Youth activism for climate justice in Brazil: reflections on mobilization and resistance

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Climate justice is a contested issue shaped by various disciplines and ideological perspectives. This research addresses the lack of characterization of these activists, particularly their demographic profile (race, gender, age, nationality), motivations, strategies, and demands. Using primary and secondary data, the study investigates what is the profile of young activists fighting for climate justice in Brazil. It hypothesizes that they form a diverse group, their motivations highlight the intersections of race and gender, and they advocate for historical reparations from nations and systems responsible for climate change. Additionally, the hypothesis is that many are already engaged in climate justice organizations. A literature review and primary data collection through the Q Method (questionnaire design, administration, and analysis) was used, framed by critical climate justice theory. Findings reveal an emerging youth-led climate justice movement in Brazil, with Black women playing a central role. Their motivations are shaped by lived experiences, and there is strong consensus on prioritizing colonialism, intersectionality, and climate marches. However, opinions diverge on adopting more disruptive tactics. In conclusion, climate justice in Brazil is expanding through multiple currents. For young activists, it represents more than a social movement—it is a broader struggle for systemic change. Social science/Environmental studies Social science/Sociology Youth activism Climate justice Q Method Brazil Global South Figures Figure 1 Figure 2 Figure 3 Figure 4 Introduction This study examines climate justice through social movement theories, aiming to profile young Brazilian climate activists and analyze their motivations and demands. Climate justice is contested and interpreted across various ideological spectrums, often co-opted by civil society, the state, and private sectors, which can sometimes contradict the movement's goals, particularly through technological and market-based solutions (Araújo et al., 2021). While climate justice originated in the Global North, it has gained momentum globally, with pivotal moments in the South, such as the 2002 Principles of Climate Justice in South Africa and the 2010 World People's Conference in Bolivia. Previous studies on environmental and climate justice activists (Alonso et al., 2007; Neas et al., 2022; Martiskainen et al., 2020) offer valuable insights but leave a gap in understanding youth climate activism in the Global South, especially regarding how class, gender, and race influence participation. This research seeks to fill that gap, focusing on the heterogeneous nature of young Brazilian climate justice activists. It explores their motivations, demands, and the intersection of gender and race, hypothesizing that their priorities include reparations for vulnerable communities impacted by climate change. The study also posits that these activists are part of existing climate organizations. Methodologically, the study employs a qualitative-quantitative, interdisciplinary approach, using primary and secondary data to triangulate findings. The Q Method was applied to analyze subjectivity statistically (Kaufmann & Hurtienne, 2011), with online surveys. Data are analyzed through a critical climate justice framework (Sultana, 2021), enriched by Global South and Brazilian perspectives on climate justice (Araújo et al., 2023; Talukdar, 2022; Torres et al., 2021). The article aims to contribute to the emerging climate justice research agenda in Brazil, profiling young activists and exploring the contradictions of their heterogeneous profiles, while also investigating differences between climate justice activism in the Global North and South. The article includes a conceptual review, methodology, findings, and a discussion of the characteristics, motivations, and priorities of young Brazilian activists. Methods A qualitative-quantitative approach was adopted, with an exploratory and descriptive nature, from an interdisciplinary perspective ( Figure 1 ). To engage with the desired social group, an age range of individuals between 18 and 30 years old was used, as there is no universal or even national age cut-off for those considered "youth." The primary data collection instrument was a Q Method questionnaire administered to Brazilian youth climate activists. Developed by William Stephenson in the 1930s (Couto et al., 2011), this method statistically interprets subjectivity (Kaufmann & Hurtienne, 2011), integrating quantitative and qualitative approaches in line with this study’s interdisciplinary scope. Recognized for extracting perceptual elements, the Q Method differs from conventional questionnaires by requiring respondents to prioritize answers on a Likert scale from -5 (strongly disagree) to +5 (strongly agree), ensuring a scientifically valid measurement of human attitudes (Joshi et al., 2015). Below ( Figure 2 ) is the classification pyramid, linking respondents' opinions to a sample of variables. The Q-method follows the five steps ( Figure 3 ) outlined below: Definition of the dominant discourses on the issue under study (Concourse); Development of the set of statements (Q-set); Selection of participants representing different perspectives (P-set); Sorting of statements by participants (Q-sorting); Analysis and interpretation (carried out using the online software Ken Q Analysis: https://shawnbanasick.github.io/ken-q-analysis/). Initially, 16 statements were formulated across five themes: profile, priorities, motivations, repertoires, and mixed responses ( Appendix A ). A literature review expanded these to 43 statements ( Appendix B ), within the 30–60 range suggested by Kaufmann and Hurtienne (2011). Due to the lack of predefined data on Brazilian youth climate activists, the selection process was exploratory. A total of 45 activists were contacted, though this does not represent the full activist population. The P-set was drawn from a list of 26 predefined names, aiming for national representation but with a Southeast bias due to the author's connections. Invitations were followed by a snowball sampling approach (Corbin & Strauss, 2014), resulting in 17 respondents—a sufficient sample for Q methodology (Kaufmann & Hurtienne, 2011). Q-sorting was conducted via EQ Websort, with two pilot tests refining the questionnaire before distribution. Respondents classified the 43 statements into Agree, Neutral, and Disagree, using a free classification system (Brown, 1971). To support analysis, participants explained their extreme classifications and answered social and climate justice-related questions, suggested additional participants, and indicated interest in follow-up interviews or focus groups ( Appendix A ). Each session lasted ~35 minutes (Nov–Dec 2024). Ken-Q Analysis software was used for the correlation matrix, factor analysis, Principal Component Extraction (PCA), and Varimax rotation. Dimensions of Justice, Social Movements, and Climate Justice from the Global South David Schlosberg (2007) traces the evolution of environmental justice into climate justice, identifying three key dimensions: distributive, procedural, and recognition justice, with some frameworks adding reparative justice. Distributive justice ensures fair allocation of environmental benefits and burdens, especially for vulnerable groups. Procedural justice guarantees equal participation in decision-making, while recognition justice emphasizes respect for diverse identities and cultures. Reparative justice addresses historical injustices through compensation and restoration. Building on Schlosberg’s framework, this study examines climate justice through youth activists' perspectives, revealing overlapping conceptions of justice. By aligning theory with empirical insights, it explores how these principles manifest in contemporary climate activism. Schlosberg (2007) links environmental justice to participatory and capabilities approaches, while Kuehn (2000) highlights corrective justice, which seeks redress through punishment or reparations. Rawls’ justice as fairness (1971) also informs this field, though Schlosberg critiques its liberal distributive model for neglecting non-human injustices, despite Rawls’ acknowledgment of nature's care. Whyte (2011) challenges Schlosberg, arguing his framework overlooks indigenous perspectives, constituting recognition injustice. Climate justice, central to this study, extends to human and non-human realms, advocating for nature’s rights and indigenous knowledge in justice, adaptation, and resilience efforts. Distributive justice, key in climate adaptation (Coggins et al., 2021), concerns both the substance and method of distribution (Kuehn, 2000; Schlosberg, 2007). Schlosberg further asserts that recognition justice is integral to distributive justice, as excluding marginalized groups denies them access to resources and rights. Fraser (2007) expands this view, arguing that justice encompasses material distribution, cultural recognition, and political representation. She emphasizes parity in participation, shaped by economic, cultural, and political dimensions, to prevent systemic exclusion and ensure equitable influence and rights. The capabilities-based justice approach, developed by Sen and Nussbaum, emphasizes the freedoms needed for a functional life. Schlosberg (2007) extends this to environmental justice, arguing that environmental protection supports human capabilities—for example, safe mobility during extreme climate events is crucial for climate resilience. Sen (2009) departs from Kantian contractualism, highlighting the role of both institutions and individual behavior in shaping justice. Schlosberg (2007) further asserts that lack of recognition hinders political engagement, fostering procedural injustices. Talukdar (2022) supports this, noting that immigrant climate activists in Australia felt excluded from predominantly white groups, underscoring belonging as key to participation. Restorative justice, underexplored in climate adaptation, centers on accountability, reparations, and relationship restoration (Juhola et al., 2022). This links to climate litigation and loss and damage debates. Corvino and Andina (2023) highlight climate financing as central to justice, despite the challenge of attributing responsibility for climate impacts. Andina (2023) introduces intergenerational justice, exposing power imbalances in climate decision-making between present and future generations. Sultana (2021) advocates for critical climate justice, emphasizing collaborative unlearning across groups. Grounded in feminist theories, her work avoids reductionism, aligning with this study’s focus on justice’s plurality. Similarly, Amorim-Maia et al. (2022) propose intersectional climate justice, addressing urban vulnerabilities, political power redistribution, and North-South alliances. At its core, climate justice affirms Mother Earth's sanctity, advocating for the representation, participation, and leadership of indigenous and traditional communities in global negotiations, challenging corporate exploitation of fossil fuels while addressing workers’ safety and women’s rights. Kashwan (2021) defines climate justice as recognizing and correcting the unequal distribution of climate change’s costs and burdens. He highlights distributive, procedural, and recognition justice, emphasizing the historical roots of climate injustices in exploitative systems. These legacies persist, as carbon taxes and renewable energy expansion increase rare mineral mining, disproportionately harming impoverished and racialized groups. While Fridays for Future Brazil (2019) follows global guidelines, earlier groups like Engajamundo (2012) and Youth Climate Leaders (2018) also focused on youth activism in Brazil. Shirts (2022) notes that the climate justice movement has strengthened ties among youth, indigenous, and landless worker groups. Sultana (2021) and Venegas et al. (2021) explore intersectional feminist climate justice in Latin America and the Global South, linking gender inequality, colonialism, patriarchy, and capitalism. Barnwell and Wood (2022) add a psychological perspective to climate injustices. Studies (Arruda Filho et al., 2024; Neas et al., 2022; Torres et al., 2020) highlight a research gap on youth and climate justice in the Global South, despite growing movements in indigenous lands, traditional communities, and marginalized areas. Protests like the Climate Strike (2019), Climate Act (2023), and Climate Justice March (2024) illustrate Brazil’s climate activism in action. Results Profile of Brazilian Youth Activists This study examines the profiles and specificities of young Brazilian climate justice activists by analyzing 16 questionnaire responses using the Q Method. The findings first outline general consensus, providing an overall activist profile. Then, two distinct profiles emerge based on motivations and repertoires, highlighting internal divergences within the broader profile. Data was analyzed with Ken-Q Analysis, a web-based software. The analytical process included: Factorization – Identifying viewpoint groups; Rotation – Refining these groups for clarity; Interpretation – Analyzing the content and significance of each factor. Before factorization, Ken-Q calculates a correlation matrix to measure agreement/disagreement among respondents (Van Exel & De Graaf, 2005). This matrix undergoes PCA, producing eight factors, the maximum available in Ken-Q Analysis. The decision on how many factors to use is based on two statistical recommendations: when the Eigenvalue is > 1, indicating reliability of the results (less chance of randomness in the formation of the group) ( Appendix C ), and by reading the Scree Plot, where significant factors are those before they begin to resemble a straight line ( Appendix D ). Two factors were used in this analysis. The second step involved a Varimax rotation of the two factors. As Van Exel and De Graaf (2005) explain, this statistical rotation enhances reliability by refining factor visualization. Appendix E details the factor composition: 11 respondents belong to Group 1, and five to Group 2. Appendices D and E present the “ideal” pyramids, illustrating the weighted average of all Q-sorts per factor. Key Social Data Gender: Majority cisgender women (9) Race: Black and mixed-race (9) Region: Mostly from the Southeast (7) Sector: Primarily working in the third sector (5) Average Age: 24.5 years Midwest: No respondents, despite invitations. An open-ended question asked participants to name climate justice organizations in Brazil. The word cloud ( Figure 4 ) visualizes the 50 organizations mentioned, where larger words indicate higher frequency. Engajamundo was the most cited (10 mentions), followed by Instituto Perifa Sustentável and Observatório do Clima (4 mentions each). Discussion As Schlosberg et al. (2024) found strong consensus in the global environmental justice movement using the Q Method, this study revealed similar agreement within the Brazilian youth climate justice movement on themes such as coloniality, intersectionality, participation in official national and international spaces (e.g., government, Conference of the Parties [COP]), and a preference for climate marches over more disruptive tactics like vandalizing property or street blockades. Colonialism as a key issue for climate justice emerged as a strong consensus, with both groups strongly disagreeing (i.e., classifying at -5) with the statement: “Climate injustices have nothing to do with colonialism because they are new problems.” Some notable justifications for these statements include: “Everything we are