Living with Uncertainty: Teesta Water Insecurity and Its Impacts on Livelihoods and Cultural Practices in Four Districts of Bangladesh

Living with Uncertainty: Teesta Water Insecurity and Its Impacts on Livelihoods and Cultural Practices in Four Districts of Bangladesh | Research Square window.SnipcartSettings = { analytics: { enabled: false } }; (function() { var accessVector = localStorage.getItem('access_vector') || ''; window.dataLayer = window.dataLayer || []; if (accessVector) { window.dataLayer.push({ user: { profile: { profileInfo: { snid: accessVector } } } }); } })(); (function(w,d,s,l,i){w[l]=w[l]||[];w[l].push({'gtm.start':new Date().getTime(),event:'gtm.js'});var f=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],j=d.createElement(s),dl=l!='dataLayer'?'&l='+l:'';j.async=true;j.src='https://www.googletagmanager.com/gtm.js?id='+i+dl;f.parentNode.insertBefore(j,f);})(window,document,'script','dataLayer','GTM-K279D39R'); Browse Preprints In Review Journals COVID-19 Preprints AJE Video Bytes Research Tools Research Promotion AJE Professional Editing AJE Rubriq About Preprint Platform In Review Editorial Policies Our Team Advisory Board Help Center Sign In Submit a Preprint Cite Share Download PDF Research Article Living with Uncertainty: Teesta Water Insecurity and Its Impacts on Livelihoods and Cultural Practices in Four Districts of Bangladesh Md Rafiqul Islam, Maria Hussain This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-8243183/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Published Journal Publication published 16 Apr, 2026 Read the published version in Regional Environmental Change → Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract This study explores the livelihood precariety and socio-cultural damage of the people in four districts connected to Teesta river in Bangladesh. Based on qualitative interview and political ecology and vulnerability framework, the findings detail the severe socio-economic consequences– the submergence of ready-to-harvest crops, the financial burden of adapting with deep tube wells, and the pervasive threat of riverbank erosion that displaces families and fragments communities. The research further documents the erosion of cultural heritage, as temples and mosques are lost to the river, and the precarious existence of those living on transient river islands (chars). While local communities demonstrate significant resilience through strategic cultivation and local embankment efforts, these measures are ultimately insufficient against the scale of the geopolitical problem. The paper concludes that the insecurity of Teesta basin communities is a direct function of inequitable transboundary water governance. It, therefore, advocates for a binding, fair water-sharing agreement between Bangladesh and India, supported by domestic investment in water conservation infrastructure and targeted rehabilitation programs, to restore both the river’s vitality and human security in the basin. Teesta Livelihood precarity Human security Cultural Practices Water Insecurity Bangladesh 1. Introduction On 16 October 2025, the mass mobilization under the banner “Jago Bahe Teesta Banchai” (Rise Up, Save Teesta)—bringing together thousands of farmers, fishers, teachers, and students—made visible the escalating crisis of the Teesta River. Their demands highlighted not only the shrinking dry-season flows caused by upstream diversions and the long-stalled India–Bangladesh water-sharing agreement, but also the worsening floods, erosion, and irrigation failures that have destabilized life across the Teesta basin. Far from being an isolated event, this protest is part of a decades-long struggle by communities who see their river turning from a source of life into an axis of deprivation and insecurity. The continued failure to ratify an equitable treaty and India’s unilateral hydrological interventions have gradually transformed the Teesta from a transboundary river into a politically engineered system of scarcity and unpredictability. As scholars note, the crisis is no longer merely a matter of technical water management but a deeply political and human security issue (Ahmed 2021 ; Saha 2023 ). Downstream communities now face acute livelihood precarity, agricultural decline, rising indebtedness, erosion-induced displacement, and profound socio-cultural loss. These impacts underscore how power asymmetries in transboundary governance and infrastructural control—rather than natural forces alone—shape who gains and who suffers in the basin. The Teesta, originating in the Himalayas and flowing through India into Bangladesh, has undergone significant morphological and hydrological shifts, with excessive monsoon releases causing sudden floods and withholding of water in the dry season producing severe drought conditions (Ahmed 2022; Daniel 2020 ). Although draft agreements have been negotiated in the past, the deadlock—exacerbated by India’s domestic political constraints—has left Bangladesh without a binding mechanism to ensure equitable and predictable water flow (Ranjan 2019 ). Climate change has further intensified these dynamics, deepening drought stress and amplifying uncertainty in agricultural cycles (Vinke 2017; Al-Hussain et al. 2021 ). This study contends that these hydrological crises are socially and politically produced, reflecting the intersection of geopolitical power, environmental change, and institutional failure. Drawing from Political Ecology, the Vulnerability Framework, and Human Security, it examines how upstream infrastructural regimes and climate pressures collectively manufacture exposure, heighten sensitivity, restrict adaptive capacity, and ultimately threaten the survival, dignity, and cultural continuity of river-dependent communities. Guided by the central research question—“How has the management of the Teesta River become a source of livelihood precarity and socio-cultural damage for millions of inhabitants in four river-basin districts of Bangladesh?”—this paper analyzes qualitative data from key informant interviews to capture the lived experiences behind the crisis. By centering community perceptions, it demonstrates how macro-level geopolitical decisions materialize as micro-level suffering: declining crop yields, water scarcity, broken kinship networks, loss of cultural practices, and the everyday uncertainty imposed by an unpredictable river. In doing so, the study situates the Teesta crisis not simply as an ecological or hydrological problem but as a politically produced slow-onset disaster—a crisis of human security rooted in power, vulnerability, and the unmaking of place. 2. Literature Review and framework Water has become a decisive factor in shaping both traditional and non-traditional security worldwide (Dinar 2002 ; MacQuarrie & Wolf 2013 ), and South Asia exemplifies this reality. The Teesta River dispute, often simplified as a bilateral water-sharing problem between India and Bangladesh, actually represents a deeper crisis shaped by geopolitics, ecological change, and climate stress. This review synthesizes four strands of scholarship—political ecology and hydro-hegemony, transboundary water governance, climate-induced vulnerability, and livelihood disruptions—to argue that the Teesta basin is experiencing a “slow-onset disaster” that is gradually unmaking place, identity, and community. Political ecology shows that water scarcity is rarely natural; rather, it is produced through unequal power relations (Mollinga 2008 ; Robbins 2012 ). From this lens, the Teesta becomes an instrument of geopolitical control, with India’s upstream interventions—especially through dams and barrages—reconfiguring flows and manufacturing downstream scarcity (D’Souza 2006; Ahmed 2022). The framework of hydro-hegemony (Zeitoun & Warner 2006) further reveals how India’s structural power allows it to dominate negotiations, while securitizing water and limiting cooperative approaches (Banerji 2024 ). Thus, control over the river is fundamentally political, shaping both ecological outcomes and local vulnerabilities. Scholars of transboundary water governance highlight how the failure to finalize the 2011 draft agreement has deepened downstream insecurity (Mirchandani 2016 ; Ranjan 2019 ). India’s federal constraints—particularly West Bengal’s resistance—introduce a sub-national layer to the hydropolitical deadlock (Crow & Singh 2009 ; Obaidullah & Howlader 2025 ). Analyses grounded in international water law argue that the absence of a binding treaty and India’s unilateral control contradict the principles of equitable use and the duty to avoid significant harm (Jahan 2025 ; Gupta 2023 ). This institutional vacuum keeps negotiations fragile and prevents long-term water security in Bangladesh. Climate change dramatically intensifies these geopolitical stresses. The Teesta basin is increasingly exposed to erratic rainfall, long droughts, and shifting hydrological patterns (Sharma & Goyal 2020 ; Ullah et al. 2022 ). Research across northern Bangladesh documents how recurrent drought undermines agriculture, food security, and daily survival (Habiba et al. 2013 ; Alamgir et al. 2018 ). For the char dwellers—living on unstable river islands—this creates a compounded vulnerability: environmental precarity layered upon political marginalization (Maharjan et al. 2021 ). Their adaptive efforts, including livelihood diversification and traditional water practices, remain constrained by limited resources and weak institutional support. Beyond economic loss, the literature underscores the deeper social and cultural erosion occurring in the basin. Riverbank erosion, a continuous rather than sudden hazard, fits Kelman’s ( 2019 ) notion of a “slow-onset disaster” that dismantles resilience over time. The Pressure and Release model (Blaikie et al. 1994 ) helps explain how political failures, poverty, and climatic hazards converge to produce chronic displacement. Like dam-induced displacement (Scudder 2005 ), erosion uproots families, destroys cultural landmarks, and fractures community ties—but without formal recognition or compensation. Drawing on human geography, this represents not only material loss but a severing of people’s sense of place (Tuan 1977 ; Ingold 2000 ). As cultural practices and shared memories fade, social capital erodes (Putnam 2000), leading to weakened cooperation and growing intra-community tensions. Taken together, the Teesta crisis emerges as a “syndemic”—a mutually reinforcing interaction of political, ecological, and social disruptions. While existing research richly explores hydro-politics, governance failures, and climate impacts, a major gap persists: the absence of systematic, qualitative accounts of how affected communities themselves interpret and experience this crisis. Communities are often described abstractly rather than heard directly. This study addresses that gap by foregrounding the lived experiences of farmers, fishers, and displaced families, connecting their everyday struggles—lost crops, unsafe drinking water, broken social networks—directly to upstream decisions and institutional failures. In doing so, it bridges the divide between macro-level hydropolitics and micro-level human suffering. Analytical Framework Building on the literature review, this study applies an integrated framework combining Political Ecology, the Vulnerability Framework, and Human Security to analyze how communities along the Teesta understand and experience socio-economic and cultural transformations. Together, these lenses explain not only why the crisis exists but also how it translates into everyday suffering. Political Ecology: Power, Control, and the Hydro-Social Teesta Political Ecology challenges the notion that water scarcity or flooding are purely natural phenomena. Instead, environmental outcomes are produced through political decisions, power asymmetries, and socio-technical interventions (Robbins 2012 ). Swyngedouw’s idea of the hydro-social cycle is central here, positing that water is co-constituted by social, political, and technical processes, and is therefore shaped by dams, barrages, policies, and geopolitical contestation (Swyngedouw 1999 ). Thus, the Teesta is not simply a river but a hydro-social territory engineered through India’s upstream control, bilateral power imbalances, and competing agricultural needs. The resulting scarcity or sudden monsoon flooding in Bangladesh is therefore politically produced, not environmentally inevitable. While privatization is not the primary driver, Bakker’s insights into unequal water governance help explain how India’s upstream control functions as a form of gatekeeping (Bakker 2007 ). The shift toward costly deep tube wells in Bangladesh illustrates a localized “privatization of adaptation,” pushing the burden of coping onto individual farmers and widening existing inequalities. Through this lens, the Teesta becomes a site of power struggles where unilateral decisions generate downstream suffering and shape the broader political economy of the region (Mollinga 2008 ). Vulnerability Framework: How Exposure Becomes Harm The Vulnerability Framework helps unpack why some communities bear disproportionate impacts from environmental stress (Adger 2006 ). It focuses on the core components of exposure, sensitivity, and adaptive capacity, offering a structured explanation of how politically altered hydrology is translated into human hardship (Turner et al. 2003 ). Teesta-dependent communities are highly exposed to sudden floods and prolonged droughts resulting from upstream water releases and diversions. Their sensitivity is acute because their livelihoods—primarily agriculture, fishing, and livestock—are directly dependent on stable water flows, and their settlements are often located on fragile, eroding char lands (Adger & Kelly 1999 ). Although these communities demonstrate significant agency by adapting through methods such as installing tube wells, shifting crop patterns, or reinforcing riverbanks, their overall adaptive capacity remains critically low. This limitation stems from pervasive poverty, limited access to resources, weak institutional support, and escalating climatic stressors (Smit & Wandel 2006 ). Consequently, the framework reveals not only the scale of vulnerability but also its fundamental origins in political and structural inequality, clearly illustrating why a landless char dweller is far more vulnerable than a shopkeeper in a nearby town (Cutter 1996 ). Human Security: Everyday Threats to Life, Livelihood, and Dignity Human Security extends the analysis by highlighting how water governance failures undermine multiple dimensions of well-being, including economic, food, health, environmental, community, and personal security (UNDP 1994). Water diversion and unpredictable flows disrupt crop cycles, deepen debt, and increase hunger, directly threatening food and economic security (Bakker 2012 ). Dependence on arsenic-contaminated deep tube wells, a coping mechanism for surface water scarcity, creates significant public health risks, undermining health security (Flanagan et al. 2012 ). Erosion-induced displacement erodes community networks and cultural continuity, while sudden nighttime floods pose immediate physical threats to life, compromising community and personal security (Adger et al. 2013 ). These conditions collectively weaken people’s sense of agency and political security, reinforcing cycles of marginalization and fear (Barnett & Adger 2007 ). These three frameworks complement one another in a cascading analytical sequence. Political Ecology reveals the foundational role of power and geopolitics in restructuring the Teesta’s hydro-social system (Swyngedouw 1999 ). The Vulnerability Framework then operationalizes this by showing how these political decisions become tangible harm by shaping communities' exposure, sensitivity, and limited adaptive capacity (Turner et al. 2003 ). Finally, Human Security captures the full depth of the consequences—food insecurity, ill-health, displacement, cultural loss, and fear—that define the lived reality of basin communities (Matthew et al. 2010 ). Together, they demonstrate that the crisis of the Teesta is not a mere technical water-management issue but a politically produced vulnerability that threatens human security across multiple, interconnected dimensions. This integrated approach provides the overarching structure for this study’s analysis of how affected communities themselves interpret and cope with the profound transformations unfolding around them. 3. Methodology Research Design and Rationale Guided by the Political Ecology, Vulnerability, and Human Security frameworks, this study adopts a qualitative, ethnographic research design to capture how communities in the Teesta basin experience and interpret hydrological uncertainty, livelihood precarity, and socio-cultural disruption. Because the crisis is politically produced and locally lived, an ethnographic approach—prioritizing depth, context, and relational understanding—is well suited to uncover how macro-level transboundary decisions materialize as micro-level insecurities (Hammersley & Atkinson 2007 ). The study was conducted in four Teesta-dependent districts—Rangpur (Mohipur), Lalmonirhat (Rajpur), Nilphamari (Teesta Barrage area), and Kurigram (Sharishabari)—which represent varying positions along the river’s hydro-social landscape. These sites were purposefully selected to capture communities exposed to erosion, drought, sudden flooding, and irrigation uncertainty. Sampling and Participants A purposive sampling strategy was employed to select respondents with direct, sustained knowledge of the Teesta crisis. Participants included schoolteachers, journalists, politicians, NGO workers, farmers, day labourers, fishers, students, folk singers, and housewives. This diversity reflects the study’s aim to understand how differential vulnerability and human insecurity manifest across occupational, gendered, and generational lines. Data Collection Methods Data collection took place between May and June and relied on three complementary techniques: Semi-structured interviews with 30 respondents across the four districts, enabling flexible yet focused exploration of key themes. Direct observations of riverbanks, erosion sites, irrigation structures, local markets, and the Teesta Barrage to contextualize narratives within the broader hydro-social environment. Informal conversations in tea stalls, homes, and marketplaces, which generated spontaneous accounts of fear, uncertainty, adaptation practices, and perceptions of state and transboundary governance. Local networks—particularly the researcher’s relatives and long-term residents—facilitated access and trust-building. This relational approach aligns with the study’s theoretical grounding that vulnerability is rooted in power, positionality, and lived experience (Chambers 1994 ; Kvale & Brinkmann 2009 ). The demographic information of the respondents are follow: Table 1 Demographic Profile of Respondents Respondent ID District Age (Years) Religion Occupation Family Size Education Responder 1 Kurigram 20 (Hindu) Student 7 HSC Responder 2 Kurigram 80 Islam No work 4 Class 8 Responder 3 Kurigram 70 Islam No work 9 Class 8 Responder 4 Kurigram 65 Islam No work 10 Class Five Responder 5 Kurigram 35 Islam No work 4 SSC Responder 6 Kurigram 46 Islam N/A 4 SSC Responder 7 Lalmonirhat 50 Islam Businessman 5 HSC Responder 8 Lalmonirhat 45 Hindu Teacher 4 MA Responder 9 Lalmonirhat 54 Islam Farmer 6 Bellow SSC Responder 10 Lalmonirhat 38 Islam NGO Worker 5 BA Responder 11 Lalmonirhat 40 Islam N/A 5 SSC Responder 12 Lalmonirhat 20 Islam Student 6 Student Responder 13 Lalmonirhat 50 Hindu Politician 4 BA Responder 14 Lalmonirhat 71 Hindu Govt. job 6 MA Responder 15 Lalmonirhat 56 (Hindu) Teacher 4 BA Responder 16 Lalmonirhat 35 Hindu Journalist 6 BA Responder 17 Nilphamari 45 Islam Businessman 6 HSC Responder 18 Nilphamari 29 Islam