u003e) comprehensively examines the relationship between gender equality and climate change and finds that climate change exacerbates gender disparities in developing nations. In Mali, Dillon and Gill\u0026rsquo;s (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR36\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e36\u003c/span\u003e) case study highlights how disparities in access to irrigation tools and other agricultural resources exacerbate gender gaps in crop yield during climate-related crises. However, the literature on gender and climate change in Africa often reinforces stereotypical narratives or generalizations about social norms, gender roles, access to resources, and control as explanations for resilience or vulnerability to climate change and possible adaptation strategies (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR36\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e36\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec4\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e2.2. Female Marginalization and Power Dynamics in Climate Disaster Mitigation Literature\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eSeveral studies have compared adaptive actions, resources, and means of living between women\u0026rsquo;s and men\u0026rsquo;s climate-change impacts (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR37\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e37\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR38\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e38\u003c/span\u003e). These comparisons have predominantly relied on secondary sources to elucidate outcomes, often categorizing them as resilient or vulnerable based on their degree of similarity or disparity (e.g., 39,40). Gender differences are often attributed to discriminatory sociocultural norms, labor division, and resource access, overlooking the broader political and economic dynamics of a community (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR37\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e37\u003c/span\u003e). This narrow research approach may lead to unforeseen gender dynamics in policy implementation and practical applications (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2\u003c/span\u003e). Gender and environmental theories, research, and analyses from Western institutions, scholars, and funders risk significantly biasing studies on the African continent (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR41\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e41\u003c/span\u003e). Scholarship in gender and environmental studies risks perpetuating rigid, binary views and stereotypical representations of women\u0026rsquo;s unpaid caregiving labor and material subordination (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR42\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e42\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR43\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e43\u003c/span\u003e). Conversely, it may overemphasize women\u0026rsquo;s roles in exacerbating their existing workload burdens (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR44\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e44\u003c/span\u003e). Decolonial scholarship in gender and environmental justice studies challenges prevailing knowledge-creation norms (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR45\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e45\u003c/span\u003e). Critics focus on authority within knowledge creation systems (e.g., 46), which has favored male academics from Western countries (e.g., 41,47). Additionally, traditional notions of \u0026ldquo;authentic\u0026rdquo; knowledge are being questioned, particularly in data extraction and knowledge production, as epistemic, theoretical, and methodological biases face increasing scrutiny (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR48\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e48\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eNew approaches to academic research are shifting the focus from privileged perspectives to amplifying historically marginalized voices and challenging unequal power dynamics in the Global South (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR49\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e49\u003c/span\u003e). Emerging academic literature has encouraged diverse methodological approaches to knowledge acquisition, interpretation, and exploration. The shift from focusing on \u0026ldquo;women in/and environment\u0026rdquo; and \u0026ldquo;gender and environment\u0026rdquo; to a \u0026ldquo;gendering of human-nature relationships\u0026rdquo; emphasizes power dynamics and complex socioeconomic systems, rather than individual subordination and autonomy (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR29\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e29\u003c/span\u003e). Gender is conceptualized as a fluid and negotiated term influenced by societal norms and values, interacting with various social categories differently depending on the context and time (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR44\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e44\u003c/span\u003e). These social constructs include sexual orientation, socioeconomic status, race, ethnicity, faith, physical abilities, country of origin, and life stage (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR50\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e50\u003c/span\u003e). These factors determine who engages with environmental resources and their specific actions, such as how, when, and for what purpose (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR51\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e51\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec5\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e2.3. Sustainable Livelihoods Framework\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe concept of livelihoods has been used to understand the vulnerability context of communities (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR52\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e52\u003c/span\u003e) and their responses to impacts (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR53\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e53\u003c/span\u003e). Livelihoods encompass essential capabilities, assets, and activities required for sustenance (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR54\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e54\u003c/span\u003e), and a sustainable livelihood aims to unify the critical elements that influence the resilience and effectiveness of household strategies (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR55\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e55\u003c/span\u003e). Individuals utilize and develop various forms of capital assets, which are typically categorized as human, natural, financial, social, or physical. Livelihood research focuses on how people combine and transform these assets as well as their efforts to maintain or expand their asset base through interactions with others, markets, and society (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR56\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e56\u003c/span\u003e). The emphasis on assets is crucial, as they form the foundation of livelihoods and significantly influence an individual\u0026rsquo;s ability to manage vulnerabilities (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR57\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e57\u003c/span\u003e). Generally, those with more assets are less vulnerable, whereas asset erosion increases their vulnerability.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe Sustainable Livelihoods Framework (SLF, Fig.\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Fig1\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e1\u003c/span\u003e) comprises several interconnected elements: positive livelihood outcomes; potential livelihood strategies; household assets or resources; broader institutional environments (government and private sectors, regulations, statutes, and cultural norms); and temporal events affecting vulnerability or resilience (e.g., climate fluctuations and market shifts). Among these, gender-focused analyses in the SLF have primarily concentrated on household capital (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR58\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e58\u003c/span\u003e). However, not all resources or capital are confined to the household level; while human, physical, and financial capital may remain within a household, social and natural capital may extend to the community (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR59\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e59\u003c/span\u003e). This study employs the SLF to establish a connection between households and broader spaces, such as the community and the state, which enables the formulation of specific coastal resilience strategies (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR60\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e60\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSource: Serrat (2010)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"3. Methodology","content":"\u003cdiv id=\"Sec7\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e3.1. Study Areas\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec8\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e3.1.1. Limbe Fishing Community\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eLimbe is a coastal city located in the Fako Division in southwestern Cameroon, Central Africa (Figs.\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Fig2\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e2\u003c/span\u003e and \u003cspan refid=\"Fig3\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e3\u003c/span\u003e). The city has a population of 72,109 and a long history of small-scale artisanal fishing (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR61\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e61\u003c/span\u003e). The limited economy relies primarily on agriculture, fishing, and small informal enterprises. Among Cameroon\u0026rsquo;s four primary artisanal fishing communities of Kribi, Mabanda, Youpwe, and Limbe, the latter represents a particular significant location because of presence of migrant fishers (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR62\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e62\u003c/span\u003e). Men typically handle fishing operations, while women manage fish processing and sales. Fishing in Limbe is conducted by migrant fisher folk from Nigeria, Ghana, Togo, Benin, and local indigenous populations (Bakweria and Bimbia ethnic groups). Fishers catch fish in traditional wooden boats that have been craved from trees and either have a motor attached to them or are operated manually (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR63\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e63\u003c/span\u003e). Fishers do not target any specific species, although their major catches are bonga (\u003cem\u003eEthmalosa fimbriata)\u003c/em\u003e, strong kanda (\u003cem\u003eSardinella maderensis\u003c/em\u003e), grouper (\u003cem\u003eEpinephelinae spp.)\u003c/em\u003e, and barracuda (\u003cem\u003eSphyraena spp.).\u003c/em\u003e Fishers sell everything they catch in their nets. Similar to most developing economies, small-scale fisheries are threatened by climate change stressors, increasing maritime activities, illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing (IUU) fishing, and conflicts and competition for access with large-scale industrial fishing fleets (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR64\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e64\u003c/span\u003e). Additionally, the fishery ecosystem has been further degraded by the arrival of foreign industrial fishing fleets from China, Europe, and other countries, and by an increase in oil and gas exploration activities near traditional fishing areas (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR63\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e63\u003c/span\u003e). These challenges are exacerbated by the paucity of effective structures that promote and assist community engagement in fishery governance and management (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR65\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e65\u003c/span\u003e). Fishery managers, who lack the effective and appropriate capacity to design, implement, and enforce fishery laws and management processes to protect against climate change and IUU fishing activities, have been leaving their posts because of these challenges (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR63\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e63\u003c/span\u003e). They directly impact the livelihoods of many fishery-dependent households through a decline in fish caught, which has resulted in the inability to meet local fish demand, food security, and livelihoods, especially for women fisherfolk (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR66\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e66\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR67\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e67\u003c/span\u003e). By coping with and adapting to extreme events for generations, fishers have developed distinct understandings of extreme hazards and collective experiences of ecological adaptiveness more realistically than any other rural community, representing the most appropriate scale for institutional learning (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR63\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e63\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cstrong\u003eSource\u003c/strong\u003e \u003cp\u003eField Work\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cstrong\u003eSource\u003c/strong\u003e \u003cp\u003eField Work\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec9\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e3.1.2. Makoko Fishing Community\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe fishing community of Makoko lies within the jurisdiction of the Lagos Mainland Local Government in Central Lagos State (Figs.\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Fig3\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e3\u003c/span\u003e and \u003cspan refid=\"Fig4\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e4\u003c/span\u003e). The settlement is a waterfront community located along Lagos Lagoon (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR68\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e68\u003c/span\u003e). Established by fisherfolk in the 18th century, it is now considered the world\u0026rsquo;s largest \u0026ldquo;floating slum\u0026rdquo; with a population of more than 800,000 (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e26\u003c/span\u003e). The community has come to depend on artisanal sand mining and small-scale fishing, selling to the city\u0026rsquo;s thriving building industry to sustain its livelihood (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR69\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e69\u003c/span\u003e). Local geographic conditions and fishing-based economies have led to the emergence of unique neighborhood characteristics, such as houses built on stilts in water with boats used as the primary mode of transportation (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e26\u003c/span\u003e). After Nigeria gained independence in 1960, Lagos experienced rapid growth, transforming Makoko from a peripheral neighborhood to the central part of the metropolis (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR70\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e70\u003c/span\u003e). The increased demand for land in the city places an additional strain on housing in Makoko because of its central location. Makoko\u0026rsquo;s structure is characterized by a network of canals that directly connect to the inner shores of the Lagos Lagoon, with smaller canals interspersed throughout. Near the inner coastline, a complex system of elevated walkways and small bridges links buildings and provides access to various structures (26).