Unraveling secondary school girls’ dropout in Rural Malawi through self-determination

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Through Self-determination theory, and motivated by Sustainable Development Goals 4 and 5, the study examines the psychological needs impacting female students' motivation to drop out of school. Through semi-structured interviews, observations, and document analysis, it delineates the adverse effects of compromised autonomy, competence, and relatedness attributed to systemic challenges within educational institutions, pedagogical practices, and familial settings. The findings underscore the criticality of enhancing the educational engagement and retention of girls, pinpointing educator absenteeism, peer ridicule, parental indifference, stringent parenting, economic hardships, and alternative career aspirations as pivotal to understanding dropout dynamics. The recommendations for bolstering girls' perceptions are imperative for fostering conducive learning environments for sustained educational participation. Our emphasis on targeted interventions and the call for comprehensive future research resonate with the SDGs' overarching framework, advocating for evidence-based policies and practices that can drive sustainable development across multiple domains. This study contributes to the academic discourse on educational retention and provides actionable insights for stakeholders towards the realization of the SDGs, highlighting the interconnectedness of educational attainment, gender equality, and sustainable development. Self-determination theory girls' school dropout psychological needs Secondary school education educational interventions students at risk Figures Figure 1 Introduction The educational landscape in Malawi is characterized by a dichotomy in the quality of secondary schooling, with a disproportionate concentration of substandard educational institutions in rural areas as compared to their urban counterparts. This disparity places female students at an elevated risk of attrition, attributable to suboptimal scholastic environments. Contributing factors include inadequate infrastructure, a prevalence of teachers lacking essential qualifications, and a cadre of educators who do not meet the requisite pedagogical standards. Furthermore, entrenched traditional and cultural practices, alongside prevailing socioeconomic deprivation, exacerbate the vulnerability of girls to premature discontinuation of their secondary education. These conditions collectively undermine the foundational elements necessary for a conducive learning atmosphere, thereby impeding the educational persistence and attainment of female students in these rural settings. Nevertheless, the imperative of female education is underscored, delineating the educated woman as a pivotal asset within the realm of social capital. This perspective heralds the notion that maternal education serves as a cornerstone for cultivating a well-informed citizenry, alongside fostering enhanced health and nutritional outcomes for families. The educational attainment of women extends beyond individual benefits, engendering a multiplicative effect on societal well-being and progress. In this context, the role of an educated mother transcends conventional boundaries, embodying a catalyst for intergenerational education and a harbinger of improved familial health paradigms. Mothers with limited education tend not to value education [ 1 ], leading to high rates of compromised child health [ 2 ], [ 3 ], child labor, and absenteeism. Efforts to mitigate the attrition rates of girls from educational institutions encompass a multifaceted array of strategies, including the implementation of government policies, interventions by non-governmental organizations (NGOs), the provision of bursaries, the establishment of legal frameworks, and the deployment of social programs. Despite the concerted endeavors by state authorities, civil society organizations, and international development partners to ameliorate the impediments to girls' education in Malawi, the persistent issue of school dropout among female students, particularly within the upper primary and secondary education tiers, continues to pose a substantial challenge. This situation underscores the complexity of addressing educational disparities and highlights the need for continued innovation and commitment in strategies aimed at sustaining girls' participation in education. Research indicates that the dropout rate for girls is higher than for boys [ 4 ], with 10% of primary school-age girls and 32% of secondary school-age female youths being out of school in 2014. The issue is particularly acute in rural areas, where about 80% of secondary school-age girls reside. While there is a gender parity policy for admission, the number of girls significantly drops as they progress to higher classes in the rural, contrary to the Sustainable Development Goals on education. Current scholarly discourse predominantly centers on the educational dynamics within primary schooling, with a scant number of investigations delving into the motivational constructs influencing female students in secondary educational settings. Despite an extensive corpus of research dedicated to examining the phenomena of girls' school dropout rates and the myriad intervention strategies proposed within academic circles, the persistently high attrition rates among female students from educational pathways continue to elicit grave concerns. This enduring issue necessitates a reevaluation of existing analytical frameworks, advocating for a more nuanced exploration of the underlying factors contributing to this trend. The significance of probing into the reasons behind girls' discontinuation of schooling transcends the realm of educational policy, bearing profound implications for the broader objectives of achieving gender parity, fostering economic growth, enhancing community health, and realizing global developmental goals. By situating the investigation within the theoretical confines of self-determination theory, this study seeks to shed light on the multifaceted reasons underpinning why certain girls opt to leave school despite ongoing intervention efforts, while others navigate their way to the completion of their secondary education. This approach not only fills a critical void in the existing literature but also offers a pivotal understanding that could inform more effective, nuanced, and sustainable strategies to counteract the dropout phenomenon among girls in secondary schools. The study specifically aims to (1) explore the factors behind girls’ school dropouts from secondary schools based on self-determined motivation and (2) find out what efforts and strategies, if applied, can support girls’ school completion in secondary schools. The following research questions guide it: What were the experiences of dropout girls interpreted in terms of perceived autonomy, competence, and relatedness? How did the experiences affect their decisions to drop out of school? This study adds to the scholarship through its unique perspective on using self-determination theory to induce a mindset change among those intervening and the girls themselves. The literature on the risk of female students dropping out of school reveals multifaceted factors contributing to this persistent issue. Economic, household, school-level, and cultural factors significantly impact girls’ education, leading to poor outcomes and subsequent high dropout rates [ 4 ]–[ 6 ]. Teacher attitudes play a crucial role in students’ education. Negative attitudes, lack of motivation, and discriminatory behavior from teachers can demotivate female students, particularly in rural areas where teachers might lack motivation [ 7 ]. Punishments, threats, and bullying, especially related to gender issues, can emotionally affect girls more than boys, leading to dropout [ 8 ]–[ 10 ]Additionally, the absence of female teachers affects girls’ comfort and performance, as demonstrated in various studies[ 11 ]–[ 14 ] The availability and quality of feminine sanitary facilities significantly impact girls’ school attendance [ 11 ], [ 15 ]. Lack of proper facilities, menstrual hygiene management, and access to sanitary materials can lead to embarrassment and discomfort, causing girls to stay home during menstruation [ 16 ], [ 17 ]. Additionally, the absence of safe and private sanitary facilities affects girls’ confidence and attendance, potentially leading to dropout [ 18 ]. Long distances to school place girls at a significant risk. Parents’ concerns about their daughters’ safety and potential harassment on the way to school can discourage them from attending, contributing to dropout [ 19 ], [ 20 ]. Household responsibilities and exhausting commutes make it harder for girls to manage their studies, potentially leading to poor performance and dropout. Cultural expectations often burden girls with household chores, impacting their study time and energy [ 13 ], [ 21 ], [ 22 ]. Parental involvement and attitudes, particularly the value placed on girls’ education, influence their motivation and dropout rates. Poverty exacerbates these challenges, as families struggle to afford educational necessities, and girls may face more significant barriers due to cultural biases favoring boys’ education [ 22 ], [ 23 ]. Cultural beliefs and practices, such as early marriages, initiation rituals, and taboos surrounding menstruation, can force girls out of school. Societal norms that prioritize boys’ education over girls’ further reinforce gender disparities in dropout rates. [ 23 ], [ 24 ];. Early pregnancies often result in school dropout due to societal stigma and discrimination [ 23 ]. Cultural pressure and expectations can force girls into early marriages, disrupting their education and leading to dropout [ 24 ]. In a nutshell, the complex interplay of economic, household, school-level, and cultural factors perpetuate the problem of girls’ school dropout. Addressing this issue requires comprehensive interventions considering girls' specific challenges, including improving sanitary facilities, addressing cultural norms, providing economic support to families, and fostering a supportive and empowering educational environment. Several studies have explored the application of SDT in the context of school dropout, shedding light on the crucial role of autonomy, competence, and relatedness in student motivation. Students are likelier to drop out when they receive low levels of autonomous support from parents, teachers, and school administration [ 25 ]–[ 27 ]. Harsh and overly controlling measures by teachers diminish students’ autonomy, leading to low self-determined motivation and eventual dropout intentions. Students who perceive their teachers and school environment as supportive of their autonomy are more motivated and less likely to drop out [ 28 ]. Studies focusing on teacher support have emphasized its impact on student motivation. Teacher autonomy support positively influences students’ perceived competence and autonomy, leading to determined motivation and reduced dropout intentions [ 27 ]. Similarly, teachers' nurturing and sensitive environment enhances students’ sense of relatedness, preventing alienation from school and dropout intentions [ 29 ], [ 30 ]. Parents play a crucial role in nurturing autonomous motivation. Students whose parents provide autonomy-supportive environments are less likely to develop dropout intentions. Controlling parenting styles and harsh treatment diminish autonomous motivation, potentially leading to school dropout [ 31 ], [ 32 ]. Students’ perception of their competence significantly influences dropout intentions. When students perceive themselves as competent, they are motivated to persist and complete their education. In contrast, feelings of incompetence can lead to dropout intentions, highlighting the importance of nurturing students’ self-efficacy [ 29 ]. The interplay between environmental factors, such as supportive social environments, and personal factors, such as self-efficacy, affects students’ motivation—social settings that support autonomy and competence foster self-determined motivation, reducing dropout intentions [ 33 ]. Additionally, teachers’ role in motivating students should focus on the intrinsic value of education rather than external rewards, preserving students’ intrinsic motivation [ 33 ]. The literature reviewed underscores the critical role of autonomy, competence, and relatedness in students’ motivation to persist in school. Teachers and parents significantly influence students’ self-determined motivation through supportive and nurturing approaches, reducing dropout intentions. Understanding these motivational factors is essential for designing interventions that promote student retention and prevent school dropouts. Self-determination theory (SDT), developed by Edward L. Deci and Richard M. Ryan, provides a framework to understand individuals’ motivation and behavior, emphasizing intrinsic and extrinsic motivations [ 34 ]. Intrinsic motivation stems from the pleasure of an activity, while extrinsic motivation involves engaging in an action for external rewards or punishments [ 34 ], [ 35 ]. Extrinsic motivation encompasses various regulations, from external [ 35 ] (fear of punishment or desire for a reward) to integrated regulation [ 36 ] (voluntary engagement [ 37 ] based on personal values). The theory emphasizes three key components: autonomy (freedom of choice), relatedness (meaningful relationships), and competence (self-belief in one’s abilities) [ 34 ], [ 35 ], [ 38 ]. Materials and methods The research conducted in Malawi aimed to investigate the factors contributing to girls’ dropout rates in secondary schools, mainly focusing on autonomy, competence, and relatedness within the framework of Self-Determination Theory [ 35 ], [ 38 ]. The research design, methods, and tools were carefully chosen to ensure the collection of rich, relevant data while upholding ethical standards. The study was conducted in rural districts with high dropout rates among girls in Malawi. This choice was justified by the researcher’s convenience and the district’s alignment with the study’s focus on rural areas where dropout rates are prevalent. Malawi is the South African Development Community (Banda et al., 2023), sharing borders with Zambia to the west, Tanzania to the North, and Mozambique to the east and South [ 40 ]. A qualitative research design was employed to explore participants’ attitudes and lived experiences in-depth. Qualitative methods were essential to delve into the complexities of the phenomenon under investigation. The study utilized triangulation, incorporating multiple data sources (interviews, observations, and document analysis) to understand the issue comprehensively. Triangulation ensured the reliability and validity of the findings by cross-verifying information obtained from different sources and methods. Sampling and sample size To allow for inclusiveness and a better understanding of various factors within this framework, participants were drawn from all three administrative regions in the country, making geographical, cultural, and socioeconomic backgrounds diverse, thereby capturing a broader range of experiences related to the research question. To identify the rural districts with the highest dropout rates, we used purposive sampling as it was necessary to get in touch with individuals who could assist in finding situations that provide copious relevant information [ 41 ], [ 42 ]. District Selection Process: The research commenced with procuring district-level data from the Ministry of Education, pinpointing districts in each region with the highest incidence of girl student dropouts. Where a region had multiple districts with high rates, the one with the highest was purposefully picked. School Selection Process: This macro-level data was further refined by acquiring school-specific dropout rates from educational divisions, enabling the selection of one school per division most pertinent to the study. The school with the highest dropout numbers was purposefully picked. After that, in the chosen schools, detailed lists of girls who had dropped out during the study period were carefully compiled. This involved collaborative efforts with head teachers and a thorough examination of school and period attendance registers, ensuring the accuracy and comprehensiveness of data. The study isolated individuals who had dropped out within the last three years to increase the chances of getting respondents with fresh memories of