Businessman 10 HSC Responder 19 Nilphamari 28 Islam Farmer 7 Class Five Responder 20 Nilphamari 35 Islam Driver 5 SSC Responder 21 Nilphamari 60 Islam Farmer 10 Class Eight Responder 22 Nilphamari 70 Islam No work 7 SSC Responder 23 Rangpur 55 Islam Politician 5 MA Responder 24 Rangpur 36 Islam Banker 6 MA Responder 25 Rangpur 60 Hindu No work 6 SSC Responder 26 Rangpur 55 Islam Folk Singer 5 BA Responder 27 Rangpur 30 Islam Housewife 10 HSC Responder 28 Rangpur 41 Islam Teacher 6 MA Responder 29 Rangpur 21 Hindu Day Laborer 5 Class Five Responder 30 Rangpur 42 Islam Framer 3 Class Eight Data Collection in the Field Fieldwork unfolded differently across the four districts, reflecting spatial variations in the hydro-social cycle: Rangpur (Mohipur): Interviews with a Union Parishad chairman, NGO staff, a folk singer (Bayati), teachers, and students illuminated how political decisions shape everyday uncertainties such as school closures, land loss, and migration. In Lalmonirhat (Rajpur): Tea stalls and small markets became key conversational hubs, revealing collective anxieties about erratic flows, erosion, and failed irrigation cycles. Nilphamari (Teesta Barrage area): Engagements with residents upstream and downstream of the barrage, farmers dependent on the Teesta Irrigation Project, and elderly char dwellers highlighted how infrastructural control produces asymmetric exposure and declining adaptive capacities. Kurigram (Sharishabari): Observations of eroding riverbanks and interviews with erosion victims and retired teachers emphasized the cultural fragmentation and displacement resulting from hydrological instability. The researcher read aloud the information sheet to each participant, ensuring informed consent and clear understanding of the study’s aims. Challenges and Reflexivity Research in remote riverine areas involved logistical and contextual challenges. Limited transportation, weather constraints, noisy markets, and fluctuating availability of participants required adaptive scheduling and flexible interviewing styles (Babbie 2013). These challenges also provided insight into structural vulnerabilities—such as isolation, poor infrastructure, and seasonal rhythms—that shape community insecurity. Reliance on local guides and familial networks facilitated rapport and reduced outsider–insider distance, a key consideration in ethnographic work on politically sensitive issues. Data Analysis Data analysis followed a manual, iterative thematic approach. Interviews were first transcribed from Bengali to English by the researcher to preserve meaning and nuance. Responses were grouped by question and cross-compared to identify recurring patterns of exposure, sensitivity, adaptive strategies, and perceived injustices. Themes were developed deductively from theory (politically produced scarcity, vulnerability pathways, human insecurity) and inductively from the field (erosion trauma, irrigation disappointment, cultural loss, distrust in governance). Selected verbatim quotations were incorporated to foreground participant voices and ensure analytic transparency. Ethical Considerations Although no formal ethics board approval process currently exists for social science research at the University of Dhaka, this study adhered to established qualitative research ethics. Respondents were informed about the purpose, voluntary nature, and confidentiality of the study. No identifiable personal information was recorded. Participants could withdraw or skip questions at any time. These measures ensured anonymity, autonomy, and respect throughout the research process (Bryman 2012 ). By combining ethnographic immersion, purposive sampling, semi-structured interviews, and field observations, this methodology captures the complex, politically produced vulnerabilities facing Teesta-dependent communities. It aligns with the broader analytical framing of Political Ecology, Vulnerability, and Human Security by foregrounding lived experiences, structural constraints, and the socio-natural processes shaping everyday precarity in the Teesta basin. 4. Findings and Discussion 4.1. Agricultural Precarity: A “Lose-Lose” Situation Agriculture is the main source of livelihood in northern Bangladesh, and most local people in the Teesta basin depend on farming for their survival. However, this sector is repeatedly disrupted by the unpredictable water flow of the Teesta River. Studies show that sudden and unannounced releases of water from upstream in India often submerge crops that are ready for harvest—such as potatoes, maize, chili, onions, and peanuts—causing complete crop loss for Bangladeshi farmers (Boyce 1986 ; Islam 2012 ). This has become a recurring problem in the region. In this study, respondents were asked how the Teesta’s water flow affects their lives and livelihoods. Their answers highlighted several interconnected impacts, which can be summarized in the following table: Table: Summary of the nexus of water control and effects of livelihood mechanism Core Theme Key Argument / Illustrative Quote Consequences Hydrological Volatility caused Dual Crisis: Flood & Drought "When water is lacking”, “Crop cultivation suffers” “When India releases water, the excessive flooding submerges the crops." “The greatest fear of erosion happens when the water level is low”; “The problem is when they release the water just before the crops are harvested, the entire crop is destroyed." Significant agricultural losses; severe negative impacts on livelihoods. loss of traditional irrigation methods; Total crop destruction despite potential benefits of siltation. Socio-Economic Impact leads to Livelihood Loss & Out-Migration “Without water, the income sources are reduced”; “people work along the riverbanks no longer live here”; “Many have left." Reduction in income; forced migration and community displacement. Riverbank Erosion acts as a primary risk “When water is high, the river erodes the banks and houses collapse... too much water means erosion, loss, and displacement.” Loss of land and homes; displacement; pervasive sense of fear. Socio-Economic Impacts “How much rice can you really collect when the field is underwater?” “It's a disaster for us—not just a seasonal one, but something that affects our entire year.” "To cultivate on such sandy soil, we need a lot of water. Bringing that water requires significant money and labor.” Year-round food and income insecurity; Rising production costs; Deepening poverty cycles Source: This table is prepared using Nvivo software drawing the themes. After drawing the themes, the table is manually prepared by the researcher. The respondents’ accounts collectively illustrate a deeply entrenched hydro-social crisis in the Teesta-dependent districts. The interview from Kurigram—“When India releases water, the excessive flooding submerges the crops, resulting in significant losses for farmers” (Responder 1, Kurigram)—captures the core dynamic: externally managed water flows create sudden surges that devastate standing crops. This is reinforced by the structural reality that the upstream barrage allows India to regulate the river’s discharge, releasing water during peak monsoon and restricting it during the dry months (Rahman 2021). As a respondent from Lalmonirhat explained, “During the month of Boishakh…there is hardly any water, but sometimes it increases a lot” (Responder 14, Lalmonirhat). Such extreme fluctuations transform the river from a natural resource into a source of constant uncertainty. Agriculture in the Teesta basin—on which millions rely—is therefore governed not by seasonal rhythms but by erratic and externally influenced hydrological cycles. Respondents repeatedly emphasized that water scarcity dominates most of the year, rendering cultivation impossible, particularly in the critical dry season ( Chaitra ). A farmer from Rangpur confirmed, “Without water, farming and cultivation come to a halt…this happens almost every year and pushes millions of people toward livelihood failure” (Responder 30, Rangpur). These testimonies reflect a structural livelihood precarity: farmers lack the water needed for production, yet also remain vulnerable to sudden inundation. The coping strategies adopted by farmers—especially careful timing of cultivation—are rendered ineffective by sudden, unpredictable releases of water. As one respondent from Nilphamari noted, “They plan their cultivation carefully and wait for their crops. However, if nature intervenes suddenly, it becomes impossible” (Responder 19, Nilphamari). Farming, therefore, becomes an act of navigating uncertainty rather than a stable livelihood practice. The region’s agricultural planning collapses under the weight of unanticipated floods, which routinely destroy crops and erode farmland (Alamgir, Furuya, Kobayashi, Binte, & Salam 2018 ). Overall, the narratives reveal that the hydrology of the Teesta has shifted from a predictable seasonal cycle to a regime characterized by both scarcity and sudden abundance (Ahmed 2021 ). Farmers perceive this as a direct consequence of upstream regulation. This engineered unpredictability not only undermines agricultural productivity but also accelerates livelihood insecurity, land erosion, and long-term socio-economic decline in the Teesta-adjacent districts. 4.2. Crippling Rise in Production Costs As a tropical country production of crops depend on the availability of and continuation of the rainfall. The lack of reliable surface water forces farmers into expensive alternatives, eroding their already thin profit margin. During the field observation it was found that farmers are forced to use deep tube wells, shallow machines, and borings to extract groundwater, which is described as “very expensive and financially burdensome.” This study asked the question to the respondent about the fluctuation of the water flow in the Teste most of the respondents shared that their production cost and labour have been increased significantly due to the lack of natural water flow see Table 2 . Table 2 Fluctuation of water flow and production cost in Teesta basin area in Bangladesh Respondent ID Key View on Increased Production Cost Responder-1, Kurigram “Farmers have to use deep tube wells, which is expensive and financially burdensome”. Responder-23, Rangpur “Now we need shallow machines, electric motors, diesel pumps — everything costs money. Farmers face high expenses”. Responder-7 Lalmonirhat “Without sufficient water, irrigation costs have risen, putting pressure on our income and expenses”. Responder-9 Lalmonirhat “We install shallow machines below the river to pump water. It costs a lot. Responder-20 Nilphamari “When water is scarce, we have to irrigate with machines, which is costly”. Responder-21 Nilphamari “When there is no water, we irrigate with motors and machines, which costs a lot.” Responder-12 Lalmonirhat “We are forced to use boring pumps to draw water, which is very costly.” Responder-13, Lalmonirhat “We use boring and pumps for irrigation, which is very expensive for us. We spend around 5,000 taka per bigha.” Responder-22, Nilphamari “Now, water is drawn using motors, but we have to buy and install them ourselves; no one else provides them. This is expensive.” Responder-29, Rangpur “Bringing water requires significant money and labor. We have to pump water with labor and then cultivate.” Responder-30, Rangpur “We have to irrigate by boring wells.” Source: Prepared by the researcher from the qualitative data. Table 2 highlights several critical insights from the respondents living along the Teesta River, revealing their experiences of precarious livelihoods, shrinking water resources, and the difficult strategies they adopt to survive. Although Bangladesh, as a tropical and deltaic country, possesses fertile land that traditionally supports robust crop production, upstream water control has severely undermined this natural advantage (Adel 2001 ; Boyce 1986 ). Reduced water flow has increased farmers’ dependence on irrigation, driving production costs up by three to four times. In some locations—particularly Nilphamari—respondents reported that access to irrigation water is further constrained by local-level corruption, where unofficial payments are required to receive water from canals (Sarkar, Mukherji, & Mainuddin 2024). This combination of high irrigation costs and irregular access to water makes farming increasingly unsustainable. Consequently, many farmers are being pushed out of agriculture. Faced with mounting financial pressure, they often turn to alternative forms of livelihood such as rickshaw pulling or migrate to urban centers to work in the garment industry and other low-wage sectors. This shift illustrates a profound transformation in rural livelihoods within the Teesta basin, driven by environmental stressors, institutional weaknesses, and the erosion of agricultural viability. 4.3. Land Loss and Asset Erosion Livelihoods encompass not only income but also the assets—such as land, housing, and livestock—that make income generation possible. In the Teesta basin, these assets are increasingly at risk. Empirical observations from the field indicate that the Teesta River has become a major driver of asset destruction in the adjacent districts. Riverbank erosion, now an annual occurrence in many rural parts of Bangladesh, continues to wash away homesteads, cultivable land, and livestock. This recurring phenomenon is a key force behind the pauperization of affected communities. Families who once relied on agriculture and land-based resources are often rendered destitute within a single season, facing sudden displacement and the collapse of their economic foundations, as reflected in the experiences presented in Table 3 . Table 3 Land Loss and Asset Erosion along the Teesta River Theme of Erosion Respondent Identities (Summarized) Consolidated Description of Impact Direct Loss of Homes & Repeated Displacement R-26, Rangpur R-5, Kurigram R-11, Lalmonirhat R-6, Kurigram These respondents report the most severe and personal losses, including houses being completely destroyed multiple times (one respondent lost his home 7 times). They describe a cycle of annual erosion, displacement, and rebuilding, leading to homelessness and permanent relocation. Large-Scale Agricultural & Land Loss R- 8, Lalmonirhat R-26, Rangpur R-22, Lalmonirhat This group highlights erosion at a community or regional scale, reporting the loss of vast tracts of agricultural land (e.g., 60 acres, hundreds of acres) and damage to protective infrastructure like embankments. The impact is framed as a severe blow to the regional economy and food security. General Community-Wide Erosion & Displacement R-5, Kurigram R-7, Lalmonirhat R-3, Kurigram R-4, Kurigram R-10, Lalmonirhat These accounts consistently describe erosion as a common driver of widespread destruction of homes and farmland, leading to social fragmentation as families are forced to separate and migrate to other villages, cities, or even abroad in search of livelihood. Erosion Damaging Infrastructure & Livelihoods R-18, Nilphamari R-24, Rangpur R-16, Lalmonirhat R-22, Lalmonirhat R-15, Lalmonirhat Respondents in this category report damage beyond homes and fields, including the destruction of roads, embankments, and community infrastructure. This compound damage devastates the broader economic foundation of the area, destroying assets and crippling income sources for farmers and laborers. An analysis of these categories reveals a cascading pattern of disaster, where an initial environmental hazard—riverbank erosion—sets off a chain reaction of social, economic, and infrastructural failures (Sultana, & Paul 2022). This progression moves from individual loss to widespread regional disruption. Reduced water availability and repeated displacement weaken the core foundations of human security. Communities do not face a single, isolated shock; instead, they experience recurrent disasters that prevent recovery, deplete savings, and erode resilience (Hossain 2021 ). Each new erosion event pushes households deeper into chronic poverty and insecurity. Sudden floods and erosion destroy agricultural land, the primary productive asset for rural families (Islam, Khan, Reza, & Rahman 2020 ). This loss undermines both economic and food security and contributes to a broader decline in local productivity. Damage to protective structures such as embankments represents a failure of risk governance, as the very infrastructure meant to reduce vulnerability becomes part of the hazard, increasing exposure and accelerating future erosion. These physical impacts generate far-reaching social consequences. As key infrastructure—roads, markets, schools, clinics—is damaged or destroyed, the entire support system that enables daily life begins to break down. This “compound damage” captures how multiple system failures reinforce one another: blocked roads isolate communities, collapsed embankments heighten future risk, and the loss of public services erodes human capability and social cohesion (Mondal & Islam 2017 ). The result is not just stagnation but active de-development across the Teesta basin. The decline of the river has also eliminated once-diverse livelihood opportunities. Where water was once abundant year-round, supporting farming, fishing, and river-based trade, the region is now shifting toward conditions resembling a dry zone (Ahmed 2021 ; Ahmed 2022). The collapse of fish populations has devastated fishing as a major occupation and nutritional source. Table 4 illustrates how respondents describe the disappearance of economic activities traditionally dependent on the Teesta’s flow, underscoring the depth of socio-economic transformation in the basin. Table 4 Decline of Complementary Economies in the Teesta Basin Respondent ID Primary Economy in Decline Key Statements on the Decline Responder, 23 Rangpur Fisheries “I remember catching hilsa fish in this river as a child. Now, the fish don't come this way anymore.” Responder, 24 Rangpur Fisheries & River-based Livelihoods “the collapse of a system where farming and fishing coexisted” Responder, 18 Nilphamari Fisheries “Previously, there were fishermen, but now many fishermen have lost their livelihoods and moved away” Responder, 19 Nilphamari Fisheries “Earlier, there used to be a lot of fish, but now there is almost none.” Responder, 10 Lalmonirhat Fisheries “For fishermen, the amount of water... is very important. More water means more fish.” Responder, 26 Rangpur Cultural & Agricultural Economy “I currently work at a radio station on a 'no work, no pay' basis, singing songs.” “This highlights a shift from stable agriculture to precarious cultural work due to land loss”. Responder, 21 Nilphamari Fisheries & Diverse Agriculture “Because of the water shortage, we don't even get fish.” Responder, 22 Nilphamari Fisheries “The water flow has reduced, and there is no more blessing from water.” Responder, 29 Rangpur Fisheries “For example, many fishermen have moved away because there is no water in the river and have settled in other places.” Responder, 14 Lalmonirhat Fisheries & Agricultural Labor “Many have migrated to work in garment factories or other jobs elsewhere.”