experiencing today is a reflection and result of colonialism in Brazil.” (Participant 8) “Climate injustice comes from the perspective of others who see nature as part of life, not something to be exploited. Thus, colonialism was and continues to be a form of climate injustice.” (Participant 11) “It’s all tied together, it’s a cursed legacy of colonization.” (Participant 12) “It’s all tied together because the erasure of our history and the destruction of our territories was brought by the white man.” (Participant 13) Regarding the statements classified, on average, at the positive extremes (strong agreement), the strongest consensuses appeared in the following statements: 19. Climate justice must be discussed at the Conference of the Parties (+4 in both groups) 24. Intersectionality is a central theme for climate justice (+5 for Factor 1 and +4 for Factor 2) Regarding intersectionality, an open-ended question revealed what young activists believe should be integral to climate justice. The question was: “List five words/themes that you think should inevitably be part of any climate justice action/discussion.” The most frequent themes were: territory/right to land/region (8 mentions), race/racism/anti-racism (7 mentions), and participation/democracy (7 mentions). For these Brazilian youth, any action deemed "climate justice" must explicitly address the specificities of territory, race, and the participation of people within it. These views also highlight the distinction between new terms like climate justice and historical social struggles. Both factors strongly disagreed with the statement, “27. I believe that new terms like ‘climate justice’ don’t help in the historical struggles against racism and social inequality,” rating it -4. This indicates that, for these activists, climate justice shares the same goals as other social movements and historical struggles, such as those against racism, sexism, and colonialism. The following statements illustrate this perspective: “Climate justice is a term that MUST ENCOMPASS historical struggles, not compete with them.” (Participant 11) “I believe the term climate justice interconnects and brings an important intersection between race, social issues, gender, livelihood forms – like traditional communities, etc. – and CLIMATE. Thus, it promotes reflections and connects social agendas with the environment and ‘historical’ injustices.” (Participant 16) “To promote or fight something, we need to name it. The term climate justice is extremely important in the context of the global climate emergency we’re facing.” (Participant 8) “[Climate justice is] Social, racial, gender, territorial justice, and much more.” (Participant 3) A relevant but weaker consensus, compared to colonialism and intersectionality (which scored +2 in both groups), emerged regarding the statement, “23. I believe that climate justice is anti-capitalist.” In both factors, participants agreed that the current economic system does not align with the demands of climate justice. However, this consensus is not strong enough for climate justice to be considered truly anti-capitalist among the participants. This aligns with the relationship between climate justice and colonialism, as colonization has been a foundational mechanism for capitalism to thrive. An important distinction arises regarding the statement that climate justice is radical and seeks to transform the entire social system (statement 41). This seems contradictory because to be anti-capitalist and transform the system, one must be radical. Otherwise, the centrality of capitalism is accepted, and changes are made at smaller levels without addressing how economic power relations are reproduced in climate solutions. The radicality of climate justice is further explored in each profile. COP is seen as an important space for discussing climate justice. Half of the participants (eight) had attended previous editions. This suggests that, despite necessary improvements — such as the imbalance of COPs being more frequent in Europe than in the Global South, challenges faced by Global South participants (e.g., funding and transportation), low representation in decision-making rooms (especially of women leaders, Indigenous peoples, and traditional communities), the influence of polluting industries, and negotiations often overlooking the demands of vulnerable countries — these young activists do not see COP as a completely lost space. The main issue is that COP has become a negotiation space driven by economic values. While some argue that climate justice should focus on financing (Corvino & Andina, 2023), the Global South should prioritize financing for people and territories, as indicated by the consensus on intersectionality, rather than interests tied to production, industries, or other sectors. The justifications below reflect this view: “The Conference of the Parties should be the space for decisions that prioritize life and people’s rights over profit, unfortunately that’s not what’s happening right now.” (Participant 5) “Definitely [climate justice should be discussed at COP], but unfortunately there only the State finances what brings them profit.” (Participant 13) Both groups equally disagree with readings of climate justice that do not discuss race, gender, class, and the demarcation of indigenous lands, which again shows how intersectionality must be imperative for climate justice according to Brazilian youth activism. This is interpreted from the classification of the following statements in the areas of -4 and -3 in the pyramid, respectively: 26. I would support a climate justice group that did not discuss issues of race, gender, or social class 28. Demarcation of indigenous lands is a social agenda, not a climate issue Another consensual disagreement was with the statement “36. The Brazilian federal government has done a good job including climate justice in its environmental agenda,” which was not classified as strongly negative on average but stayed at position -1 for both factors. This connects with another statement “2. Young people advocating for climate justice are politically recognized in Brazil today,” which was also classified negatively in both groups, although at different levels (-1 for Factor 1 and -3 for Factor 2). Therefore, there is dissatisfaction about the representativeness of young climate justice activists in Brazil and about the agenda itself within the government and Brazilian society, related here to the lack of recognition justice. Regarding repertoires, there is greater agreement in both factors with moderate actions, but distinctions regarding disruptive actions. For example, the following statements about climate marches were positively classified in both factors (between +2 and +5): 33. I think climate justice marches are important 39. I would participate in climate justice marches Despite this agreement with climate marches, in this trajectory of climate mobilizations that started in Brazil mainly from 2019, we don’t see these marches with large numbers or even being widely publicized by local activists, except for the Climate Justice March in September 2024, which had calls in several cities across the country and was promoted by activists like Txai Suruí. There is also a more neutral stance (classified between 0 and +1) on actions such as donating to environmental organizations or signing petitions. The following opinions highlight the reasons for the preference for climate marches: “Important for showing unity and social strength.” (Participant 13) “I’ve participated, organized a few, and will continue to participate in the next ones.” (Participant 3) “I already participate and will keep participating because I believe occupying the streets is necessary, but it still needs to become a more popular cause, like a general cause, especially for workers.” (Participant 11) “I think they are important demonstrations of popular will.” (Participant 15) But the view on the necessity and willingness to participate in disruptive actions in Brazil is different between the groups, which will be shown in their distinctions and highlights the heterogeneity of the movement in Brazil. This shows that today, respondents participate in climate marches but do not see much space for disruptive actions, either because they don’t see them as necessary or because of obstacles to them. The elaboration of these positions, which shows a significant difference from Northern activism, is found in the explanation of each Profile. There is also consensus regarding support only for digital activism, which is negatively classified by both groups (-3 to -5), where the following opinions offer good justifications for this stance: “I believe communication in activism is essential to spread the message to more people, convey our struggle, sensitize and mobilize. [...] I want to take the voices from my territory to more places and people because I believe in the transformative power of communication.” (Participant 7) “Social networks are part of activism, a part even of communication, but it shouldn’t be done only there. This leads to empty discourses.” (Participant 11) Digital activism plays a significant role due to its global reach. However, for local change and addressing specific territories, it falls short of achieving climate justice goals in this research's context. Additionally, disruptive actions are not emphasized by these youth as a necessary strategy in Brazil, and climate marches have not gained widespread traction across the country. So, where has Brazilian youth activism for climate justice focused its energy? Participation in COPs and involvement in other social movements, such as youth, race, and gender movements, are key in this regard. These Brazilian youth serve as intersections for climate justice, integrating the agenda into their workplaces, communities, studies, and other activism forms, while also bringing it to national and international spaces like COP and government. It is concluded that some repertoires are more disconnected from Brazil's reality, and priority must be given to other forms of struggle, such as communication, participation in decision-making spaces, and conserving ways of life, as highlighted in the following statements: “[...] my life has been resistance since my birth, for being who I am and being born where I was born.” (Participant 13) “Change happens at the tables of dialogue and public policy formulation. We need institutional change in public policies that are formulated by those affected by the climate crisis.” (Participant 8) There are also three relevant negative consensus for the research, as they highlight the priorities of Brazilian youth activists. These negative consensus relate to the statement “20. Climate justice does not need to be explicitly described in public policies,” which was rated -5 in Factor 1 and -4 in Factor 2, reflecting strong opinions, as exemplified by the following statement: “IT MUST BE MADE EXPLICIT. The problem with many public policies is that they do not clarify why they were created. Climate justice needs to be explicitly intersectional.” (Participant 11) As mentioned earlier, in Brazil, few public policies mention the term (Louback; Lima, 2022), and there is still a need for a thorough study that updates this search in Brazilian legislation. Along with this fact, the general opinion of the activists here shows that efforts are needed to incorporate the discussion of climate justice into Brazilian politics. In the second negative consensus, both groups slightly disagreed (-2 for Factor 1 and -1 for Factor 2) with the statement “3. In Brazil, climate justice is an organized social movement,” and the following statements clearly explain this stance: “False! We are diverse organizations, whether from the government, the private sector, and especially from civil society, organized in fronts such as land use, energy, legal and regulatory frameworks, communication, and engagement. We are many in different forms of organization, from corporations to indigenous peoples.” (Participant 3) “I see climate justice as an ideal, not as a movement with a specific leader, etc.” (Participant 15) Brazilian youth activists do not perceive climate justice as an organized social movement, contradicting this research's view of it as an emerging social movement in the country. These youth do not identify with such a structure, aligning with the movement's broad agenda, as noted by Participant 3, which integrates government, the private sector, and civil society. This also explains why the movement is not framed as radical or anti-capitalist, a key finding for understanding the priorities of Brazilian youth activists for climate justice. The final negative consensus was closer to neutrality, rated 0 in Factor 1 and -1 in Factor 2. This relates to disruptive actions, a key distinction between the two groups. Both factors expressed a neutral stance on non-violent disruptive actions (statement #42) but slightly disagreed with actions like throwing soup on artwork or blocking busy streets (Fisher et al., 2024). The detailed descriptions of each profile provides further insight into these positions. Another near-neutral consensus, rated +1 in both factors, is that youth experience difficult emotions (anxiety, inertia, sadness, anger) regarding climate justice (statement #12). The statement about positive emotions (inspiration, hope, belonging) (#13) revealed a sharp distinction between the groups, discussed in each profile. This finding aligns with research on the emotional and psychological effects of climate change. Hickman et al. (2021), in a survey of 10,000 young people across ten countries, including Brazil, found that climate anxiety significantly impacts youth, particularly when government action is perceived as inadequate. The consensus on negative emotions also opens an opportunity for further research into the psychological well-being of Brazilian youth activists. The following statements suggest that participants are familiar with terms like eco-anxiety and climate anxiety, reflecting their feelings: “Always [difficult feelings], eco-anxiety is overwhelming, not knowing if we will have a future, an uncertainty that haunts us.” (Participant 13) “When events directly linked to climate injustices occur—especially in traditional communities or in my region—I feel powerless. I first encountered the term climate anxiety after becoming involved in activism, and almost 80% of the time, I think I feel that way.” (Participant 12) “Climate justice generates a lot of restlessness due to the incompatibilities of 'times.' We are living urgent crises that were often produced over centuries but require immediate action in a society that is unable to anticipate much because it doesn’t see what will happen ahead.” (Participant 15) Environmental organizations, including NGOs and support entities that have more recently embraced climate justice, were frequently mentioned in the open-ended questions, despite statements #14 and #43 being rated between 0 and +2. All mentions were positive, highlighting how these organizations offer learning opportunities, networking, job prospects, and chances to represent Brazil at COPs. However, it is important to note that increased involvement in formal, institutional spaces like COPs or third-sector organizations may distance activists from more radical, disruptive, and anti-systemic actions, as discussed earlier. Additionally, Brazilian climate youth activists reported being inspired by a variety of organizations, including NGOs, civil society groups, government, and even the private sector, to discuss climate justice (+1 for Factor 1, +2 for Factor 2). They also expressed openness to supporting these organizations financially (+1 for Factor 1, 0 for Factor 