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003ePopulation density is relatively low compared to other parts of Lagos, and settlements are more dispersed away from the coast. This pattern reflects the evolution of the settlement, beginning with the initial coastal core and expanding toward the open waters of the lagoon. Near the inner coastline, shallow water was converted into habitable land by filling basic timber structures with soil, sawdust, and wood waste from timber mills in the southern area. Homes are built on supports driven into lagoon beds, primarily using wood, bamboo, plywood, and corrugated iron sheets (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR71\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e71\u003c/span\u003e). Many residential buildings are of poor quality and fail to provide adequate protection from environmental hazards (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR72\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e72\u003c/span\u003e). Households closer to the mainland are connected to water sources via flexible plastic pipes. However, many families store water in large tanks owing to unreliable supply systems. Households farther from the coastline lack direct access to freshwater and must purchase it from mainland sources and transport it by boat (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR73\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e73\u003c/span\u003e). The area lacks an appropriate sewage system, with rudimentary toilets and showers consisting of timber platforms with floor holes enclosed in plastic sheets or wooden walls. Consequently, the lagoon water surrounding the settlement is severely contaminated. Only a small portion of the neighborhood has access to the electrical grid, resulting in an unequal power supply to the entire community. This forces many households to rely on private gas-powered generators, creating constant background noise in the area. On the outskirts of Makoko, a substantial section of the lagoon is filled with floating logs originating from outside Lagos and processed in sawmills south of the community to meet the city\u0026rsquo;s demand for construction timber.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eLagos Lagoon has long been considered one of the most prolific fishing grounds in sub-Saharan Africa, with abundant fishery resources, such that locals do not need to travel outside the lagoon to meet local demand (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR74\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e74\u003c/span\u003e). However, with the transformation of Lagos into a megacity, climate change stressors, IUU fishing, sand mining, land reclamation in Makoko, and the intense fishing activities of fishing communities along the lagoon have undermined the environment and resources and continue to pose a threat to food security and the sustainable livelihood of fisherfolk, especially marginalized women fisherfolk (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR75\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e75\u003c/span\u003e). The residents of Makoko lack formal legal ownership of their land despite many families living there for generations. Authorities justify forced evictions by citing unauthorized occupations (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR75\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e75\u003c/span\u003e). These displacements occur without adequate compensation for property loss and often lead to violent confrontations with law enforcement (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR76\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e76\u003c/span\u003e). The neighborhood\u0026rsquo;s size and potential for political unrest limit authorities to gradual clearance, creating significant uncertainty about the future of this unique urban area and its inhabitants. These vulnerabilities have further exacerbated poverty and challenged masculinity because fisherfolk cannot make a living and fulfill the role of providers, driving many fisherfolk, especially women, to leave the industry. Only half the small-scale women fisherfolk remain compared to the early 1990s (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR77\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e77\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cstrong\u003eSource\u003c/strong\u003e \u003cp\u003eCodeForAfrica\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec10\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e3.2. Data Collection and Analysis\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe Makoko fishing community was selected because it represents the world's largest floating slum, while Limbe, with its substantial migrant fisherfolk population forms a cornerstone of Cameroon's fisheries sector, was chosen as both communities face exacerbated climate change vulnerabilities. Mixed-methods research is ideal for investigating complex socio-ecological phenomena, enabling comprehensive data collection and analysis in both scope and depth (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR78\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e78\u003c/span\u003e). Thus, both qualitative and quantitative data on climate change vulnerabilities were collected. Data were integrated into a database designed to interact with other global climate change vulnerability datasets developed by the Food-Climate-Biodiversity Nexus project at the University of British Columbia (\u003cspan class=\"ExternalRef\"\u003e\u003cspan class=\"RefSource\"\u003ehttps://solvingfcb.org\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan address=\"https://solvingfcb.org\" targettype=\"URL\" class=\"RefTarget\"\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e). These frameworks facilitate the establishment of intersectional approaches to investigate the links between gender-specific climate-related stressors, economic poverty, resilience, and adaptation strategies in our case studies.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eA total of 200 fisherfolk were interviewed in Limbe and Makoko. Consent forms written in English and translated into Pidgin English, Egun, Bakweri, and Bimbia were distributed and signed at the start of each survey, interview, and focus group session. Interviews were performed between January 2024 and January 2025. The qualitative data was collected through participant storytelling, four focus group discussions (with 10\u0026ndash;15 participants from each fishing communities each, for a total of 2 each from Limbe and Makoko), in-depth interviews (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2\u003c/span\u003e), with 10 key informants (community leaders), and field observations (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR79\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e79\u003c/span\u003e). Interviews were conducted with key informants, including leaders of community development associations and senior officials from the Lagos State Ministry of Physical Planning and Department of Fisheries in Limbe. Questions for the focus group discussions and key informant interviews were designed to explore key issues emerging from the survey data and to probe more deeply into the perceptions of gender, climate change, and adaptive strategies.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eQualitative analysis of the focus group discussion and key informant interview data was conducted using NVivo software (version 12). A codebook was developed using both inductive and deductive methods and iteratively refined through three rounds of coding. Following an initial round of coding, the data were categorized and summarized with two subsequent rounds focusing on specific themes and subthemes. Selected quotes represent diverse viewpoints from various participant groups and research locations. For quantitative data, Excel was used to calculate descriptive statistics. SPSS (version 26.0) was used for the Spearman\u0026rsquo;s correlation analysis to demonstrate the link between livelihood capital and response pathways. Descriptive statistics (percentages, means, and standard deviations) and inferential statistics (chi-square tests, t-tests, and regression analyses) were also provided. R-Studio was used to create visual representations of fisherfolk response strategies to multiple stressors in the two coastal fishing communities.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"4. Results","content":"\u003cdiv id=\"Sec12\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.1. Gender, Occupation, and Uneven Exposure to Climate Impacts\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eDescriptive statistics derived from the survey data in Limbe and Makoko reveal the extent to which gender roles are tightly scripted within the socioeconomic fabric of these two fishing communities. The gender distribution of respondents revealed significant differences between the Makoko and Limbe communities. In Makoko, 72.09% of respondents were male and 27.91% were female. Conversely, Limbe had a higher proportion of female respondents at 58.73%, with male respondents accounting for 41.27%. Respondents across both sites affirmed the persistence of a rigid division of labor: in Makoko, 100% of men are engaged in fishing activities, while 97.6% of women operate exclusively in fish processing and post-harvest trade. Limbe shows only marginally more occupational flexibility, with 92.2% of men reporting active participation in fishing and 84.4% of women engaged in processing. These statistics confirm the findings of earlier ethnographic work in the region and align with global patterns of labor segmentation in small-scale fisheries, where women are frequently concentrated in postharvest roles that receive less institutional support and capital investment. Fishers are more vulnerable to immediate environmental hazards, such as sea level rise, storm surges, and changing migration patterns of fish stocks, whereas women encounter cascading impacts on food security, market access, and household stability. For example, 87.6% of women in Limbe and 75.0% in Makoko reported experiencing severe food insecurity attributable to climate-related disruptions in the fishery supply chains. Furthermore, the increased unpredictability of fishing returns has led to an expansion in women\u0026rsquo;s unpaid labor burdens, such as collecting firewood, sourcing alternative foods, and household caregiving. were more frequently exposed to hazardous working environments, including exposure to firewood smoke during fish processing, which contributed to a rising incidence of respiratory illnesses. In Makoko, 61.9% of respondents identified women as disproportionately affected by climate-related health impacts in Limbe, this figure was 57.9%. These patterns underscore the need to analyze gendered exposure to climate risk not only in biophysical terms but also in relation to the spatial, social, and institutional positioning of women within the fisheries value chain.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec13\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.2 Gendered Vulnerability Pathways\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eTo evaluate the strength and significance of gender-based disparities in climate vulnerability, we applied Pearson\u0026rsquo;s chi-square test across five key outcome indicators: workload intensification, health deterioration, food insecurity, income reduction, and adoption of coping strategies (Tables\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Tab1\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e1\u003c/span\u003e\u0026ndash;\u003cspan refid=\"Tab3\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e3\u003c/span\u003e). All tests produced statistically significant results at the 95% confidence level or higher.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"gridtable\"\u003e\u003ctable float=\"Yes\" id=\"Tab1\" border=\"1\"\u003e \u003ccaption language=\"En\"\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionNumber\"\u003eTable 1\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionContent\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eGender-Based Disparity In Climate Vulnerability\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/caption\u003e \u003ccolgroup cols=\"5\"\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c1\" colnum=\"1\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"char\" char=\".\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c2\" colnum=\"2\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"char\" char=\".\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c3\" colnum=\"3\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"char\" char=\".\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c4\" colnum=\"4\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"char\" char=\".\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c5\" colnum=\"5\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cthead\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eIndicator\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eχ\u0026sup2;\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eDf\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003ep-value\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eEffect Size (Cramer\u0026rsquo;s V)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/thead\u003e \u003ctbody\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eGender vs. Food Insecurity\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e17.88\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e1\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026lt;\u0026thinsp;0.001\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.38\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eGender vs. Increased Workload\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e14.26\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e1\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026lt;\u0026thinsp;0.001\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.34\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eGender vs. Use of Coping Mechanisms\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e13.44\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e1\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026lt;\u0026thinsp;0.001\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.32\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eGender vs. Health Impacts\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e10.38\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e1\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.0013\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.29\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eGender vs. Income Loss\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e9.77\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e1\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.002\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.26\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/tbody\u003e \u003c/colgroup\u003e \u003ctfoot\u003e \u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd colspan=\"5\"\u003e\u003cb\u003eSource\u003c/b\u003e: Fieldwork\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/tfoot\u003e \u003c/table\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThese results confirm a strong and statistically significant association between gender and each major dimension of climate vulnerability, particularly food insecurity and increased workload (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e16\u003c/span\u003e). Women experience a significantly higher burden of food insecurity and are more likely to report health complications due to environmental stress and more engaged in adaptive or compensatory livelihood strategies. The magnitude of these associations (as indicated by Cramer\u0026rsquo;s V values between 0.26 and 0.38) underscores the relevance of gender as a structural axis of vulnerability\u0026mdash;one that mediates both exposure and response capabilities. Moreover, the significance of these associations in both communities suggests that gendered vulnerability is not simply a product of local cultural norms but reflects broader systemic inequalities in resource access, institutional design, and labor valuation.