` Responder, 15 Lalmonirhat Dried Fish Trade (Shutki Business) "There used to be a large dried fish (shutki) port on the banks of the Teesta... But now, the amount of water has decreased significantly. As a result, the dried fish business has shrunk considerably” Responder, 16 Lalmonirhat Fisheries & River Transport “Many fishermen have left their traditional work due to river drying and fish scarcity, switching to rickshaw pulling or working in garment factories” “Transportation by river for goods will reduce the pressure on roads and railways... Boats will carry goods from village to village.” Source: Prepared by the researcher from the qualitative data The Table 4 illustrates a sharp decline in the complementary rural economies that once sustained communities in the Teesta basin alongside agriculture. The collapse of fisheries emerges as the most significant loss. Reduced water flow, declining river depth, and the disappearance of perennial channels have drastically diminished fish populations, undermining both livelihoods and a crucial source of nutrition (Islam, Moniruzzaman, Hossen, Islam, Rayhan, & Sku 2019). Once-thriving fishing hubs and dried-fish markets have contracted, while the loss of navigable waterways has ended traditional boat-based transport and trade, eliminating income opportunities for boatmen and small traders. As the agricultural and fishing base eroded, communities experienced a gradual but severe shift toward precarious forms of labour. Cultural workers, informal labourers, and temporary service providers now rely on unstable income sources that offer no security or long-term sustainability. This economic decline has triggered widespread migration, with many residents moving to cities to work as day laborers, rickshaw pullers, or garment workers after losing their land, livestock, and river-based occupations. The collapse of fisheries also represents the erosion of cultural identity. Fishing in the Teesta basin has long been associated with inherited knowledge—species identification, seasonal patterns, traditional gear, and community rituals. The decline of this sector therefore signifies not only economic loss but also the disappearance of intergenerational skills and cultural heritage. The loss of navigability has further contributed to the decline of local festivals and community activities once centered around the river, including boat races, which have nearly vanished due to insufficient water levels. Overall, the shrinking of the river has dismantled a once-diverse economic and cultural system, pushing communities toward more fragile, low-income, and urban-dependent livelihoods. 4.4. Displacement, Migration and Social Fragmentation The Teesta River has profound impacts on displacement, migration, and social fragmentation in the affected districts. The collapse of local livelihoods compels residents to move within and beyond their home areas in search of survival, often tearing apart the social fabric. Sudden floods and riverbank erosion not only displace communities but also divide families, either through the loss of family members or by forcing some to relocate elsewhere (Sultana 2021). Young men and entire families are frequently compelled to migrate to urban centers like Dhaka to work as rickshaw pullers, day laborers, or garment workers, and many never return to their ancestral lands (Maharjan 2021). As one respondent from Lalmonirhat noted, “Many people from this area migrate due to lack of jobs” (Responder 4, Kurigram), while another added, “Many have left because they had to move to save their lives and face the poverty. Many have left to places like Rajpur, Gaibandha, and Bonarpara” (Responder 23 Rangpur). This trend underscores the chronic economic hardship of the region, which is widely recognized as a ‘Monga’-prone area. The destruction of livelihoods, homes, and local infrastructure further exacerbates social fragmentation. Erosion and displacement disrupt extended families and weaken community support systems, which are vital for coping with adversity. A respondent from Kurigram explained, “Water scarcity arises due to river erosion, which causes displacement and fragmentation of families” (Responder 5, Kurigram). The forced migration of young people to Dhaka’s garment factories or to rickshaw work represents a direct consequence of livelihood failure. This exodus removes the most active and dynamic members of the community, diminishing participation in local cultural practices and accelerating the erosion of cultural vitality and intergenerational knowledge in the villages. 4.5. Health and Well-being Issues The water crisis in the entire region has significant impacts on health, which also affects the ability to work and earn a living. Due to the water diversion, desertification and arsenic contamination, people face multiple health effects (Shahen & Momen 2025 ). People due to water scarcity heavily rely on deep tube wells for drinking water due to surface water scarcity which exposes communities to arsenic-contaminated unsafe water (Mondal & Islam 2017 ). One respondent from Kurigarm district mentioned, “They are to rely on deep tube wells for drinking water and irrigation, which often provide arsenic-contaminated and unsafe water” (Responder_1_Kurigram). The use of arsenic contaminated water undermine the quality of the food grain which indirectly affect the heath of the local people. Every year flooding also forced to submerge tube wells and creates sanitation crises which consequently lead to waterborne diseases that debilitate the workforce. 4.6. Socio-Cultural issues under Strain The Teesta River is more than just a body of water; it has long been a central part of local culture and identity for the people living along its banks. However, the river is gradually “dying” due to water scarcity during the dry season and excessive water release during the rainy season. This study examines the socio-cultural impacts of the river on local communities. Traditional lifestyles and cultural practices have been seriously affected by the changing flow of the Teesta, largely due to the upstream control by India. The reduction in natural water flow has disrupted long-standing traditions and rituals connected to the river, which were once central to community life (see Table 5 ). Table 5 Impact on Cultural Traditions and Heritage Respondent ID Cultural Tradition Affected Comments regarding the impacts Responder-1, Kurigram Folk Songs & Oral Tradition Mentions the existence of folk songs about the Teesta, e.g., “ O happy home of the Teesta river, what broke you? ” Responder-30, Rangpur River-based Recreation & Navigation “In the past, the Teesta was full year-round... the river was navigable by boat.” Responder-5, Kurigram Religious Structures & Community Spaces “Many mosques and temples have been lost to the river, causing fear and insecurity about living near the riverbanks.” Responder-26, Rangpur Traditional Music & Performance “I earn a little money by playing the dotara and singing songs," shows that traditional performance is now a precarious livelihood, not just a cultural practice. Responder-13, Lalmonirhat Songs & Cultural Activities “The Teesta River also holds a special place in our culture. Songs and other cultural activities about the river have been part of our heritage.” Responder 21, Nilphamari Composition & Broadcasting of Music "I have composed many songs related to the Teesta River, which have been broadcast on radio and television." The cultural and social fabric of communities along the Teesta River has been profoundly disrupted by environmental degradation and hydrological changes. Traditional practices, including boat races, folk songs, and river-centered social activities, have diminished as the river’s depth, flow, and navigability have declined. These cultural expressions, once central to community identity, are increasingly becoming relics rather than living traditions, resulting in a growing cultural dissonance. The decline of the river has also severed the historical nexus between economy and culture. River-dependent economic activities, such as dried fish trade and boat-based commerce, have collapsed, removing both sources of livelihood and communal gathering spaces. This economic contraction reinforces social and cultural erosion, as the loss of land and livelihoods strips families of their social standing, communal roles, and intergenerational cultural knowledge. A respondent in Lalmornirhat argued, There used to be a large dried fish (shutki) port on the banks of the Teesta... But now, the amount of water has decreased significantly. As a result, the dried fish business has shrunk considerably. Not only that trade and business by boat has now a past example which has ended the business of many people (Responder-15, Lalmonirhat). Moreover, the physical destruction of riverbank infrastructure, including mosques, temples, and other communal spaces, erodes the spiritual and social foundations of these communities. These spaces, which once facilitated worship, social solidarity, and cultural expression, are now lost, creating a profound sense of insecurity and rootlessness. Overall, the degradation of the Teesta River represents not just an environmental or economic crisis but a deep socio-cultural rupture, where the loss of livelihoods, traditions, and communal spaces undermines the identity, cohesion, and resilience of riverine communities. 4.7. Social Fragmentation and Disintegration The destruction of land, trees and community places actively pulls communities apart, breaking the bonds that hold society together. Families that have lived together for generations are more often forced to separate when river erosion destroys their homes and land. Table 5 shows the issue of social fragmentation due to the water disruption in the Teesta River in Bangladesh part. Table 6 Social Fragmentation and Disintegration due to the Teesta River Crisis Respondent ID Form of Social Fragmentation Key Statements & Evidence Responder-1 Kurigram Family Dispersal & Physical Separation “If a family has four brothers living in four houses, riverbank erosion may force them to buy land and build homes in different locations, causing social separation." Responder-23, Rangpur Community Disintegration & Weakened Social Bonds “When someone loses their home and is forced to relocate, they often end up in unfamiliar places, unable to integrate socially. They struggle to adjust in new communities. That has caused a kind of social fragmentation.” Responder-24, Rangpur Loss of Dignity & Social Status “Without income, people lose their dignity. If a person can't bring food to the table, they become a burden in the eyes of others.” Responder-18, Nilphamari Intra-Community Conflict & Litigation “Because of water scarcity, social relations among us sometimes worsen. There are fights and sometimes police cases. People quarrel over water distribution. Sometimes cases have been filed at police stations.” Responder,20 Nilphamari Erosion of Trust & Cooperation "Because of this water shortage, social relations among people have worsened. Water comes to some areas but not others, causing quarrels and misunderstandings. People distrust each other”. Responder-25 Rangpur Disputes Over Scarce Aid “They only distribute a few handfuls of rice and sugar, which causes disputes among people who are all poor.” Responder-2, Kurigram Religious & Cultural Fragmentation “Many mosques and temples have been lost to the river”. Displacement caused by riverbank erosion in the Teesta basin contributes directly to the fragmentation of families and the weakening of community-based social structures (Sultana & Paul 2022). When households are forced to relocate to multiple, scattered locations to escape erosion, long-standing kinship arrangements break down, and the social capital that binds extended families is eroded. This physical dispersal of relatives reduces opportunities for shared labour, mutual support, and intergenerational care, creating chronic social separation. At the same time, displaced households face significant challenges in integrating into new environments. Those who relocate are often perceived as outsiders and struggle to build trust, legitimacy, or belonging within host communities. This lack of social embeddedness limits their access to local support systems, deepening their vulnerability and perpetuating cycles of marginalization. The decaying social cohesion in the region is further exacerbated by growing resource scarcity, especially the uneven availability of water for irrigation (Adel 2001 ). When water becomes insufficient, relationships that once rested on cooperation increasingly shift toward competition. This scarcity generates disputes among farmers over water distribution, sometimes escalating into conflict and legal cases. Political influence and unequal access to irrigation canals intensify these tensions, leading to perceptions of injustice and exclusion. Corruption in water management—such as alleged bribe-taking for canal access—further undermines trust in local institutions, eroding confidence in governance and weakening community solidarity. Beyond material hardship, the repetitive cycle of sudden floods, erosion, and water scarcity severely affects emotional wellbeing and personal dignity (Sultana, 2021). Farmers and fishermen who once took pride in their self-reliance increasingly find themselves dependent on uncertain relief, precarious work, or low-wage labor in urban areas. This shift from autonomy to dependency generates a sense of humiliation, loss of purpose, and diminished social standing (Bakker 2007 ). Many people internalize feelings of powerlessness as they perceive their lives to be shaped by decisions taken far away in national and international political arenas (Sultana, & Paul 2022). The sense that external actors control water flows fosters an acute collective feeling of helplessness and undermines community agency. These experiences produce a deep collective grief, especially among older residents who retain vivid memories of the Teesta in its earlier, vibrant state. Their recollections of abundant fish, year-round water flow, and thriving river-based livelihoods stand in stark contrast to the present landscape of scarcity and destruction. This emotional rupture reflects not merely economic decline but a profound cultural loss: the disappearance of a river that once structured social life, identity, and hope. Taken together, the socio-cultural consequences of the Teesta crisis are central to understanding its full impact. The degradation of the river is simultaneously dismantling social cohesion, cultural continuity, and human dignity (Habiba, Hassan & Shaw 2013 ). What is unfolding in the Teesta basin is not only an ecological disaster but also the erosion of a centuries-old cultural world, threatening to erase the social and cultural foundations upon which these river-dependent communities have historically relied. 5. Conclusion The findings of this study reveal a profound disruption of the socio-ecological system in the Teesta River Basin. What was once a dependable river sustaining agriculture, culture, and community life has become a source of chronic instability. This transformation is not the result of natural fluctuations alone, but of politically engineered hydrological volatility shaped by upstream control and transboundary power asymmetries. The resulting flood-drought oscillations have dismantled local livelihood systems and undermined the region’s economic resilience. As agricultural productivity declines and irrigation becomes prohibitively expensive, households are trapped in a cycle of repeated loss and rising debt. Traditional livelihood strategies—once supported by fertile land and predictable river flow—have become unsustainable. Consequently, riverbank erosion and economic collapse have made displacement and distress migration routine, fragmenting families and eroding the social networks that once provided security and mutual support. Migration, therefore, is not a pathway to opportunity but a response to systemic failure, symbolizing the breakdown of the long-standing relationship between the river and the communities it nurtured. This crisis underscores that the governance of shared rivers is fundamentally a matter of human security. The suffering documented in this study—displacement, impoverishment, cultural erosion, and the weakening of community cohesion—flows directly from a disrupted hydrological regime and the absence of cooperative water management. Reducing the crisis to a bilateral water dispute obscures its deep human and social consequences. A sustainable way forward requires a coordinated and visionary response. Long-term solutions must include restoring the river’s ecological health, securing a fair and enforceable water-sharing arrangement, improving local water governance, and investing in comprehensive rehabilitation for displaced and vulnerable communities. Protecting the river ultimately protects livelihoods, culture, and social stability. Securing these dimensions is essential for rebuilding hope and resilience among the millions whose futures are tied to the Teesta. The implications of this study extend beyond Bangladesh, highlighting patterns found in river basins worldwide where upstream countries exert unilateral control through dams and barrages. Such actions frequently produce downstream vulnerability, strain diplomatic relations, and compromise fundamental human rights. As transboundary water politics become increasingly contentious, the international community must recognize equitable water governance not only as an environmental necessity but as a core component of social justice, peace, and regional stability. Declarations Disclosure statement: No conflict of interest Funding: University of Dhaka Research Grant ORCID details: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0775-5698 . 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Vinke, K., Martin, M. A., Adams, S., Baarsch, F., Bondeau, A., Coumou, D., ... & Svirejeva-Hopkins, A. (2017). Climatic risks and impacts in South Asia: extremes of water scarcity and excess. Regional Environmental Change , 17(6), 1569-1583. Additional Declarations No competing interests reported. Cite Share Download PDF Status: Published Journal Publication published 16 Apr, 2026 Read the published version in Regional Environmental Change → Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Research Square lets you share your work early, gain feedback from the community, and start making changes to your manuscript prior to peer review in a journal. As a division of Research Square Company, we’re committed to making research communication faster, fairer, and more useful. We do this by developing innovative software and high quality services for the global research community. 