school experiences. Besides, those who dropped out long ago may have changed statuses from children in their mothers’ houses to wives or adults in their own homes; therefore, observing them under such new environments increases the probability of more confounding variables. Furthermore, most schools in rural Malawi still keep data exclusive in traditional paper/flat or non-electronic filing systems [most schools lack electricity and digital technologies]; we also chose to stick to the recent years to ensure documents were still accessible in the school. The names of the villages of such girls were identified through school data. One village was conveniently sampled around each school. In this sampling, the researchers considered the village's accessibility through the road and its proximity to the schools. Subsequently, recognizing the importance of community context, the research team engaged with traditional village leaders. These leaders played a crucial role in the snowball sampling process, assisting in identifying initial participants (seeds). This step ensured cultural sensitivity and local relevance in participant selection. At this last stage of sampling, snowball sampling was the most because the researchers were aware that some dropouts might be pursuing different careers or occupations even away from their homes, making it difficult to be traced [ 43 ]–[ 45 ]. Utilizing the seeds identified with the help of traditional leaders, the sampling expanded through the participants' networks. This iterative process continued until data saturation was achieved, ensuring a thorough and representative study population sample. In summary, the study identified the respondents through a comprehensive methodology that involved selecting participants from all three regions: one district per region, one school per district, and one village per school across the country. Despite our concerted efforts to recruit participants from diverse regions, schools, districts, and villages within the study area, the research team encountered challenges related to participant relocation. It was observed that a significant number of potential participants had relocated from their original villages to urban areas or distant villages, often due to factors such as marriage and family relocations. This phenomenon resulted in difficulties accessing and engaging with a larger pool of potential respondents. Accessibility challenges were more in the North and Central, where they practice patrilineal than the matrilineal family system in the South. Consequently, the study settled for the first 7 accessible dropouts from each region, making a sample of 21 respondents. Instrument development and validation Semi-structured in-depth interviews were used to collect primary data guided by a carefully developed interview protocol. Interview guide Developing the semi-structured questionnaire guide ( appendix 4)for the study on female student dropout rates in Rural Malawi, deeply embedded in Self-Determination Theory (SDT), commenced with a meticulous literature review. This review, extending beyond the immediate scope of girl student dropouts, encompassed a broad spectrum of research within educational psychology, focusing on SDT's core components of autonomy, competence, and relatedness. This extensive exploration of scholarly works was pivotal in shaping the theoretical framework of the questionnaire. Drawing from the insights garnered through the literature review; the questionnaire was crafted with a dual focus: to probe into the lived experiences of the female students within the context of SDT and to align these inquiries with the broader socioeconomic factors identified in the literature. The drafting process involved iterative consultations with subject matter experts in education, psychology, and sociology, each bringing a nuanced understanding of how SDT principles manifest in educational settings. Pilot testing of the questionnaire provided critical insights, serving as a litmus test for the theoretical and practical applicability of the questions, leading to refinements, ensuring that each question resonated with the core tenets of SDT while remaining sensitive to the cultural and socioeconomic realities of the participants. This iterative refinement process was a procedural and essential phase in enhancing the questionnaire's academic rigor and relevance. Finally, the questionnaire's development culminated in a comprehensive tool that encapsulated the essence of SDT, enriched by the extensive literature review. This tool was a collection of questions and a reflection of a deep, theoretical understanding tailored to unravel the complex interplay of psychological, socioeconomic, and educational factors influencing female student dropouts. Having undergone expert review and ethical scrutiny, the final version was a testament to the study's commitment to academic excellence and methodological integrity. The final questionnaire was translated into three vernaculars by a professional translator versed in English and the target language, based on the common language in each region (Lhomwe in the South, Chewa in the Central, and Tumbuka in the North). However, the actual version of the questionnaire depended on the respondents’ choices. The interviews began with clarifying the study’s objectives and procedures, conveyed in the vernacular language to ensure participants' complete understanding and comfort. Emphasizing the voluntary nature of participation, verbal consent was obtained from all adult participants in the presence of their parents, serving as witnesses, thus reinforcing the ethical principle of informed consent. The interviews were conducted by teams of pairs conversing in any of the three local languages besides English and had a working knowledge of the local cultures in the host villages. The commitment to confidentiality was paramount, with assurances given to protect participants' privacy and the data's security. This measure not only adhered to ethical standards but also fostered a trustful environment conducive to open and honest communication. Interviews were conducted with utmost sensitivity and respect, taking into account the cultural and personal backgrounds of the participants, thereby ensuring that the interaction was empathetic and non-intrusive. In handling the data, rigorous procedures were employed, from the collection and storage to the analysis stages, aligning with the highest standards of ethical research practices. This thorough approach guaranteed the protection and confidentiality of participant information and enhanced the credibility and reliability of the findings, thereby contributing significantly to the study's scholarly rigor and ethical robustness. Document analysis The other data were collected through observations: Home visits allowed observations in participants’ homes, providing additional context to their living situations and environments. We also chose the observation technique for its ability to uncover data that is very significant, as seen in recent examples within the field of organization studies [ 46 ]. Besides, the open-ended nature of the subject matter allows for freedom of exploration. It presents the complex challenge of establishing limits and determining when to limit the scope of analysis [ 46 ]. However, the observation approach for data collecting faces challenges when attempting to target emotions. Moreover, the determination of what should be considered relevant observations is often ambiguous, leading to the potential for excessive or insufficient data collection. We have devised an observation guide for future reference to address this obstacle. In addition, this strategy may also lead the observer to have trouble determining what to watch [ 46 ]. Occasionally, comprehending a singular proxy action might also be perplexing. For example, a participant can express laughter, which may indicate happiness, while it signifies the opposite sentiment. To address this difficulty, we used a strategy wherein the observers were carefully selected from within the same community. This deliberate selection process aimed to guarantee that the observers possessed the same cultural background and familiarity with the social norms and routines prevalent within the community. The rationale behind this approach was to provide more excellent knowledge and comprehension among the observers, enhancing the effectiveness of their observations. Official school documents, including scholastic records and attendance registers, were analyzed to validate the information gathered from interviews and provide a more comprehensive view of participants’ academic history. Employing multiple data sources and methods (triangulation) enhanced the study’s credibility and validity by cross-validating information, ensuring a comprehensive and accurate understanding of the research topic. Much as document analysis can yield valuable data and offers researchers the flexibility to carry out various analysis techniques, such as content analysis, discourse analysis, or thematic analysis, depending on the nature of the documents and the research objectives, flexibility that enhances the adaptability of document analysis to different research contexts, it poses challenges of data loss or incomplete records. To address this challenge, we sought explanations from form teachers and managers for answers to the missing records. Thematic coding was employed for data analysis. Thematic coding enabled a systematic analysis of qualitative data, allowing for identifying and organizing patterns and themes within the participants’ narratives. Professionally trained bi-linguists, transcribed interviews, and relevant passages were identified based on the study’s objectives and research questions. Themes were developed by categorizing common ideas and repeated passages, providing a structured framework for presenting the findings. The data was contextualized, considering the specific characteristics of Rural Malawi. Checklist development and home observation data In the creation of the observation checklist ( appendix 5) for this study, the procedure entailed a methodical development process grounded in Self-Determination Theory (SDT). Initially, a literature review was conducted to delineate the constructs of autonomy, competence, and relatedness as they pertain to educational outcomes. After this, a draft checklist was formulated, articulating specific, observable indicators relevant to the SDT constructs. This draft underwent iterative refinement through expert consultations and pilot testing in the field, ensuring the checklist's items were empirically grounded, contextually appropriate, and sensitive to the nuances of the participants' home environments. The finalized checklist was thus a product of this comprehensive, evidence-based process, tailored to elucidate the multifaceted dimensions influencing school dropout rates among girls. A careful blend of interpretive and thematic analysis was employed to analyze the observational data. Concurrently, thematic analysis was integral in identifying and reviewing themes relevant to autonomy, competence, and relatedness, as defined by Self-Determination Theory. This dual approach ensured a comprehensive data exploration, offering insights into the complex interplay between psychological needs and the home environment. The combination of interpretive and thematic methods was pivotal in revealing nuanced barriers to education and informing strategies for engagement, aligning perfectly with the study's aims to understand and address the challenges faced by school dropout girls. The data was then intimately reviewed, with initial ideas noted and patterns emerging, particularly those aligned with the constructs of Self-Determination Theory—autonomy, competence, and relatedness. Coding procedures were implemented to encapsulate the essence of the data, leading to the development of themes resonant with the psychological needs under investigation. The preliminary themes were rigorously reviewed to represent the coded extracts and the entire dataset accurately. This review process was iterative, refining, defining, and naming themes to construct a coherent narrative. Finally, the study's findings were eloquently articulated, weaving the thematic analysis with the research questions and existing literature, providing a pastiche of insights that underscored the nuanced interplay between the girls' psychological needs and their home environments. The justification for employing this interpretive approach lies in its ability to unravel the complex tapestry of factors influencing girls' educational disengagement. The qualitative nature of this analysis was particularly germane to the study's aims, as it facilitated an exploration into the intricate ways in which the fulfillment of autonomy, competence, and relatedness—central tenets of SDT—were impeded within the domestic sphere. This approach proved invaluable in illuminating the barriers to education and informing potential strategies for re-engagement. Ethical standards All the participants had attained the legal status of adulthood and provided informed consent, ensuring their willingness to participate. Data was collected between September 10, 2019, and January 25, 2020. This study was cleared by North-East Normal University, the institution of one of the authors, during her master’s degree studies. The Ministry of Education also cleared the study in the host country, allowing for data collection in public secondary schools. Following ethical research practices, prior to participation, all study objectives and confidentiality assurances were meticulously communicated to participants in the vernacular language to ensure clear understanding. Participants, all of whom were adults, provided verbal consent in the presence of their parents, who served as witnesses. This process underscored the study's commitment to informed consent, respecting participants' autonomy while ensuring transparency and ethical integrity in the research process. All names used in this study are not real to conceal respondents’ identities. Results On average, girls from the South dropped out at the earliest age compared to those in the Central and North. Figure 1 illustrates the highest academic levels and average ages in each region participants attained before dropping out. From the South, 57.1% dropped in 9th grade, 28.6% dropped to 10th, and 14.3% dropped to 11th. From the Central, 14.2% dropped in the 9th grade, 42.9% in the 10th, and 42.9% in the 11th. From the North, 14.3% dropped to the 9th grade, 28.6% at 10th, and 57.1% at 11th. However, it may be a hasty generalization from this sample to think these statistics represent the overall phenomenon in these regions, as they indicate an excellent cause for worries. The average dropout age for the North was 21, the Central 20, and the South 19. Experiences of dropout girls in terms of perceived autonomy, competence, and relatedness In response to research question number one, which aimed to explore the experiences of dropout girls, three distinct themes emerged from the participants’ responses based on the interview protocol utilized by the researcher. Perceives autonomy in school and home All 21 participants reported attending school either due to coercion or because they had not yet identified alternative paths. Coercion was identified from the following participants: "I had no say in what subjects I studied or what sports I played. Teachers always dictated my choices, and at home, my parents made all my decisions for me." (Pauline) "The school decided everything for me, from subjects to extracurriculars. My parents were just as controlling. I needed some space to make my own choices." (Laura) "I wanted to study art and join the drama club, but my teachers said those were not practical. My parents agreed with them. I had no control over my education or interests." (Rosemin) For most of them, attending school was perceived as the only viable option given their young age, leaving them with no alternatives. Some articulated this sentiment, stating: “There was nothing else I could have done besides going to school. After all, I was just a young girl.” “As a young child, I couldn’t have pursued anything else apart from attending school. School was the only available option without considering anything else.” Some participants viewed attending school as a societal norm rather than a personal choice. Darlene expressed: “At that age, everyone attends school, so I had to go. What else could I have done at that age apart from attending school? Nothing but school.” With time, some participants found alternative paths, such as marriage or starting small businesses. Aterza, for instance, revealed: “ Now that I am grown, I am getting married. My wedding is next week.” Similarly, Bianca started her small business, stating: “I can’t say I could have pursued something else apart from school, but now I have found something to do. I started my small business.” All 21 participants indicated a lack of freedom to make decisions regarding their education at school and home. School activities were strictly regulated, leaving no room for personal choices. Agnes lamented: “In school, we were expected to follow the teachers’ instructions without questioning or suggesting alternative ways of doing things, whether in class or outdoor activities. At home, my parents dictated almost everything. I couldn’t make decisions until I dropped out of school.” Even extracurricular activities, like sports, were tightly controlled. Alice, a netball player, shared: “Our school had no room for student opinions, not even sports. Even for training, we had to be instructed by teachers. As players, we couldn’t even organize our training sessions.” These sentiments were crosschecked with observations. The observational analysis within the home environments of school dropout girls reveals a nuanced landscape of autonomy. Autonomy is markedly constrained; girls are often seen with limited personal liberties, their choices—from clothing to career paths—predetermined by family. These restrictions extend beyond the tangible to the suppression of voice in familial discourse, depicting a pattern where personal preferences are overridden by collective decisions. 