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec14\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e\u003cb\u003e4.3 Modeling the Determinants of Adaptive Behavior\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eTo explore the predictors of adaptive behavior among fisherfolk, we constructed a logistic regression model using the binary outcome variable of whether a respondent had adopted at least one adaptation strategy, such as livelihood diversification, participation in a savings group, or the uptake of new skills, within the past two years. The independent variables included gender, level of education, monthly household income, household size, years of residence in the community, and location (Makoko or Limbe).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"gridtable\"\u003e\u003ctable float=\"Yes\" id=\"Tab2\" border=\"1\"\u003e \u003ccaption language=\"En\"\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionNumber\"\u003eTable 2\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionContent\"\u003e \u003cp\u003ePredictors of Adaptive Behavior among Fisherfolk\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/caption\u003e \u003ccolgroup cols=\"5\"\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c1\" colnum=\"1\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"char\" char=\".\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c2\" colnum=\"2\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"char\" char=\".\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c3\" colnum=\"3\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"char\" char=\".\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c4\" colnum=\"4\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"char\" char=\".\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c5\" colnum=\"5\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cthead\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003ePredictor\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eβ (Coeff.)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eStd. Error\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eOdds Ratio (Exp(β))\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003ep-value\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/thead\u003e \u003ctbody\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eGender (Female)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.92\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.21\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e2.51\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.0003\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eEducation (Years)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.14\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.05\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e1.15\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.007\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eMonthly Income\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e-0.027\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.011\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.97\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.018\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eHousehold Size\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.09\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.04\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e1.09\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.042\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eYears in Community\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.04\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.02\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e1.04\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.031\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eCommunity (Makoko\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;1)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.63\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.19\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e1.88\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.0014\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/tbody\u003e \u003c/colgroup\u003e \u003ctfoot\u003e \u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd colspan=\"5\"\u003eModel Fit: Nagelkerke R\u0026sup2; = 0.39; Hosmer-Lemeshow χ\u0026sup2; = 6.22, p\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;0.51\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd colspan=\"5\"\u003e\u003cb\u003eSource\u003c/b\u003e: Fieldwork\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/tfoot\u003e \u003c/table\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe results indicate that women are more than twice as likely as men to engage in adaptation practices, even after controlling for education, income, and location (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e8\u003c/span\u003e). Education is also positively associated with adaptation, suggesting that cognitive assets and information access are key enablers of resilience. Conversely, income has a negative association with adaptation, implying that those with fewer resources are more likely to engage in low-cost, necessity-driven strategies rather than deliberate, planned resilience-building. This insight challenges dominant policy narratives that equate adaptation with capacity. Instead, our findings suggest a more complex reality in which adaptive behavior often emerges from distress, not strength.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"gridtable\"\u003e\u003ctable float=\"Yes\" id=\"Tab3\" border=\"1\"\u003e \u003ccaption language=\"En\"\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionNumber\"\u003eTable 3\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionContent\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eDeterminants of Household Resilience to Climate Change\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/caption\u003e \u003ccolgroup cols=\"3\"\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c1\" colnum=\"1\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"char\" char=\".\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c2\" colnum=\"2\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"char\" char=\".\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c3\" colnum=\"3\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cthead\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eLivelihood Capital\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eSpearman\u0026rsquo;s ρ\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003ep-value\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/thead\u003e \u003ctbody\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eHuman Capital\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e+\u0026thinsp;0.48\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026lt;\u0026thinsp;0.01\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eFinancial Capital\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e+\u0026thinsp;0.53\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026lt;\u0026thinsp;0.01\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eSocial Capital\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e+\u0026thinsp;0.66\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026lt;\u0026thinsp;0.001\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003ePhysical Capital\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e+\u0026thinsp;0.33\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026lt;\u0026thinsp;0.05\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eNatural Capital\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e+\u0026thinsp;0.21\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.09\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/tbody\u003e \u003c/colgroup\u003e \u003ctfoot\u003e \u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd colspan=\"3\"\u003e\u003cb\u003eSource\u003c/b\u003e: Fieldwork\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/tfoot\u003e \u003c/table\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSocial capital, measured through engagement in community-based organizations, savings groups, and informal cooperatives, emerges as the strongest correlate of resilience. This finding supports the view that horizontal ties and collective agency are key enablers of adaptive capacity, particularly in resource-poor settings (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e26\u003c/span\u003e). Interestingly, natural capitals showed only a marginal association with resilience, which may reflect the degraded ecological conditions in both Limbe and Makoko. This limited direct control that small-scale fisherfolk, especially women, have over natural resource access and reinforces the importance of enabling institutional and social conditions over environmental endowments.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec15\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.4 Climate Perceptions, Equity Norms, and the Legitimacy of Intervention\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eBeyond behavior, perceptions of risk, justice, and institutional legitimacy are central to understanding climate responses (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR43\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e43\u003c/span\u003e). The perception data show high consensus on descriptive statements, such as \u0026ldquo;climate change has reduced fish stocks,\u0026rdquo; with over 90% agreement in both communities. However, normative statements, such as \u0026ldquo;women should lead local cooperatives\u0026rdquo; or \u0026ldquo;training should be gender-equal,\u0026rdquo; received much lower support, especially in Makoko, where agreement fell below 10%. This perception gap between what is and what ought to be revealed is not ignorance, but ambivalence. Respondents are acutely aware of the climate crisis and women\u0026rsquo;s contributions to the economy but hesitated to endorse changes that would alter established gender roles or redistribute power. This suggests that cultural norms, although not immutable, remain a significant barrier to institutional reforms. Compounding this is a notable trust deficit: only 26.6% of Makoko respondents and 40.6% in Limbe expressed confidence in government-led climate adaptation programs. Many cited failures of past interventions, perceived bias in NGO targeting, and a lack of transparency in aid distribution. This undermines the legitimacy of formal climate responses and reinforces the reliance on informal community-based mechanisms. Together, these insights highlight the need for climate governance that is effective, inclusive, context-sensitive, and aligned with local legitimacy structures.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec16\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.5 Synthesis and Interpretation: Toward Gender-Equitable Climate Resilience in Small-Scale Fisheries\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe statistical findings presented offer not only empirical confirmation of gender-differentiated vulnerability to climate change but also reveal the structural mechanisms through which this differentiation is perpetuated in the coastal communities of Limbe and Makoko. These insights compel a broader interpretive synthesis that situates micro-level vulnerabilities within a larger socio-ecological and political-economic framework. This subsection provides such a synthesis by addressing two interrelated themes: the structural architecture of vulnerability, the gendered nature of adaptation, and the imperative of justice-oriented resilience building in climate policy.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003e4. 5.1 Structural Foundations of Gendered Vulnerability\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAcross both communities, statistical analysis demonstrates that gender is not merely a demographic variable but also a determinant that profoundly shapes the distribution of climate impacts, access to resources, and the capacity to respond (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR80\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e80\u003c/span\u003e). Women in Makoko and Limbe are systematically positioned at the intersection of material deprivation and social exclusion. Their overrepresentation in postharvest roles, traditionally less capital-intensive and more precarious occupations, renders them particularly sensitive to climate-induced disruptions in fish supply, market access, and income continuity. The regression models revealed that gender remained a significant predictor of both perceived vulnerability and adaptive behavior, even when controlling for income, education, and household size. This finding is critical because it suggests that vulnerability is not reducible to poverty alone; rather, it is mediated through gendered institutional households, markets, cooperatives, and governance structures that regulate how people engage in ecological change (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR43\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e43\u003c/span\u003e). The exclusion of women from decision-making bodies, as noted in both the perception data and qualitative narratives, created a feedback loop in which their knowledge, needs, and priorities were omitted from climate planning. This leads to a mismatch between the institutional responses and living realities, which further erodes trust in formal interventions. The \u0026ldquo;policy credibility gap\u0026rdquo; (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR43\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e43\u003c/span\u003e), especially evident in Makoko, reflects this disjuncture between recognition of climate risks and belief in the efficacy of existing adaptation support systems. Moreover, the normative dissonance observed when respondents acknowledge current gender roles but do not endorse gender equity reveals that social norms function as barriers to transformation. These norms are not merely cultural artifacts but are embedded in the political economy of fisheries: who owns the boats, who controls the gear, who receives training, and who speaks in public forums. Thus, effective climate resilience cannot be achieved without addressing the foundational gender order in the fishery sector.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec18\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.6. The Paradox of Feminized Adaptation\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eOne of the most striking findings was the higher likelihood of women engaging in adaptive behaviors. Women in both communities are significantly more likely to diversify their livelihoods, join informal savings groups (\u003cem\u003eAlajo\u003c/em\u003e),[1]\u003ca class=\"FNLink\" href=\"#Fn1\" id=\"#FNLinkFn1\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e and seek alternative income-generating activities, such as petty trade, artisanal production, or even migration. However, this high rate of adaptation should not be interpreted as an indicator of empowerment. Rather, it reflects a structural paradox: women adapt more, not because they have more options, but because they are more vulnerable and less protected by formal systems. These adaptations are often reactive, accessible and burdensome. For example, climate change vulnerabilities increase women\u0026rsquo;s exposure to heat stress, smoke, and waterborne diseases. Others engage in transactional sexual relationships to access fish or credit strategies that are socially stigmatized and psychologically expensive.