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Also discoverable on Platform About Our Team In Review Editorial Policies Advisory Board Help Center Resources Author Services Accessibility API Access RSS feed Manage Cookie Preferences © Research Square 2026 | ISSN 2693-5015 (online) Privacy Policy Terms of Service Do Not Sell My Personal Information {"props":{"pageProps":{"initialData":{"identity":"rs-8243183","acceptedTermsAndConditions":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"archivedVersions":[],"articleType":"Research Article","associatedPublications":[],"authors":[{"id":561534196,"identity":"5d95b42f-79bb-4732-a474-af141a49ae53","order_by":0,"name":"Md Rafiqul Islam","email":"data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAZAAAAAyAQMAAABI0h/eAAAABlBMVEX///8AAABVwtN+AAAACXBIWXMAAA7EAAAOxAGVKw4bAAAA20lEQVRIiWNgGAWjYDACZgbGA1DWAQkwLcFgQEgLA1QLWwKRWhjgWngMiNNi3s7+4MDPnDvy/P1nPt7mYbCTZ5Bu3oBXi8xhHoODvdueGc64kbvZmoch2bBB5lgBXi0SzDwMB3i3HWbcIMG7TZqHgTmBQSIHv8MkmNkfHPy77bD9Bv4zz4Ba6onRwmBwGGhL4gaGHDaglsPEaOExOCy77VnyjBtpxpZzDI4bthH0C//xhw/fbrtj299/+OGNNxXV8vyEQgwKDkBpoJPYiFGPpGUUjIJRMApGARYAAMrYQwzTpFzEAAAAAElFTkSuQmCC","orcid":"","institution":"University of Dhaka","correspondingAuthor":true,"prefix":"","firstName":"Md","middleName":"Rafiqul","lastName":"Islam","suffix":""},{"id":561534199,"identity":"2bccb0f9-d430-4cee-8310-baae4a26a160","order_by":1,"name":"Maria Hussain","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"University of Dhaka","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Maria","middleName":"","lastName":"Hussain","suffix":""}],"badges":[],"createdAt":"2025-11-30 15:53:20","currentVersionCode":1,"declarations":"","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-8243183/v1","doiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-8243183/v1","draftVersion":[],"editorialEvents":[{"content":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s10113-026-02570-6","type":"published","date":"2026-04-16T15:58:37+00:00"}],"editorialNote":"","failedWorkflow":false,"files":[{"id":98607096,"identity":"3162a07b-90a4-4492-9121-628ab3b6c8bc","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-12-19 13:52:57","extension":"docx","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"acdc-reference","size":74063,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"Manuscript.docx","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-8243183/v1/b897f1c5f849a69e3135fb3d.docx"},{"id":98607094,"identity":"62f0b9c4-aa5c-4204-ba41-39e2c3ef0046","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-12-19 13:52:57","extension":"json","order_by":1,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"acdc-reference","size":4083,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"841ca29b47e24df2a37eefe58b7f395d.json","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-8243183/v1/94ffb28d6b8f5cd8a1362ef5.json"},{"id":98607098,"identity":"35de7b6d-ae7d-4c58-95d8-79e1893edbcd","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-12-19 13:52:57","extension":"xml","order_by":2,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"acdc-reference","size":155301,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"841ca29b47e24df2a37eefe58b7f395d1enriched.xml","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-8243183/v1/7ba424031070b00329d730db.xml"},{"id":98607097,"identity":"438c196e-c413-42ec-bd3a-e51b1f8e4a3b","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-12-19 13:52:57","extension":"xml","order_by":3,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"acdc-reference","size":151500,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"841ca29b47e24df2a37eefe58b7f395d1structuring.xml","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-8243183/v1/1695ed48a85bb56c69494fcf.xml"},{"id":98628807,"identity":"fa7f7f26-3c54-4419-94f7-bb2f4e6856f3","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-12-19 17:12:33","extension":"html","order_by":4,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"acdc-reference","size":161108,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"earlyproof.html","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-8243183/v1/260c04150cb2cab90d900362.html"},{"id":107350773,"identity":"7b7dfd66-1f3c-4d0b-a817-3c109724ee1f","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2026-04-20 16:03:50","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":891740,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-8243183/v1/fdcab84a-69d2-4f3f-becc-9260adec974a.pdf"}],"financialInterests":"No competing interests reported.","formattedTitle":"Living with Uncertainty: Teesta Water Insecurity and Its Impacts on Livelihoods and Cultural Practices in Four Districts of Bangladesh","fulltext":[{"header":"1. Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003eOn 16 October 2025, the mass mobilization under the banner \u0026ldquo;Jago Bahe Teesta Banchai\u0026rdquo; (Rise Up, Save Teesta)\u0026mdash;bringing together thousands of farmers, fishers, teachers, and students\u0026mdash;made visible the escalating crisis of the Teesta River. Their demands highlighted not only the shrinking dry-season flows caused by upstream diversions and the long-stalled India\u0026ndash;Bangladesh water-sharing agreement, but also the worsening floods, erosion, and irrigation failures that have destabilized life across the Teesta basin. Far from being an isolated event, this protest is part of a decades-long struggle by communities who see their river turning from a source of life into an axis of deprivation and insecurity.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe continued failure to ratify an equitable treaty and India\u0026rsquo;s unilateral hydrological interventions have gradually transformed the Teesta from a transboundary river into a politically engineered system of scarcity and unpredictability. As scholars note, the crisis is no longer merely a matter of technical water management but a deeply political and human security issue (Ahmed \u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e; Saha \u003cspan citationid=\"CR44\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). Downstream communities now face acute livelihood precarity, agricultural decline, rising indebtedness, erosion-induced displacement, and profound socio-cultural loss. These impacts underscore how power asymmetries in transboundary governance and infrastructural control\u0026mdash;rather than natural forces alone\u0026mdash;shape who gains and who suffers in the basin.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe Teesta, originating in the Himalayas and flowing through India into Bangladesh, has undergone significant morphological and hydrological shifts, with excessive monsoon releases causing sudden floods and withholding of water in the dry season producing severe drought conditions (Ahmed 2022; Daniel \u003cspan citationid=\"CR20\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). Although draft agreements have been negotiated in the past, the deadlock\u0026mdash;exacerbated by India\u0026rsquo;s domestic political constraints\u0026mdash;has left Bangladesh without a binding mechanism to ensure equitable and predictable water flow (Ranjan \u003cspan citationid=\"CR42\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). Climate change has further intensified these dynamics, deepening drought stress and amplifying uncertainty in agricultural cycles (Vinke 2017; Al-Hussain et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis study contends that these hydrological crises are socially and politically produced, reflecting the intersection of geopolitical power, environmental change, and institutional failure. Drawing from Political Ecology, the Vulnerability Framework, and Human Security, it examines how upstream infrastructural regimes and climate pressures collectively manufacture exposure, heighten sensitivity, restrict adaptive capacity, and ultimately threaten the survival, dignity, and cultural continuity of river-dependent communities.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eGuided by the central research question\u0026mdash;\u0026ldquo;How has the management of the Teesta River become a source of livelihood precarity and socio-cultural damage for millions of inhabitants in four river-basin districts of Bangladesh?\u0026rdquo;\u0026mdash;this paper analyzes qualitative data from key informant interviews to capture the lived experiences behind the crisis. By centering community perceptions, it demonstrates how macro-level geopolitical decisions materialize as micro-level suffering: declining crop yields, water scarcity, broken kinship networks, loss of cultural practices, and the everyday uncertainty imposed by an unpredictable river. In doing so, the study situates the Teesta crisis not simply as an ecological or hydrological problem but as a politically produced slow-onset disaster\u0026mdash;a crisis of human security rooted in power, vulnerability, and the unmaking of place.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"2. Literature Review and framework","content":"\u003cp\u003eWater has become a decisive factor in shaping both traditional and non-traditional security worldwide (Dinar \u003cspan citationid=\"CR21\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2002\u003c/span\u003e; MacQuarrie \u0026amp; Wolf \u003cspan citationid=\"CR35\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e), and South Asia exemplifies this reality. The Teesta River dispute, often simplified as a bilateral water-sharing problem between India and Bangladesh, actually represents a deeper crisis shaped by geopolitics, ecological change, and climate stress. This review synthesizes four strands of scholarship\u0026mdash;political ecology and hydro-hegemony, transboundary water governance, climate-induced vulnerability, and livelihood disruptions\u0026mdash;to argue that the Teesta basin is experiencing a \u0026ldquo;slow-onset disaster\u0026rdquo; that is gradually unmaking place, identity, and community.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003ePolitical ecology shows that water scarcity is rarely natural; rather, it is produced through unequal power relations (Mollinga \u003cspan citationid=\"CR39\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e; Robbins \u003cspan citationid=\"CR43\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e). From this lens, the Teesta becomes an instrument of geopolitical control, with India\u0026rsquo;s upstream interventions\u0026mdash;especially through dams and barrages\u0026mdash;reconfiguring flows and manufacturing downstream scarcity (D\u0026rsquo;Souza 2006; Ahmed 2022). The framework of hydro-hegemony (Zeitoun \u0026amp; Warner 2006) further reveals how India\u0026rsquo;s structural power allows it to dominate negotiations, while securitizing water and limiting cooperative approaches (Banerji \u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). Thus, control over the river is fundamentally political, shaping both ecological outcomes and local vulnerabilities.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eScholars of transboundary water governance highlight how the failure to finalize the 2011 draft agreement has deepened downstream insecurity (Mirchandani \u003cspan citationid=\"CR38\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e; Ranjan \u003cspan citationid=\"CR42\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). India\u0026rsquo;s federal constraints\u0026mdash;particularly West Bengal\u0026rsquo;s resistance\u0026mdash;introduce a sub-national layer to the hydropolitical deadlock (Crow \u0026amp; Singh \u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e; Obaidullah \u0026amp; Howlader \u003cspan citationid=\"CR41\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e). Analyses grounded in international water law argue that the absence of a binding treaty and India\u0026rsquo;s unilateral control contradict the principles of equitable use and the duty to avoid significant harm (Jahan \u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e; Gupta \u003cspan citationid=\"CR25\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). This institutional vacuum keeps negotiations fragile and prevents long-term water security in Bangladesh.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eClimate change dramatically intensifies these geopolitical stresses. The Teesta basin is increasingly exposed to erratic rainfall, long droughts, and shifting hydrological patterns (Sharma \u0026amp; Goyal \u003cspan citationid=\"CR46\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e; Ullah et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR53\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). Research across northern Bangladesh documents how recurrent drought undermines agriculture, food security, and daily survival (Habiba et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e; Alamgir et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). For the char dwellers\u0026mdash;living on unstable river islands\u0026mdash;this creates a compounded vulnerability: environmental precarity layered upon political marginalization (Maharjan et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR36\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). Their adaptive efforts, including livelihood diversification and traditional water practices, remain constrained by limited resources and weak institutional support.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eBeyond economic loss, the literature underscores the deeper social and cultural erosion occurring in the basin. Riverbank erosion, a continuous rather than sudden hazard, fits Kelman\u0026rsquo;s (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e) notion of a \u0026ldquo;slow-onset disaster\u0026rdquo; that dismantles resilience over time. The Pressure and Release model (Blaikie et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1994\u003c/span\u003e) helps explain how political failures, poverty, and climatic hazards converge to produce chronic displacement. Like dam-induced displacement (Scudder \u003cspan citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2005\u003c/span\u003e), erosion uproots families, destroys cultural landmarks, and fractures community ties\u0026mdash;but without formal recognition or compensation. Drawing on human geography, this represents not only material loss but a severing of people\u0026rsquo;s sense of place (Tuan \u003cspan citationid=\"CR51\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1977\u003c/span\u003e; Ingold \u003cspan citationid=\"CR29\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2000\u003c/span\u003e). As cultural practices and shared memories fade, social capital erodes (Putnam 2000), leading to weakened cooperation and growing intra-community tensions.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eTaken together, the Teesta crisis emerges as a \u0026ldquo;syndemic\u0026rdquo;\u0026mdash;a mutually reinforcing interaction of political, ecological, and social disruptions. While existing research richly explores hydro-politics, governance failures, and climate impacts, a major gap persists: the absence of systematic, qualitative accounts of how affected communities themselves interpret and experience this crisis. Communities are often described abstractly rather than heard directly. This study addresses that gap by foregrounding the lived experiences of farmers, fishers, and displaced families, connecting their everyday struggles\u0026mdash;lost crops, unsafe drinking water, broken social networks\u0026mdash;directly to upstream decisions and institutional failures. In doing so, it bridges the divide between macro-level hydropolitics and micro-level human suffering.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec3\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eAnalytical Framework\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eBuilding on the literature review, this study applies an integrated framework combining Political Ecology, the Vulnerability Framework, and Human Security to analyze how communities along the Teesta understand and experience socio-economic and cultural transformations. Together, these lenses explain not only why the crisis exists but also how it translates into everyday suffering.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003ePolitical Ecology: Power, Control, and the Hydro-Social Teesta\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ePolitical Ecology challenges the notion that water scarcity or flooding are purely natural phenomena. Instead, environmental outcomes are produced through political decisions, power asymmetries, and socio-technical interventions (Robbins \u003cspan citationid=\"CR43\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e). Swyngedouw\u0026rsquo;s idea of the hydro-social cycle is central here, positing that water is co-constituted by social, political, and technical processes, and is therefore shaped by dams, barrages, policies, and geopolitical contestation (Swyngedouw \u003cspan citationid=\"CR49\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1999\u003c/span\u003e). Thus, the Teesta is not simply a river but a hydro-social territory engineered through India\u0026rsquo;s upstream control, bilateral power imbalances, and competing agricultural needs. The resulting scarcity or sudden monsoon flooding in Bangladesh is therefore politically produced, not environmentally inevitable.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eWhile privatization is not the primary driver, Bakker\u0026rsquo;s insights into unequal water governance help explain how India\u0026rsquo;s upstream control functions as a form of gatekeeping (Bakker \u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2007\u003c/span\u003e). The shift toward costly deep tube wells in Bangladesh illustrates a localized \u0026ldquo;privatization of adaptation,\u0026rdquo; pushing the burden of coping onto individual farmers and widening existing inequalities. Through this lens, the Teesta becomes a site of power struggles where unilateral decisions generate downstream suffering and shape the broader political economy of the region (Mollinga \u003cspan citationid=\"CR39\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eVulnerability Framework: How Exposure Becomes Harm\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe Vulnerability Framework helps unpack why some communities bear disproportionate impacts from environmental stress (Adger \u003cspan citationid=\"CR3\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e). It focuses on the core components of exposure, sensitivity, and adaptive capacity, offering a structured explanation of how politically altered hydrology is translated into human hardship (Turner et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR52\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003\u003c/span\u003e). Teesta-dependent communities are highly exposed to sudden floods and prolonged droughts resulting from upstream water releases and diversions. Their sensitivity is acute because their livelihoods\u0026mdash;primarily agriculture, fishing, and livestock\u0026mdash;are directly dependent on stable water flows, and their settlements are often located on fragile, eroding char lands (Adger \u0026amp; Kelly \u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1999\u003c/span\u003e). Although these communities demonstrate significant agency by adapting through methods such as installing tube wells, shifting crop patterns, or reinforcing riverbanks, their overall adaptive capacity remains critically low. This limitation stems from pervasive poverty, limited access to resources, weak institutional support, and escalating climatic stressors (Smit \u0026amp; Wandel \u003cspan citationid=\"CR47\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e). Consequently, the framework reveals not only the scale of vulnerability but also its fundamental origins in political and structural inequality, clearly illustrating why a landless char dweller is far more vulnerable than a shopkeeper in a nearby town (Cutter \u003cspan citationid=\"CR19\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1996\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eHuman Security: Everyday Threats to Life, Livelihood, and Dignity\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eHuman Security extends the analysis by highlighting how water governance failures undermine multiple dimensions of well-being, including economic, food, health, environmental, community, and personal security (UNDP 1994). Water diversion and unpredictable flows disrupt crop cycles, deepen debt, and increase hunger, directly threatening food and economic security (Bakker \u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e). Dependence on arsenic-contaminated deep tube wells, a coping mechanism for surface water scarcity, creates significant public health risks, undermining health security (Flanagan et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e). Erosion-induced displacement erodes community networks and cultural continuity, while sudden nighttime floods pose immediate physical threats to life, compromising community and personal security (Adger et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e). These conditions collectively weaken people\u0026rsquo;s sense of agency and political security, reinforcing cycles of marginalization and fear (Barnett \u0026amp; Adger \u003cspan citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2007\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThese three frameworks complement one another in a cascading analytical sequence. Political Ecology reveals the foundational role of power and geopolitics in restructuring the Teesta\u0026rsquo;s hydro-social system (Swyngedouw \u003cspan citationid=\"CR49\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1999\u003c/span\u003e). The Vulnerability Framework then operationalizes this by showing how these political decisions become tangible harm by shaping communities' exposure, sensitivity, and limited adaptive capacity (Turner et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR52\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003\u003c/span\u003e). Finally, Human Security captures the full depth of the consequences\u0026mdash;food insecurity, ill-health, displacement, cultural loss, and fear\u0026mdash;that define the lived reality of basin communities (Matthew et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR37\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e). Together, they demonstrate that the crisis of the Teesta is not a mere technical water-management issue but a politically produced vulnerability that threatens human security across multiple, interconnected dimensions. This integrated approach provides the overarching structure for this study\u0026rsquo;s analysis of how affected communities themselves interpret and cope with the profound transformations unfolding around them.