2), suggesting a preference for literacy and capacity-building through NGOs rather than academia. Finally, statement #1, "I participate in other social movements," was rated +3 in Factor 1 and +2 in Factor 2, offering insight into respondents' activism. The student movement and Black movement were mentioned by both groups, with each factor noting other specific movements as well. Profile 1: radical tendencies This group consisted of 11 people: six white, and five black or mixed-race. There were five cisgender women, five cisgender men, and one person of another gender. The majority are from the Southeast region (seven people), with two from the North, one from the South, and one from the Northeast. The average age of the group is 24. The social movements in which the respondents participate include youth, student, black/racial, quilombola collectives against mining in their territories, political education, gender, and social activism movements. Appendix F presents the “ideal” pyramid for this factor. Among the motivations for being climate justice activists, the answers obtained from the open question “What was the influence that made you start following/discussing climate justice? (experience, study, friends, news)” show the following reasons: some contact with the media (news about climate impacts in your region; an environmentalist series); experiencing the climate crisis first-hand; studying the climate crisis; friends already involved in NGOs; joining an NGO; work. Some motivations overlap, so the number of people in each case isn't counted. For example, one person watched a series on environmental activism before joining an NGO. Along with the consensus on the importance of COPs, six participants have attended at least once, highlighting a young Brazilian presence in this global space. Despite closed-door negotiations, one participant mentioned their involvement in climate marches during COPs, parallel actions with separate importance. A key distinction in this factor is whether participants were paid for climate justice actions, either through regular work or specific campaigns. Four members work in the third sector, likely in environmental organizations advocating for climate justice. The following responses confirm this: “Yes, I have worked temporarily with mobilization and campaigning. Today I work with climate at the macro level, starting with the acquisition of relationships and reports with donors.” (Participant 3) “I work in the climate area and I get paid for it.” (Participant 6) The other main distinction in this group is the emphasis on statements #41 about climate justice being radical (+2), #34 about it needing to be more disruptive in Brazil (+1), and #31 where they are more willing to put their safety at risk to draw attention to their demands (-3, which is inverted to positive due to the negative phrasing, see Appendix B) . Although the scores were not very high, together they form a distinct viewpoint compared to Factor 2, highlighting a division among these young activists. This group shows a slight tendency toward radicalism, differing from Profile 2 (which rated statement #41 at -1). It is important to note that the definition of "radical" here refers to actions that break social norms and seek to transform the entire system, from values to institutions—what Blumer apud Gohn (1997) referred to as a revolutionary social movement. By agreeing with this statement, this group aligns with Schlosberg et al. (2024), who discuss the rise of more disruptive anti-liberal views of environmental justice that propose solutions beyond state intervention. The following participants best convey this perspective: “Yes, climate justice is ensuring that those most affected by extreme climate events are at the center of the solution, are repaired, heard, validated and referenced by the various initiatives to postpone the end of the world.” (Participant 3) “I consider it a transformation of the status quo.” (Participant 6) “Essential, because, otherwise, we maintain the same power structure of capitalism, maintaining systemic oppressions.” (Participant 9) Although the general consensus shows that the preferred repertoires of the 16 young people are more moderate, Factor 1 members were more willing to take risks for climate justice. While the difference is small, the Factor 1 group had more neutral views on disruptive actions (0 versus -1 in Factor 2) and stronger disagreement with not putting themselves at risk for climate justice (-3 versus -1 in Factor 2). This suggests that their activism leans more toward disruptive repertoires rather than sticking solely to moderate ones like climate meetings and marches. They rated the statement "climate justice is nothing more than social justice" neutrally, while Factor 2 strongly agreed (+5), reflecting a broader understanding of climate justice as an intersectional issue. Factor 1 participants view their activism as more impactful, achieving real change rather than merely expressing discontent or joining like-minded people, as discussed by Talukdar (2022). This group also feels more positive emotions (inspiration, hope, belonging) (+4) than negative ones (anxiety, inertia, sadness, anger) (+1), and they are more confident that climate justice will be achieved in their generation (-2, a positive response due to the negative phrasing, see Appendix B ). One participant expressed this optimism: “I will see [climate justice] in my generation because it’s guaranteed at the micro and local level! The green and urban park policies in Rio de Janeiro are an achievement of the climate justice movements.” (Participant 3) Key distinctions of Profile 1 include a greater willingness to accept compensation for climate justice actions, a slight agreement that climate justice is radical, and a rejection of the stereotype of white, middle-class environmentalists in Brazilian climate activism. Additionally, experiencing climate injustices was a stronger motivator for Profile 2. Profile 2: "No Choice" Factor 2 is made up of five individuals: four Black and one Indigenous. Four are cisgender women and one is a cisgender man. Two are from the Southeast, two from the North, and one from the Northeast. The average age is slightly higher than in the previous group, at 26 years. In this group, the social movements in which the respondents are also involved include: student and Black/racial movements. Appendix G shows the "ideal" pyramid for this factor. Among the motivations for becoming climate justice activists, responses from the open-ended question "What influenced you to start following/discussing climate justice? (experiences, studies, friends, news)" reveal the following reasons: Personal experiences; Joining an NGO; Studies. In this group, there is only one overlap of motivations for becoming activists, which is having lived through climate injustices and then joining an NGO. Notably, four out of the five participants mention only personal experience as the primary motivator, while the fifth attributes their main motivation to their studies. One standout statement that sums up this characteristic of Factor 2 is as follows: “When you are born in the periphery, you grow up indignant about life’s injustices, and the desire for a better world becomes part of who we are. Even before understanding what it meant to be an activist, I already carried this essence.” (Participant 7) The statement that most distinguishes Factor 2 from the previous group is “25. Climate justice is nothing more than social justice,” which was rated +5, while in Factor 1 it was rated neutral (0). While the previous group saw climate justice as more than social justice, this group views them as the same struggle, where achieving social justice also achieves climate justice. However, the positions are not entirely different, as there is a general consensus that terms like climate justice build on historical struggles. The shared understanding of climate justice as intersectional and related to colonialism is so ingrained among young Brazilian activists that they equate it with social justice. Another significant classification for this factor, though not a distinction from Factor 1, is the statement “18. Young people should engage in climate justice activism,” which received a +5 rating. This highlights the role of older activists in supporting and inspiring younger ones, as noted by Talukdar (2022). “Always [young people should engage in climate justice activism], because older activists will not be around forever, and they fought a lot for the youth of today to have rights.” (Participant 13) A defining distinction for this factor is the group's stance on radicalism and disruptive actions in climate justice. Their position is more moderate, as they disagree with disruptive actions (-1), with the idea that climate justice is radical (-1), and that activism in Brazil needs to be more disruptive (-2). They are also less likely to risk their safety for climate justice, which contrasts with climate activism in the Global North. This aligns with the social characteristics of the group, notably lacking any white individuals. Given that Indigenous people and women are the primary victims of attacks on environmentalists in Brazil (Global Witness, 2024), this outcome is likely for this factor. The following statement about their disagreement with disruption and radicalism highlights what is prioritized by this group: “Change comes at the tables of dialogue and the formulation of public policies. We need institutional change, in public policies that are formulated by those who are affected by the climate crisis.” (Participant 8) It is understood that Factor 2 is more connected to climate justice activism as part of ways of life rather than related to work and organizations. For example, in this Factor, there was much less agreement that they had been paid for any climate justice action (-2 versus +3 in Factor 1), and more agreement (+3 versus +1 in Factor 1) with the statement about having experienced climate injustices, both of which are significant distinctions between the groups. The following opinion details this position: “That’s what motivated me to want to continue as an environmental and climate activist. Witnessing situations and statements from people directly affected by these problems who were part of my social circle.” (Participant 14, part of Factor 1) Along with total disagreement with statement 21 about climate justice and colonialism, statement 37, “I would express support for climate justice only on the internet (digital activism),” also received a -5 from this group. While Factor 1 rated this statement at -3, it is discussed here due to its most negative position on the pyramid. As noted in the General Consensus, the justification for this stance reflects an understanding of digital activism's importance, but a belief that online efforts alone do not achieve the desired outcomes for climate justice. The title given to this Profile, “No Choice,” comes from a response from one of the participants, who, despite not agreeing that climate justice is radical, does or would do things that are not part of the daily routine, and more than that: “The climate issue has become a 'no choice' cause, I say this because there is no possibility of fighting for anything else without a possible future. Time and planetary limits have already been exceeded. Therefore, precisely because there is no choice, I am willing to do whatever is necessary.” (Participant 11) Referring to Schlosberg et al. (2024), similar results were found, where there is consensus that environmental justice is critical, but there are discourses that prefer to focus on policies and government regulations, and other perspectives want to completely disconnect from this system. Here, in this case, the following opinion shows what makes Participant 11 understand the importance of radical readings, but agree more with moderate actions: “The problem with moderation is that it easily falls into the issue of the agenda becoming capitalist and only for profit. Here I agree with the radical stance, but still think it needs caveats, something between the moderate and the radical so that marginalized populations can be part of it.” (Participant 11) In Factor 2, there is an important perception about what, after all, the portrait of a young climate justice activist in Brazil would be, which differs from Factor 1. Two statements and their respective classifications form this perception: “4. The stereotype of hippie, white, middle-class environmentalists also repeats in climate justice activism,” which was placed at +1 (agree), and “6. The majority of leadership driving climate justice across Brazil are non-white people,” which was placed at -2 (disagree). Again, paying attention to the social characteristics of this group, it is concluded that Black and Indigenous women see climate justice in Brazil as dominated by white people, which is also a global spotlight this group receives in academic research (Neas et al., 2022). The following writing from a participant highlights this: “The agenda today in Brazil is driven by white people from the Southeast, being underrepresented and invisibilized in various territories.” (Participant 8) Regarding emotional elements related to climate justice activism, this profile of young Brazilians does not feel significantly more positive than negative, as the average classification for both statements 12 and 13 was in the position of +1. In this group of thought, drawing inspiration from other countries to discuss climate justice doesn’t make much sense, as they prioritize adapting actions to the local Brazilian reality, and they also do not support certain strands of climate justice, where the following justification better details this positioning: “The climate and sustainability agenda is increasingly being co-opted into the capitalist dynamic of exploitation, becoming just another agenda for profit-making. With that, there is a lot of greenwashing and white protagonists, without addressing the structural social problems.” (Participant 11) This relates to the stages of social movements, emergence: agglutination, institutionalization, success, failure, co-optation, repression, popularization, and decline (Christiansen, 2011; Della Porta; Diani, 2006), and the participant above sees co-optation happening in climate justice. Despite these distances from other countries and some groups, this Profile identifies with activists from other countries because they understand that they are fighting for the same ultimate goal (statement #7 at +2). This may mean that they support social movements in other countries, but not their governments, for example. Is Climate Justice Radical? As presented, this distinction arose from the union of three statements: 23. "I think climate justice is anti-capitalist" 41. "Climate justice activism needs to be more disruptive in Brazil" (consider disruptive actions that shock the public, such as interrupting meetings in a striking way or lying on the ground pretending to be dead with some identification of your message) 42. "I think climate justice is radical" (consider radical something that breaks social norms and seeks to transform the entire system, from values to institutions) In Factor 1, the perspective formed was that climate justice in Brazil is anti-capitalist, radical, and needs to be more disruptive. In contrast, Factor 2 sees climate justice as anti-capitalist but not radical and does not believe it needs to be more disruptive. Definitions of "radical" and "disruptive" were provided, although "anti-capitalism" was not fully explained. These statements aimed to understand the political context young Brazilian climate justice activists see themselves in, particularly in light of repression