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThese are not voluntary adaptations, but expressions of constrained agency. Furthermore, the gendered burden of adaptation has inter-generational implications. Diverting women\u0026rsquo;s time and energy to coping strategies often comes at the expense of childcare, health maintenance, and community engagement. This can lead to the long-term erosion of social and human capital, as seen in the increased school dropout rates (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e26\u003c/span\u003e) and early marriages observed among daughters of woman-headed households in both communities (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e26\u003c/span\u003e). The result is a feminization of adaptation without a commensurate shift in the structural conditions that necessitate it. As such, the dominant policy discourse that celebrates community resilience or local innovation risks romanticizing coping mechanisms born out of structural neglect and gender injustice.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec19\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e\u003cb\u003e4.7. Women's Fisherfolk Vulnerabilities Induced by Patriarchal Society\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eMost interviewed women fisherfolk in both communities depend on husbands or sons whose income is derived primarily from fishing. For these women, traditional savings institutions represent the final option: the inability to repay results in shame and embarrassment. Such defaults occur frequently because fishing, the primary source of income, remains extremely susceptible to climate change.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eWomen fisherfolk without husbands or male relatives often rely on microcredit but encounter greater obstacles when securing loans, as lenders routinely doubt their repayment ability, intensifying their economic marginalization. Approaching government officials for support is intimidating and requires courage. All interviewed women fisherfolk reported that well-connected, influential fishers received aid, whereas women often lacked access to financial capital.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eMost poor women fisherfolk in both communities obtained necessities, such as rice and oil, by appealing directly to family members. Conflicts between households frequently arose over shared or contested resources, particularly regarding the distribution of food and aid. Climatic shocks during crises intensify the pressure on relationships between households, exposing the limits of cooperation and trust, while often triggering disputes rooted in deeper histories of competition, inequality, or exclusion. By examining the dynamics within and between households, this study frames climate change impacts not only as environmental phenomena, but also as social disruptors\u0026mdash;forces that reconfigure social roles, redistribute burdens, and transform how communities negotiate risk and responsibility. This study defines conflict as a spectrum, ranging from simmering tensions to overt violence. Family conflicts manifest as open arguments or concealed tensions between spouses or extended family members who disagree on financial matters, caregiving responsibilities, or food security. These tensions can escalate into violence, including controlling behavior or physical altercations, particularly when climate-related challenges, such as income loss, disrupt traditional family roles and social expectations.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec20\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.8 Climate and Violence within Fishing Households\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn our focus group discussions across both fishing communities, half the married women reported that financial hardships generate distress and frustration, frequently precipitating family disputes, and occasionally domestic violence. These women described how diminishing fish stocks, attributed notably to shifting climate patterns, have imposed severe economic strain on their households, exacerbating debt burdens and contributing to harassment and violent behavior within the home. When men cannot express their frustration publicly, they frequently redirect this tension toward members of their households. Minor domestic disputes, such as discussions about insufficient food supplies, can escalate into serious conflicts, where trivial disagreements can result in violent behavior. Women often remain silent to avoid exacerbating these situations, quietly struggling to fulfill their families\u0026rsquo; needs while suppressing their true concerns. In the following, pseudonyms were used to protect participants\u0026rsquo; identities.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eMama Itunu in Limbe stated:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eMy husband is a fisher; extreme weather patterns have rendered his fishing activities perilous and reduced his daily hauls. The diminished catches combined with recent regulatory changes have significantly impacted his income. For three consecutive months, he remains at home without employment, creating substantial financial hardship for our household during these periods. Our children require sustenance regardless of circumstances. When I request provisions, such as cassava flakes (garri), corn flour, rice, and beans, he becomes irritable quickly. What begins as a simple conversation often escalates to physical violence, which I am forced to endure.\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eHer story reveals how women fisherfolk frequently bear the hidden burden of keeping their families together during prolonged periods of uncertainty, balancing unmet needs, limited options, and the psychological strain of daily survival challenges. However, not every married woman in this study experienced violence, despite facing similar environmental and economic hardships. One woman explained that her husband\u0026rsquo;s family pressured her to secure employment at a soap manufacturing plant in Oshodi, Lagos, with her husband\u0026rsquo;s consent. She had given birth just two months prior and could no longer continue fishing because of its physically demanding nature. Each day, upon returning to Makoko, she faced relentless criticism from her mother-in-law, who branded her as lazy and accused her of contributing insufficiently to the household expenses. Meanwhile, her husband remained unemployed owing to declining fish stocks. Despite these hardships, some parents consistently prioritized their children\u0026rsquo;s meals, with their testimony revealing periods of severe hunger while notably avoiding any mention of domestic conflict. Conversely, homes in both communities without male breadwinners, typically headed by widows or women whose husbands had abandoned them, reported no family disputes or tensions. Instead, these women emphasized the dual burden of single parenthood and the sole financial responsibility for their households. These mothers shouldered complete domestic responsibilities while confronting significant systemic barriers exacerbated by the loss of income due to climate impacts. For most of these women, the primary concern shifted from personal safety to the challenge of securing their children\u0026rsquo;s futures. These mothers articulated their struggles not only in meeting their daily needs but also in identifying culturally appropriate methods to protect their daughters\u0026rsquo; prospects. Facing tight financial budgets, rising living expenses, and increased exposure to climate-related disasters, these women described intense pressure to arrange early marriages for their daughters while securing adequate dowries. Even after their daughters married, many women fisherfolk regularly encountered various stresses and challenges.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec21\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.8.1 Climate Vulnerabilities Induced Early Marriages Among Daughters of Women Fisherfolk\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe stories gathered from interviews reveal the ongoing hardships that women fisherfolk in both communities face after enduring floods and erosion throughout their lives. The women shared powerful childhood memories of losing their homes, animals, and loved ones. Erosion and flooding have emerged as relentless forces that destroy everything on their path, leaving families struggling to survive under perilous and uncertain conditions. Households struggle with forced displacement, financial hardship, and the severe impacts on education and health. Marriage emerged repeatedly in personal stories and focus group discussions. Women fisherfolk in both communities, particularly Makoko, widely believe that girls should marry young. Climate stress, food insecurity, and poverty exacerbate these circumstances. Girls as young as 15 years find themselves marrying, often before they are prepared for the demands of married life, yet they are still expected to fulfill predetermined gender roles within the household. Most women fisherfolk said they accepted their daughters marrying young, provided their husbands cared for them properly. However, these women rejected the widespread belief that early marriage occurs because families seek financial relief from climate-related hardships. Instead, they attributed the practice to social pressure to uphold traditional cultural customs. During focus group discussions, most women fisherfolk revealed that they arranged early marriages for their daughters, hoping that they would experience better lives with their spouses than they had before. Unfortunately, their daughters faced challenges similar to those of their mothers as young wives.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eMama Ti in the Makoko fishing community shared the following:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eAs a widow, I found myself facing severe financial hardship. My fishing business, my only source of income\u0026mdash;began declining because of climate-related challenges. With virtually no earnings, I could barely afford food for myself, let alone support my teenage daughter. When a white Lebanese man proposed marriage to my daughter, it appeared to offer a solution to our financial crisis. She now suffers daily abuse, and I feel utterly helpless. I lack the resources to bring her home, yet witnessing her pain is devastating.\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eWhen reflecting on their experiences, women generally held deep expectations that their daughters\u0026rsquo; marriages to men, primarily fishers, would improve their families\u0026rsquo; living conditions. However, these expectations remained unfulfilled, particularly in financially struggling households caring for numerous children, including stepchildren, from their husbands\u0026rsquo; relationships. Despite this disappointment, these women accepted their circumstances and recognized that their vulnerable positions stemmed largely from their economic and social status. They firmly believe that severe weather conditions have perpetuated the poverty cycle, and that many related safety issues could have been resolved with better income-generating opportunities.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"5. Discussions","content":"\u003cdiv id=\"Sec23\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e5.1. Impacts on Human and Social Capital\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis study demonstrates that climate change concurrently affects food availability, and diet within the Makoko and Limbe fishing communities at the household level (Figs.\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Fig5\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e5\u003c/span\u003e to 7). This finding corroborates those of Sorensen \u003cem\u003eet al\u003c/em\u003e. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR81\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e81\u003c/span\u003e), which indicate that climate change directly and indirectly disrupts food availability, access, and nutritional security. Climate change impacts on both fishing communities stem from sea level rise, floods, income shocks, and health effects induced by increased disease-causing microbes and vector activity. The impact on food and nutrition security in fishing communities varies between men and women, particularly in Makoko, where women fisherfolk (91%) are disproportionately affected.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eBotreau and Cohen (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR82\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e82\u003c/span\u003e) indicate that regions with high food insecurity, such as sub-Saharan Africa, experience a greater impact of climate-induced food and nutritional insecurity on women. This disparity stems from social gender roles that increase women\u0026rsquo;s vulnerability and limit their access to financial resources compared to men. Alcantara \u003cem\u003eet al\u003c/em\u003e. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR83\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e83\u003c/span\u003e) and Singh \u003cem\u003eet al\u003c/em\u003e. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR84\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e84\u003c/span\u003e) corroborate this finding, demonstrating that women constitute a significant portion of the global population living in poverty, making them particularly susceptible to the adverse effects of climate change. The close relationship between ecological and social systems underscores the need for a comprehensive approach to climate resilience that integrates environmental and gender dynamics (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR85\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e85\u003c/span\u003e). Financial disparities exacerbate these challenges, with only 41.7% of women in Makoko and 34.4% in Limbe perceiving equitable access to financial resources.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDuring our focus group discussions in Makoko, Ewa a fish trader shared the following:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eI provide financial incentives to fishers to secure fish because of scarcity. On occasion, I engage in sexually intimate relationships with various fishers who promise substantial quantities of fish. However, for over three months, I have not received any fish, and some fishers have absconded with my money. They frequently cite abnormal sea level rise as the reason for their inability to deliver. This menace has become so common that even some teenage girls are now not interested in fishing or processing but will rather have sex with these fishers who sail far with better fishing gear.\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOur interviews regarding the impact of climate vulnerability on gender and food security in both fishing communities revealed significantly higher levels of food insecurity among households headed by widowed, divorced, separated, and single women. Tibesigwa \u003cem\u003eet al\u003c/em\u003e. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR86\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e86\u003c/span\u003e) observe a statistically significant consumption gap of up to 21% between female- and male-headed households, with female-headed households more likely to experience food insecurity. This finding aligns with previous research indicating that female-headed households were disproportionately vulnerable to weather and climate variability (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR87\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e87\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR88\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e88\u003c/span\u003e). During our focus group discussion, Mama Sna, a female fish trader in Limbe, stated:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eI am a widow with five children. I lost my husband, a fisher, thirteen years ago during a severe storm while he was fishing. With limited fish in Limbe and minimal social support from the government, our livelihood has been shattered. We\u0026rsquo;ve experienced days without food. My children are no longer in school; they now help me with my fish business and run errands for people in the local community. As a devoted Muslim, I adhere to the belief that women should keep their bodies pure, so I refuse to resort to prostitution despite our hardships. Instead, I plan to arrange marriages for my two daughters, aged 21 and 19, to wealthy, handsome, hardworking and romantic fishers next year so that they can support me financially. I hope to collect a dowery of more than 200,000 francs (\u0026gt;\u0026thinsp;500 US dollars), biscuits, native attires, soft drinks, bags of rice, salt, sugarcanes, sweets, smoked fish, food stuffs, and basket of fruits from the traditional wedding. This will enable me to start a cosmetic shop to supplement my fish business.\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFavas \u003cem\u003eet al\u003c/em\u003e. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR89\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e89\u003c/span\u003e) note that limited access to financial resources and decision-making authority remain significant obstacles to women\u0026rsquo;s progress, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa. In Limbe, 63.5% of participants have diversified their income sources, mirroring the approach adopted by 53.7% in Makoko. According to Salgueiro-Otero \u003cem\u003eet al\u003c/em\u003e. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR90\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e90\u003c/span\u003e), this shift is not merely a choice but a strategy that women have adopted in response to dwindling fish stocks and unpredictable weather patterns that threaten their traditional livelihoods. Women fisherfolk are turning to small-scale trading as a survival strategy. In Limbe, 68.9% of women rely on this approach, while 56.0% in Makoko exhibit similar trends.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOur research in both communities (92%) revealed that, amid climate-induced natural disasters and conflicts, the essential sexual and reproductive health needs of women fisherfolk are often overlooked. This neglect has severe consequences, including an increased risk of maternal mortality, early marriage, and unintended pregnancies. Behrman and Weitzman (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR91\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e91\u003c/span\u003e) argue that these forms of exclusion perpetuate disparities in women\u0026rsquo;s wealth, health, education, and workforce participation. Societal and cultural norms also impose limitations that hinder women\u0026rsquo;s abilities to recover from climate-related disasters (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR80\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e80\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR92\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e92\u003c/span\u003e). In sub-Saharan Africa, natural disasters affect populations differently based on gender and intersecting inequalities. Vulnerability and exposure levels vary according to gender, age, ethnicity, and economic class (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR93\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e93\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR94\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e94\u003c/span\u003e). Neumayer and Pl\u0026uuml;mper\u0026rsquo;s (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR34\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e34\u003c/span\u003e) study of 41 countries from 1981 to 2002 finds that women often delayed relocating from dangerous areas owning to caregiving responsibilities, prioritizing vulnerable household members, such as children and the elderly. In Zimbabwe, women\u0026rsquo;s participation in disaster risk reduction and its management is limited by patriarchal cultural norms(\u003cspan citationid=\"CR95\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e95\u003c/span\u003e). These norms assign property rights and decision-making powers, particularly regarding livestock, to men (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR95\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e95\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eClimate change has gendered health implications for fisherfolk, particularly affecting women fish processors in Makoko and Limbe. These women rise early to collect water and firewood for smoking fish, a task made more challenging owing to environmental changes. Our study revealed that women fisherfolk in Limbe are more susceptible (58%) to climate change-related health effects than their counterparts in Makoko. In Makoko, most women fisherfolk have adapted to health challenges, such as malaria, cough, sore throat, body pain, arthritis, fatigue, red eyes, typhoid, and cholera. They achieve this by utilizing traditional ecological knowledge, including herbs and concoctions prepared by traditional herbalists. Mama Jami, a fish processor in Makoko, said the following:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eAs a struggling fish processor, I dry my catch using firewood. When I experience chronic respiratory issues, like coughs and catarrh, or suffer from red eyes, body pain, fatigue, malaria, typhoid, or cholera\u0026mdash;often exacerbated by the hot weather\u0026mdash;I seek treatment from a traditional herbalist. In lieu of full payment, I offer him small fish, vegetables, fufu, and cassava flakes (garri). The herbalist chants incantations, makes sacrifices to the sea goddess, and provides me with potent herbs and concoctions to bathe with, apply to my body, and drink.\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDespite their adaptability, women fisherfolk in Limbe, particularly fish processors (12% of our focus group discussions), reported various health issues. These include high blood pressure, miscarriage, bleeding, premature delivery, complications during childbirth, reduced infant birth weight, and decreased libido. The following declaration was made by Mama Bi during our focus group discussion in Limbe:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eI usually run away from my husband after smoking fish because my body is extremely hot and aching because of the hot weather experienced often nowadays, and the heat from the firewood, and I don\u0026rsquo;t want any form of sexual intimacy with him; however, he wouldn\u0026rsquo;t let me be. He usually gets cold Coca-Cola, meat pies, pain killer tablets, ice blocks, and water to help cool my body.\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAmong Limbe women, fisherfolk reported that some immigrant women (7%) from Benin, Togo, and Ghana also experienced health issues, such as cataracts, poor vision requiring eye drops, and maternal mortality. Participants attributed these problems to the hot climate, heat exposure, smoke inhalation, and pollutants from the firewood used in processing. According to 88% of these women fisherfolk, local women\u0026rsquo;s fishing organizations contribute funds and assist in transporting the deceased, primarily from Limbe by water, to their home countries for burial. Our findings align with those of Grace \u003cem\u003eet al.\u003c/em\u003e (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR96\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e96\u003c/span\u003e) regarding the impact of birth weight, precipitation, and temperature in 19 African nations. Their study demonstrates that climate change influenced birth weight and infant and female mortality. Consistent with our findings, Rosen \u003cem\u003eet al\u003c/em\u003e. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR97\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e97\u003c/span\u003e) demonstrate that drought directly impacts women by reducing household assets, increasing food insecurity, and heightening vulnerability to adverse sexual and reproductive health outcomes. Our results also correlate with those of Neumayer and Plumper (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR34\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e34\u003c/span\u003e), demonstrating that gender-specific exposure and vulnerability rooted in cultural and social norms and daily socioeconomic patterns lead to disproportionately higher mortality rates among women after climate-related disasters. For instance, women who give birth during or shortly after natural disasters face an increased risk of adverse reproductive outcomes, including preeclampsia, hemorrhaging, premature labor, and delivery complications (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR98\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e98\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR99\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e99\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eMami, an elderly fish trader in Limbe, shared the following.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eWe have lost some of our women fish traders and processors because of the harsh climate and heat from firewood. Many are stressed and weakened from standing for hours as part of their work and become anemic from prolonged exposure to fire before going to the hospital to give birth. Tragically, sometimes neither the baby nor the mother survive.\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eHuman illness emerged as a significant concern in Limbe\u0026rsquo;s fishing communities, particularly noted in our focus group discussions with fishers and women fisherfolk (75%). Both communities experienced an increase in illnesses including malaria, cholera, typhoid, diarrhea, fatigue, new gastrointestinal conditions, and HIV/AIDS. In Limbe, mosquito nets distributed to communities were misused by fishers to catch juvenile fish when a fisheries management agent was absent, which negatively affected the fishery. Additionally, 88% of the surveyed women fisherfolk, particularly in the Makoko fishing communities, attributed health issues not only to climate change but also to behavioral and cultural shifts, poor personal hygiene, inadequate sanitation, and increasing resistance of disease vectors to medications. In Limbe, our focus group discussions revealed a trend of increasing cholera-related mortality rates with uncertainty regarding future outcomes.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eWomen fisherfolk expressed concerns that these rates might continue to increase in the coming years without intervention. These findings align with McLeod \u003cem\u003eet al\u003c/em\u003e. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR100\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e100\u003c/span\u003e)\u0026mdash;that the consequence of extreme weather events on human capital is the loss of life. This impact not only affects surviving family members but also has the potential to disrupt economic and social systems beyond the immediate household. For instance, the Asian Tsunami highlighted the disparity in vulnerability between male and female household members when facing fatal outcomes during extreme events. The actual mortality is twice as high for women in certain areas (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR101\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e101\u003c/span\u003e). This vulnerability can be attributed to the traditional roles of female household members and, in many cases, their lack of swimming skills (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR101\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e101\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eMama John, a fish trader in Limbe, shared the following:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eOver the past couple of years, a significant number of fisherfolk, notably women, have succumbed to diseases like malaria, typhoid, and cholera. Unfortunately, this trend of fatalities is on the rise. Additionally, the rising sea levels and resultant floods have led to stagnant water, creating an ideal breeding ground for mosquitoes. To combat the encroaching water, I had to elevate our bed for several weeks. Despite my efforts, the water eventually infiltrated our home, resulting in the tragic loss of my child while I was occupied with my household duties. Although I feel powerless in this situation, I hold on to the hope that I will reunite with my son on the day of resurrection.\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAccording to the World Bank (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR102\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e102\u003c/span\u003e), increased temperatures and altered rainfall patterns could lead to higher malaria transmission rates in sub-Saharan Africa. Our interviews in both communities (50%) indicated that malaria infections result in premature births and low birth weights among women fisherfolk. This could lead to an increased demand for caregiving from women fisherfolk, limiting their engagement in other productive tasks and heightening their overall vulnerability. According to the World Bank (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR102\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e102\u003c/span\u003e) study, which covered 33 countries across west, central, east, and southern Africa, malaria infections during pregnancy resulted in 819,000 infants being born with low birth weights. Children born to mothers with placental malaria are more than twice as likely to be underweight (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR103\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e103\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOur study also highlighted that maternal malnutrition resulting from low fish catchability significantly affects the health outcomes of mothers, infants, newborns, and children in both communities (71%), particularly in the Makoko fishing community, when exposed to climate change stressors. This issue was further exacerbated by cultural taboos and the practice of women fisherfolk sacrificing food for their husbands. Blakstad and Smith (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR104\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e104\u003c/span\u003e) identify malnutrition among women due to climate change, noting that women often skip meals to ensure that other family members are fed during periods of food scarcity. Our findings correlate with those of Serna (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR17\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e17\u003c/span\u003e), who reveal that during food scarcity in northeastern Kenyan communities, women often reduced their food intake to ensure that male household members had sufficient nourishment. Furthermore, Sorensen \u003cem\u003eet al\u003c/em\u003e. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR81\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e81\u003c/span\u003e) find that women are more susceptible to chronic malnutrition and more vulnerable to climate-related food and nutritional insecurity.