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"3. Methodology","content":"\u003cdiv id=\"Sec8\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eResearch Design and Rationale\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eGuided by the Political Ecology, Vulnerability, and Human Security frameworks, this study adopts a qualitative, ethnographic research design to capture how communities in the Teesta basin experience and interpret hydrological uncertainty, livelihood precarity, and socio-cultural disruption. Because the crisis is politically produced and locally lived, an ethnographic approach\u0026mdash;prioritizing depth, context, and relational understanding\u0026mdash;is well suited to uncover how macro-level transboundary decisions materialize as micro-level insecurities (Hammersley \u0026amp; Atkinson \u003cspan citationid=\"CR27\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2007\u003c/span\u003e). The study was conducted in four Teesta-dependent districts\u0026mdash;Rangpur (Mohipur), Lalmonirhat (Rajpur), Nilphamari (Teesta Barrage area), and Kurigram (Sharishabari)\u0026mdash;which represent varying positions along the river\u0026rsquo;s hydro-social landscape. These sites were purposefully selected to capture communities exposed to erosion, drought, sudden flooding, and irrigation uncertainty.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eSampling and Participants\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eA purposive sampling strategy was employed to select respondents with direct, sustained knowledge of the Teesta crisis. Participants included schoolteachers, journalists, politicians, NGO workers, farmers, day labourers, fishers, students, folk singers, and housewives. This diversity reflects the study\u0026rsquo;s aim to understand how differential vulnerability and human insecurity manifest across occupational, gendered, and generational lines.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eData Collection Methods\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eData collection took place between May and June and relied on three complementary techniques: Semi-structured interviews with 30 respondents across the four districts, enabling flexible yet focused exploration of key themes. Direct observations of riverbanks, erosion sites, irrigation structures, local markets, and the Teesta Barrage to contextualize narratives within the broader hydro-social environment. Informal conversations in tea stalls, homes, and marketplaces, which generated spontaneous accounts of fear, uncertainty, adaptation practices, and perceptions of state and transboundary governance.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eLocal networks\u0026mdash;particularly the researcher\u0026rsquo;s relatives and long-term residents\u0026mdash;facilitated access and trust-building. This relational approach aligns with the study\u0026rsquo;s theoretical grounding that vulnerability is rooted in power, positionality, and lived experience (Chambers \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1994\u003c/span\u003e; Kvale \u0026amp; Brinkmann \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e). The demographic information of the respondents are follow:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cdiv class=\"gridtable\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;\u003ctable id=\"Tab1\" border=\"1\"\u003e\n \u003ccaption language=\"En\"\u003e\n \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionNumber\"\u003eTable 1\u003c/div\u003e\n \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionContent\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eDemographic Profile of Respondents\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/div\u003e\n \u003c/caption\u003e\n \u003cthead\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eRespondent ID\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/th\u003e\n \u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eDistrict\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/th\u003e\n \u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eAge (Years)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/th\u003e\n \u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eReligion\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/th\u003e\n \u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eOccupation\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/th\u003e\n \u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFamily Size\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/th\u003e\n \u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eEducation\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/th\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003c/thead\u003e\n \u003ctbody\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder 1\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eKurigram\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e20\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e(Hindu)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eStudent\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e7\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eHSC\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder 2\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eKurigram\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e80\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eIslam\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eNo work\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e4\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eClass 8\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder 3\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eKurigram\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e70\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eIslam\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eNo work\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e9\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eClass 8\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder 4\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eKurigram\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e65\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eIslam\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eNo work\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e10\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eClass Five\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder 5\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eKurigram\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e35\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eIslam\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eNo work\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e4\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eSSC\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder 6\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eKurigram\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e46\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eIslam\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eN/A\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e4\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eSSC\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder 7\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eLalmonirhat\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e50\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eIslam\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eBusinessman\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e5\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eHSC\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder 8\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eLalmonirhat\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e45\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eHindu\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eTeacher\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e4\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eMA\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder 9\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eLalmonirhat\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e54\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eIslam\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFarmer\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e6\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eBellow SSC\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder 10\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eLalmonirhat\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e38\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eIslam\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eNGO Worker\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e5\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eBA\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder 11\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eLalmonirhat\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e40\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eIslam\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eN/A\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e5\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eSSC\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder 12\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eLalmonirhat\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e20\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eIslam\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eStudent\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e6\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eStudent\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder 13\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eLalmonirhat\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e50\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eHindu\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003ePolitician\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e4\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eBA\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder 14\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eLalmonirhat\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e71\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eHindu\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eGovt. job\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e6\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eMA\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder 15\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eLalmonirhat\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e56\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e(Hindu)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eTeacher\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e4\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eBA\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder 16\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eLalmonirhat\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e35\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eHindu\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eJournalist\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e6\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eBA\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder 17\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eNilphamari\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e45\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eIslam\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eBusinessman\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e6\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eHSC\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder 18\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eNilphamari\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e29\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eIslam\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eBusinessman\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e10\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eHSC\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder 19\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eNilphamari\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e28\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eIslam\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFarmer\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e7\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eClass Five\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder 20\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eNilphamari\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e35\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eIslam\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eDriver\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e5\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eSSC\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder 21\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eNilphamari\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e60\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eIslam\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFarmer\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e10\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eClass Eight\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder 22\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eNilphamari\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e70\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eIslam\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eNo work\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e7\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eSSC\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder 23\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eRangpur\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e55\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eIslam\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003ePolitician\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e5\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eMA\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder 24\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eRangpur\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e36\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eIslam\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eBanker\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e6\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eMA\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder 25\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eRangpur\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e60\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eHindu\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eNo work\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e6\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eSSC\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder 26\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eRangpur\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e55\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eIslam\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFolk Singer\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e5\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eBA\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder 27\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eRangpur\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e30\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eIslam\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eHousewife\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e10\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eHSC\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder 28\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eRangpur\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e41\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eIslam\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eTeacher\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e6\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eMA\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder 29\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eRangpur\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e21\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eHindu\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eDay Laborer\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e5\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eClass Five\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder 30\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eRangpur\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e42\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eIslam\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFramer\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"char\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e3\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eClass Eight\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003c/tbody\u003e\n \u003c/table\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv id=\"Sec11\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\n \u003ch2\u003eData Collection in the Field\u003c/h2\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFieldwork unfolded differently across the four districts, reflecting spatial variations in the hydro-social cycle: Rangpur (Mohipur): Interviews with a Union Parishad chairman, NGO staff, a folk singer (Bayati), teachers, and students illuminated how political decisions shape everyday uncertainties such as school closures, land loss, and migration. In Lalmonirhat (Rajpur): Tea stalls and small markets became key conversational hubs, revealing collective anxieties about erratic flows, erosion, and failed irrigation cycles. Nilphamari (Teesta Barrage area): Engagements with residents upstream and downstream of the barrage, farmers dependent on the Teesta Irrigation Project, and elderly char dwellers highlighted how infrastructural control produces asymmetric exposure and declining adaptive capacities. Kurigram (Sharishabari): Observations of eroding riverbanks and interviews with erosion victims and retired teachers emphasized the cultural fragmentation and displacement resulting from hydrological instability.