data from Global Witness (2024), and to explore their views on disruptive actions and the radical aspect of activism (Ostarek et al., 2024). The goal was also to identify if the factors align with any stage of social movements, given the movement's emerging nature in Brazil. Analysis of both factors and the literature reveals that Factor 2, which disagrees with more radical statements—such as changing social values and institutions, or using non-violent actions to shock the public—includes individuals with identities rooted in long struggles for their rights, such as Black, Indigenous, and women activists. Their preference for less radical forms of struggle, like working within public policies, organizations, and climate marches, is understandable. These approaches are seen as complementary and strengthening, rather than weakening, the movement. Factor 1, on the other hand, is more heterogeneous but predominantly consists of white participants from the Southeast. This group tends to frequent spaces like COPs and NGOs, which can contribute to shaping their belief that climate justice needs to be more radical. These international spaces often promote exchange of activism strategies that could be adapted to Brazil. Ultimately, as Schlosberg et al. (2024) and Sultana (2021) argue, the groups share common objectives within the climate justice movement in Brazil. The numerous consensuses found in this research, including on colonialism and intersectionality, indicate that despite differences in approaches, the youth climate justice movement in Brazil aligns with Gohn's (1997) definition of a social movement: collective action in defense of a common interest, formed by diverse people with different experiences. Therefore, it includes both radical and moderate strands. Who Are the People Leading Climate Justice Activism in Brazil? In this distinction, the focus is on race. Profile 1 disagrees with the statement "4. The stereotype of hippie, white, middle-class environmentalists is also repeated in climate justice activism" and remains neutral on "6. Most leaders advocating for climate justice across Brazil are non-white." In contrast, Profile 2 agrees with the stereotype and disagrees that non-white people are the majority of climate justice leaders in Brazil. Interestingly, Profile 1, predominantly white and from the Southeast, disagreed with the stereotype. However, some justifications from this group suggested that the statement is complex and requires further discussion. One participant shared the following: “I disagree because agreeing with this statement would reinforce a stereotype that does not happen in practice, especially when I think about the current youth climate movement.” (Participant 10) The connections with the literature are as follows: Louback and Lima (2022) emphasize that most climate justice leaders in Brazil are Black women, a view aligned with Profile 1, which rejects the stereotype of white, hippie environmentalists but disagrees with the idea that leadership is non-white. In contrast, Profile 2 aligns with Neas et al. (2022), who note the disproportionate media and academic focus on white individuals from the Global North. Profile 2 also resonates with Anantharaman (2024), who argues that racialized individuals are often overlooked as environmental activists due to colonial perspectives. This suggests that many of those most affected by climate change, who understand and advocate for climate justice, are not publicly recognized. Profile 2 reflects the view within Brazil's youth climate justice movement that race and class issues are still not fully addressed. Conclusion The climate justice movement among Brazilian youth is evolving, originating from Global North organizations like Fridays for Future in 2019. This movement has aligned with others, especially the Black movement, as individuals recognize their lived experiences of climate injustices. However, the Brazilian youth participants in this study do not identify as part of a formal social movement. Climate justice in Brazil, from the youth perspective, is in the stages of aggregation and institutionalization, with discussions and incorporation into public policies. Key Brazilian government figures advocate for climate justice and are involved in other social movements. A strong consensus emerged among participants on the intersectionality of climate justice, with colonialism as a priority theme alongside climate action. Climate justice is seen as more than just social justice, aligning with broader historical struggles. While youth activists do not always identify with the concept of a social movement, they view climate justice as an ideal and a way of life. This malleability aligns with Schlosberg et al. (2024), and we support that climate justice should be defined by those affected. The research revealed a predominant profile of cis women, Black and Brown individuals, and Southeast Brazilian residents. This supports Sultana’s (2021) framework for youth activism and suggests further exploration of feminist and emotional perspectives in future studies. Motivations for engaging in climate justice activism primarily stemmed from personal experiences of climate injustices, followed by influences from environmental organizations and academic studies. Lived experiences were the most cited motivation, which explains the view of climate justice as an ideal rather than just a movement. The research also emphasizes North-South cooperation and the need for reparations, with a focus on the "common but differentiated responsibilities" concept. While the preferred repertoires in Brazil are climate marches and actions within institutional spaces, there is a divide between those who favor moderate activism (Profile 1) and those inclined toward disruptive actions (Profile 2), though the latter has yet to engage in such actions. Comparing Brazil to the Global North, there is a clear preference in Brazil for activism within institutional spaces and climate marches, rather than disruptive actions common in the North. This preference is evident in the growing popularity of marches like the September 2024 March for Climate Justice. The profile of Brazilian youth engaged in climate justice activism is diverse, with a notable intersection of race and gender. The majority of respondents were Black and Brown women, with race playing a significant role in their involvement in Black movements and organizations like the Brazilian Center for Climate Justice and the Perifa Sustentável Institute. These organizations, led by Black women, are influential in shaping the climate justice discourse in Brazil. Organizations are crucial to Brazilian youth activism, with many participating in various roles—employee, volunteer, or student. As the movement expands, new strands of activism may emerge, but any concept of climate justice in Brazil must address intersectionalities of race, gender, territory, and colonialism. Declarations 1. Competing interests: No competing interests. 2. Data availability: The datasets generated during and/or analysed during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request. 3. Ethical approval: The research was duly submitted for consideration to the Ethics Committee of the Faculty of Philosophy, Literature and Human Sciences of University of São Paulo (FFLCH/USP) via Plataforma Brasil on October 4, 2023. The project was approved and authorized for research on November 23, 2023. 4. Informed consent: The Free and Informed Consent for participation and use of the researcher was obtained with all participants in the first page of the questionnaire, where they chose to agree and continue, or not participate. All participants have been fully informed that their anonymity is assured, why the research is being conducted, how their data will be utilised, and of the risks and benefits of participating. 5. Author contributions : Relevant details redacted to ensure anonymisation of authors, to be included after the completion of the peer review process. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript. Acknowledgements This work was carried out with the support of the Coordination for the Improvement of Higher Education Personnel - Brazil (CAPES) - Financing Code 001. References ALONSO, A., COSTA, V., & MACIEL, D. (2007). Identidade e estratégia na formação do movimento ambientalista brasileiro. Novos Estudos , 79, 151-167. AMORIM-MAIA, A. T., ANGUELOVSKI, I., CHU, E., et al. (2022). Intersectional climate justice: A conceptual pathway for bridging adaptation planning, transformative action, and social equity. Urban Climate , 41, 101053. ANANTHARAMAN, M. (2024). 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Also discoverable on Platform About Our Team In Review Editorial Policies Advisory Board Help Center Resources Author Services Accessibility API Access RSS feed Manage Cookie Preferences © Research Square 2026 | ISSN 2693-5015 (online) Privacy Policy Terms of Service Do Not Sell My Personal Information {"props":{"pageProps":{"initialData":{"identity":"rs-6323499","acceptedTermsAndConditions":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"archivedVersions":[],"articleType":"Article","associatedPublications":[],"authors":[{"id":444775274,"identity":"77793bd1-cb35-4142-8a8e-6633d2fe4b21","order_by":0,"name":"Isabela Carmo 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2","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":69042,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eClassification pyramid of the questionnaires in this research. \u003cstrong\u003eSource\u003c/strong\u003e: author’s own.\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"floatimage2.jpeg","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-6323499/v1/3460142ceb4eb9ba7c0b2789.jpeg"},{"id":81814138,"identity":"a8925f34-bd9d-4943-ba8d-646ec738c265","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-05-02 09:38:12","extension":"png","order_by":3,"title":"Figure 3","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":753396,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eStep-by-step of the Q-method applied in this research. \u003cstrong\u003eSource:\u003c/strong\u003e author’s own.\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"floatimage3.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-6323499/v1/f39b86e987bae59c04fa1683.png"},{"id":81814948,"identity":"034f29ca-023d-419b-b488-529b23328ce3","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-05-02 09:46:12","extension":"png","order_by":4,"title":"Figure 4","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":179165,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eOrganizations working on climate justice in Brazil, according to the survey respondents. \u003cstrong\u003eSource:\u003c/strong\u003e author’s own.\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"floatimage4.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-6323499/v1/d9f66e7443e66e8b8c60f9e1.png"},{"id":101973836,"identity":"aa512d41-7f60-4a22-be39-85e28b255d2d","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2026-02-05 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movement theories, aiming to profile young Brazilian climate activists and analyze their motivations and demands. Climate justice is contested and interpreted across various ideological spectrums, often co-opted by civil society, the state, and private sectors, which can sometimes contradict the movement's goals, particularly through technological and market-based solutions (Araújo et al., 2021).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWhile climate justice originated in the Global North, it has gained momentum globally, with pivotal moments in the South, such as the 2002 Principles of Climate Justice in South Africa and the 2010 World People's Conference in Bolivia. Previous studies on environmental and climate justice activists (Alonso et al., 2007; Neas et al., 2022; Martiskainen et al., 2020) offer valuable insights but leave a gap in understanding youth climate activism in the Global South, especially regarding how class, gender, and race influence participation.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis research seeks to fill that gap, focusing on the heterogeneous nature of young Brazilian climate justice activists. It explores their motivations, demands, and the intersection of gender and race, hypothesizing that their priorities include reparations for vulnerable communities impacted by climate change. The study also posits that these activists are part of existing climate organizations.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMethodologically, the study employs a qualitative-quantitative, interdisciplinary approach, using primary and secondary data to triangulate findings. The Q Method was applied to analyze subjectivity statistically (Kaufmann \u0026amp; Hurtienne, 2011), with online surveys. Data are analyzed through a critical climate justice framework (Sultana, 2021), enriched by Global South and Brazilian perspectives on climate justice (Araújo et al., 2023; Talukdar, 2022; Torres et al., 2021).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe article aims to contribute to the emerging climate justice research agenda in Brazil, profiling young activists and exploring the contradictions of their heterogeneous profiles, while also investigating differences between climate justice activism in the Global North and South. The article includes a conceptual review, methodology, findings, and a discussion of the characteristics, motivations, and priorities of young Brazilian activists.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Methods","content":"\u003cp\u003eA qualitative-quantitative approach was adopted, with an exploratory and descriptive nature, from an interdisciplinary perspective (\u003cstrong\u003eFigure 1\u003c/strong\u003e). To engage with the desired social group, an age range of individuals between 18 and 30 years old was used, as there is no universal or even national age cut-off for those considered \u0026quot;youth.\u0026quot;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe primary data collection instrument was a Q Method questionnaire administered to Brazilian youth climate activists. Developed by William Stephenson in the 1930s (Couto et al., 2011), this method statistically interprets subjectivity (Kaufmann \u0026amp; Hurtienne, 2011), integrating quantitative and qualitative approaches in line with this study\u0026rsquo;s interdisciplinary scope. Recognized for extracting perceptual elements, the Q Method differs from conventional questionnaires by requiring respondents to prioritize answers on a Likert scale from -5 (strongly disagree) to +5 (strongly agree), ensuring a scientifically valid measurement of human attitudes (Joshi et al., 2015). Below (\u003cstrong\u003eFigure 2\u003c/strong\u003e) is the classification pyramid, linking respondents\u0026apos; opinions to a sample of variables.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe Q-method follows the five steps (\u003cstrong\u003eFigure 3\u003c/strong\u003e) outlined below:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003col start=\"1\" type=\"1\"\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eDefinition of the dominant discourses on the issue under study (Concourse);\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eDevelopment of the set of statements (Q-set);\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eSelection of participants representing different perspectives (P-set);\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eSorting of statements by participants (Q-sorting);\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eAnalysis and interpretation (carried out using the online software Ken Q Analysis: https://shawnbanasick.github.io/ken-q-analysis/).