2. Perceived Competence in school and home Nearly all participants, except one, struggled academically throughout their secondary school years. They found performing well in various subjects challenging, often performing worse than in primary school. Dropouts expressed: "I felt I couldn't keep up with the others. No matter how hard I tried, my grades didn't improve. Teachers seemed to have given up on me, and at home, my parents didn't know how to help me." ( Beatrice) "The classes were too hard, and I wasn't getting any help. My teachers didn't have time to explain things again, and my parents expected me to figure it out on my own." (Leticia) "I felt dumb. Teachers expected me to know things before teaching me, and my parents got frustrated when I didn't do well." (Abigail) “My performance in secondary school was not as good as in primary school. I used to excel, but in secondary school, I faced challenges in many subjects.” Clara was an exception, mentioning: “I did well in almost all subjects. I struggled a bit in Mathematics and Physics but worked hard to improve in those areas.” In addition to the participants’ accounts, the researcher conducted a document analysis of the scholastic records provided by the schools. This analysis revealed consistent academic struggles, with most participants having low scores in multiple subjects. The experiences of dropout girls were characterized by limited options, lack of autonomy in school and home environments, and significant academic challenges, all of which contributed to their decision to discontinue their education. The results indicated that the academic performance of 13 out of 20 participants remained significantly below the passing threshold during their tenure at the institution. Two competitors, Beatrice and Clara, achieved scores close to the passing criterion of 50%. Table 2 (appendix 2) illustrates the grades, while table 3 (appendix 3) is the key for interpreting the grades in Table 2. Table 2: Participants’ end-of-year mean score for five subjects for each class attended before dropping out Table 3, vital for interpreting score in Table 2 The participants consistently shared their worries about their poor academic performance, lack of motivation, and the pressure they felt due to their academic struggles. Some participants feared their guardians’ reactions to their low grades, leading to a cycle of worry and demotivation. Beatrice expressed, “Whenever feedback came, it showed that I was not that good in most of the subjects and, of course, I felt bad and was worried, and I was not very motivated to do all my work given in school.” These experiences were mirrored by the observation results. Similarly, observations revealed that competence, too, is subtly yet systematically undermined. The dismissal of opinions and capabilities, whether in executing household tasks or contributing to family responsibilities, not only questions their skills but also erodes self-confidence. This is exemplified by a lack of trust in their abilities, from babysitting to event planning, which fosters an environment where competence is not nurtured but doubted. This finding is consistent with the self-reported experiences of the participants since 14 individuals expressed difficulties across several academic disciplines over their educational tenure. Based on the available academic data, it is evident that even among participants who self-reported satisfactory academic performance, their actual achievement was just marginally above the minimum passing threshold. Perceived relatedness in school and home: All 21 participants expressed the absence of supportive relationships with teachers or adults in school. They felt that teachers were distant, unapproachable, and lacked personal connections. Many participants shared stories of fear, lack of communication, and isolation, contributing to their disengagement from the school environment. For instance, some remarked: “I did not have a teacher or any adult whom I felt so close to the extent of telling them my issues, no, no, no.” (Daizzy) "I never felt like I belonged in school. The teachers didn't seem to care about what I had to say, and my classmates didn't understand me. It was like I was invisible both at home and in the classroom." (Abigail) "I dropped out because there was no connection with anyone. My teachers were distant, and my friends were different. My parents were always too busy to listen." Participants mentioned specific situations in school that they disliked, including being mocked, punished, forced to attend activities, and teachers’ behavior. These negative experiences added to their dissatisfaction with the school environment. Agnes highlighted, “What I did not like at school was the mocking that was happening to me because of the baby I had, and teachers were not stopping them. It was not good.” Besides, several participants revealed that their parents did not take their education seriously, leading to a lack of financial and emotional support. Some parents even suggested or supported their decision to drop out. Esther explained: “When I was dropping out, my mother did not oppose the idea as I told her what had been happening in school, so she agreed to my decision.” "At school, I was just another face. My teachers never remembered my interests or asked about my day. At home, it was the same. My parents never really asked about my school life." (Leticia) In connection to the lack of support from home, observations revealed that relatedness within these homes is equally complex. Emotional connectivity is sparse; personal achievements go unnoticed; inclusion in family activities is the exception rather than the rule, and contributions to household dynamics are often disregarded. This lack of validation and emotional reciprocity speaks to a more profound disconnect, indicating a fundamental absence of the supportive and nurturing ties essential for a sense of belonging. Discussion The qualitative study's exploration of girls' secondary school dropout through the lens of Self-Determination Theory (SDT) provides a nuanced understanding of the interplay between psychological needs and external challenges. Through in-depth semi-structured interviews, participants' school life experiences revealed significant issues in these areas, leading to low motivation and dropout. The central tenets of SDT—autonomy, competence, and relatedness—are reflected in the participants' experiences, shedding light on why some girls discontinue their education despite various interventions. The qualitative data from interviews underscores a pervasive lack of perceived autonomy among the participants. The girls consistently reported experiencing a form of compulsion, emanating from both educational and domestic spheres. Contrary to the expectations of SDT, this absence of choice in their educational trajectories and extracurricular activities was reported to be a directive handed down by teachers and parents alike. Such experiences suggest that school attendance was less an active engagement and more a passive acquiescence to societal and familial expectations, undermining the concept of autonomy that is essential for intrinsic motivation. The constraints on autonomy extended beyond the realm of academic choices to encompass a broader restriction of personal liberties, evidenced by the limited ability of the girls to make choices that aligned with their interests and aspirations. Observational analysis within the participants' homes provided a poignant picture of the limited autonomy these young women faced, with predetermined choices ranging from attire to career paths and a notable suppression of their voices in family discussions. All these findings align with SDT's and extant research’s emphasis on autonomy, as participants reported a lack of decision-making power at school and home, emphasizing the constrained nature of their educational journeys. The academic struggles faced by most participants resonate with SDT's focus on competence. The perceived incompetence, evidenced by poor academic performance, significantly influences motivation and dropout decisions. This aligns with the study's emphasis on the absence of supportive relationships contributing to dropout. Furthermore, the study's findings align with the multifaceted factors identified in the literature as contributors to girls' school dropout. Participants' self-esteem suffered due to inadequate uniforms, highlighting the importance of socioeconomic factors in motivation. Low self-esteem and lack of inspiration led to dropouts. Economic pressures pushed some girls to prioritize work over education, emphasizing the role of external circumstances in dropout decisions. The sense of relatedness, which is the feeling of connection and being valued by others within the SDT framework, appears to have been notably absent for these girls. The lack of supportive and nurturing relationships within the educational system, as well as within the family unit, could have played a significant role in diminishing their engagement and persistence in school. As evidenced by poverty and limited employment opportunities, financial challenges resonate with existing research [4], [5]. Participants faced social exclusion, affecting their sense of relatedness. Participants lacked meaningful connections with teachers and adults at school, and most did not engage in extracurricular activities. Their social support primarily came from peers, limiting their sense of relatedness. According to SDT, positive relationships and a sense of belonging are crucial for motivation, which these girls lacked. The lack of protection from teachers amplified their demotivation, contributing to dropout. High levels of teacher absenteeism affected participants' perceived competence and motivation. Absence hindered their academic progress, leading to reduced motivation and eventual dropout. The experiences of teacher absenteeism, peer mockery, and parental disinterest align with the literature's recognition of diverse influences on girls' educational trajectories [12], [13], [19], [20], [47]. Moreover, the impact of cultural expectations on girls, such as early marriages and household responsibilities, echoes the literature's emphasis on cultural factors perpetuating gender disparities in dropout rates [13], [21]–[24]. The study's identification of specific events contributing to dropout, such as initiation rituals and taboos surrounding menstruation, aligns with the literature's acknowledgment of the complex interplay of economic, household, and cultural elements shaping girls' educational experiences. The absence of female teachers, highlighted in the study, as well as the lack of proper feminine sanitary facilities, resonates with literature emphasizing the role of teachers and the quality of sanitary facilities in girls' school attendance [12]–[14], [47]. These findings underscore the importance of addressing infrastructural and social aspects to promote girls' education. Participants lacked direction in education, attending school without conscious choice. They had minimal control over their learning experiences, with parents and teachers exerting excessive control. This lack of autonomy diminished their motivation, aligning with SDT's principles. The study's recommendations for enhancing autonomy, competence, and relatedness align with the literature's recognition of the multifaceted nature of girls' dropout challenges [25]–[30]. Strict parenting, lack of interest in education, and financial constraints reduced autonomy and relatedness, diminishing motivation. Some participants dropped out due to parental pressure, further highlighting the impact of family dynamics on dropout decisions. Besides, strategies for school administrations, teachers, and parents to promote identified regulation, as suggested by the study, resonate with SDT principles and practical interventions recommended in the literature. Encouraging autonomy-supportive environments, recognizing and addressing academic challenges, and fostering meaningful connections can contribute to sustaining girls' motivation and reducing dropout rates [27], [29], [31], [32]. The emphasis on comprehensive interventions, considering economic support, improvement of sanitary facilities, and addressing cultural norms, aligns with the literature's acknowledgment of the interconnected factors influencing girls' educational trajectories [15]–[18], [47]. The findings underscore the importance of holistic approaches that address internal psychological needs and external socioeconomic factors impacting students' lives. Conclusion The data reflects a stark regional contrast, with the earliest school dropout rates observed in the South. This geographic discrepancy in dropout instances and the levels of education attained prior to withdrawal may be indicative of regional disparities in the fulfillment of the psychological needs as posited by Deci and Ryan's theory. The narrative from the participants paints a picture of academic adversity. Most of the girls articulated feelings of academic insufficiency, compounded by a perceived lack of support from both teachers and parents. This perceived academic incompetence, coupled with a perceived absence of reinforcement or assistance, likely eroded the participants' self-efficacy, potentially leading to a withdrawal from educational engagement. The dropout rates and educational challenges identified in this study may reflect broader systemic and sociocultural challenges present in Malawi. These challenges could include economic barriers that hinder access to academic support, cultural norms regarding educational and gender roles, and potential structural inadequacies within educational institutions. To mitigate these dropout rates effectively, an integrated approach is required. This approach would entail cultivating an inclusive and supportive educational environment, providing tailored academic support, and advocating for family and community practices that value female education. By catering to these fundamental psychological needs, there is potential to invigorate students' intrinsic motivation, promoting resilience and a deeper commitment to their educational journeys and personal growth within the unique sociocultural context of Malawi. The study effectively addressed its research questions, providing insights into the experiences of dropout girls in terms of perceived autonomy, competence, and relatedness. The identified factors influencing dropout decisions contribute to a deeper understanding of the phenomenon, emphasizing the intricate interplay of psychological needs and external challenges. In terms of contributions, the study adds a salient perspective by employing the SDT, providing a theoretical framework to understand the motivational aspects of girls' school dropouts. Its integration allows for a nuanced exploration of the psychological