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThe researcher read aloud the information sheet to each participant, ensuring informed consent and clear understanding of the study\u0026rsquo;s aims.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv id=\"Sec12\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\n \u003ch2\u003eChallenges and Reflexivity\u003c/h2\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResearch in remote riverine areas involved logistical and contextual challenges. Limited transportation, weather constraints, noisy markets, and fluctuating availability of participants required adaptive scheduling and flexible interviewing styles (Babbie 2013). These challenges also provided insight into structural vulnerabilities\u0026mdash;such as isolation, poor infrastructure, and seasonal rhythms\u0026mdash;that shape community insecurity. Reliance on local guides and familial networks facilitated rapport and reduced outsider\u0026ndash;insider distance, a key consideration in ethnographic work on politically sensitive issues.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv id=\"Sec13\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\n \u003ch2\u003eData Analysis\u003c/h2\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eData analysis followed a manual, iterative thematic approach. Interviews were first transcribed from Bengali to English by the researcher to preserve meaning and nuance. Responses were grouped by question and cross-compared to identify recurring patterns of exposure, sensitivity, adaptive strategies, and perceived injustices. Themes were developed deductively from theory (politically produced scarcity, vulnerability pathways, human insecurity) and inductively from the field (erosion trauma, irrigation disappointment, cultural loss, distrust in governance). Selected verbatim quotations were incorporated to foreground participant voices and ensure analytic transparency.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv id=\"Sec14\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\n \u003ch2\u003eEthical Considerations\u003c/h2\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eAlthough no formal ethics board approval process currently exists for social science research at the University of Dhaka, this study adhered to established qualitative research ethics. Respondents were informed about the purpose, voluntary nature, and confidentiality of the study. No identifiable personal information was recorded. Participants could withdraw or skip questions at any time. These measures ensured anonymity, autonomy, and respect throughout the research process (Bryman \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eBy combining ethnographic immersion, purposive sampling, semi-structured interviews, and field observations, this methodology captures the complex, politically produced vulnerabilities facing Teesta-dependent communities. It aligns with the broader analytical framing of Political Ecology, Vulnerability, and Human Security by foregrounding lived experiences, structural constraints, and the socio-natural processes shaping everyday precarity in the Teesta basin.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"4. Findings and Discussion","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e4.1. Agricultural Precarity: A “Lose-Lose” Situation\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAgriculture is the main source of livelihood in northern Bangladesh, and most local people in the Teesta basin depend on farming for their survival. However, this sector is repeatedly disrupted by the unpredictable water flow of the Teesta River. Studies show that sudden and unannounced releases of water from upstream in India often submerge crops that are ready for harvest—such as potatoes, maize, chili, onions, and peanuts—causing complete crop loss for Bangladeshi farmers (Boyce \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1986\u003c/span\u003e; Islam \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e). This has become a recurring problem in the region. In this study, respondents were asked how the Teesta’s water flow affects their lives and livelihoods. Their answers highlighted several interconnected impacts, which can be summarized in the following table:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eTable: Summary of the nexus of water control and effects of livelihood mechanism\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"gridtable\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003ctable id=\"Taba\" border=\"1\"\u003e\u003cthead\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eCore Theme\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/th\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eKey Argument / Illustrative Quote\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/th\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eConsequences\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/th\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003c/thead\u003e\u003ctbody\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eHydrological Volatility caused\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eDual Crisis: Flood \u0026amp; Drought\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\"When water is lacking”,\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“Crop cultivation suffers”\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“When India releases water, the excessive flooding submerges the crops.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“The greatest fear of erosion happens when the water level is low”;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“The problem is when they release the water just before the crops are harvested, the entire crop is destroyed.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eSignificant agricultural losses; severe negative impacts on livelihoods.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eloss of traditional irrigation methods; Total crop destruction despite potential benefits of siltation.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eSocio-Economic Impact leads to\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eLivelihood Loss \u0026amp; Out-Migration\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“Without water, the income sources are reduced”;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“people work along the riverbanks no longer live here”;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“Many have left.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eReduction in income; forced migration and community displacement.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eRiverbank Erosion acts as a primary risk\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“When water is high, the river erodes the banks and houses collapse... too much water means erosion, loss, and displacement.”\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eLoss of land and homes; displacement; pervasive sense of fear.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eSocio-Economic Impacts\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“How much rice can you really collect when the field is underwater?”\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“It's a disaster for us—not just a seasonal one, but something that affects our entire year.”\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\"To cultivate on such sandy soil, we need a lot of water. Bringing that water requires significant money and labor.”\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eYear-round food and income insecurity; Rising production costs; Deepening poverty cycles\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003c/tbody\u003e\u003c/table\u003e\n \u003c/div\u003e\u003cp\u003eSource: This table is prepared using Nvivo software drawing the themes. After drawing the themes, the table is manually prepared by the researcher.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe respondents’ accounts collectively illustrate a deeply entrenched hydro-social crisis in the Teesta-dependent districts. The interview from Kurigram—“When India releases water, the excessive flooding submerges the crops, resulting in significant losses for farmers” (Responder 1, Kurigram)—captures the core dynamic: externally managed water flows create sudden surges that devastate standing crops. This is reinforced by the structural reality that the upstream barrage allows India to regulate the river’s discharge, releasing water during peak monsoon and restricting it during the dry months (Rahman 2021). As a respondent from Lalmonirhat explained, “During the month of Boishakh…there is hardly any water, but sometimes it increases a lot” (Responder 14, Lalmonirhat). Such extreme fluctuations transform the river from a natural resource into a source of constant uncertainty.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAgriculture in the Teesta basin—on which millions rely—is therefore governed not by seasonal rhythms but by erratic and externally influenced hydrological cycles. Respondents repeatedly emphasized that water scarcity dominates most of the year, rendering cultivation impossible, particularly in the critical dry season (\u003cem\u003eChaitra\u003c/em\u003e). A farmer from Rangpur confirmed, “Without water, farming and cultivation come to a halt…this happens almost every year and pushes millions of people toward livelihood failure” (Responder 30, Rangpur). These testimonies reflect a structural livelihood precarity: farmers lack the water needed for production, yet also remain vulnerable to sudden inundation.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe coping strategies adopted by farmers—especially careful timing of cultivation—are rendered ineffective by sudden, unpredictable releases of water. As one respondent from Nilphamari noted, “They plan their cultivation carefully and wait for their crops. However, if nature intervenes suddenly, it becomes impossible” (Responder 19, Nilphamari). Farming, therefore, becomes an act of navigating uncertainty rather than a stable livelihood practice. The region’s agricultural planning collapses under the weight of unanticipated floods, which routinely destroy crops and erode farmland (Alamgir, Furuya, Kobayashi, Binte, \u0026amp; Salam \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eOverall, the narratives reveal that the hydrology of the Teesta has shifted from a predictable seasonal cycle to a regime characterized by both scarcity and sudden abundance (Ahmed \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). Farmers perceive this as a direct consequence of upstream regulation. This engineered unpredictability not only undermines agricultural productivity but also accelerates livelihood insecurity, land erosion, and long-term socio-economic decline in the Teesta-adjacent districts.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e4.2. Crippling Rise in Production Costs\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAs a tropical country production of crops depend on the availability of and continuation of the rainfall. The lack of reliable surface water forces farmers into expensive alternatives, eroding their already thin profit margin. During the field observation it was found that farmers are forced to use deep tube wells, shallow machines, and borings to extract groundwater, which is described as “very expensive and financially burdensome.” This study asked the question to the respondent about the fluctuation of the water flow in the Teste most of the respondents shared that their production cost and labour have been increased significantly due to the lack of natural water flow see Table\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e2\u003c/span\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"gridtable\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;\u003ctable id=\"Tab2\" border=\"1\"\u003e\u003ccaption language=\"En\"\u003e\n \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionNumber\"\u003eTable 2\u003c/div\u003e\n \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionContent\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFluctuation of water flow and production cost in Teesta basin area in Bangladesh\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/div\u003e\n \u003c/caption\u003e\u003cthead\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eRespondent ID\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/th\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eKey View on Increased Production Cost\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/th\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003c/thead\u003e\u003ctbody\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder-1, Kurigram\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“Farmers have to use deep tube wells, which is expensive and financially burdensome”.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder-23, Rangpur\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“Now we need shallow machines, electric motors, diesel pumps — everything costs money. Farmers face high expenses”.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder-7 Lalmonirhat\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“Without sufficient water, irrigation costs have risen, putting pressure on our income and expenses”.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder-9 Lalmonirhat\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“We install shallow machines below the river to pump water. It costs a lot.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder-20 Nilphamari\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“When water is scarce, we have to irrigate with machines, which is costly”.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder-21 Nilphamari\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“When there is no water, we irrigate with motors and machines, which costs a lot.”\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder-12 Lalmonirhat\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“We are forced to use boring pumps to draw water, which is very costly.”\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder-13, Lalmonirhat\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“We use boring and pumps for irrigation, which is very expensive for us. We spend around 5,000 taka per bigha.”\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder-22, Nilphamari\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“Now, water is drawn using motors, but we have to buy and install them ourselves; no one else provides them. This is expensive.”\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder-29, Rangpur\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“Bringing water requires significant money and labor. We have to pump water with labor and then cultivate.”\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder-30, Rangpur\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“We have to irrigate by boring wells.”\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003c/tbody\u003e\u003c/table\u003e\n \u003c/div\u003e\u003cp\u003eSource: Prepared by the researcher from the qualitative data.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eTable \u003cspan class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e2\u003c/span\u003e highlights several critical insights from the respondents living along the Teesta River, revealing their experiences of precarious livelihoods, shrinking water resources, and the difficult strategies they adopt to survive. Although Bangladesh, as a tropical and deltaic country, possesses fertile land that traditionally supports robust crop production, upstream water control has severely undermined this natural advantage (Adel \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2001\u003c/span\u003e; Boyce \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1986\u003c/span\u003e). Reduced water flow has increased farmers’ dependence on irrigation, driving production costs up by three to four times. In some locations—particularly Nilphamari—respondents reported that access to irrigation water is further constrained by local-level corruption, where unofficial payments are required to receive water from canals (Sarkar, Mukherji, \u0026amp; Mainuddin 2024). This combination of high irrigation costs and irregular access to water makes farming increasingly unsustainable. Consequently, many farmers are being pushed out of agriculture. Faced with mounting financial pressure, they often turn to alternative forms of livelihood such as rickshaw pulling or migrate to urban centers to work in the garment industry and other low-wage sectors. This shift illustrates a profound transformation in rural livelihoods within the Teesta basin, driven by environmental stressors, institutional weaknesses, and the erosion of agricultural viability.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e4.3. Land Loss and Asset Erosion\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eLivelihoods encompass not only income but also the assets—such as land, housing, and livestock—that make income generation possible. In the Teesta basin, these assets are increasingly at risk. Empirical observations from the field indicate that the Teesta River has become a major driver of asset destruction in the adjacent districts. Riverbank erosion, now an annual occurrence in many rural parts of Bangladesh, continues to wash away homesteads, cultivable land, and livestock. This recurring phenomenon is a key force behind the pauperization of affected communities. Families who once relied on agriculture and land-based resources are often rendered destitute within a single season, facing sudden displacement and the collapse of their economic foundations, as reflected in the experiences presented in Table\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e3\u003c/span\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"gridtable\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;\u003ctable id=\"Tab3\" border=\"1\"\u003e\u003ccaption language=\"En\"\u003e\n \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionNumber\"\u003eTable 3\u003c/div\u003e\n \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionContent\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eLand Loss and Asset Erosion along the Teesta River\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/div\u003e\n \u003c/caption\u003e\u003cthead\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eTheme of Erosion\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/th\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eRespondent Identities (Summarized)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/th\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eConsolidated Description of Impact\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/th\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003c/thead\u003e\u003ctbody\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eDirect Loss of Homes \u0026amp; Repeated Displacement\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eR-26, Rangpur\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eR-5, Kurigram\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eR-11, Lalmonirhat\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eR-6, Kurigram\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThese respondents report the most severe and personal losses, including\u0026nbsp;houses being completely destroyed multiple times\u0026nbsp;(one respondent lost his home 7 times). They describe a cycle of annual erosion, displacement, and rebuilding, leading to homelessness and permanent relocation.