\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eInitially, 16 statements were formulated across five themes: profile, priorities, motivations, repertoires, and mixed responses (\u003cstrong\u003eAppendix A\u003c/strong\u003e). A literature review expanded these to 43 statements (\u003cstrong\u003eAppendix B\u003c/strong\u003e), within the 30\u0026ndash;60 range suggested by Kaufmann and Hurtienne (2011). Due to the lack of predefined data on Brazilian youth climate activists, the selection process was exploratory. A total of 45 activists were contacted, though this does not represent the full activist population. The P-set was drawn from a list of 26 predefined names, aiming for national representation but with a Southeast bias due to the author\u0026apos;s connections. Invitations were followed by a snowball sampling approach (Corbin \u0026amp; Strauss, 2014), resulting in 17 respondents\u0026mdash;a sufficient sample for Q methodology (Kaufmann \u0026amp; Hurtienne, 2011).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eQ-sorting was conducted via EQ Websort, with two pilot tests refining the questionnaire before distribution. Respondents classified the 43 statements into Agree, Neutral, and Disagree, using a free classification system (Brown, 1971). To support analysis, participants explained their extreme classifications and answered social and climate justice-related questions, suggested additional participants, and indicated interest in follow-up interviews or focus groups (\u003cstrong\u003eAppendix A\u003c/strong\u003e). Each session lasted ~35 minutes (Nov\u0026ndash;Dec 2024). Ken-Q Analysis software was used for the correlation matrix, factor analysis, Principal Component Extraction (PCA), and Varimax rotation.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eDimensions of Justice, Social Movements, and Climate Justice from the Global South\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDavid Schlosberg (2007) traces the evolution of environmental justice into climate justice, identifying three key dimensions: distributive, procedural, and recognition justice, with some frameworks adding reparative justice. Distributive justice ensures fair allocation of environmental benefits and burdens, especially for vulnerable groups. Procedural justice guarantees equal participation in decision-making, while recognition justice emphasizes respect for diverse identities and cultures. Reparative justice addresses historical injustices through compensation and restoration.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBuilding on Schlosberg\u0026rsquo;s framework, this study examines climate justice through youth activists\u0026apos; perspectives, revealing overlapping conceptions of justice. By aligning theory with empirical insights, it explores how these principles manifest in contemporary climate activism. Schlosberg (2007) links environmental justice to participatory and capabilities approaches, while Kuehn (2000) highlights corrective justice, which seeks redress through punishment or reparations. Rawls\u0026rsquo; justice as fairness (1971) also informs this field, though Schlosberg critiques its liberal distributive model for neglecting non-human injustices, despite Rawls\u0026rsquo; acknowledgment of nature\u0026apos;s care. Whyte (2011) challenges Schlosberg, arguing his framework overlooks indigenous perspectives, constituting recognition injustice.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eClimate justice, central to this study, extends to human and non-human realms, advocating for nature\u0026rsquo;s rights and indigenous knowledge in justice, adaptation, and resilience efforts. Distributive justice, key in climate adaptation (Coggins et al., 2021), concerns both the substance and method of distribution (Kuehn, 2000; Schlosberg, 2007). Schlosberg further asserts that recognition justice is integral to distributive justice, as excluding marginalized groups denies them access to resources and rights. Fraser (2007) expands this view, arguing that justice encompasses material distribution, cultural recognition, and political representation. She emphasizes parity in participation, shaped by economic, cultural, and political dimensions, to prevent systemic exclusion and ensure equitable influence and rights.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe capabilities-based justice approach, developed by Sen and Nussbaum, emphasizes the freedoms needed for a functional life. Schlosberg (2007) extends this to environmental justice, arguing that environmental protection supports human capabilities\u0026mdash;for example, safe mobility during extreme climate events is crucial for climate resilience.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSen (2009) departs from Kantian contractualism, highlighting the role of both institutions and individual behavior in shaping justice. Schlosberg (2007) further asserts that lack of recognition hinders political engagement, fostering procedural injustices. Talukdar (2022) supports this, noting that immigrant climate activists in Australia felt excluded from predominantly white groups, underscoring belonging as key to participation.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eRestorative justice, underexplored in climate adaptation, centers on accountability, reparations, and relationship restoration (Juhola et al., 2022). This links to climate litigation and loss and damage debates. Corvino and Andina (2023) highlight climate financing as central to justice, despite the challenge of attributing responsibility for climate impacts. Andina (2023) introduces intergenerational justice, exposing power imbalances in climate decision-making between present and future generations.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSultana (2021) advocates for critical climate justice, emphasizing collaborative unlearning across groups. Grounded in feminist theories, her work avoids reductionism, aligning with this study\u0026rsquo;s focus on justice\u0026rsquo;s plurality. Similarly, Amorim-Maia et al. (2022) propose intersectional climate justice, addressing urban vulnerabilities, political power redistribution, and North-South alliances.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAt its core, climate justice affirms Mother Earth\u0026apos;s sanctity, advocating for the representation, participation, and leadership of indigenous and traditional communities in global negotiations, challenging corporate exploitation of fossil fuels while addressing workers\u0026rsquo; safety and women\u0026rsquo;s rights.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eKashwan (2021) defines climate justice as recognizing and correcting the unequal distribution of climate change\u0026rsquo;s costs and burdens. He highlights distributive, procedural, and recognition justice, emphasizing the historical roots of climate injustices in exploitative systems. These legacies persist, as carbon taxes and renewable energy expansion increase rare mineral mining, disproportionately harming impoverished and racialized groups.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWhile Fridays for Future Brazil (2019) follows global guidelines, earlier groups like Engajamundo (2012) and Youth Climate Leaders (2018) also focused on youth activism in Brazil. Shirts (2022) notes that the climate justice movement has strengthened ties among youth, indigenous, and landless worker groups. Sultana (2021) and Venegas et al. (2021) explore intersectional feminist climate justice in Latin America and the Global South, linking gender inequality, colonialism, patriarchy, and capitalism. Barnwell and Wood (2022) add a psychological perspective to climate injustices.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eStudies (Arruda Filho et al., 2024; Neas et al., 2022; Torres et al., 2020) highlight a research gap on youth and climate justice in the Global South, despite growing movements in indigenous lands, traditional communities, and marginalized areas. Protests like the Climate Strike (2019), Climate Act (2023), and Climate Justice March (2024) illustrate Brazil\u0026rsquo;s climate activism in action.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Results","content":"\u003ch2\u003eProfile of Brazilian Youth Activists\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis study examines the profiles and specificities of young Brazilian climate justice activists by analyzing 16 questionnaire responses using the Q Method. The findings first outline general consensus, providing an overall activist profile. Then, two distinct profiles emerge based on motivations and repertoires, highlighting internal divergences within the broader profile. Data was analyzed with Ken-Q Analysis, a web-based software. The analytical process included:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003col start=\"1\" type=\"1\"\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eFactorization – Identifying viewpoint groups;\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eRotation – Refining these groups for clarity;\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eInterpretation – Analyzing the content and significance of each factor.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBefore factorization, Ken-Q calculates a correlation matrix to measure agreement/disagreement among respondents (Van Exel \u0026amp; De Graaf, 2005). This matrix undergoes PCA, producing eight factors, the maximum available in Ken-Q Analysis.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe decision on how many factors to use is based on two statistical recommendations: when the Eigenvalue is \u0026gt; 1, indicating reliability of the results (less chance of randomness in the formation of the group) (\u003cstrong\u003eAppendix C\u003c/strong\u003e), and by reading the Scree Plot, where significant factors are those before they begin to resemble a straight line (\u003cstrong\u003eAppendix D\u003c/strong\u003e). Two factors were used in this analysis.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe second step involved a Varimax rotation of the two factors. As Van Exel and De Graaf (2005) explain, this statistical rotation enhances reliability by refining factor visualization. \u003cstrong\u003eAppendix E\u003c/strong\u003e details the factor composition: 11 respondents belong to Group 1, and five to Group 2. \u003cstrong\u003eAppendices D and E\u003c/strong\u003e present the “ideal” pyramids, illustrating the weighted average of all Q-sorts per factor.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eKey Social Data\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cul\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eGender: Majority cisgender women (9)\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eRace: Black and mixed-race (9)\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eRegion: Mostly from the Southeast (7)\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eSector: Primarily working in the third sector (5)\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eAverage Age: 24.5 years\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eMidwest: No respondents, despite invitations.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ul\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAn open-ended question asked participants to name climate justice organizations in Brazil. The word cloud (\u003cstrong\u003eFigure 4\u003c/strong\u003e) visualizes the 50 organizations mentioned, where larger words indicate higher frequency. Engajamundo was the most cited (10 mentions), followed by Instituto Perifa Sustentável and Observatório do Clima (4 mentions each).\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Discussion","content":"\u003cp\u003eAs Schlosberg et al. (2024) found strong consensus in the global environmental justice movement using the Q Method, this study revealed similar agreement within the Brazilian youth climate justice movement on themes such as coloniality, intersectionality, participation in official national and international spaces (e.g., government, Conference of the Parties [COP]), and a preference for climate marches over more disruptive tactics like vandalizing property or street blockades.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eColonialism as a key issue for climate justice emerged as a strong consensus, with both groups strongly disagreeing (i.e., classifying at -5) with the statement: “Climate injustices have nothing to do with colonialism because they are new problems.”\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSome notable justifications for these statements include:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“Everything we are experiencing today is a reflection and result of colonialism in Brazil.” (Participant 8)\u003cbr\u003e\u0026nbsp;“Climate injustice comes from the perspective of others who see nature as part of life, not something to be exploited. Thus, colonialism was and continues to be a form of climate injustice.” (Participant 11)\u003cbr\u003e\u0026nbsp;“It’s all tied together, it’s a cursed legacy of colonization.” (Participant 12)\u003cbr\u003e\u0026nbsp;“It’s all tied together because the erasure of our history and the destruction of our territories was brought by the white man.” (Participant 13)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eRegarding the statements classified, on average, at the positive extremes (strong agreement), the strongest consensuses appeared in the following statements:\u003cbr\u003e\u0026nbsp;19. Climate justice must be discussed at the Conference of the Parties (+4 in both groups)\u003cbr\u003e\u0026nbsp;24. Intersectionality is a central theme for climate justice (+5 for Factor 1 and +4 for Factor 2)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eRegarding intersectionality, an open-ended question revealed what young activists believe should be integral to climate justice. The question was: “List five words/themes that you think should inevitably be part of any climate justice action/discussion.” The most frequent themes were: territory/right to land/region (8 mentions), race/racism/anti-racism (7 mentions), and participation/democracy (7 mentions). For these Brazilian youth, any action deemed \"climate justice\" must explicitly address the specificities of territory, race, and the participation of people within it.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThese views also highlight the distinction between new terms like climate justice and historical social struggles. Both factors strongly disagreed with the statement, “27. I believe that new terms like ‘climate justice’ don’t help in the historical struggles against racism and social inequality,” rating it -4. This indicates that, for these activists, climate justice shares the same goals as other social movements and historical struggles, such as those against racism, sexism, and colonialism. The following statements illustrate this perspective:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“Climate justice is a term that MUST ENCOMPASS historical struggles, not compete with them.” (Participant 11)\u003cbr\u003e\u0026nbsp;“I believe the term climate justice interconnects and brings an important intersection between race, social issues, gender, livelihood forms – like traditional communities, etc. – and CLIMATE. Thus, it promotes reflections and connects social agendas with the environment and ‘historical’ injustices.” (Participant 16)\u003cbr\u003e\u0026nbsp;“To promote or fight something, we need to name it. The term climate justice is extremely important in the context of the global climate emergency we’re facing.” (Participant 8)\u003cbr\u003e\u0026nbsp;“[Climate justice is] Social, racial, gender, territorial justice, and much more.” (Participant 3)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eA relevant but weaker consensus, compared to colonialism and intersectionality (which scored +2 in both groups), emerged regarding the statement, “23. I believe that climate justice is anti-capitalist.” In both factors, participants agreed that the current economic system does not align with the demands of climate justice. However, this consensus is not strong enough for climate justice to be considered truly anti-capitalist among the participants. This aligns with the relationship between climate justice and colonialism, as colonization has been a foundational mechanism for capitalism to thrive.