factors influencing motivation, contributing to the theoretical understanding of girls' educational experiences; and elucidates the multifaceted reasons behind girls’ dropouts in Rural Malawi. Participants’ experiences highlighted the interconnectedness of autonomy, competence, and relatedness in shaping motivation. Factors such as teacher absenteeism, social exclusion, parental influence, socioeconomic constraints, and personal aspirations collectively contributed to their motivation levels and dropout decisions. This study's findings, rooted in SDT, offer a comprehensive understanding of the psychological needs influencing girls' secondary school dropouts in Malawi. The alignment with the theoretical framework and literature review enhances the robustness of the study's contributions, providing valuable implications for both research and practical interventions to address this persistent challenge. Recommendations Policy and practice must encourage schools and parents to involve girls in decision-making processes related to their education. It should allow students to express their opinions, choose learning activities, and set personal goals. Schools should create a supportive environment where girls feel empowered to make educational decisions, enhancing their autonomy. Schools should focus on providing personalized academic support to students, especially those struggling academically. Implementing targeted interventions, such as additional tutoring or peer-assisted learning programs, will enhance girls’ confidence in their academic abilities. Recognizing and celebrating their big and small achievements will enhance and boost their self-esteem. Teachers can provide constructive feedback, emphasizing effort and improvement, which fosters a sense of competence. Encouraging girls to take on challenges, learn from failures, and build resilience, reinforcing their belief in their capabilities should not be optional. Schools should prioritize building positive relationships between students, teachers, and parents. Encouraging teachers to create a supportive, inclusive classroom atmosphere where girls feel valued and respected must be prioritized. Implementing mentorship programs where older students or teachers act as mentors to provide guidance and support should be integral to the school routine. Management should organize regular parent-teacher meetings to strengthen home and school connections. Additionally, schools should promote extracurricular activities and group projects that encourage teamwork and collaboration, fostering a sense of belonging and relatedness among girls. Raising awareness among parents and guardians about supporting their daughters’ education should be improved. It is vital to conduct workshops or informational sessions addressing common misconceptions and stereotypes about girls’ education and empowering parents with the knowledge and resources to engage actively in their daughters’ learning process. Efforts should be made to encourage parents to create a conducive home environment for studying, provide emotional support, and actively participate in school-related activities to help girls become more likely to feel a sense of relatedness, enhancing their motivation to stay in school. Schools should develop and enforce strict anti-bullying and anti-harassment policies to create a safe and respectful environment for all students, especially girls. Policy should tilt towards training teachers, students, and staff on recognizing and addressing bullying and harassment. Frameworks that encourage open communication channels where students can report incidents without fear of retaliation can ensure a supportive and secure school environment so that girls can feel a sense of relatedness and autonomy, reducing the negative impact of social challenges on their motivation to attend school. By implementing these recommendations based on the principles of the Self-determination Theory, schools, and communities can create an empowering and supportive educational environment for girls, significantly reducing dropout rates and promoting their continued education. A more nuanced understanding of the factors influencing girls’ dropout rates can be achieved by delving deeper into these research areas. This knowledge can inform targeted interventions and policy decisions to promote girls’ education and reduce dropout rates. Study limitation and further research. While the sample size of 21 dropouts may appear limited, it is essential to note that the relocation of dropouts from their original villages to urban or distant areas represents a significant socio-cultural trend within the study population. Observations with dropouts in marriages were difficult as they assumed a different role set and status. The challenges related to participant relocation underscore the dynamic nature of the study population and the need for further research to capture the experiences of relocated individuals in future studies. While SDT provided valuable insights, the study also recognized the limitations of a single theory in explaining all aspects of dropout. Although mentioned, additional factors like pregnancy and early marriage require further exploration through different theoretical lenses. Nonetheless, this study serves as a foundational resource, shedding light on the complexity of girls’ dropout experiences and emphasizing the need for targeted interventions to enhance their motivation and educational retention. Based on the findings, this study proposes an in-depth case study of girls who successfully transitioned from secondary to tertiary education or the workforce despite facing similar challenges. Explore the factors contributing to their resilience and determination, focusing on their perceived autonomy, competence, and relatedness. Understanding success stories can provide valuable lessons for interventions. Declarations Acknowledgments Not applicable Declaration of interest statement This study did not receive funding. All authors declare no conflict of interest. The manuscript has been submitted only to this journal. 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Also discoverable on Platform About Our Team In Review Editorial Policies Advisory Board Help Center Resources Author Services Accessibility API Access RSS feed Manage Cookie Preferences © Research Square 2026 | ISSN 2693-5015 (online) Privacy Policy Terms of Service Do Not Sell My Personal Information {"props":{"pageProps":{"initialData":{"identity":"rs-3768943","acceptedTermsAndConditions":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"archivedVersions":[],"articleType":"Research Article","associatedPublications":[],"authors":[{"id":276115035,"identity":"c623e278-65fd-4f1d-b4ab-a51e039a783b","order_by":0,"name":"Lazarus obed Livingstone Banda","email":"data:image/png;base64,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","orcid":"","institution":"Beijing Institute of Technology","correspondingAuthor":true,"prefix":"","firstName":"Lazarus","middleName":"obed Livingstone","lastName":"Banda","suffix":""},{"id":276115036,"identity":"a2ecb002-ad2f-4098-8f6b-ca4820222eb0","order_by":1,"name":"Jane Thokozani Banda","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"North East Normal University","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Jane","middleName":"Thokozani","lastName":"Banda","suffix":""},{"id":276115037,"identity":"7aa6af5f-2ec0-4a25-88ab-b6982d60db24","order_by":2,"name":"Chigonjetso Victoria Banda","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"University of Malawi","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Chigonjetso","middleName":"Victoria","lastName":"Banda","suffix":""}],"badges":[],"createdAt":"2023-12-17 22:29:14","currentVersionCode":1,"declarations":"","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-3768943/v1","doiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-3768943/v1","draftVersion":[],"editorialEvents":[],"editorialNote":"","failedWorkflow":false,"files":[{"id":52072912,"identity":"651cb14a-0701-4e32-a19e-3d5626aae5df","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2024-03-06 08:44:28","extension":"png","order_by":1,"title":"Figure 1","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":57073,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eillustrates the highest academic levels and average ages in each region participants attained before dropping out.\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"floatimage1.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-3768943/v1/5b4c88c9acb7ccddfc61c99f.png"},{"id":56148855,"identity":"74cdb937-f6ea-432a-90f2-0fa868b53d70","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2024-05-09 06:39:32","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":523800,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-3768943/v1/0d6e2b96-eeed-4e3d-b76d-0c965f3f2902.pdf"},{"id":52072911,"identity":"d9e97292-c412-4b88-8f4a-769bf936d6f8","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2024-03-06 08:44:28","extension":"docx","order_by":1,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"supplement","size":23093,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"Appendices.docx","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-3768943/v1/c02f2420efe503497856b3ef.docx"}],"financialInterests":"No competing interests reported.","formattedTitle":"Unraveling secondary school girls’ dropout in Rural Malawi through self-determination","fulltext":[{"header":"Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe educational landscape in Malawi is characterized by a dichotomy in the quality of secondary schooling, with a disproportionate concentration of substandard educational institutions in rural areas as compared to their urban counterparts. This disparity places female students at an elevated risk of attrition, attributable to suboptimal scholastic environments. Contributing factors include inadequate infrastructure, a prevalence of teachers lacking essential qualifications, and a cadre of educators who do not meet the requisite pedagogical standards. Furthermore, entrenched traditional and cultural practices, alongside prevailing socioeconomic deprivation, exacerbate the vulnerability of girls to premature discontinuation of their secondary education. These conditions collectively undermine the foundational elements necessary for a conducive learning atmosphere, thereby impeding the educational persistence and attainment of female students in these rural settings.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eNevertheless, the imperative of female education is underscored, delineating the educated woman as a pivotal asset within the realm of social capital. This perspective heralds the notion that maternal education serves as a cornerstone for cultivating a well-informed citizenry, alongside fostering enhanced health and nutritional outcomes for families. The educational attainment of women extends beyond individual benefits, engendering a multiplicative effect on societal well-being and progress. In this context, the role of an educated mother transcends conventional boundaries, embodying a catalyst for intergenerational education and a harbinger of improved familial health paradigms. Mothers with limited education tend not to value education [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1\u003c/span\u003e], leading to high rates of compromised child health [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2\u003c/span\u003e], [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR3\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e3\u003c/span\u003e], child labor, and absenteeism. Efforts to mitigate the attrition rates of girls from educational institutions encompass a multifaceted array of strategies, including the implementation of government policies, interventions by non-governmental organizations (NGOs), the provision of bursaries, the establishment of legal frameworks, and the deployment of social programs. Despite the concerted endeavors by state authorities, civil society organizations, and international development partners to ameliorate the impediments to girls' education in Malawi, the persistent issue of school dropout among female students, particularly within the upper primary and secondary education tiers, continues to pose a substantial challenge. This situation underscores the complexity of addressing educational disparities and highlights the need for continued innovation and commitment in strategies aimed at sustaining girls' participation in education. Research indicates that the dropout rate for girls is higher than for boys [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e4\u003c/span\u003e], with 10% of primary school-age girls and 32% of secondary school-age female youths being out of school in 2014. The issue is particularly acute in rural areas, where about 80% of secondary school-age girls reside. While there is a gender parity policy for admission, the number of girls significantly drops as they progress to higher classes in the rural, contrary to the Sustainable Development Goals on education.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eCurrent scholarly discourse predominantly centers on the educational dynamics within primary schooling, with a scant number of investigations delving into the motivational constructs influencing female students in secondary educational settings. Despite an extensive corpus of research dedicated to examining the phenomena of girls' school dropout rates and the myriad intervention strategies proposed within academic circles, the persistently high attrition rates among female students from educational pathways continue to elicit grave concerns. This enduring issue necessitates a reevaluation of existing analytical frameworks, advocating for a more nuanced exploration of the underlying factors contributing to this trend.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe significance of probing into the reasons behind girls' discontinuation of schooling transcends the realm of educational policy, bearing profound implications for the broader objectives of achieving gender parity, fostering economic growth, enhancing community health, and realizing global developmental goals. By situating the investigation within the theoretical confines of self-determination theory, this study seeks to shed light on the multifaceted reasons underpinning why certain girls opt to leave school despite ongoing intervention efforts, while others navigate their way to the completion of their secondary education. This approach not only fills a critical void in the existing literature but also offers a pivotal understanding that could inform more effective, nuanced, and sustainable strategies to counteract the dropout phenomenon among girls in secondary schools.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe study specifically aims to (1) explore the factors behind girls\u0026rsquo; school dropouts from secondary schools based on self-determined motivation and (2) find out what efforts and strategies, if applied, can support girls\u0026rsquo; school completion in secondary schools. The following research questions guide it: What were the experiences of dropout girls interpreted in terms of perceived autonomy, competence, and relatedness? How did the experiences affect their decisions to drop out of school? This study adds to the scholarship through its unique perspective on using self-determination theory to induce a mindset change among those intervening and the girls themselves.