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eLarge-Scale Agricultural \u0026amp; Land Loss\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eR- 8, Lalmonirhat\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eR-26, Rangpur\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eR-22, Lalmonirhat\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThis group highlights erosion at a community or regional scale, reporting the loss of\u0026nbsp;vast tracts of agricultural land (e.g., 60 acres, hundreds of acres)\u0026nbsp;and damage to protective infrastructure like embankments. The impact is framed as a severe blow to the regional economy and food security.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eGeneral Community-Wide Erosion \u0026amp; Displacement\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eR-5, Kurigram\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eR-7, Lalmonirhat\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eR-3, Kurigram\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eR-4, Kurigram\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eR-10, Lalmonirhat\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThese accounts consistently describe erosion as a common driver of\u0026nbsp;widespread destruction of homes and farmland, leading to social fragmentation as families are forced to separate and migrate to other villages, cities, or even abroad in search of livelihood.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eErosion Damaging Infrastructure \u0026amp; Livelihoods\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eR-18, Nilphamari\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eR-24, Rangpur\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eR-16, Lalmonirhat\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eR-22, Lalmonirhat\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eR-15, Lalmonirhat\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eRespondents in this category report damage beyond homes and fields, including the destruction of roads, embankments, and community infrastructure. This compound damage devastates the broader economic foundation of the area, destroying assets and crippling income sources for farmers and laborers.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003c/tbody\u003e\u003c/table\u003e\n \u003c/div\u003e\u003cp\u003eAn analysis of these categories reveals a cascading pattern of disaster, where an initial environmental hazard—riverbank erosion—sets off a chain reaction of social, economic, and infrastructural failures (Sultana, \u0026amp; Paul 2022). This progression moves from individual loss to widespread regional disruption. Reduced water availability and repeated displacement weaken the core foundations of human security. Communities do not face a single, isolated shock; instead, they experience recurrent disasters that prevent recovery, deplete savings, and erode resilience (Hossain \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). Each new erosion event pushes households deeper into chronic poverty and insecurity.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSudden floods and erosion destroy agricultural land, the primary productive asset for rural families (Islam, Khan, Reza, \u0026amp; Rahman \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). This loss undermines both economic and food security and contributes to a broader decline in local productivity. Damage to protective structures such as embankments represents a failure of risk governance, as the very infrastructure meant to reduce vulnerability becomes part of the hazard, increasing exposure and accelerating future erosion.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThese physical impacts generate far-reaching social consequences. As key infrastructure—roads, markets, schools, clinics—is damaged or destroyed, the entire support system that enables daily life begins to break down. This “compound damage” captures how multiple system failures reinforce one another: blocked roads isolate communities, collapsed embankments heighten future risk, and the loss of public services erodes human capability and social cohesion (Mondal \u0026amp; Islam \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e). The result is not just stagnation but active de-development across the Teesta basin.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe decline of the river has also eliminated once-diverse livelihood opportunities. Where water was once abundant year-round, supporting farming, fishing, and river-based trade, the region is now shifting toward conditions resembling a dry zone (Ahmed \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e; Ahmed 2022). The collapse of fish populations has devastated fishing as a major occupation and nutritional source. Table \u003cspan class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e4\u003c/span\u003e illustrates how respondents describe the disappearance of economic activities traditionally dependent on the Teesta’s flow, underscoring the depth of socio-economic transformation in the basin.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"gridtable\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;\u003ctable id=\"Tab4\" border=\"1\"\u003e\u003ccaption language=\"En\"\u003e\n \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionNumber\"\u003eTable 4\u003c/div\u003e\n \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionContent\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eDecline of Complementary Economies in the Teesta Basin\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/div\u003e\n \u003c/caption\u003e\u003cthead\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eRespondent ID\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/th\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003ePrimary Economy in Decline\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/th\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eKey Statements on the Decline\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/th\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003c/thead\u003e\u003ctbody\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder, 23\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eRangpur\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFisheries\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“I remember catching hilsa fish in this river as a child. Now, the fish don't come this way anymore.”\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder, 24\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eRangpur\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFisheries \u0026amp; River-based Livelihoods\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“the collapse of a system where farming and fishing coexisted”\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder, 18\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eNilphamari\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFisheries\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“Previously, there were fishermen, but now many fishermen have lost their livelihoods and moved away”\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder, 19\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eNilphamari\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFisheries\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“Earlier, there used to be a lot of fish, but now there is almost none.”\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder, 10\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eLalmonirhat\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFisheries\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“For fishermen, the amount of water... is very important. More water means more fish.”\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder, 26\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eRangpur\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eCultural \u0026amp; Agricultural Economy\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“I currently work at a radio station on a 'no work, no pay' basis, singing songs.”\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“This highlights a shift from stable agriculture to precarious cultural work due to land loss”.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder, 21\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eNilphamari\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFisheries \u0026amp; Diverse Agriculture\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“Because of the water shortage, we don't even get fish.”\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder, 22\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eNilphamari\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFisheries\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“The water flow has reduced, and there is no more blessing from water.”\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder, 29\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eRangpur\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFisheries\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“For example, many fishermen have moved away because there is no water in the river and have settled in other places.”\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder, 14\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eLalmonirhat\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFisheries \u0026amp; Agricultural Labor\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“Many have migrated to work in garment factories or other jobs elsewhere.”`\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder, 15\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eLalmonirhat\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eDried Fish Trade (Shutki Business)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\"There used to be a large dried fish (shutki) port on the banks of the Teesta... But now, the amount of water has decreased significantly. As a result, the dried fish business has shrunk considerably”\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder, 16\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eLalmonirhat\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFisheries \u0026amp; River Transport\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“Many fishermen have left their traditional work due to river drying and fish scarcity, switching to rickshaw pulling or working in garment factories”\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“Transportation by river for goods will reduce the pressure on roads and railways... Boats will carry goods from village to village.”\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003c/tbody\u003e\u003c/table\u003e\n \u003c/div\u003e\u003cp\u003eSource: Prepared by the researcher from the qualitative data\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe Table \u003cspan class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e4\u003c/span\u003e illustrates a sharp decline in the complementary rural economies that once sustained communities in the Teesta basin alongside agriculture. The collapse of fisheries emerges as the most significant loss. Reduced water flow, declining river depth, and the disappearance of perennial channels have drastically diminished fish populations, undermining both livelihoods and a crucial source of nutrition (Islam, Moniruzzaman, Hossen, Islam, Rayhan, \u0026amp; Sku 2019). Once-thriving fishing hubs and dried-fish markets have contracted, while the loss of navigable waterways has ended traditional boat-based transport and trade, eliminating income opportunities for boatmen and small traders.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAs the agricultural and fishing base eroded, communities experienced a gradual but severe shift toward precarious forms of labour. Cultural workers, informal labourers, and temporary service providers now rely on unstable income sources that offer no security or long-term sustainability. This economic decline has triggered widespread migration, with many residents moving to cities to work as day laborers, rickshaw pullers, or garment workers after losing their land, livestock, and river-based occupations.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe collapse of fisheries also represents the erosion of cultural identity. Fishing in the Teesta basin has long been associated with inherited knowledge—species identification, seasonal patterns, traditional gear, and community rituals. The decline of this sector therefore signifies not only economic loss but also the disappearance of intergenerational skills and cultural heritage. The loss of navigability has further contributed to the decline of local festivals and community activities once centered around the river, including boat races, which have nearly vanished due to insufficient water levels. Overall, the shrinking of the river has dismantled a once-diverse economic and cultural system, pushing communities toward more fragile, low-income, and urban-dependent livelihoods.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e4.4. Displacement, Migration and Social Fragmentation\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe Teesta River has profound impacts on displacement, migration, and social fragmentation in the affected districts. The collapse of local livelihoods compels residents to move within and beyond their home areas in search of survival, often tearing apart the social fabric. Sudden floods and riverbank erosion not only displace communities but also divide families, either through the loss of family members or by forcing some to relocate elsewhere (Sultana 2021). Young men and entire families are frequently compelled to migrate to urban centers like Dhaka to work as rickshaw pullers, day laborers, or garment workers, and many never return to their ancestral lands (Maharjan 2021). As one respondent from Lalmonirhat noted, “Many people from this area migrate due to lack of jobs” (Responder 4, Kurigram), while another added, “Many have left because they had to move to save their lives and face the poverty. Many have left to places like Rajpur, Gaibandha, and Bonarpara” (Responder 23 Rangpur). This trend underscores the chronic economic hardship of the region, which is widely recognized as a ‘Monga’-prone area.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe destruction of livelihoods, homes, and local infrastructure further exacerbates social fragmentation. Erosion and displacement disrupt extended families and weaken community support systems, which are vital for coping with adversity. A respondent from Kurigram explained, “Water scarcity arises due to river erosion, which causes displacement and fragmentation of families” (Responder 5, Kurigram). The forced migration of young people to Dhaka’s garment factories or to rickshaw work represents a direct consequence of livelihood failure. This exodus removes the most active and dynamic members of the community, diminishing participation in local cultural practices and accelerating the erosion of cultural vitality and intergenerational knowledge in the villages.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e4.5. Health and Well-being Issues\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe water crisis in the entire region has significant impacts on health, which also affects the ability to work and earn a living. Due to the water diversion, desertification and arsenic contamination, people face multiple health effects (Shahen \u0026amp; Momen \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e). People due to water scarcity heavily rely on deep tube wells for drinking water due to surface water scarcity which exposes communities to arsenic-contaminated unsafe water (Mondal \u0026amp; Islam \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e). One respondent from Kurigarm district mentioned, “They are to rely on deep tube wells for drinking water and irrigation, which often provide arsenic-contaminated and unsafe water” (Responder_1_Kurigram). The use of arsenic contaminated water undermine the quality of the food grain which indirectly affect the heath of the local people. Every year flooding also forced to submerge tube wells and creates sanitation crises which consequently lead to waterborne diseases that debilitate the workforce.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e4.6. Socio-Cultural issues under Strain\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe Teesta River is more than just a body of water; it has long been a central part of local culture and identity for the people living along its banks. However, the river is gradually “dying” due to water scarcity during the dry season and excessive water release during the rainy season. This study examines the socio-cultural impacts of the river on local communities. Traditional lifestyles and cultural practices have been seriously affected by the changing flow of the Teesta, largely due to the upstream control by India. The reduction in natural water flow has disrupted long-standing traditions and rituals connected to the river, which were once central to community life (see Table\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e5\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"gridtable\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;\u003ctable id=\"Tab5\" border=\"1\"\u003e\u003ccaption language=\"En\"\u003e\n \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionNumber\"\u003eTable 5\u003c/div\u003e\n \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionContent\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eImpact on Cultural Traditions and Heritage\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/div\u003e\n \u003c/caption\u003e\u003cthead\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eRespondent ID\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/th\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eCultural Tradition Affected\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/th\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eComments regarding the impacts\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/th\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003c/thead\u003e\u003ctbody\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder-1, Kurigram\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFolk Songs \u0026amp; Oral Tradition\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eMentions the existence of folk songs about the Teesta, e.g., “\u003cem\u003eO happy home of the Teesta river, what broke you?\u003c/em\u003e”\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder-30, Rangpur\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eRiver-based Recreation \u0026amp; Navigation\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“In the past, the Teesta was full year-round... the river was navigable by boat.”\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder-5,\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eKurigram\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eReligious Structures \u0026amp; Community Spaces\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“Many\u0026nbsp;mosques and temples have been lost\u0026nbsp;to the river, causing fear and insecurity about living near the riverbanks.”\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder-26,\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eRangpur\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eTraditional Music \u0026amp; Performance\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“I earn a little money by playing the dotara and singing songs,\" shows that traditional performance is now a precarious livelihood, not just a cultural practice.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder-13,\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eLalmonirhat\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eSongs \u0026amp; Cultural Activities\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“The Teesta River also holds a special place in our culture.