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAn important distinction arises regarding the statement that climate justice is radical and seeks to transform the entire social system (statement 41). This seems contradictory because to be anti-capitalist and transform the system, one must be radical. Otherwise, the centrality of capitalism is accepted, and changes are made at smaller levels without addressing how economic power relations are reproduced in climate solutions. The radicality of climate justice is further explored in each profile.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eCOP is seen as an important space for discussing climate justice. Half of the participants (eight) had attended previous editions. This suggests that, despite necessary improvements — such as the imbalance of COPs being more frequent in Europe than in the Global South, challenges faced by Global South participants (e.g., funding and transportation), low representation in decision-making rooms (especially of women leaders, Indigenous peoples, and traditional communities), the influence of polluting industries, and negotiations often overlooking the demands of vulnerable countries — these young activists do not see COP as a completely lost space.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe main issue is that COP has become a negotiation space driven by economic values. While some argue that climate justice should focus on financing (Corvino \u0026amp; Andina, 2023), the Global South should prioritize financing for people and territories, as indicated by the consensus on intersectionality, rather than interests tied to production, industries, or other sectors. The justifications below reflect this view:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“The Conference of the Parties should be the space for decisions that prioritize life and people’s rights over profit, unfortunately that’s not what’s happening right now.” (Participant 5)\u003cbr\u003e\u0026nbsp;“Definitely [climate justice should be discussed at COP], but unfortunately there only the State finances what brings them profit.” (Participant 13)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBoth groups equally disagree with readings of climate justice that do not discuss race, gender, class, and the demarcation of indigenous lands, which again shows how intersectionality must be imperative for climate justice according to Brazilian youth activism. This is interpreted from the classification of the following statements in the areas of -4 and -3 in the pyramid, respectively:\u003cbr\u003e\u0026nbsp;26. I would support a climate justice group that did not discuss issues of race, gender, or social class\u003cbr\u003e\u0026nbsp;28. Demarcation of indigenous lands is a social agenda, not a climate issue\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAnother consensual disagreement was with the statement “36. The Brazilian federal government has done a good job including climate justice in its environmental agenda,” which was not classified as strongly negative on average but stayed at position -1 for both factors. This connects with another statement “2. Young people advocating for climate justice are politically recognized in Brazil today,” which was also classified negatively in both groups, although at different levels (-1 for Factor 1 and -3 for Factor 2). Therefore, there is dissatisfaction about the representativeness of young climate justice activists in Brazil and about the agenda itself within the government and Brazilian society, related here to the lack of recognition justice.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eRegarding repertoires, there is greater agreement in both factors with moderate actions, but distinctions regarding disruptive actions. For example, the following statements about climate marches were positively classified in both factors (between +2 and +5):\u003cbr\u003e\u0026nbsp;33. I think climate justice marches are important\u003cbr\u003e\u0026nbsp;39. I would participate in climate justice marches\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDespite this agreement with climate marches, in this trajectory of climate mobilizations that started in Brazil mainly from 2019, we don’t see these marches with large numbers or even being widely publicized by local activists, except for the Climate Justice March in September 2024, which had calls in several cities across the country and was promoted by activists like Txai Suruí. There is also a more neutral stance (classified between 0 and +1) on actions such as donating to environmental organizations or signing petitions. The following opinions highlight the reasons for the preference for climate marches:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“Important for showing unity and social strength.” (Participant 13)\u003cbr\u003e\u0026nbsp;“I’ve participated, organized a few, and will continue to participate in the next ones.” (Participant 3)\u003cbr\u003e\u0026nbsp;“I already participate and will keep participating because I believe occupying the streets is necessary, but it still needs to become a more popular cause, like a general cause, especially for workers.” (Participant 11)\u003cbr\u003e\u0026nbsp;“I think they are important demonstrations of popular will.” (Participant 15)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBut the view on the necessity and willingness to participate in disruptive actions in Brazil is different between the groups, which will be shown in their distinctions and highlights the heterogeneity of the movement in Brazil. This shows that today, respondents participate in climate marches but do not see much space for disruptive actions, either because they don’t see them as necessary or because of obstacles to them. The elaboration of these positions, which shows a significant difference from Northern activism, is found in the explanation of each Profile.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThere is also consensus regarding support only for digital activism, which is negatively classified by both groups (-3 to -5), where the following opinions offer good justifications for this stance:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“I believe communication in activism is essential to spread the message to more people, convey our struggle, sensitize and mobilize. [...] I want to take the voices from my territory to more places and people because I believe in the transformative power of communication.” (Participant 7)\u003cbr\u003e\u0026nbsp;“Social networks are part of activism, a part even of communication, but it shouldn’t be done only there. This leads to empty discourses.” (Participant 11)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDigital activism plays a significant role due to its global reach. However, for local change and addressing specific territories, it falls short of achieving climate justice goals in this research's context. Additionally, disruptive actions are not emphasized by these youth as a necessary strategy in Brazil, and climate marches have not gained widespread traction across the country. So, where has Brazilian youth activism for climate justice focused its energy?\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eParticipation in COPs and involvement in other social movements, such as youth, race, and gender movements, are key in this regard. These Brazilian youth serve as intersections for climate justice, integrating the agenda into their workplaces, communities, studies, and other activism forms, while also bringing it to national and international spaces like COP and government.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIt is concluded that some repertoires are more disconnected from Brazil's reality, and priority must be given to other forms of struggle, such as communication, participation in decision-making spaces, and conserving ways of life, as highlighted in the following statements:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“[...] my life has been resistance since my birth, for being who I am and being born where I was born.” (Participant 13)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“Change happens at the tables of dialogue and public policy formulation. We need institutional change in public policies that are formulated by those affected by the climate crisis.” (Participant 8)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThere are also three relevant negative consensus for the research, as they highlight the priorities of Brazilian youth activists. These negative consensus relate to the statement “20. Climate justice does not need to be explicitly described in public policies,” which was rated -5 in Factor 1 and -4 in Factor 2, reflecting strong opinions, as exemplified by the following statement:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“IT MUST BE MADE EXPLICIT. The problem with many public policies is that they do not clarify why they were created. Climate justice needs to be explicitly intersectional.” (Participant 11)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAs mentioned earlier, in Brazil, few public policies mention the term (Louback; Lima, 2022), and there is still a need for a thorough study that updates this search in Brazilian legislation. Along with this fact, the general opinion of the activists here shows that efforts are needed to incorporate the discussion of climate justice into Brazilian politics.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn the second negative consensus, both groups slightly disagreed (-2 for Factor 1 and -1 for Factor 2) with the statement “3. In Brazil, climate justice is an organized social movement,” and the following statements clearly explain this stance:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“False! We are diverse organizations, whether from the government, the private sector, and especially from civil society, organized in fronts such as land use, energy, legal and regulatory frameworks, communication, and engagement. We are many in different forms of organization, from corporations to indigenous peoples.” (Participant 3)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“I see climate justice as an ideal, not as a movement with a specific leader, etc.” (Participant 15)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBrazilian youth activists do not perceive climate justice as an organized social movement, contradicting this research's view of it as an emerging social movement in the country. These youth do not identify with such a structure, aligning with the movement's broad agenda, as noted by Participant 3, which integrates government, the private sector, and civil society. This also explains why the movement is not framed as radical or anti-capitalist, a key finding for understanding the priorities of Brazilian youth activists for climate justice.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe final negative consensus was closer to neutrality, rated 0 in Factor 1 and -1 in Factor 2. This relates to disruptive actions, a key distinction between the two groups. Both factors expressed a neutral stance on non-violent disruptive actions (statement #42) but slightly disagreed with actions like throwing soup on artwork or blocking busy streets (Fisher et al., 2024). The detailed descriptions of each profile provides further insight into these positions.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAnother near-neutral consensus, rated +1 in both factors, is that youth experience difficult emotions (anxiety, inertia, sadness, anger) regarding climate justice (statement #12). The statement about positive emotions (inspiration, hope, belonging) (#13) revealed a sharp distinction between the groups, discussed in each profile. This finding aligns with research on the emotional and psychological effects of climate change. Hickman et al. (2021), in a survey of 10,000 young people across ten countries, including Brazil, found that climate anxiety significantly impacts youth, particularly when government action is perceived as inadequate.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe consensus on negative emotions also opens an opportunity for further research into the psychological well-being of Brazilian youth activists. The following statements suggest that participants are familiar with terms like eco-anxiety and climate anxiety, reflecting their feelings:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“Always [difficult feelings], eco-anxiety is overwhelming, not knowing if we will have a future, an uncertainty that haunts us.” (Participant 13)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“When events directly linked to climate injustices occur—especially in traditional communities or in my region—I feel powerless. I first encountered the term climate anxiety after becoming involved in activism, and almost 80% of the time, I think I feel that way.” (Participant 12)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“Climate justice generates a lot of restlessness due to the incompatibilities of 'times.' We are living urgent crises that were often produced over centuries but require immediate action in a society that is unable to anticipate much because it doesn’t see what will happen ahead.” (Participant 15)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eEnvironmental organizations, including NGOs and support entities that have more recently embraced climate justice, were frequently mentioned in the open-ended questions, despite statements #14 and #43 being rated between 0 and +2. All mentions were positive, highlighting how these organizations offer learning opportunities, networking, job prospects, and chances to represent Brazil at COPs. However, it is important to note that increased involvement in formal, institutional spaces like COPs or third-sector organizations may distance activists from more radical, disruptive, and anti-systemic actions, as discussed earlier.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAdditionally, Brazilian climate youth activists reported being inspired by a variety of organizations, including NGOs, civil society groups, government, and even the private sector, to discuss climate justice (+1 for Factor 1, +2 for Factor 2). They also expressed openness to supporting these organizations financially (+1 for Factor 1, 0 for Factor 2), suggesting a preference for literacy and capacity-building through NGOs rather than academia.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFinally, statement #1, \"I participate in other social movements,\" was rated +3 in Factor 1 and +2 in Factor 2, offering insight into respondents' activism. The student movement and Black movement were mentioned by both groups, with each factor noting other specific movements as well.