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe literature on the risk of female students dropping out of school reveals multifaceted factors contributing to this persistent issue. Economic, household, school-level, and cultural factors significantly impact girls\u0026rsquo; education, leading to poor outcomes and subsequent high dropout rates [\u003cspan additionalcitationids=\"CR5\" citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e4\u003c/span\u003e]\u0026ndash;[\u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e6\u003c/span\u003e]. Teacher attitudes play a crucial role in students\u0026rsquo; education. Negative attitudes, lack of motivation, and discriminatory behavior from teachers can demotivate female students, particularly in rural areas where teachers might lack motivation [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e7\u003c/span\u003e]. Punishments, threats, and bullying, especially related to gender issues, can emotionally affect girls more than boys, leading to dropout [\u003cspan additionalcitationids=\"CR9\" citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e8\u003c/span\u003e]\u0026ndash;[\u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e10\u003c/span\u003e]Additionally, the absence of female teachers affects girls\u0026rsquo; comfort and performance, as demonstrated in various studies[\u003cspan additionalcitationids=\"CR12 CR13\" citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e11\u003c/span\u003e]\u0026ndash;[\u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e14\u003c/span\u003e]\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe availability and quality of feminine sanitary facilities significantly impact girls\u0026rsquo; school attendance [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e11\u003c/span\u003e], [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR15\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e15\u003c/span\u003e]. Lack of proper facilities, menstrual hygiene management, and access to sanitary materials can lead to embarrassment and discomfort, causing girls to stay home during menstruation [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e16\u003c/span\u003e], [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR17\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e17\u003c/span\u003e]. Additionally, the absence of safe and private sanitary facilities affects girls\u0026rsquo; confidence and attendance, potentially leading to dropout [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e18\u003c/span\u003e].\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eLong distances to school place girls at a significant risk. Parents\u0026rsquo; concerns about their daughters\u0026rsquo; safety and potential harassment on the way to school can discourage them from attending, contributing to dropout [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR19\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e19\u003c/span\u003e], [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR20\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e20\u003c/span\u003e]. Household responsibilities and exhausting commutes make it harder for girls to manage their studies, potentially leading to poor performance and dropout.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eCultural expectations often burden girls with household chores, impacting their study time and energy [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e13\u003c/span\u003e], [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR21\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e21\u003c/span\u003e], [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e22\u003c/span\u003e]. Parental involvement and attitudes, particularly the value placed on girls\u0026rsquo; education, influence their motivation and dropout rates. Poverty exacerbates these challenges, as families struggle to afford educational necessities, and girls may face more significant barriers due to cultural biases favoring boys\u0026rsquo; education [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e22\u003c/span\u003e], [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e23\u003c/span\u003e].\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eCultural beliefs and practices, such as early marriages, initiation rituals, and taboos surrounding menstruation, can force girls out of school. Societal norms that prioritize boys\u0026rsquo; education over girls\u0026rsquo; further reinforce gender disparities in dropout rates. [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e23\u003c/span\u003e], [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e24\u003c/span\u003e];.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eEarly pregnancies often result in school dropout due to societal stigma and discrimination [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e23\u003c/span\u003e]. Cultural pressure and expectations can force girls into early marriages, disrupting their education and leading to dropout [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e24\u003c/span\u003e].\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn a nutshell, the complex interplay of economic, household, school-level, and cultural factors perpetuate the problem of girls\u0026rsquo; school dropout. Addressing this issue requires comprehensive interventions considering girls' specific challenges, including improving sanitary facilities, addressing cultural norms, providing economic support to families, and fostering a supportive and empowering educational environment. Several studies have explored the application of SDT in the context of school dropout, shedding light on the crucial role of autonomy, competence, and relatedness in student motivation.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eStudents are likelier to drop out when they receive low levels of autonomous support from parents, teachers, and school administration [\u003cspan additionalcitationids=\"CR26\" citationid=\"CR25\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e25\u003c/span\u003e]\u0026ndash;[\u003cspan citationid=\"CR27\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e27\u003c/span\u003e]. Harsh and overly controlling measures by teachers diminish students\u0026rsquo; autonomy, leading to low self-determined motivation and eventual dropout intentions. Students who perceive their teachers and school environment as supportive of their autonomy are more motivated and less likely to drop out [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e28\u003c/span\u003e].\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eStudies focusing on teacher support have emphasized its impact on student motivation. Teacher autonomy support positively influences students\u0026rsquo; perceived competence and autonomy, leading to determined motivation and reduced dropout intentions [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR27\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e27\u003c/span\u003e]. Similarly, teachers' nurturing and sensitive environment enhances students\u0026rsquo; sense of relatedness, preventing alienation from school and dropout intentions [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR29\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e29\u003c/span\u003e], [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR30\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e30\u003c/span\u003e]. Parents play a crucial role in nurturing autonomous motivation. Students whose parents provide autonomy-supportive environments are less likely to develop dropout intentions. Controlling parenting styles and harsh treatment diminish autonomous motivation, potentially leading to school dropout [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e31\u003c/span\u003e], [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e32\u003c/span\u003e].\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eStudents\u0026rsquo; perception of their competence significantly influences dropout intentions. When students perceive themselves as competent, they are motivated to persist and complete their education. In contrast, feelings of incompetence can lead to dropout intentions, highlighting the importance of nurturing students\u0026rsquo; self-efficacy [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR29\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e29\u003c/span\u003e]. The interplay between environmental factors, such as supportive social environments, and personal factors, such as self-efficacy, affects students\u0026rsquo; motivation\u0026mdash;social settings that support autonomy and competence foster self-determined motivation, reducing dropout intentions [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e33\u003c/span\u003e]. Additionally, teachers\u0026rsquo; role in motivating students should focus on the intrinsic value of education rather than external rewards, preserving students\u0026rsquo; intrinsic motivation [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e33\u003c/span\u003e].\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe literature reviewed underscores the critical role of autonomy, competence, and relatedness in students\u0026rsquo; motivation to persist in school. Teachers and parents significantly influence students\u0026rsquo; self-determined motivation through supportive and nurturing approaches, reducing dropout intentions. Understanding these motivational factors is essential for designing interventions that promote student retention and prevent school dropouts.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSelf-determination theory (SDT), developed by Edward L. Deci and Richard M. Ryan, provides a framework to understand individuals\u0026rsquo; motivation and behavior, emphasizing intrinsic and extrinsic motivations [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR34\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e34\u003c/span\u003e]. Intrinsic motivation stems from the pleasure of an activity, while extrinsic motivation involves engaging in an action for external rewards or punishments [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR34\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e34\u003c/span\u003e], [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR35\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e35\u003c/span\u003e]. Extrinsic motivation encompasses various regulations, from external [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR35\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e35\u003c/span\u003e] (fear of punishment or desire for a reward) to integrated regulation [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR36\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e36\u003c/span\u003e] (voluntary engagement [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR37\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e37\u003c/span\u003e] based on personal values). The theory emphasizes three key components: autonomy (freedom of choice), relatedness (meaningful relationships), and competence (self-belief in one\u0026rsquo;s abilities) [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR34\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e34\u003c/span\u003e], [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR35\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e35\u003c/span\u003e], [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR38\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e38\u003c/span\u003e].\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Materials and methods","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe research conducted in Malawi aimed to investigate the factors contributing to girls\u0026rsquo; dropout rates in secondary schools, mainly focusing on autonomy, competence, and relatedness within the framework of Self-Determination Theory [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR35\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e35\u003c/span\u003e], [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR38\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e38\u003c/span\u003e]. The research design, methods, and tools were carefully chosen to ensure the collection of rich, relevant data while upholding ethical standards.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe study was conducted in rural districts with high dropout rates among girls in Malawi. This choice was justified by the researcher\u0026rsquo;s convenience and the district\u0026rsquo;s alignment with the study\u0026rsquo;s focus on rural areas where dropout rates are prevalent. Malawi is the South African Development Community (Banda et al., 2023), sharing borders with Zambia to the west, Tanzania to the North, and Mozambique to the east and South [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR40\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e40\u003c/span\u003e].\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eA qualitative research design was employed to explore participants\u0026rsquo; attitudes and lived experiences in-depth. Qualitative methods were essential to delve into the complexities of the phenomenon under investigation. The study utilized triangulation, incorporating multiple data sources (interviews, observations, and document analysis) to understand the issue comprehensively. Triangulation ensured the reliability and validity of the findings by cross-verifying information obtained from different sources and methods.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec3\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eSampling and sample size\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eTo allow for inclusiveness and a better understanding of various factors within this framework, participants were drawn from all three administrative regions in the country, making geographical, cultural, and socioeconomic backgrounds diverse, thereby capturing a broader range of experiences related to the research question.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eTo identify the rural districts with the highest dropout rates, we used purposive sampling as it was necessary to get in touch with individuals who could assist in finding situations that provide copious relevant information [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR41\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e41\u003c/span\u003e], [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR42\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e42\u003c/span\u003e].\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDistrict Selection Process: The research commenced with procuring district-level data from the Ministry of Education, pinpointing districts in each region with the highest incidence of girl student dropouts. Where a region had multiple districts with high rates, the one with the highest was purposefully picked.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSchool Selection Process: This macro-level data was further refined by acquiring school-specific dropout rates from educational divisions, enabling the selection of one school per division most pertinent to the study. The school with the highest dropout numbers was purposefully picked.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAfter that, in the chosen schools, detailed lists of girls who had dropped out during the study period were carefully compiled. This involved collaborative efforts with head teachers and a thorough examination of school and period attendance registers, ensuring the accuracy and comprehensiveness of data.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe study isolated individuals who had dropped out within the last three years to increase the chances of getting respondents with fresh memories of school experiences. Besides, those who dropped out long ago may have changed statuses from children in their mothers\u0026rsquo; houses to wives or adults in their own homes; therefore, observing them under such new environments increases the probability of more confounding variables. Furthermore, most schools in rural Malawi still keep data exclusive in traditional paper/flat or non-electronic filing systems [most schools lack electricity and digital technologies]; we also chose to stick to the recent years to ensure documents were still accessible in the school. The names of the villages of such girls were identified through school data. One village was conveniently sampled around each school. In this sampling, the researchers considered the village's accessibility through the road and its proximity to the schools.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSubsequently, recognizing the importance of community context, the research team engaged with traditional village leaders. These leaders played a crucial role in the snowball sampling process, assisting in identifying initial participants (seeds). This step ensured cultural sensitivity and local relevance in participant selection.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAt this last stage of sampling, snowball sampling was the most because the researchers were aware that some dropouts might be pursuing different careers or occupations even away from their homes, making it difficult to be traced [\u003cspan additionalcitationids=\"CR44\" citationid=\"CR43\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e43\u003c/span\u003e]\u0026ndash;[\u003cspan citationid=\"CR45\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e45\u003c/span\u003e]. Utilizing the seeds identified with the help of traditional leaders, the sampling expanded through the participants' networks. This iterative process continued until data saturation was achieved, ensuring a thorough and representative study population sample.