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAccording to Baba Ibeji, a fisher from Makoko:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eProlonged food scarcity occurs when catches are low or after severe weather events, often resulting in the loss of the primary income earner. In these situations, families adapt by reducing meal quality through cost-cutting measures. They choose cheaper food items, use less cooking oil and ingredients, and prepare simpler dishes. Additionally, they decrease food portions and may reduce daily meal frequency. For survival, some fishing families borrow money for food, send children to live with relatives to ease the financial burden, seek support from religious institutions and from informal sources, like local alajo savers, or seek employment opportunities by migrating to other communities, even within the fishing industry. This hierarchy is primarily because relatives and neighbors rarely discuss interests or share a common understanding of crises.\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAccording to Mama Tobi from Makoko,\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eAny occurrence of severe natural disasters impacts the psychological and social well-being of survivors, leading to depression and post-traumatic stress disorder among fishing communities. The presence of faith and a belief in the mercy of a higher power assist fishing households in alleviating their suffering, be it caused by hunger or feelings of uncertainty and fear.\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eA significant drawback of the physiological approach is that women in fishing communities frequently experience inadequate or irregular nutrition owing to unequal power dynamics within households. This disparity often leads to different impacts during crises in both the Limbe and Makoko fishing communities. The concept of \u0026ldquo;extended entitlements\u0026rdquo; addresses this notion by including \u0026ldquo;socially legitimated\u0026rdquo; entitlements that are not dependent on market mechanisms (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR105\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e105\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR106\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e106\u003c/span\u003e). These entitlements encompass the distribution of food within families, commonly referred to as \u0026ldquo;dependency entitlements\u0026rdquo; (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR107\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e107\u003c/span\u003e). Our findings from interviews in both fishing communities demonstrated that children, women fisherfolk, and elderly individuals experience heightened challenges owing to their increasing physiological needs and diminished physical resilience. This is supported by Behrman \u003cem\u003eet al\u003c/em\u003e. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR91\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e91\u003c/span\u003e), who indicate that nutritional factors can impede women\u0026rsquo;s full participation and limit their effectiveness in agriculture-related businesses. Moreover, insufficient human capital and inadequate access to essential resources, such as education, healthcare, time, and labor, contribute to the social exclusion experienced by women in the fishing industry.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eMama Tolu from Makoko stated as follows.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eI am pregnant, at a time there are fewer fish in Makoko owing to climate change. Sometimes my husband brings home catfish that our local taboos prohibit me from eating. I cook these fish for my children and husband but go to bed without eating myself, which is detrimental to my health.\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOur focus group discussions in both fishing communities revealed that fisherfolk engaged in additional activities as secondary income sources because of reduced catches. To support their livelihoods and improve food security, they pursued various endeavors, including crop cultivation, trading, livestock rearing, sewing, artisanal work, and unskilled labor. This aligns with the findings of Berachi (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR108\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e108\u003c/span\u003e) and Akanni \u003cem\u003eet al\u003c/em\u003e. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR109\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e109\u003c/span\u003e), who suggest that diversification enables fisherfolk to utilize resources more effectively and promote sustainability. Our interviews from both fishing communities revealed that the decline in natural resource-based livelihoods, particularly fisheries, has led to fishers migrating to urban areas and other rural locations for sustainable income. This trend is particularly prominent at this time. However, the adaptive measures undertaken by fishers have been found to increase the vulnerability of women fisherfolk within the community.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cstrong\u003eSource\u003c/strong\u003e \u003cp\u003eField Work\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFig: 7 Women fish processors and fishers in Limbe, Cameroon\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cstrong\u003eSource\u003c/strong\u003e \u003cp\u003eField Work\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec24\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e5.1.1 Women Fisherfolk Vulnerabilities\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eWomen in rural African fishing communities face interconnected disadvantages that stem from social customs, traditional gender expectations, and economic dependence. These entrenched disparities amplify their vulnerability to weather events. Limited decision-making authority within households and communities, coupled with cultural expectations of compliance and self-sacrifice, creates a foundation for the vulnerability that climate disasters exploit most severely. In both fishing communities, especially in the Makoko fishing community, early marriage represents a traditional practice in which young girls receive protection through their husbands\u0026rsquo; guidance, serving as an accepted cultural norm. Most impoverished fishing households feel compelled to marry their daughters off to meet the community\u0026rsquo;s expectations. This practice aligns with Schuler and Rottach\u0026rsquo;s (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR110\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e110\u003c/span\u003e) findings that demonstrate how communities exert pressure on families to arrange marriages once girls reach puberty, believing that delayed marriage creates a financial burden. Research by Ensor (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR111\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e111\u003c/span\u003e) in South Sudan confirms these observations.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e In economically disadvantaged families, parents frequently arrange marriages for their daughters at a young age to secure brides for prospective husbands. Parents also justify this practice as protection against premarital sexual relationships and pregnancies outside the marriage. Young married women in Makoko face similar expectations to those found throughout rural Bangladesh: they must care for their husbands\u0026rsquo; relatives, bear children, and fulfill their evolving roles as they progress through the life stages from wife to mother and eventually to mother-in-law and grandmother (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR112\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e112\u003c/span\u003e). Interviewed women fisherfolk in both communities viewed this as a natural life progression\u0026mdash;a perspective that aligns with Rahman \u003cem\u003eet al\u003c/em\u003e.\u0026rsquo;s (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR113\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e113\u003c/span\u003e) findings, which also highlight comparable pressures placed on wives. These women frequently undervalue their own financial and social contributions, dismiss them as insignificant, and allow them to remain hidden and unrecognized, both at home and within the broader community.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis unequal distribution of power based on gender maintains women\u0026rsquo;s financial dependence on male relatives, perpetuating imbalanced relationships among spouses in terms of freedom, opportunities, and decision-making autonomy. These power imbalances also manifest between mothers-in-law and daughters-in-law within these communities, placing young women at a heightened risk of domestic abuse from both spouses and extended family members. Because of societal pressure, they often bear children, assist their mothers-in-law with such tasks as smoking fish, and manage all household responsibilities. This creates a challenging predicament, in which they face competing demands. Despite these hardships, women fisherfolk in both communities do not blame the social systems that perpetuate these inequities. Instead, they perceive their circumstances as inevitable, viewing them as fate rather than those conditions that could be transformed. This perspective extends beyond Africa. Research examining Iranian women during natural disasters revealed that spousal violence was not perceived as violence by the women themselves, who had become accustomed to violent treatment within their families and communities, where domestic abuse was already normalized (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR112\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e112\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR114\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e114\u003c/span\u003e). Domestic violence has become entrenched in African societal norms. This finding aligns with research by Rezwana and Pain (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR115\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e115\u003c/span\u003e) in Bangladesh\u0026rsquo;s coastal regions, which reveals that older women frequently counsel younger women to accept abusive behavior. These advisors promote tolerance to prevent shame associated with separation or divorce, urging women not to challenge traditional practices that could jeopardize their standing within the community. These challenges extend beyond those of married women. Widows and abandoned women fisherfolk who depend financially on male relatives face severe economic hardships, especially when caring for young children. Society perceives them as defenseless women lacking protection and expects them to seek security through male partnerships, which often pressures them into remarriage. Women fisherfolk in both communities typically regard remarriage as a necessity for survival rather than a personal choice. This dynamic perpetuates the cycles of dependency and vulnerability.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec25\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e5.2 Impacts on Natural Capital\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eFisherfolk (98%) in both communities demonstrated a deep understanding of climate change\u0026rsquo;s physical impacts. They were acutely aware of alterations in seasonal patterns, including the increased frequency of extreme events, such as sea level rise and floods, fluctuations in water temperature, changes in wind and storm patterns, and declining fish catches. Most fishers in both communities observed increasing intensity and unpredictability during the rainy and dry seasons. Our findings align with those of Ordinola (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR116\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e116\u003c/span\u003e) and Perry \u003cem\u003eet al\u003c/em\u003e. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR117\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e117\u003c/span\u003e), who show a decline in species distribution, heightened seasonal variability, rising sea levels, and an increase in extreme events, such as floods, heatwaves, and tidal surges. Fishers in Limbe also highlighted ongoing wetland and mangrove degradation due to human activities and climate change. Our findings reveal that approximately 30% of women fisherfolk in Limbe dedicated significant time to collecting fuelwood, a consequence of mangrove destruction. As Fry \u003cem\u003eet al\u003c/em\u003e. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR118\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e118\u003c/span\u003e) highlight, fuelwood collection can adversely affect women\u0026rsquo;s health by placing significant stress on their metabolism and causing musculoskeletal damage. Our focus group discussions also revealed that climate change affects the availability of fish resources. Our research findings are consistent with those of the Coalition for Fair Fisheries Arrangements (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR119\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e119\u003c/span\u003e), which predicts a global decline in fish catches of 7.7% due to the escalating effects of climate change. However, this decrease could be even more severe in Nigeria, potentially exceeding 50%, and Ghana, potentially exceeding 60%. These findings are consistent with those of White \u003cem\u003eet al\u003c/em\u003e. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR120\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e120\u003c/span\u003e), indicating that increased sea temperatures lead to diminished fish reproduction and growth, prompting populations to shift toward cooler waters farther from the equator.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFisherfolk generally agreed that fish sizes and quantities decreased during floods, with fish movement patterns closely related to wind and precipitation variations. Moderate floods in both fishing communities have led to improved income and food security owing to enhanced catches. However, excessive flooding causes road blockages, infrastructure damage, and increased post-harvest losses, particularly in the Limbe fishing community. This finding aligns with those of Monnereau and Oxenford (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR121\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e121\u003c/span\u003e), who highlight that adverse weather conditions detrimentally affect fisheries, the livelihoods of fishers, and their communities, while also contributing to post-harvest losses. Karlsson and McLean (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR122\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e122\u003c/span\u003e) indicate that excessive rainfall and storm surges can flood fishing grounds and damage boats, equipment, and critical infrastructure essential for fishers\u0026rsquo; livelihoods. Small-scale fishers in both communities face significant challenges from severe storms and rising sea levels. The ongoing increase in sea level threatens the habitats of fish species owing to coastal erosion, reducing the availability of fishing grounds in these two communities.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAccording to Baba Ola, a fisher from Makoko,\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eWe live in a delicate balance between harsh weather and survival, where even an unseen current, gust of wind, or storm can have life-altering consequences. The storms and rising sea levels have destroyed our boats, nets, and houses. Many children have drowned because of the rising water. The severe weather also disrupts our fishing activities. Moreover, the water is no longer clean, contaminated with pollutants, stones, and sand.\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eMulyasari \u003cem\u003eet al.\u003c/em\u003e (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR123\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e123\u003c/span\u003e) demonstrate that this phenomenon significantly affects fish population ecology by depleting essential resources that sustain fishers\u0026rsquo; livelihoods. Over time, this depletion can lead to reduced biodiversity in aquatic ecosystems as certain fish species become threatened or extinct. It may also disrupt food chains, affecting not only fish populations, but also other marine life that depend on them. Such ecological imbalances ultimately harm the overall health of marine environments. Okeke-Ogbuafor \u003cem\u003eet al\u003c/em\u003e. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR124\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e124\u003c/span\u003e) emphasize that rising sea levels disproportionately affect communities in vulnerable coastal areas, exacerbating the risks of displacement and loss of livelihood.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOur interviews revealed that climate-induced water pollution in Makoko severely impacted access to clean water, resulting in diminished quality of life. Women fisherfolk, tasked with collecting household water, spend more than 30 minutes daily on this essential chore. The vulnerability of women to an inadequate clean water supply for household use, particularly during dry periods, is linked to sociocultural expectations concerning task distribution, especially those related to water collection (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR125\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e125\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR126\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e126\u003c/span\u003e). This correlates with research by Bronkhorst (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR127\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e127\u003c/span\u003e) and Graham \u003cem\u003eet al\u003c/em\u003e. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR128\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e128\u003c/span\u003e), indicating that 46\u0026ndash;90% of adult women in 24 sub-Saharan African countries are primary water collectors, spending over 30 minutes on this task. Pickering and Davis (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR129\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e129\u003c/span\u003e) reveal that reducing the one-way commute time between home and water sources by 15 minutes could significantly decrease stress levels. Furthermore, this reduction in commuting time could lead to a 41% decrease in diarrhea prevalence and an 11% reduction in mortality rates in children under 5 years of age. Most survey responses from Limbe (78%) and Makoko (60%) indicated significant changes in water temperature within the communities, resulting in fish species migration and altered breeding patterns. This observation aligns with Sharp (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR130\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e130\u003c/span\u003e), who emphasizes that fish, being poikilothermic creatures, are greatly affected by habitat temperature variations. These changes significantly affect marine life\u0026rsquo;s metabolism, growth rate, production, seasonal reproduction, reproductive success, and vulnerability to diseases and toxins. Most artisanal fishers in both communities have now shifted their operations further offshore to track migratory fish and explore new fishing grounds in their own and neighboring countries. Consequently, fishing costs have increased, and many fishers have shifted from small boats to medium-sized vessels (see also 121,131).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFor 85% of marine artisanal fishers in Limbe and Makoko, the wind is regarded as the most hazardous element of weather and climate that impacts their fishing activities: \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Strong winds pose a serious threat to our canoes... When it is windy, the sea becomes turbulent, impacting every fisher and leading to no or reduced catches and accidents.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (Baba James, a fisher from Limbe).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eMoreover, the warming of sea temperature presents a significant challenge. Although a deep understanding of the scientific aspects is lacking, many fishers have noticed a distinct increase in water temperature. As noted by baba Egun, a traditional marine fisher from Makoko,\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003ePeriodically, there is a scarcity of fish for more than 2 months owing to fish migration influenced by warming waters. This trend adversely impacts our traditional fishing operations, forcing us to venture farther out into the ocean in search of fish. However, sometimes we lack the means to afford transportation and fuel. Nowadays, we often borrow money from our wives to buy fuel for our boats. These challenges in some families have led to infidelity, HIV/AIDS infections, and divorce, because husbands are often absent for months while fishing, neglecting their marital obligations. Some resort to multiple sexual partners to fulfill their desires during these extended periods away from home. Consequently, some wives have pursued alternative income-generating activities to supplement their earnings and support their household livelihoods.\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eMost Makoko fishers previously relied on traditional methods to predict weather conditions before fishing. Baba Kunle explained that, \u003cem\u003eby observing the sea, stars, and sky, fishers could assess the safety of embarking on a fishing trip. He noted the belief that a dark moon indicated favorable fishing days, while a bright moon suggested the opposite. However, Baba Ayo stated that although moon observations were once used to make decisions, current reliance on this practice often led to abrupt returns owing to strong winds. Consequently, he shifted his focus to furniture and shoe businesses to support his family.\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOur interviews indicate that climate change affects not only fishers in both communities but also those engaged in supporting activities, such as women fisherfolk (fish processors, traders, and fisherwomen). It may have a greater impact on secondary workers than on the fishers themselves. The vulnerability of women fisherfolk in both communities increased when men migrated for employment. This situation is exacerbated by social marginalization, lack of education, and limited knowledge of loan acquisition from commercial institutions among some of these women, particularly because of declining fish stocks. Moreover, the impact of disasters on both communities, especially Makoko, might have been amplified by the absence of gender considerations in humanitarian responses and recovery efforts. For instance, women often face barriers in accessing government aid when authorities require property and assets to be distributed among male heads of households. Our findings align with those of Juran and Trivedi (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR132\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e132\u003c/span\u003e), who indicate that women\u0026rsquo;s vulnerability to natural disasters is influenced by their gender; women typically have limited access to information, healthcare, and food resources, as well as reduced decision-making authority. Neumayer and Pl\u0026uuml;mper (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR34\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e34\u003c/span\u003e) also highlight that gender-based disparities in access to resources, capabilities, and opportunities embedded in daily socioeconomic structures are the primary factors contributing to women\u0026rsquo;s increased vulnerability and higher mortality rates during disasters than men.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAccording to Baba Segi in the Limbe fishing community,\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eWe struggle to catch just one or two fish to eat and rest, but how will the women who trade and process fish find enough to sustain their families? Among them, Mam Ngu, a fish processor, emphasized the urgent need for government assistance, noting that many have depleted their financial resources, even resorting to loans from local savings groups to provide for their children.\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec26\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e5.3. Impacts on Physical and Financial Capital\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe destruction of physical assets, declining fish stocks, and loss of net income were frequently cited as climate change vulnerabilities in both communities, particularly affecting women fisherfolk in Limbe. Our focus group discussions revealed that fishers and women fisherfolk in both communities, who already lacked essential resources, such as land, equipment, and savings, were typically the most severely affected by climate-induced economic challenges. Our findings align with those of the World Bank (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR102\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e102\u003c/span\u003e), which indicate that women face significant obstacles in diversifying their livelihoods to adapt to climate change impacts when they lack equitable access to land, credit, information, and agricultural technology. In both communities, extreme weather events disrupted marketing systems and infrastructure, impacting the productive activities of fishers and women fisherfolk differently, with distinct gender implications. Climatic events have significantly impacted Makoko\u0026rsquo;s fishing community, destroying non-productive physical assets, such as homes, schools, and sewage systems. This devastation extends beyond the immediate loss of fishing equipment, such as nets and boats, affecting the community\u0026rsquo;s overall infrastructure and quality of life. Our interviews revealed that despite efforts to fill and elevate houses with sand following flooding, poor housing conditions in Makoko persisted. This has led to the loss of essential infrastructure, resulting in the displacement and resettlement of 31% of fisherfolk. This situation mirrors observations in northern Peru, where fisherfolk identified the destruction or loss of homes as a significant consequence of El Ni\u0026ntilde;o (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR133\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e133\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAccording to Mama Funmi, a fish trader in Makoko,\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eI am at a loss for what to do or where to go. Everything I have worked for over the years, including my fashion designer certificate and fishing net, has been lost to the flood that ravaged the area. Now I am left with nothing, back to square one. I don\u0026rsquo;t know where to begin.\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOur interviews revealed that heavy rainfall and floods caused infrastructure destruction, rendering roads to the fishing community impassable and hindering the transportation of goods to markets in Limbe. These factors significantly affect fishing-based economies, livelihoods, and income in the area. This aligns with the findings of Perry \u003cem\u003eet al\u003c/em\u003e. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR134\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e134\u003c/span\u003e) and Birkmann and Fernando (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR96\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e96\u003c/span\u003e), who demonstrate that climate vulnerability and changes, such as sea level rise and increased storms and floods, can adversely affect the physical assets of households and entire communities. This outcome not only reduces their ability to harvest effectively but also disrupts critical public infrastructure and services essential for sustaining livelihoods. This finding aligns with Aiken \u003cem\u003eet al.\u003c/em\u003e (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR135\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e135\u003c/span\u003e), who reveals that Jamaican fishers experienced significant setbacks during hurricanes. They lost 90% of their traps, leading to a decline in earnings, substantial repair expenses, and delays in resuming fishing activities. Similarly, in Belize, the aftermath of Hurricane Mitch in 1998 caused an estimated 1.2\u0026nbsp;million US dollars damage to fishing gear and related infrastructure (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR136\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e136\u003c/span\u003e). Fishing communities\u0026rsquo; responses to environmental disruptions fall into four categories: adjustments within the fishing industry (50%); changes outside the fishing industry (23%); strategies for potential future disruptions (10%); and emergency responses and coping mechanisms (17%). Most fisherfolk in both fishing communities implemented more strategies across different categories. Concerning adjustments in the fishing industry, a significant percentage of participants (76%) highlighted the absence of a specific plan, opting instead to continue their fishing activities as usual. Respondents from both fishing communities identified several strategies to mitigate income loss, including increasing fishing efforts, seeking new fishing grounds, and targeting a wide range of species. Although some respondents observed that changes within the fishing sector boosted income and enhanced food security, most reported that overall stability either remained unchanged (71%) or deteriorated (29%) when strategies emphasized increasing fishing efforts instead of diversifying livelihoods.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFisherfolk who tried to diversify their livelihoods by borrowing from local \u003cem\u003ealajo\u003c/em\u003e savers, practicing aquaculture, raising livestock or pigs, producing soap, selling beauty products, clothing, jewelry, or groceries, working as photographers, making furniture, hairdressing, seeking help from religious institutions, turning to prostitution, or exiting the fish trade altogether saw their long-term incomes fall by roughly 33%. Approximately 45% of fisherfolk in both communities had adopted practices to improve fish processing. Many had also raised their homes with sand, waste, and sawdust to reduce flood risk. Together, these initiatives strengthened food security and increased household income. Most emergency response strategies other than those that rely on social networks ultimately undermine household welfare over time. When asked about their readiness for future climate-related challenges in both fishing communities, 52% of the respondents admitted they had no concrete plans. Tietze and Villareal (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR137\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e137\u003c/span\u003e) note that fishers in many communities rely on informal credit, because formal options are scarce, costly, and encumbered by unfavorable terms. Climate disturbances can intensify adverse financial circumstances. Their economic toll is evident in the destruction of household assets and the disruption of livelihoods, especially for women fisherfolk. One key finding from this study is that fisherfolk prefer to modify their practices within the fish industry rather than diversifying them into other industries. Despite acknowledging that these fishing-focused approaches are short-term and can negatively affect household stability, they also contribute to resource depletion through the rise of IUU fishing and the use of prohibited fishing techniques. Our findings align with those of Sievanen (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR138\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e138\u003c/span\u003e) and Limuwa \u003cem\u003eet al\u003c/em\u003e. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR139\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e139\u003c/span\u003e), who show that small-scale fishers commonly intensify their efforts or modify their strategies when catches decline. Coulthard (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR140\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e140\u003c/span\u003e) observes similar trends in India\u0026rsquo;s small-scale lagoon fisheries, highlighting the difficulty of adapting to rapidly changing and unpredictable environments. Turner \u003cem\u003eet al\u003c/em\u003e. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR141\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e141\u003c/span\u003e) emphasize that each adaptation entails trade-offs affecting multiple aspects of livelihood-trade-offs that outsiders might not immediately perceive. For instance, in the Ugandan Lake Victoria Basin, ecological and social factors shape the decision to continue fishing. Climate change and environmental degradation erode the adaptive capacity of fishery socioecological systems. However, policy responses that intensify fishing or deepen dependence on the sector can undermine the long-term viability of small-scale fisheries and exacerbate existing social inequalities (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR142\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e142\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"6. Conclusions","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis study revealed that fishing families respond to challenging climatic conditions by employing different approaches based on the resources and expertise at their disposal, the limitations they face, and dynamic community relationships shaped by both external influences and internal circumstances. The cyclical nature of fishing earnings, combined with extended periods of underemployment and unemployment, scarce low-skilled jobs in informal sectors, and inadequate institutional support services, contributed to fisherfolk\u0026rsquo;s diminished resilience against climate-induced stressors. While prevailing models of climate adaptation in fisheries tend to focus on technical fixes, improved forecasting systems, and livelihood training, our analysis underscores that resilience is not simply a matter of capacity or exposure but of equity and voice. It must be understood not only as the ability to \u0026ldquo;bounce back\u0026rdquo; from shocks but as the ability to transform the conditions that make certain groups disproportionately vulnerable.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOur study supports previous research demonstrating that social- and gender-based disparities increase women\u0026rsquo;s vulnerability (26; 112;143). We found that women in both fishing communities face challenges not only from male-dominated systems, in which men hold greater authority, but also from their complex relationships with other women within and beyond their households. Older female family members, particularly mothers-in-law, often enforce traditional gender roles, creating significant family tensions. These patterns reveal that vulnerability extends beyond the simple dynamics of male dominance over women and encompasses a complex hierarchy of relationships between households and communities. This hierarchical system amplifies emotional distress, restricts personal autonomy, and exacerbates climate-related vulnerabilities. Although women fisherfolk acknowledge the environmental and economic challenges they face, their narratives demonstrate limited awareness of the broader structural forces perpetuating their vulnerable circumstances.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eWomen fisherfolk in both communities tended to view challenges as inevitable realities, creating a pattern in which deep-rooted inequalities go unexamined. This unconscious acceptance normalizes their hardships and exposure to violence, while reducing opportunities for collective action or meaningful transformation. Addressing the connection between climate effects and social vulnerability requires reforms that address established inequities. Therefore, building gender-equitable resilience requires a paradigm shift in how adaptation is conceptualized, measured, and implemented.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003col\u003e \u003cspan\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003eResilience must be considered. It must attend to unequal power relations\u0026mdash;between men and women, and between formal institutions and informal actors\u0026mdash;that determine who adapts and how. Policies must address material inequalities (income, land, and credit) and symbolic exclusions (participation, recognition, and legitimacy).\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003c/span\u003e \u003cspan\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003eAdaptation must be integrated with rights, and resilience cannot substitute justice. Women\u0026rsquo;s resilience should not be premised on continued exclusion from the economic and political benefits of the fishery sector. Current plans and policies demonstrate limited connections between gender, climate change, and disaster risk reduction, indicating a fragmented approach to policymaking. There is a pressing need to enhance mainstream gender efforts across various sectors responsible for climate change adaptation and disaster management to strengthen women\u0026rsquo;s resilience to climate change impacts. Legal reforms must also ensure tenure security, enforce anti-discrimination laws in cooperative leadership, and institutionalize gender quotas in climate planning bodies.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003c/span\u003e \u003cspan\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003eSocial capital must be supported and instrumentalized. Women\u0026rsquo;s informal savings groups, which have emerged as powerful sources of adaptive capacity, must be formally recognized, resourced, and protected from repression. Instead of treating these groups as cheap delivery mechanisms for donor programs, they should be viewed as autonomous institutions with political agencies.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003c/span\u003e \u003cspan\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003eMetrics of success must be recalibrated. Beyond income and assets, measures of adaptation success should include such indicators as reduced unpaid labor, improved reproductive health outcomes, increased decision-making participation, and enhanced collective bargaining power.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003c/span\u003e \u003cspan\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003eClimate adaptation planning should be participatory, dialogic, and forward-looking, involving women as co-designers of solutions, rather than passive recipients of aid. This involves acknowledging and addressing tensions, trade-offs, and diverse visions of what a \u0026ldquo;resilient\u0026rdquo; fishery community should look like.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003c/span\u003e \u003c/ol\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe fishing communities of Limbe and Makoko illustrate how gendered divisions of labor, access, and authority intersect with ecological shocks to produce highly differentiated experiences of vulnerability. However, they also reveal the possibility of resistance and innovation, often led by women fisherfolk, whose efforts are under-recognized but essential. A truly transformative approach to climate resilience must go beyond adaptation to interrogate structures that render some groups perpetually adaptive and others permanently protected.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAcknowledgements\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFunding support was provided by the Canadian Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC) through the Solving Food, Climate, Biodiversity project; The Robin Rigby Trust-Saint Mary's University; International Doctoral Research Award (IDRA)-Universities Canada; Cosmos International Graduate Travel Award; The Nature Conservancy on Gender Equity Project and the Gender in Aquaculture and Fisheries Section (GAFS) of the Asian Fisheries Society. We are deeply grateful for this support. We also appreciate Too Big to Ignore: Think Solutions Workshop, Vonat and ASDEV (NGOs), our research assistants, study participants, and anonymous reviewers for their support, guidance, and constructive feedback.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eConflict of interest \u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAuthors Contributions\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAyodele Oloko: conceptualization; investigation; methodology; writing – original draft; review and editing, visualization. Philippe Le Billon: writing – review and editing, supervision. Shehu Latunji Akintola: writing – review and editing. Ilyass Dahmouni: writing –review and editing, visualization. Muhammed A. Oyinlola: writing –review and editing, visualization. Raymond K. Ayilu: writing – review and editing. Louise Teh: writing – review and editing, William Cheung: writing – review and editing, supervision. Sangeeta Mangubhai: writing – review and editing. Ifesinachi Okafor-Yarwood: writing – review and editing. Iria García-Lorenzo: writing – review and editing. Akinkunmi Sunday Ojo: writing – review and editing. Rashid Sumaila: writing – review and editing, supervision.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eClinical Trial Number\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eNot applicable.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eEthics Declarations\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe authors declare no competing interests.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eConsent to Participate\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe study received approval from the University of British Columbia Ethics Board, and all procedures involving human participants adhered to established ethical standards.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eConsent to publish \u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAll authors have consented to publish in the ‘Discover Sustainability’ journal.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eData Availability Status\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe datasets generated and/or analysed during the current study are not publicly available due to restrictions imposed during the interview-based data collection process but are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003eNelson GC, Valin H, Sands RD, Havl\u0026iacute;k P, Ahammad H, Deryng D, Elliott J, Fujimori S, Hasegawa T, Heyhoe E, Kyle P. 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Coastal Manage. 2020;48(5):436\u0026ndash;55.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e \u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003eFakoya KA, Saba AO, Oloko A, Akintola SL, Ajelara KO, Abiodun-Solanke A, Olasope MA, Olabamiji IO. Enhancing fisheries development in sub-Saharan Africa: The role of participatory processes and cross-disciplinary strategies in research. Oceanography. 2025;38(1).\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e \u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003eOloko A, Teh L, Harper S, Fakoya K, Elegbede IO. The plight of female fish traders in fish-for-sex transactions in Sub-Saharan Africa. SPC Women Fisher Info Bull. 2024;40.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/ol\u003e"},{"header":"Footnotes","content":"\u003col\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e \u003cem\u003eAlajo\u003c/em\u003e are informal savings group aimed at providing informal credit in the absence of formal financial institutions.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":true,"hideJournal":false,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"discover-sustainability","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"disu","sideBox":"Learn more about [Discover Sustainability](https://www.springer.com/43621)","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"","title":"Discover Sustainability","twitterHandle":"","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":true,"editorialSystem":"stoa","reportingPortfolio":"Discover Series","inReviewEnabled":true,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"Climate change, Gender, Fisherfolk, Sustainability, Resilience","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-8606229/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-8606229/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eCoastal communities in developing countries depend heavily on natural resources for their livelihoods, rendering them particularly vulnerable to climate change and environmental disruption. Efforts to strengthen adaptive capacity often overlook the role of gender relations and socioeconomic inequalities that shape vulnerability. This study examines how small-scale fishing communities in Limbe, Cameroon, and Makoko, Nigeria, respond to climate change through gender-differentiated vulnerability, coping, and adaptation strategies. Using mixed-methods research design informed by the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework, the study assesses the resilience and livelihood needs of fisherfolk. The findings show that fisherfolk employ a diverse and interconnected set of coping and adaptation strategies shaped by access to resources, skills, beliefs, socio-cultural contexts, and prior experiences of environmental stress. These strategies span economic, physiological, social, institutional, religious, and psychological dimensions. However, climate change impacts women fisherfolk more severely than men across five key livelihood domains. Despite growing recognition of gendered climate vulnerability, the absence of gender-disaggregated data continues to constrain the development of effective, gender-responsive adaptation measures among fishing communities. The study identifies priority areas for action and calls for greater consensus on gender-sensitive approaches, emphasizing the need to enhance women\u0026rsquo;s participation in decision-making and policy formulation related to climate adaptation.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"The Gendered Impacts of Climate Change on Fisherfolk: Evidence from Nigeria and Cameroon","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2026-01-26 01:22:19","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-8606229/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0},{"type":"decision","content":"Revision requested","date":"2026-01-23T11:10:35+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorAssigned","content":"","date":"2026-01-20T06:15:58+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"checksComplete","content":"","date":"2026-01-20T06:14:20+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"submitted","content":"Discover Sustainability","date":"2026-01-15T02:38:41+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"discover-sustainability","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"disu","sideBox":"Learn more about [Discover Sustainability](https://www.springer.com/43621)","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"","title":"Discover Sustainability","twitterHandle":"","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":true,"editorialSystem":"stoa","reportingPortfolio":"Discover Series","inReviewEnabled":true,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"3b3c307f-8acd-418c-a532-21f1017d649c","owner":[],"postedDate":"January 26th, 2026","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"under-review","subjectAreas":[],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2026-03-12T07:25:16+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2026-01-26 01:22:19","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-8606229","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-8606229","identity":"rs-8606229","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"XKTyCvWXoU3ODBz1xrDgd","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}