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eProfile 1: radical tendencies\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis group consisted of 11 people: six white, and five black or mixed-race. There were five cisgender women, five cisgender men, and one person of another gender. The majority are from the Southeast region (seven people), with two from the North, one from the South, and one from the Northeast. The average age of the group is 24. The social movements in which the respondents participate include youth, student, black/racial, \u003cem\u003equilombola\u003c/em\u003e collectives against mining in their territories, political education, gender, and social activism movements. \u003cstrong\u003eAppendix F\u003c/strong\u003e presents the “ideal” pyramid for this factor.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAmong the motivations for being climate justice activists, the answers obtained from the open question “What was the influence that made you start following/discussing climate justice? (experience, study, friends, news)” show the following reasons:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cul\u003e\n \u003cli\u003esome contact with the media (news about climate impacts in your region; an environmentalist series);\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eexperiencing the climate crisis first-hand;\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003estudying the climate crisis;\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003efriends already involved in NGOs;\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003ejoining an NGO;\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003ework.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ul\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSome motivations overlap, so the number of people in each case isn't counted. For example, one person watched a series on environmental activism before joining an NGO. Along with the consensus on the importance of COPs, six participants have attended at least once, highlighting a young Brazilian presence in this global space. Despite closed-door negotiations, one participant mentioned their involvement in climate marches during COPs, parallel actions with separate importance.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eA key distinction in this factor is whether participants were paid for climate justice actions, either through regular work or specific campaigns. Four members work in the third sector, likely in environmental organizations advocating for climate justice. The following responses confirm this:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“Yes, I have worked temporarily with mobilization and campaigning. Today I work with climate at the macro level, starting with the acquisition of relationships and reports with donors.” (Participant 3)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“I work in the climate area and I get paid for it.” (Participant 6)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe other main distinction in this group is the emphasis on statements #41 about climate justice being radical (+2), #34 about it needing to be more disruptive in Brazil (+1), and #31 where they are more willing to put their safety at risk to draw attention to their demands (-3, which is inverted to positive due to the negative phrasing, see \u003cstrong\u003eAppendix B)\u003c/strong\u003e. Although the scores were not very high, together they form a distinct viewpoint compared to Factor 2, highlighting a division among these young activists. This group shows a slight tendency toward radicalism, differing from Profile 2 (which rated statement #41 at -1).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIt is important to note that the definition of \"radical\" here refers to actions that break social norms and seek to transform the entire system, from values to institutions—what Blumer apud Gohn (1997) referred to as a revolutionary social movement. By agreeing with this statement, this group aligns with Schlosberg et al. (2024), who discuss the rise of more disruptive anti-liberal views of environmental justice that propose solutions beyond state intervention. The following participants best convey this perspective:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“Yes, climate justice is ensuring that those most affected by extreme climate events are at the center of the solution, are repaired, heard, validated and referenced by the various initiatives to postpone the end of the world.” (Participant 3)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“I consider it a transformation of the status quo.” (Participant 6)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“Essential, because, otherwise, we maintain the same power structure of capitalism, maintaining systemic oppressions.” (Participant 9)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAlthough the general consensus shows that the preferred repertoires of the 16 young people are more moderate, Factor 1 members were more willing to take risks for climate justice. While the difference is small, the Factor 1 group had more neutral views on disruptive actions (0 versus -1 in Factor 2) and stronger disagreement with not putting themselves at risk for climate justice (-3 versus -1 in Factor 2). This suggests that their activism leans more toward disruptive repertoires rather than sticking solely to moderate ones like climate meetings and marches. They rated the statement \"climate justice is nothing more than social justice\" neutrally, while Factor 2 strongly agreed (+5), reflecting a broader understanding of climate justice as an intersectional issue.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFactor 1 participants view their activism as more impactful, achieving real change rather than merely expressing discontent or joining like-minded people, as discussed by Talukdar (2022). This group also feels more positive emotions (inspiration, hope, belonging) (+4) than negative ones (anxiety, inertia, sadness, anger) (+1), and they are more confident that climate justice will be achieved in their generation (-2, a positive response due to the negative phrasing, see \u003cstrong\u003eAppendix B\u003c/strong\u003e). One participant expressed this optimism: “I will see [climate justice] in my generation because it’s guaranteed at the micro and local level! The green and urban park policies in Rio de Janeiro are an achievement of the climate justice movements.” (Participant 3)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eKey distinctions of Profile 1 include a greater willingness to accept compensation for climate justice actions, a slight agreement that climate justice is radical, and a rejection of the stereotype of white, middle-class environmentalists in Brazilian climate activism. Additionally, experiencing climate injustices was a stronger motivator for Profile 2.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eProfile 2: \"No Choice\"\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFactor 2 is made up of five individuals: four Black and one Indigenous. Four are cisgender women and one is a cisgender man. Two are from the Southeast, two from the North, and one from the Northeast. The average age is slightly higher than in the previous group, at 26 years. In this group, the social movements in which the respondents are also involved include: student and Black/racial movements. \u003cstrong\u003eAppendix G\u003c/strong\u003e shows the \"ideal\" pyramid for this factor.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAmong the motivations for becoming climate justice activists, responses from the open-ended question \"What influenced you to start following/discussing climate justice? (experiences, studies, friends, news)\" reveal the following reasons:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cul\u003e\n \u003cli\u003ePersonal experiences;\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eJoining an NGO;\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eStudies.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ul\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn this group, there is only one overlap of motivations for becoming activists, which is having lived through climate injustices and then joining an NGO. Notably, four out of the five participants mention only personal experience as the primary motivator, while the fifth attributes their main motivation to their studies. One standout statement that sums up this characteristic of Factor 2 is as follows:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“When you are born in the periphery, you grow up indignant about life’s injustices, and the desire for a better world becomes part of who we are. Even before understanding what it meant to be an activist, I already carried this essence.” (Participant 7)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe statement that most distinguishes Factor 2 from the previous group is “25. Climate justice is nothing more than social justice,” which was rated +5, while in Factor 1 it was rated neutral (0). While the previous group saw climate justice as more than social justice, this group views them as the same struggle, where achieving social justice also achieves climate justice. However, the positions are not entirely different, as there is a general consensus that terms like climate justice build on historical struggles. The shared understanding of climate justice as intersectional and related to colonialism is so ingrained among young Brazilian activists that they equate it with social justice.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAnother significant classification for this factor, though not a distinction from Factor 1, is the statement “18. Young people should engage in climate justice activism,” which received a +5 rating. This highlights the role of older activists in supporting and inspiring younger ones, as noted by Talukdar (2022).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“Always [young people should engage in climate justice activism], because older activists will not be around forever, and they fought a lot for the youth of today to have rights.” (Participant 13)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eA defining distinction for this factor is the group's stance on radicalism and disruptive actions in climate justice. Their position is more moderate, as they disagree with disruptive actions (-1), with the idea that climate justice is radical (-1), and that activism in Brazil needs to be more disruptive (-2). They are also less likely to risk their safety for climate justice, which contrasts with climate activism in the Global North. This aligns with the social characteristics of the group, notably lacking any white individuals. Given that Indigenous people and women are the primary victims of attacks on environmentalists in Brazil (Global Witness, 2024), this outcome is likely for this factor. The following statement about their disagreement with disruption and radicalism highlights what is prioritized by this group:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“Change comes at the tables of dialogue and the formulation of public policies. We need institutional change, in public policies that are formulated by those who are affected by the climate crisis.” (Participant 8)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIt is understood that Factor 2 is more connected to climate justice activism as part of ways of life rather than related to work and organizations. For example, in this Factor, there was much less agreement that they had been paid for any climate justice action (-2 versus +3 in Factor 1), and more agreement (+3 versus +1 in Factor 1) with the statement about having experienced climate injustices, both of which are significant distinctions between the groups. The following opinion details this position:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“That’s what motivated me to want to continue as an environmental and climate activist. Witnessing situations and statements from people directly affected by these problems who were part of my social circle.” (Participant 14, part of Factor 1)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAlong with total disagreement with statement 21 about climate justice and colonialism, statement 37, “I would express support for climate justice only on the internet (digital activism),” also received a -5 from this group. While Factor 1 rated this statement at -3, it is discussed here due to its most negative position on the pyramid. As noted in the General Consensus, the justification for this stance reflects an understanding of digital activism's importance, but a belief that online efforts alone do not achieve the desired outcomes for climate justice.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe title given to this Profile, “No Choice,” comes from a response from one of the participants, who, despite not agreeing that climate justice is radical, does or would do things that are not part of the daily routine, and more than that:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“The climate issue has become a 'no choice' cause, I say this because there is no possibility of fighting for anything else without a possible future. Time and planetary limits have already been exceeded. Therefore, precisely because there is no choice, I am willing to do whatever is necessary.” (Participant 11)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eReferring to Schlosberg et al. (2024), similar results were found, where there is consensus that environmental justice is critical, but there are discourses that prefer to focus on policies and government regulations, and other perspectives want to completely disconnect from this system. Here, in this case, the following opinion shows what makes Participant 11 understand the importance of radical readings, but agree more with moderate actions:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“The problem with moderation is that it easily falls into the issue of the agenda becoming capitalist and only for profit. Here I agree with the radical stance, but still think it needs caveats, something between the moderate and the radical so that marginalized populations can be part of it.” (Participant 11)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn Factor 2, there is an important perception about what, after all, the portrait of a young climate justice activist in Brazil would be, which differs from Factor 1. Two statements and their respective classifications form this perception: “4. The stereotype of hippie, white, middle-class environmentalists also repeats in climate justice activism,” which was placed at +1 (agree), and “6. The majority of leadership driving climate justice across Brazil are non-white people,” which was placed at -2 (disagree). Again, paying attention to the social characteristics of this group, it is concluded that Black and Indigenous women see climate justice in Brazil as dominated by white people, which is also a global spotlight this group receives in academic research (Neas et al., 2022). The following writing from a participant highlights this:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“The agenda today in Brazil is driven by white people from the Southeast, being underrepresented and invisibilized in various territories.” (Participant 8)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eRegarding emotional elements related to climate justice activism, this profile of young Brazilians does not feel significantly more positive than negative, as the average classification for both statements 12 and 13 was in the position of +1.