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn summary, the study identified the respondents through a comprehensive methodology that involved selecting participants from all three regions: one district per region, one school per district, and one village per school across the country.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDespite our concerted efforts to recruit participants from diverse regions, schools, districts, and villages within the study area, the research team encountered challenges related to participant relocation. It was observed that a significant number of potential participants had relocated from their original villages to urban areas or distant villages, often due to factors such as marriage and family relocations. This phenomenon resulted in difficulties accessing and engaging with a larger pool of potential respondents. Accessibility challenges were more in the North and Central, where they practice patrilineal than the matrilineal family system in the South. Consequently, the study settled for the first 7 accessible dropouts from each region, making a sample of 21 respondents.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec4\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eInstrument development and validation\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003e Semi-structured in-depth interviews were used to collect primary data guided by a carefully developed interview protocol.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec5\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eInterview guide\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eDeveloping the semi-structured questionnaire guide (\u003cspan refid=\"Sec8\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003eappendix\u003c/span\u003e 4)for the study on female student dropout rates in Rural Malawi, deeply embedded in Self-Determination Theory (SDT), commenced with a meticulous literature review. This review, extending beyond the immediate scope of girl student dropouts, encompassed a broad spectrum of research within educational psychology, focusing on SDT's core components of autonomy, competence, and relatedness. This extensive exploration of scholarly works was pivotal in shaping the theoretical framework of the questionnaire.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDrawing from the insights garnered through the literature review; the questionnaire was crafted with a dual focus: to probe into the lived experiences of the female students within the context of SDT and to align these inquiries with the broader socioeconomic factors identified in the literature. The drafting process involved iterative consultations with subject matter experts in education, psychology, and sociology, each bringing a nuanced understanding of how SDT principles manifest in educational settings.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003ePilot testing of the questionnaire provided critical insights, serving as a litmus test for the theoretical and practical applicability of the questions, leading to refinements, ensuring that each question resonated with the core tenets of SDT while remaining sensitive to the cultural and socioeconomic realities of the participants. This iterative refinement process was a procedural and essential phase in enhancing the questionnaire's academic rigor and relevance.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFinally, the questionnaire's development culminated in a comprehensive tool that encapsulated the essence of SDT, enriched by the extensive literature review. This tool was a collection of questions and a reflection of a deep, theoretical understanding tailored to unravel the complex interplay of psychological, socioeconomic, and educational factors influencing female student dropouts. Having undergone expert review and ethical scrutiny, the final version was a testament to the study's commitment to academic excellence and methodological integrity. The final questionnaire was translated into three vernaculars by a professional translator versed in English and the target language, based on the common language in each region (Lhomwe in the South, Chewa in the Central, and Tumbuka in the North). However, the actual version of the questionnaire depended on the respondents\u0026rsquo; choices.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e The interviews began with clarifying the study\u0026rsquo;s objectives and procedures, conveyed in the vernacular language to ensure participants' complete understanding and comfort. Emphasizing the voluntary nature of participation, verbal consent was obtained from all adult participants in the presence of their parents, serving as witnesses, thus reinforcing the ethical principle of informed consent. The interviews were conducted by teams of pairs conversing in any of the three local languages besides English and had a working knowledge of the local cultures in the host villages.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe commitment to confidentiality was paramount, with assurances given to protect participants' privacy and the data's security. This measure not only adhered to ethical standards but also fostered a trustful environment conducive to open and honest communication. Interviews were conducted with utmost sensitivity and respect, taking into account the cultural and personal backgrounds of the participants, thereby ensuring that the interaction was empathetic and non-intrusive.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e In handling the data, rigorous procedures were employed, from the collection and storage to the analysis stages, aligning with the highest standards of ethical research practices. This thorough approach guaranteed the protection and confidentiality of participant information and enhanced the credibility and reliability of the findings, thereby contributing significantly to the study's scholarly rigor and ethical robustness.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec6\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eDocument analysis\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe other data were collected through observations: Home visits allowed observations in participants\u0026rsquo; homes, providing additional context to their living situations and environments. We also chose the observation technique for its ability to uncover data that is very significant, as seen in recent examples within the field of organization studies [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR46\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e46\u003c/span\u003e]. Besides, the open-ended nature of the subject matter allows for freedom of exploration. It presents the complex challenge of establishing limits and determining when to limit the scope of analysis [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR46\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e46\u003c/span\u003e]. However, the observation approach for data collecting faces challenges when attempting to target emotions.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eMoreover, the determination of what should be considered relevant observations is often ambiguous, leading to the potential for excessive or insufficient data collection. We have devised an observation guide for future reference to address this obstacle. In addition, this strategy may also lead the observer to have trouble determining what to watch [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR46\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e46\u003c/span\u003e]. Occasionally, comprehending a singular proxy action might also be perplexing. For example, a participant can express laughter, which may indicate happiness, while it signifies the opposite sentiment. To address this difficulty, we used a strategy wherein the observers were carefully selected from within the same community. This deliberate selection process aimed to guarantee that the observers possessed the same cultural background and familiarity with the social norms and routines prevalent within the community. The rationale behind this approach was to provide more excellent knowledge and comprehension among the observers, enhancing the effectiveness of their observations.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOfficial school documents, including scholastic records and attendance registers, were analyzed to validate the information gathered from interviews and provide a more comprehensive view of participants\u0026rsquo; academic history. Employing multiple data sources and methods (triangulation) enhanced the study\u0026rsquo;s credibility and validity by cross-validating information, ensuring a comprehensive and accurate understanding of the research topic. Much as document analysis can yield valuable data and offers researchers the flexibility to carry out various analysis techniques, such as content analysis, discourse analysis, or thematic analysis, depending on the nature of the documents and the research objectives, flexibility that enhances the adaptability of document analysis to different research contexts, it poses challenges of data loss or incomplete records. To address this challenge, we sought explanations from form teachers and managers for answers to the missing records.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThematic coding was employed for data analysis. Thematic coding enabled a systematic analysis of qualitative data, allowing for identifying and organizing patterns and themes within the participants\u0026rsquo; narratives. Professionally trained bi-linguists, transcribed interviews, and relevant passages were identified based on the study\u0026rsquo;s objectives and research questions. Themes were developed by categorizing common ideas and repeated passages, providing a structured framework for presenting the findings. The data was contextualized, considering the specific characteristics of Rural Malawi.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec7\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eChecklist development and home observation data\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn the creation of the observation checklist (\u003cspan refid=\"Sec8\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003eappendix\u003c/span\u003e 5) for this study, the procedure entailed a methodical development process grounded in Self-Determination Theory (SDT). Initially, a literature review was conducted to delineate the constructs of autonomy, competence, and relatedness as they pertain to educational outcomes. After this, a draft checklist was formulated, articulating specific, observable indicators relevant to the SDT constructs. This draft underwent iterative refinement through expert consultations and pilot testing in the field, ensuring the checklist's items were empirically grounded, contextually appropriate, and sensitive to the nuances of the participants' home environments. The finalized checklist was thus a product of this comprehensive, evidence-based process, tailored to elucidate the multifaceted dimensions influencing school dropout rates among girls.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eA careful blend of interpretive and thematic analysis was employed to analyze the observational data. Concurrently, thematic analysis was integral in identifying and reviewing themes relevant to autonomy, competence, and relatedness, as defined by Self-Determination Theory. This dual approach ensured a comprehensive data exploration, offering insights into the complex interplay between psychological needs and the home environment. The combination of interpretive and thematic methods was pivotal in revealing nuanced barriers to education and informing strategies for engagement, aligning perfectly with the study's aims to understand and address the challenges faced by school dropout girls.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe data was then intimately reviewed, with initial ideas noted and patterns emerging, particularly those aligned with the constructs of Self-Determination Theory\u0026mdash;autonomy, competence, and relatedness. Coding procedures were implemented to encapsulate the essence of the data, leading to the development of themes resonant with the psychological needs under investigation.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe preliminary themes were rigorously reviewed to represent the coded extracts and the entire dataset accurately. This review process was iterative, refining, defining, and naming themes to construct a coherent narrative. Finally, the study's findings were eloquently articulated, weaving the thematic analysis with the research questions and existing literature, providing a pastiche of insights that underscored the nuanced interplay between the girls' psychological needs and their home environments.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe justification for employing this interpretive approach lies in its ability to unravel the complex tapestry of factors influencing girls' educational disengagement. The qualitative nature of this analysis was particularly germane to the study's aims, as it facilitated an exploration into the intricate ways in which the fulfillment of autonomy, competence, and relatedness\u0026mdash;central tenets of SDT\u0026mdash;were impeded within the domestic sphere. This approach proved invaluable in illuminating the barriers to education and informing potential strategies for re-engagement.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eEthical standards\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAll the participants had attained the legal status of adulthood and provided informed consent, ensuring their willingness to participate. Data was collected between September 10, 2019, and January 25, 2020. This study was cleared by North-East Normal University, the institution of one of the authors, during her master\u0026rsquo;s degree studies. The Ministry of Education also cleared the study in the host country, allowing for data collection in public secondary schools. Following ethical research practices, prior to participation, all study objectives and confidentiality assurances were meticulously communicated to participants in the vernacular language to ensure clear understanding. Participants, all of whom were adults, provided verbal consent in the presence of their parents, who served as witnesses. This process underscored the study\u0026apos;s commitment to informed consent, respecting participants\u0026apos; autonomy while ensuring transparency and ethical integrity in the research process. All names used in this study are not real to conceal respondents\u0026rsquo; identities.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Results","content":"\u003cp\u003eOn average, girls from the South dropped out at the earliest age compared to those in the Central and North. Figure 1 illustrates the highest academic levels and average ages in each region participants attained before dropping out.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFrom the South, 57.1% dropped in 9th grade, 28.6% dropped to 10th, and 14.3% dropped to 11th. From the Central, 14.2% dropped in the 9th grade, 42.9% in the 10th, and 42.9% in the 11th. From the North, 14.3% dropped to the 9th grade, 28.6% at 10th, and 57.1% at 11th. However, it may be a hasty generalization from this sample to think these statistics represent the overall phenomenon in these regions, as they indicate an excellent cause for worries. The average dropout age for the North was 21, the Central 20, and the South 19.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eExperiences of dropout girls in terms of perceived autonomy, competence, and relatedness\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn response to research question number one, which aimed to explore the experiences of dropout girls, three distinct themes emerged from the participants\u0026rsquo; responses based on the interview protocol utilized by the researcher.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003col\u003e\n \u003cli\u003e\u003cem\u003ePerceives autonomy in school and home\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAll 21 participants reported attending school either due to coercion or because they had not yet identified alternative paths. Coercion was identified from the following participants:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;I had no say in what subjects I studied or what sports I played. Teachers always dictated my choices, and at home, my parents made all my decisions for me.