\u0026nbsp;Songs and other cultural activities about the river\u0026nbsp;have been part of our heritage.”\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder 21,\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eNilphamari\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eComposition \u0026amp; Broadcasting of Music\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\"I have composed many songs related to the Teesta River, which have been broadcast on radio and television.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003c/tbody\u003e\u003c/table\u003e\n \u003c/div\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe cultural and social fabric of communities along the Teesta River has been profoundly disrupted by environmental degradation and hydrological changes. Traditional practices, including boat races, folk songs, and river-centered social activities, have diminished as the river’s depth, flow, and navigability have declined. These cultural expressions, once central to community identity, are increasingly becoming relics rather than living traditions, resulting in a growing cultural dissonance.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe decline of the river has also severed the historical nexus between economy and culture. River-dependent economic activities, such as dried fish trade and boat-based commerce, have collapsed, removing both sources of livelihood and communal gathering spaces. This economic contraction reinforces social and cultural erosion, as the loss of land and livelihoods strips families of their social standing, communal roles, and intergenerational cultural knowledge. A respondent in Lalmornirhat argued,\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThere used to be a large dried fish (shutki) port on the banks of the Teesta... But now, the amount of water has decreased significantly. As a result, the dried fish business has shrunk considerably. Not only that trade and business by boat has now a past example which has ended the business of many people (Responder-15, Lalmonirhat).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eMoreover, the physical destruction of riverbank infrastructure, including mosques, temples, and other communal spaces, erodes the spiritual and social foundations of these communities. These spaces, which once facilitated worship, social solidarity, and cultural expression, are now lost, creating a profound sense of insecurity and rootlessness. Overall, the degradation of the Teesta River represents not just an environmental or economic crisis but a deep socio-cultural rupture, where the loss of livelihoods, traditions, and communal spaces undermines the identity, cohesion, and resilience of riverine communities.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e4.7. Social Fragmentation and Disintegration\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe destruction of land, trees and community places actively pulls communities apart, breaking the bonds that hold society together. Families that have lived together for generations are more often forced to separate when river erosion destroys their homes and land. Table \u003cspan class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e5\u003c/span\u003e shows the issue of social fragmentation due to the water disruption in the Teesta River in Bangladesh part.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\u003ctable id=\"Tab6\" border=\"1\"\u003e\u003ccaption language=\"En\"\u003e\n \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionNumber\"\u003eTable 6\u003c/div\u003e\n \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionContent\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eSocial Fragmentation and Disintegration due to the Teesta River Crisis\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/div\u003e\n \u003c/caption\u003e\u003cthead\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eRespondent ID\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/th\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eForm of Social Fragmentation\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/th\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eKey Statements \u0026amp; Evidence\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/th\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003c/thead\u003e\u003ctbody\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder-1\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eKurigram\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFamily Dispersal \u0026amp; Physical Separation\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“If a family has four brothers living in four houses, riverbank erosion may force them to buy land and\u0026nbsp;build homes in different locations, causing\u0026nbsp;social separation.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder-23,\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eRangpur\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eCommunity Disintegration \u0026amp; Weakened Social Bonds\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“When someone loses their home and is forced to relocate, they often end up in unfamiliar places,\u0026nbsp;unable to integrate socially. They struggle to adjust in new communities. That has caused a kind of\u0026nbsp;social fragmentation.”\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder-24,\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eRangpur\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eLoss of Dignity \u0026amp; Social Status\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“Without income, people lose their dignity. If a person can't bring food to the table, they become a\u0026nbsp;burden in the eyes of others.”\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder-18,\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eNilphamari\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eIntra-Community Conflict \u0026amp; Litigation\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“Because of water scarcity, social relations among us sometimes worsen. There are\u0026nbsp;fights\u0026nbsp;and sometimes\u0026nbsp;police cases. People quarrel over water distribution. Sometimes cases have been filed at police stations.”\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder,20\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eNilphamari\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eErosion of Trust \u0026amp; Cooperation\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\"Because of this water shortage, social relations among people have worsened. Water comes to some areas but not others, causing\u0026nbsp;quarrels and misunderstandings. People\u0026nbsp;distrust each other”.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder-25\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eRangpur\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eDisputes Over Scarce Aid\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“They only distribute a few handfuls of rice and sugar, which\u0026nbsp;causes disputes among people who are all poor.”\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResponder-2,\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eKurigram\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eReligious \u0026amp; Cultural Fragmentation\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e“Many mosques and temples have been lost to the river”.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003c/tbody\u003e\u003c/table\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDisplacement caused by riverbank erosion in the Teesta basin contributes directly to the fragmentation of families and the weakening of community-based social structures (Sultana \u0026amp; Paul 2022). When households are forced to relocate to multiple, scattered locations to escape erosion, long-standing kinship arrangements break down, and the social capital that binds extended families is eroded. This physical dispersal of relatives reduces opportunities for shared labour, mutual support, and intergenerational care, creating chronic social separation. At the same time, displaced households face significant challenges in integrating into new environments. Those who relocate are often perceived as outsiders and struggle to build trust, legitimacy, or belonging within host communities. This lack of social embeddedness limits their access to local support systems, deepening their vulnerability and perpetuating cycles of marginalization.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe decaying social cohesion in the region is further exacerbated by growing resource scarcity, especially the uneven availability of water for irrigation (Adel \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2001\u003c/span\u003e). When water becomes insufficient, relationships that once rested on cooperation increasingly shift toward competition. This scarcity generates disputes among farmers over water distribution, sometimes escalating into conflict and legal cases. Political influence and unequal access to irrigation canals intensify these tensions, leading to perceptions of injustice and exclusion. Corruption in water management—such as alleged bribe-taking for canal access—further undermines trust in local institutions, eroding confidence in governance and weakening community solidarity.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eBeyond material hardship, the repetitive cycle of sudden floods, erosion, and water scarcity severely affects emotional wellbeing and personal dignity (Sultana, 2021). Farmers and fishermen who once took pride in their self-reliance increasingly find themselves dependent on uncertain relief, precarious work, or low-wage labor in urban areas. This shift from autonomy to dependency generates a sense of humiliation, loss of purpose, and diminished social standing (Bakker \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2007\u003c/span\u003e). Many people internalize feelings of powerlessness as they perceive their lives to be shaped by decisions taken far away in national and international political arenas (Sultana, \u0026amp; Paul 2022). The sense that external actors control water flows fosters an acute collective feeling of helplessness and undermines community agency.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThese experiences produce a deep collective grief, especially among older residents who retain vivid memories of the Teesta in its earlier, vibrant state. Their recollections of abundant fish, year-round water flow, and thriving river-based livelihoods stand in stark contrast to the present landscape of scarcity and destruction. This emotional rupture reflects not merely economic decline but a profound cultural loss: the disappearance of a river that once structured social life, identity, and hope.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eTaken together, the socio-cultural consequences of the Teesta crisis are central to understanding its full impact. The degradation of the river is simultaneously dismantling social cohesion, cultural continuity, and human dignity (Habiba, Hassan \u0026amp; Shaw \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e). What is unfolding in the Teesta basin is not only an ecological disaster but also the erosion of a centuries-old cultural world, threatening to erase the social and cultural foundations upon which these river-dependent communities have historically relied.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"5. Conclusion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe findings of this study reveal a profound disruption of the socio-ecological system in the Teesta River Basin. What was once a dependable river sustaining agriculture, culture, and community life has become a source of chronic instability. This transformation is not the result of natural fluctuations alone, but of politically engineered hydrological volatility shaped by upstream control and transboundary power asymmetries. The resulting flood-drought oscillations have dismantled local livelihood systems and undermined the region\u0026rsquo;s economic resilience. As agricultural productivity declines and irrigation becomes prohibitively expensive, households are trapped in a cycle of repeated loss and rising debt. Traditional livelihood strategies\u0026mdash;once supported by fertile land and predictable river flow\u0026mdash;have become unsustainable. Consequently, riverbank erosion and economic collapse have made displacement and distress migration routine, fragmenting families and eroding the social networks that once provided security and mutual support. Migration, therefore, is not a pathway to opportunity but a response to systemic failure, symbolizing the breakdown of the long-standing relationship between the river and the communities it nurtured.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis crisis underscores that the governance of shared rivers is fundamentally a matter of human security. The suffering documented in this study\u0026mdash;displacement, impoverishment, cultural erosion, and the weakening of community cohesion\u0026mdash;flows directly from a disrupted hydrological regime and the absence of cooperative water management. Reducing the crisis to a bilateral water dispute obscures its deep human and social consequences.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eA sustainable way forward requires a coordinated and visionary response. Long-term solutions must include restoring the river\u0026rsquo;s ecological health, securing a fair and enforceable water-sharing arrangement, improving local water governance, and investing in comprehensive rehabilitation for displaced and vulnerable communities. Protecting the river ultimately protects livelihoods, culture, and social stability. Securing these dimensions is essential for rebuilding hope and resilience among the millions whose futures are tied to the Teesta.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe implications of this study extend beyond Bangladesh, highlighting patterns found in river basins worldwide where upstream countries exert unilateral control through dams and barrages. Such actions frequently produce downstream vulnerability, strain diplomatic relations, and compromise fundamental human rights. As transboundary water politics become increasingly contentious, the international community must recognize equitable water governance not only as an environmental necessity but as a core component of social justice, peace, and regional stability.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eDisclosure statement:\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003eNo conflict of interest\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eFunding:\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003eUniversity of Dhaka Research Grant\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eORCID details:\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003ehttps://orcid.org/0000-0002-0775-5698\u003cu\u003e.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eData Availability statement:\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003eData will be available upon request\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eAuthor Contribution\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eMd Rafiqul Islam, PhD: Conceptualization, Methodology, Formal Analysis, Investigation, Writing \u0026ndash; Original Draft Preparation, Writing \u0026ndash; Review \u0026amp; Editing, Project Administration.Maria Hussain: Investigation, Data Curation, Validation.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eScudder, T. 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A framework for vulnerability analysis in sustainability science. \u003cem\u003eProceedings of the National Academy of Sciences\u003c/em\u003e, 100(14), 8074-8079.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eUllah, M. R., Rahman, M. H., Haque, A. F. M. A., \u0026amp; Salehin, M. (2022). Climate change impacts on the hydrology of the Teesta River basin. \u003cem\u003eJournal of Water and Climate Change\u003c/em\u003e, 13(5), 2105\u0026ndash;2122. https://doi.org/10.2166/wcc.2022.215\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eUnited Nations Development Programme. (1994). \u003cem\u003eHuman development report 1994: New dimensions of human security\u003c/em\u003e. Oxford University Press.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eVinke, K., Martin, M. A., Adams, S., Baarsch, F., Bondeau, A., Coumou, D., ... \u0026amp; Svirejeva-Hopkins, A. (2017). Climatic risks and impacts in South Asia: extremes of water scarcity and excess. \u003cem\u003eRegional Environmental Change\u003c/em\u003e, 17(6), 1569-1583.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":true,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":true,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"Teesta, Livelihood precarity, Human security, Cultural Practices, Water Insecurity, Bangladesh","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-8243183/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-8243183/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eThis study explores the livelihood precariety and socio-cultural damage of the people in four districts connected to Teesta river in Bangladesh. Based on qualitative interview and political ecology and vulnerability framework, the findings detail the severe socio-economic consequences\u0026ndash; the submergence of ready-to-harvest crops, the financial burden of adapting with deep tube wells, and the pervasive threat of riverbank erosion that displaces families and fragments communities. The research further documents the erosion of cultural heritage, as temples and mosques are lost to the river, and the precarious existence of those living on transient river islands (chars). While local communities demonstrate significant resilience through strategic cultivation and local embankment efforts, these measures are ultimately insufficient against the scale of the geopolitical problem. The paper concludes that the insecurity of Teesta basin communities is a direct function of inequitable transboundary water governance. It, therefore, advocates for a binding, fair water-sharing agreement between Bangladesh and India, supported by domestic investment in water conservation infrastructure and targeted rehabilitation programs, to restore both the river\u0026rsquo;s vitality and human security in the basin.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"Living with Uncertainty: Teesta Water Insecurity and Its Impacts on Livelihoods and Cultural Practices in Four Districts of Bangladesh","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2025-12-19 13:52:52","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-8243183/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"80e2c7f6-90ba-4ca1-b37c-8fb80e0d2884","owner":[],"postedDate":"December 19th, 2025","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"posted","subjectAreas":[],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2026-04-20T16:01:33+00:00","versionOfRecord":{"articleIdentity":"rs-8243183","link":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s10113-026-02570-6","journal":{"identity":"regional-environmental-change","isVorOnly":false,"title":"Regional Environmental Change"},"publishedOn":"2026-04-16 15:58:37","publishedOnDateReadable":"April 16th, 2026"},"versionCreatedAt":"2025-12-19 13:52:52","video":"","vorDoi":"10.1007/s10113-026-02570-6","vorDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s10113-026-02570-6","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-8243183","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-8243183","identity":"rs-8243183","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"8U1c8b4HqxoKbykW_rLl7","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}