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn this group of thought, drawing inspiration from other countries to discuss climate justice doesn’t make much sense, as they prioritize adapting actions to the local Brazilian reality, and they also do not support certain strands of climate justice, where the following justification better details this positioning:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“The climate and sustainability agenda is increasingly being co-opted into the capitalist dynamic of exploitation, becoming just another agenda for profit-making. With that, there is a lot of greenwashing and white protagonists, without addressing the structural social problems.” (Participant 11)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis relates to the stages of social movements, emergence: agglutination, institutionalization, success, failure, co-optation, repression, popularization, and decline (Christiansen, 2011; Della Porta; Diani, 2006), and the participant above sees co-optation happening in climate justice.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDespite these distances from other countries and some groups, this Profile identifies with activists from other countries because they understand that they are fighting for the same ultimate goal (statement #7 at +2). This may mean that they support social movements in other countries, but not their governments, for example.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eIs Climate Justice Radical?\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAs presented, this distinction arose from the union of three statements:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e23. \"I think climate justice is anti-capitalist\"\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e41. \"Climate justice activism needs to be more disruptive in Brazil\" (consider disruptive actions that shock the public, such as interrupting meetings in a striking way or lying on the ground pretending to be dead with some identification of your message)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e42. \"I think climate justice is radical\" (consider radical something that breaks social norms and seeks to transform the entire system, from values to institutions)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn Factor 1, the perspective formed was that climate justice in Brazil is anti-capitalist, radical, and needs to be more disruptive. In contrast, Factor 2 sees climate justice as anti-capitalist but not radical and does not believe it needs to be more disruptive.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDefinitions of \"radical\" and \"disruptive\" were provided, although \"anti-capitalism\" was not fully explained. These statements aimed to understand the political context young Brazilian climate justice activists see themselves in, particularly in light of repression data from Global Witness (2024), and to explore their views on disruptive actions and the radical aspect of activism (Ostarek et al., 2024). The goal was also to identify if the factors align with any stage of social movements, given the movement's emerging nature in Brazil.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAnalysis of both factors and the literature reveals that Factor 2, which disagrees with more radical statements—such as changing social values and institutions, or using non-violent actions to shock the public—includes individuals with identities rooted in long struggles for their rights, such as Black, Indigenous, and women activists. Their preference for less radical forms of struggle, like working within public policies, organizations, and climate marches, is understandable. These approaches are seen as complementary and strengthening, rather than weakening, the movement.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFactor 1, on the other hand, is more heterogeneous but predominantly consists of white participants from the Southeast. This group tends to frequent spaces like COPs and NGOs, which can contribute to shaping their belief that climate justice needs to be more radical. These international spaces often promote exchange of activism strategies that could be adapted to Brazil.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eUltimately, as Schlosberg et al. (2024) and Sultana (2021) argue, the groups share common objectives within the climate justice movement in Brazil. The numerous consensuses found in this research, including on colonialism and intersectionality, indicate that despite differences in approaches, the youth climate justice movement in Brazil aligns with Gohn's (1997) definition of a social movement: collective action in defense of a common interest, formed by diverse people with different experiences. Therefore, it includes both radical and moderate strands.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c/strong\u003eWho Are the People Leading Climate Justice Activism in Brazil?\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn this distinction, the focus is on race. Profile 1 disagrees with the statement \"4. The stereotype of hippie, white, middle-class environmentalists is also repeated in climate justice activism\" and remains neutral on \"6. Most leaders advocating for climate justice across Brazil are non-white.\" In contrast, Profile 2 agrees with the stereotype and disagrees that non-white people are the majority of climate justice leaders in Brazil.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eInterestingly, Profile 1, predominantly white and from the Southeast, disagreed with the stereotype. However, some justifications from this group suggested that the statement is complex and requires further discussion. One participant shared the following:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“I disagree because agreeing with this statement would reinforce a stereotype that does not happen in practice, especially when I think about the current youth climate movement.” (Participant 10)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe connections with the literature are as follows: Louback and Lima (2022) emphasize that most climate justice leaders in Brazil are Black women, a view aligned with Profile 1, which rejects the stereotype of white, hippie environmentalists but disagrees with the idea that leadership is non-white. In contrast, Profile 2 aligns with Neas et al. (2022), who note the disproportionate media and academic focus on white individuals from the Global North. Profile 2 also resonates with Anantharaman (2024), who argues that racialized individuals are often overlooked as environmental activists due to colonial perspectives. This suggests that many of those most affected by climate change, who understand and advocate for climate justice, are not publicly recognized. Profile 2 reflects the view within Brazil's youth climate justice movement that race and class issues are still not fully addressed.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Conclusion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe climate justice movement among Brazilian youth is evolving, originating from Global North organizations like Fridays for Future in 2019. This movement has aligned with others, especially the Black movement, as individuals recognize their lived experiences of climate injustices. However, the Brazilian youth participants in this study do not identify as part of a formal social movement.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eClimate justice in Brazil, from the youth perspective, is in the stages of aggregation and institutionalization, with discussions and incorporation into public policies. Key Brazilian government figures advocate for climate justice and are involved in other social movements. A strong consensus emerged among participants on the intersectionality of climate justice, with colonialism as a priority theme alongside climate action. Climate justice is seen as more than just social justice, aligning with broader historical struggles.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWhile youth activists do not always identify with the concept of a social movement, they view climate justice as an ideal and a way of life. This malleability aligns with Schlosberg et al. (2024), and we support that climate justice should be defined by those affected. The research revealed a predominant profile of cis women, Black and Brown individuals, and Southeast Brazilian residents. This supports Sultana’s (2021) framework for youth activism and suggests further exploration of feminist and emotional perspectives in future studies.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMotivations for engaging in climate justice activism primarily stemmed from personal experiences of climate injustices, followed by influences from environmental organizations and academic studies. Lived experiences were the most cited motivation, which explains the view of climate justice as an ideal rather than just a movement.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe research also emphasizes North-South cooperation and the need for reparations, with a focus on the \"common but differentiated responsibilities\" concept. While the preferred repertoires in Brazil are climate marches and actions within institutional spaces, there is a divide between those who favor moderate activism (Profile 1) and those inclined toward disruptive actions (Profile 2), though the latter has yet to engage in such actions.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eComparing Brazil to the Global North, there is a clear preference in Brazil for activism within institutional spaces and climate marches, rather than disruptive actions common in the North. This preference is evident in the growing popularity of marches like the September 2024 March for Climate Justice.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe profile of Brazilian youth engaged in climate justice activism is diverse, with a notable intersection of race and gender. The majority of respondents were Black and Brown women, with race playing a significant role in their involvement in Black movements and organizations like the Brazilian Center for Climate Justice and the Perifa Sustentável Institute. These organizations, led by Black women, are influential in shaping the climate justice discourse in Brazil.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eOrganizations are crucial to Brazilian youth activism, with many participating in various roles—employee, volunteer, or student. As the movement expands, new strands of activism may emerge, but any concept of climate justice in Brazil must address intersectionalities of race, gender, territory, and colonialism.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e1. Competing interests:\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003eNo competing interests.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e2. Data availability:\u003c/strong\u003e The datasets generated during and/or analysed during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e3. Ethical approval:\u003c/strong\u003e The research was duly submitted for consideration to the Ethics Committee of the Faculty of Philosophy, Literature and Human Sciences of University of São Paulo (FFLCH/USP) via Plataforma Brasil on October 4, 2023. The project was approved and authorized for research on November 23, 2023.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e4. Informed consent:\u003c/strong\u003e The Free and Informed Consent for participation and use of the researcher was obtained with all participants in the first page of the questionnaire, where they chose to agree and continue, or not participate. All participants have been fully informed that their anonymity is assured, why the research is being conducted, how their data will be utilised, and of the risks and benefits of participating.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e5. Author contributions\u003c/strong\u003e: Relevant details redacted to ensure anonymisation of authors, to be included after the completion of the peer review process. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAcknowledgements\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis work was carried out with the support of the Coordination for the Improvement of Higher Education Personnel - Brazil (CAPES) - Financing Code 001.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eALONSO, A., COSTA, V., \u0026amp; MACIEL, D. (2007). 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Regional Office\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eAndean Region, Quito: Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung, n. 20, 32p.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eVan Exel, J., \u0026amp; De Graaf, G. (2005). Q methodology: A sneak preview. http://www.jobvanexel.nl\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eWhyte, K. P. (2011). The recognition dimensions of environmental justice in Indian country. \u003cem\u003eEnvironmental Justice, 4\u003c/em\u003e(4), 199\u0026ndash;205. https://doi.org/10.1089/env.2011.0007\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":true,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"Youth activism, Climate justice, Q Method, Brazil, Global South","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-6323499/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-6323499/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eThis study explores the key characteristics and strategies of young climate justice activists in Brazil. Climate justice is a contested issue shaped by various disciplines and ideological perspectives. This research addresses the lack of characterization of these activists, particularly their demographic profile (race, gender, age, nationality), motivations, strategies, and demands. Using primary and secondary data, the study investigates what is the profile of young activists fighting for climate justice in Brazil. It hypothesizes that they form a diverse group, their motivations highlight the intersections of race and gender, and they advocate for historical reparations from nations and systems responsible for climate change. Additionally, the hypothesis is that many are already engaged in climate justice organizations.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eA literature review and primary data collection through the Q Method (questionnaire design, administration, and analysis) was used, framed by critical climate justice theory. Findings reveal an emerging youth-led climate justice movement in Brazil, with Black women playing a central role. Their motivations are shaped by lived experiences, and there is strong consensus on prioritizing colonialism, intersectionality, and climate marches. However, opinions diverge on adopting more disruptive tactics. In conclusion, climate justice in Brazil is expanding through multiple currents. For young activists, it represents more than a social movement\u0026mdash;it is a broader struggle for systemic change.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"Youth activism for climate justice in Brazil: reflections on mobilization and resistance","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2025-05-02 09:38:08","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-6323499/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"a62bb8c2-2717-4fe3-ac69-50c8bac50daf","owner":[],"postedDate":"May 2nd, 2025","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"posted","subjectAreas":[{"id":47356846,"name":"Social science/Environmental studies"},{"id":47356847,"name":"Social science/Sociology"}],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2026-02-05T15:12:14+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2025-05-02 09:38:08","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-6323499","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-6323499","identity":"rs-6323499","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"8U1c8b4HqxoKbykW_rLl7","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}