\u0026quot;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e(Pauline)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;The school decided everything for me, from subjects to extracurriculars. My parents were just as controlling. I needed some space to make my own choices.\u0026quot;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e(Laura)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;I wanted to study art and join the drama club, but my teachers said those were not practical. My parents agreed with them. I had no control over my education or interests.\u0026quot;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e(Rosemin)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFor most of them, attending school was perceived as the only viable option given their young age, leaving them with no alternatives. Some articulated this sentiment, stating:\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;There was nothing else I could have done besides going to school. After all, I was just a young girl.\u0026rdquo;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;As a young child, I couldn\u0026rsquo;t have pursued anything else apart from attending school. School was the only available option without considering anything else.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSome participants viewed attending school as a societal norm rather than a personal choice. Darlene expressed:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;At that age, everyone attends school, so I had to go. What else could I have done at that age apart from attending school? Nothing but school.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWith time, some participants found alternative paths, such as marriage or starting small businesses. Aterza, for instance, revealed:\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003eNow that I am grown, I am getting married. My wedding is next week.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;Similarly, Bianca started her small business, stating:\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;I can\u0026rsquo;t say I could have pursued something else apart from school, but now I have found something to do. I started my small business.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAll 21 participants indicated a lack of freedom to make decisions regarding their education at school and home. School activities were strictly regulated, leaving no room for personal choices. Agnes lamented:\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;In school, we were expected to follow the teachers\u0026rsquo; instructions without questioning or suggesting alternative ways of doing things, whether in class or outdoor activities. At home, my parents dictated almost everything. I couldn\u0026rsquo;t make decisions until I dropped out of school.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eEven extracurricular activities, like sports, were tightly controlled. Alice, a netball player, shared:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Our school had no room for student opinions, not even sports. Even for training, we had to be instructed by teachers. As players, we couldn\u0026rsquo;t even organize our training sessions.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThese sentiments were crosschecked with observations. The observational analysis within the home environments of school dropout girls reveals a nuanced landscape of autonomy. Autonomy is markedly constrained; girls are often seen with limited personal liberties, their choices\u0026mdash;from clothing to career paths\u0026mdash;predetermined by family. These restrictions extend beyond the tangible to the suppression of voice in familial discourse, depicting a pattern where personal preferences are overridden by collective decisions.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e2. Perceived Competence in school and home\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eNearly all participants, except one, struggled academically throughout their secondary school years. They found performing well in various subjects challenging, often performing worse than in primary school. Dropouts expressed:\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;I felt I couldn\u0026apos;t keep up with the others. No matter how hard I tried, my grades didn\u0026apos;t improve. Teachers seemed to have given up on me, and at home, my parents didn\u0026apos;t know how to help me.\u0026quot; (\u003c/em\u003eBeatrice)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;The classes were too hard, and I wasn\u0026apos;t getting any help. My teachers didn\u0026apos;t have time to explain things again, and my parents expected me to figure it out on my own.\u0026quot;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e(Leticia)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;I felt dumb. Teachers expected me to know things before teaching me, and my parents got frustrated when I didn\u0026apos;t do well.\u0026quot;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e(Abigail)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;My performance in secondary school was not as good as in primary school. I used to excel, but in secondary school, I faced challenges in many subjects.\u0026rdquo;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eClara was an exception, mentioning:\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;I did well in almost all subjects. I struggled a bit in Mathematics and Physics but worked hard to improve in those areas.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn addition to the participants\u0026rsquo; accounts, the researcher conducted a document analysis of the scholastic records provided by the schools. This analysis revealed consistent academic struggles, with most participants having low scores in multiple subjects. The experiences of dropout girls were characterized by limited options, lack of autonomy in school and home environments, and significant academic challenges, all of which contributed to their decision to discontinue their education. The results indicated that the academic performance of 13 out of 20 participants remained significantly below the passing threshold during their tenure at the institution. Two competitors, Beatrice and Clara, achieved scores close to the passing criterion of 50%. Table 2 (appendix 2) illustrates the grades, while table 3 (appendix 3) is the key for interpreting the grades in Table 2.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eTable 2:\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003eParticipants\u0026rsquo; end-of-year mean score for five subjects for each class attended before dropping out\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eTable 3, vital for interpreting score in Table 2\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe participants consistently shared their worries about their poor academic performance, lack of motivation, and the pressure they felt due to their academic struggles. Some participants feared their guardians\u0026rsquo; reactions to their low grades, leading to a cycle of worry and demotivation. Beatrice expressed,\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;Whenever feedback came, it showed that I was not that good in most of the subjects and, of course, I felt bad and was worried, and I was not very motivated to do all my work given in school.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThese experiences were mirrored by the observation results. Similarly, observations revealed that competence, too, is subtly yet systematically undermined. The dismissal of opinions and capabilities, whether in executing household tasks or contributing to family responsibilities, not only questions their skills but also erodes self-confidence. This is exemplified by a lack of trust in their abilities, from babysitting to event planning, which fosters an environment where competence is not nurtured but doubted.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis finding is consistent with the self-reported experiences of the participants since 14 individuals expressed difficulties across several academic disciplines over their educational tenure. Based on the available academic data, it is evident that even among participants who self-reported satisfactory academic performance, their actual achievement was just marginally above the minimum passing threshold.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003col\u003e\n \u003cli\u003e\u003cem\u003ePerceived relatedness in school and home:\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAll 21 participants expressed the absence of supportive relationships with teachers or adults in school. They felt that teachers were distant, unapproachable, and lacked personal connections. Many participants shared stories of fear, lack of communication, and isolation, contributing to their disengagement from the school environment. For instance, some remarked:\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;I did not have a teacher or any adult whom I felt so close to the extent of telling them my issues, no, no, no.\u0026rdquo; (Daizzy)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;I never felt like I belonged in school. The teachers didn\u0026apos;t seem to care about what I had to say, and my classmates didn\u0026apos;t understand me. It was like I was invisible both at home and in the classroom.\u0026quot; (Abigail)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;I dropped out because there was no connection with anyone. My teachers were distant, and my friends were different. My parents were always too busy to listen.\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eParticipants mentioned specific situations in school that they disliked, including being mocked, punished, forced to attend activities, and teachers\u0026rsquo; behavior. These negative experiences added to their dissatisfaction with the school environment. Agnes highlighted,\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;What I did not like at school was the mocking that was happening to me because of the baby I had, and teachers were not stopping them. It was not good.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBesides, several participants revealed that their parents did not take their education seriously, leading to a lack of financial and emotional support. Some parents even suggested or supported their decision to drop out. Esther explained:\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;When I was dropping out, my mother did not oppose the idea as I told her what had been happening in school, so she agreed to my decision.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;At school, I was just another face. My teachers never remembered my interests or asked about my day. At home, it was the same. My parents never really asked about my school life.\u0026quot; (Leticia)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn connection to the lack of support from home, observations revealed that relatedness within these homes is equally complex. Emotional connectivity is sparse; personal achievements go unnoticed; inclusion in family activities is the exception rather than the rule, and contributions to household dynamics are often disregarded. This lack of validation and emotional reciprocity speaks to a more profound disconnect, indicating a fundamental absence of the supportive and nurturing ties essential for a sense of belonging.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Discussion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe qualitative study\u0026apos;s exploration of girls\u0026apos; secondary school dropout through the lens of Self-Determination Theory (SDT) provides a nuanced understanding of the interplay between psychological needs and external challenges. Through in-depth semi-structured interviews, participants\u0026apos; school life experiences revealed significant issues in these areas, leading to low motivation and dropout. The central tenets of SDT\u0026mdash;autonomy, competence, and relatedness\u0026mdash;are reflected in the participants\u0026apos; experiences, shedding light on why some girls discontinue their education despite various interventions.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe qualitative data from interviews underscores a pervasive lack of perceived autonomy among the participants. The girls consistently reported experiencing a form of compulsion, emanating from both educational and domestic spheres. Contrary to the expectations of SDT, this absence of choice in their educational trajectories and extracurricular activities was reported to be a directive handed down by teachers and parents alike. Such experiences suggest that school attendance was less an active engagement and more a passive acquiescence to societal and familial expectations, undermining the concept of autonomy that is essential for intrinsic motivation.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe constraints on autonomy extended beyond the realm of academic choices to encompass a broader restriction of personal liberties, evidenced by the limited ability of the girls to make choices that aligned with their interests and aspirations. Observational analysis within the participants\u0026apos; homes provided a poignant picture of the limited autonomy these young women faced, with predetermined choices ranging from attire to career paths and a notable suppression of their voices in family discussions. All these findings align with SDT\u0026apos;s and extant research\u0026rsquo;s emphasis on autonomy, as participants reported a lack of decision-making power at school and home, emphasizing the constrained nature of their educational journeys.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe academic struggles faced by most participants resonate with SDT\u0026apos;s focus on competence. The perceived incompetence, evidenced by poor academic performance, significantly influences motivation and dropout decisions. This aligns with the study\u0026apos;s emphasis on the absence of supportive relationships contributing to dropout. Furthermore, the study\u0026apos;s findings align with the multifaceted factors identified in the literature as contributors to girls\u0026apos; school dropout. Participants\u0026apos; self-esteem suffered due to inadequate uniforms, highlighting the importance of socioeconomic factors in motivation. Low self-esteem and lack of inspiration led to dropouts. Economic pressures pushed some girls to prioritize work over education, emphasizing the role of external circumstances in dropout decisions.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe sense of relatedness, which is the feeling of connection and being valued by others within the SDT framework, appears to have been notably absent for these girls. The lack of supportive and nurturing relationships within the educational system, as well as within the family unit, could have played a significant role in diminishing their engagement and persistence in school.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAs evidenced by poverty and limited employment opportunities, financial challenges resonate with existing research [4], [5]. Participants faced social exclusion, affecting their sense of relatedness. Participants lacked meaningful connections with teachers and adults at school, and most did not engage in extracurricular activities. Their social support primarily came from peers, limiting their sense of relatedness. According to SDT, positive relationships and a sense of belonging are crucial for motivation, which these girls lacked. The lack of protection from teachers amplified their demotivation, contributing to dropout. High levels of teacher absenteeism affected participants\u0026apos; perceived competence and motivation. Absence hindered their academic progress, leading to reduced motivation and eventual dropout. The experiences of teacher absenteeism, peer mockery, and parental disinterest align with the literature\u0026apos;s recognition of diverse influences on girls\u0026apos; educational trajectories [12], [13], [19], [20], [47].\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMoreover, the impact of cultural expectations on girls, such as early marriages and household responsibilities, echoes the literature\u0026apos;s emphasis on cultural factors perpetuating gender disparities in dropout rates \u0026nbsp;[13], [21]\u0026ndash;[24]. The study\u0026apos;s identification of specific events contributing to dropout, such as initiation rituals and taboos surrounding menstruation, aligns with the literature\u0026apos;s acknowledgment of the complex interplay of economic, household, and cultural elements shaping girls\u0026apos; educational experiences.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe absence of female teachers, highlighted in the study, as well as the lack of proper feminine sanitary facilities, resonates with literature emphasizing the role of teachers and the quality of sanitary facilities in girls\u0026apos; school attendance [12]\u0026ndash;[14], [47]. These findings underscore the importance of addressing infrastructural and social aspects to promote girls\u0026apos; education.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eParticipants lacked direction in education, attending school without conscious choice. They had minimal control over their learning experiences, with parents and teachers exerting excessive control. This lack of autonomy diminished their motivation, aligning with SDT\u0026apos;s principles. The study\u0026apos;s recommendations for enhancing autonomy, competence, and relatedness align with the literature\u0026apos;s recognition of the multifaceted nature of girls\u0026apos; dropout challenges [25]\u0026ndash;[30]. Strict parenting, lack of interest in education, and financial constraints reduced autonomy and relatedness, diminishing motivation. Some participants dropped out due to parental pressure, further highlighting the impact of family dynamics on dropout decisions.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBesides, strategies for school administrations, teachers, and parents to promote identified regulation, as suggested by the study, resonate with SDT principles and practical interventions recommended in the literature. Encouraging autonomy-supportive environments, recognizing and addressing academic challenges, and fostering meaningful connections can contribute to sustaining girls\u0026apos; motivation and reducing dropout rates [27], [29], [31], [32].\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe emphasis on comprehensive interventions, considering economic support, improvement of sanitary facilities, and addressing cultural norms, aligns with the literature\u0026apos;s acknowledgment of the interconnected factors influencing girls\u0026apos; educational trajectories [15]\u0026ndash;[18], [47]. The findings underscore the importance of holistic approaches that address internal psychological needs and external socioeconomic factors impacting students\u0026apos; lives.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Conclusion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe data reflects a stark regional contrast, with the earliest school dropout rates observed in the South. This geographic discrepancy in dropout instances and the levels of education attained prior to withdrawal may be indicative of regional disparities in the fulfillment of the psychological needs as posited by Deci and Ryan\u0026apos;s theory.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe narrative from the participants paints a picture of academic adversity. Most of the girls articulated feelings of academic insufficiency, compounded by a perceived lack of support from both teachers and parents. This perceived academic incompetence, coupled with a perceived absence of reinforcement or assistance, likely eroded the participants\u0026apos; self-efficacy, potentially leading to a withdrawal from educational engagement. The dropout rates and educational challenges identified in this study may reflect broader systemic and sociocultural challenges present in Malawi. These challenges could include economic barriers that hinder access to academic support, cultural norms regarding educational and gender roles, and potential structural inadequacies within educational institutions.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTo mitigate these dropout rates effectively, an integrated approach is required. This approach would entail cultivating an inclusive and supportive educational environment, providing tailored academic support, and advocating for family and community practices that value female education. By catering to these fundamental psychological needs, there is potential to invigorate students\u0026apos; intrinsic motivation, promoting resilience and a deeper commitment to their educational journeys and personal growth within the unique sociocultural context of Malawi.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe study effectively addressed its research questions, providing insights into the experiences of dropout girls in terms of perceived autonomy, competence, and relatedness. The identified factors influencing dropout decisions contribute to a deeper understanding of the phenomenon, emphasizing the intricate interplay of psychological needs and external challenges.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn terms of contributions, the study adds a salient perspective by employing the SDT, providing a theoretical framework to understand the motivational aspects of girls\u0026apos; school dropouts. Its integration allows for a nuanced exploration of the psychological factors influencing motivation, contributing to the theoretical understanding of girls\u0026apos; educational experiences; and elucidates the multifaceted reasons behind girls\u0026rsquo; dropouts in Rural Malawi. Participants\u0026rsquo; experiences highlighted the interconnectedness of autonomy, competence, and relatedness in shaping motivation. Factors such as teacher absenteeism, social exclusion, parental influence, socioeconomic constraints, and personal aspirations collectively contributed to their motivation levels and dropout decisions. This study\u0026apos;s findings, rooted in SDT, offer a comprehensive understanding of the psychological needs influencing girls\u0026apos; secondary school dropouts in Malawi. The alignment with the theoretical framework and literature review enhances the robustness of the study\u0026apos;s contributions, providing valuable implications for both research and practical interventions to address this persistent challenge.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eRecommendations\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ePolicy and practice must encourage schools and parents to involve girls in decision-making processes related to their education. It should allow students to express their opinions, choose learning activities, and set personal goals. Schools should create a supportive environment where girls feel empowered to make educational decisions, enhancing their autonomy.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSchools should focus on providing personalized academic support to students, especially those struggling academically. Implementing targeted interventions, such as additional tutoring or peer-assisted learning programs, will enhance girls\u0026rsquo; confidence in their academic abilities. Recognizing and celebrating their big and small achievements will enhance and boost their self-esteem. Teachers can provide constructive feedback, emphasizing effort and improvement, which fosters a sense of competence. Encouraging girls to take on challenges, learn from failures, and build resilience, reinforcing their belief in their capabilities should not be optional.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSchools should prioritize building positive relationships between students, teachers, and parents. Encouraging teachers to create a supportive, inclusive classroom atmosphere where girls feel valued and respected must be prioritized. Implementing mentorship programs where older students or teachers act as mentors to provide guidance and support should be integral to the school routine. Management should organize regular parent-teacher meetings to strengthen home and school connections. Additionally, schools should promote extracurricular activities and group projects that encourage teamwork and collaboration, fostering a sense of belonging and relatedness among girls.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eRaising awareness among parents and guardians about supporting their daughters\u0026rsquo; education should be improved. It is vital to conduct workshops or informational sessions addressing common misconceptions and stereotypes about girls\u0026rsquo; education and empowering parents with the knowledge and resources to engage actively in their daughters\u0026rsquo; learning process. Efforts should be made to encourage parents to create a conducive home environment for studying, provide emotional support, and actively participate in school-related activities to help girls become more likely to feel a sense of relatedness, enhancing their motivation to stay in school.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSchools should develop and enforce strict anti-bullying and anti-harassment policies to create a safe and respectful environment for all students, especially girls. Policy should tilt towards training teachers, students, and staff on recognizing and addressing bullying and harassment. Frameworks that encourage open communication channels where students can report incidents without fear of retaliation can ensure a supportive and secure school environment so that girls can feel a sense of relatedness and autonomy, reducing the negative impact of social challenges on their motivation to attend school.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBy implementing these recommendations based on the principles of the Self-determination Theory, schools, and communities can create an empowering and supportive educational environment for girls, significantly reducing dropout rates and promoting their continued education. A more nuanced understanding of the factors influencing girls\u0026rsquo; dropout rates can be achieved by delving deeper into these research areas. This knowledge can inform targeted interventions and policy decisions to promote girls\u0026rsquo; education and reduce dropout rates.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eStudy limitation and further research.\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWhile the sample size of 21 dropouts may appear limited, it is essential to note that the relocation of dropouts from their original villages to urban or distant areas represents a significant socio-cultural trend within the study population. Observations with dropouts in marriages were difficult as they assumed a different role set and status. The challenges related to participant relocation underscore the dynamic nature of the study population and the need for further research to capture the experiences of relocated individuals in future studies.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWhile SDT provided valuable insights, the study also recognized the limitations of a single theory in explaining all aspects of dropout. Although mentioned, additional factors like pregnancy and early marriage require further exploration through different theoretical lenses. Nonetheless, this study serves as a foundational resource, shedding light on the complexity of girls\u0026rsquo; dropout experiences and emphasizing the need for targeted interventions to enhance their motivation and educational retention.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBased on the findings, this study proposes an in-depth case study of girls who successfully transitioned from secondary to tertiary education or the workforce despite facing similar challenges. Explore the factors contributing to their resilience and determination, focusing on their perceived autonomy, competence, and relatedness. Understanding success stories can provide valuable lessons for interventions.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAcknowledgments\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eNot applicable\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eDeclaration of interest statement\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis study did not receive funding. All authors declare no conflict of interest. The manuscript has been submitted only to this journal.\u0026nbsp;The lead authors\u0026rsquo; university authorized this study.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe study received ethical clearance from the North East Normal University Research Ethic Committee which delegated the responsibility to the relevant school under which the study was carried out as partial fulfilment for the award of academic credentials. The school, therefore waived all the requirements but ensured the study adhered to the \u003cstrong\u003eHelsinki Declaration\u003c/strong\u003e of conducting research with human subjects. Thus all the research protocols pertaining to this study followed this standard.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eM. Kamanda, N. Madise, and S. Schnepf, \u0026ldquo;Does living in a community with more educated mothers enhance children\u0026rsquo;s school attendance? Evidence from Sierra Leone,\u0026rdquo; \u003cem\u003eInt J Educ Dev\u003c/em\u003e, vol. 46, pp. 114\u0026ndash;124, 2016, doi: 10.1016/j.ijedudev.2015.09.008.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eH. Wamani, T. Tyllesk\u0026auml;r, A. N. \u0026Aring;str\u0026oslash;m, J. K. Tumwine, and S. 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Available: http://www.apexjournal.org\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":true,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"Self-determination theory, girls' school dropout, psychological needs, Secondary school education, educational interventions, students at risk","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-3768943/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-3768943/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eContextualized within global efforts to advance sustainable development, research into the dropout rates of rural secondary school girls in low-income nations gains profound relevance. Through Self-determination theory, and motivated by Sustainable Development Goals 4 and 5, the study examines the psychological needs impacting female students' motivation to drop out of school. Through semi-structured interviews, observations, and document analysis, it delineates the adverse effects of compromised autonomy, competence, and relatedness attributed to systemic challenges within educational institutions, pedagogical practices, and familial settings. The findings underscore the criticality of enhancing the educational engagement and retention of girls, pinpointing educator absenteeism, peer ridicule, parental indifference, stringent parenting, economic hardships, and alternative career aspirations as pivotal to understanding dropout dynamics. The recommendations for bolstering girls' perceptions are imperative for fostering conducive learning environments for sustained educational participation. Our emphasis on targeted interventions and the call for comprehensive future research resonate with the SDGs' overarching framework, advocating for evidence-based policies and practices that can drive sustainable development across multiple domains. This study contributes to the academic discourse on educational retention and provides actionable insights for stakeholders towards the realization of the SDGs, highlighting the interconnectedness of educational attainment, gender equality, and sustainable development.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"Unraveling secondary school girls’ dropout in Rural Malawi through self-determination","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2024-03-06 08:44:23","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-3768943/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"17b1b600-7daa-4499-a0b0-97e12558f87e","owner":[],"postedDate":"March 6th, 2024","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"posted","subjectAreas":[],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2024-05-09T06:31:06+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2024-03-06 08:44:23","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-3768943","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-3768943","identity":"rs-3768943","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"qtupq5eGEP_6zYnWcrvyt","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}