Intergenerational Trauma and Collective Identity among the Jinghpaw: A Qualitative Exploration

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Drawing upon Family Systems Theory, Cultural Trauma Theory, Social Identity Theory, and Self-Categorization Theory, the study conceptualized trauma as both a psychological and socio-cultural phenomenon transmitted within families and communities rather than as an individual clinical experience alone. A qualitative, multi-generational design was employed, involving 18 participants across six families, drawn from both internally displaced persons (IDP) and non-IDP contexts. Findings revealed that intergenerational trauma among the Jinghpaw people was transmitted primarily through authoritative, fear-based, and survival-oriented parenting styles reinforced by coping mechanisms such as emotional restraint, hypervigilance, moralized endurance, and silence. These strategies limited emotional openness but enabled families to adapt to prolonged insecurity, maintain moral order, and protect future generations from perceived threats. They deepened the pre-existing collective orientation rooted in kinship, spirituality, cultural rituals, and communal resilience practices. The study further demonstrated that war-related suffering was not only endured but also interpreted as part of a broader narrative of cultural survival, political struggle, and communal solidarity. Collective memory and spiritual and cultural pride emerged as significant forces sustaining identity under conditions of displacement and marginalization. Most notably, political pride became the most enduring legacy of intergenerational trauma, as families across generations reframed their suffering as moral and political testimony to the Kachin struggle for autonomy, dignity, and cultural survival. Intergenerational Trauma Collective Identity Jinghpaw Kachin Myanmar Background Myanmar is a multiethnic country marked by rich cultural diversity as well as decades of political instability and protracted armed conflict. The Kachin comprise six primary tribes, with the Jinghpaw being the largest and most politically influential (Walton, 2013 ; Ferguson, 2015 ; Pelletier, 2021 ). Known as “Kachin” in Myanmar, “Jingpo” in China, and “Singpo” in India, the Jinghpaw possess a cultural heritage deeply tied to history and territory. Historical accounts trace their migration from the southern Tibetan Plateau more than 1,500 years ago to settlements along the Burma border, drawn in part by jade mining regions (Shyam, 2022 ). The Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), with its military wing Kachin Independence Army (KIA), emerged during the late colonial/early post-independence era as a political expression of Kachin self-determination in 1961 (Hedstroem & Olivius, 2021). Although a ceasefire in 1994 temporarily reduced hostilities, renewed conflict since 2011 has resulted in mass displacement, civilian casualties, and widespread human rights violations (Krause & Kamler, 2022 ). The consequences of this protracted conflict extend far beyond physical harm: populations exposed to chronic violence, displacement, and trauma face heightened risks of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and related mental health problems. In low-resource settings, trauma is increasingly recognized as a major contributor to morbidity and mortality (Kienzler, 2008 ; Richard et al., 2009 ). Scholars conceptualize intergenerational trauma as comprising three interrelated categories: traumatic image, structural trauma, and historical trauma (Meek, 2011 ). Traumatic image refers to the immediate psychological and physical wounds; structural trauma captures the delayed emotional recognition of such events; and historical trauma involves the long-term disruptions of identity and belonging that require continuous processing across generations. Empirical research has shown that parents’ exposure to community violence can intensify psychological distress and increase the risk of aggressive or neglectful parenting behaviors (Auerhahn & Laub, 1998 ; Chen & Lee, 2017 ; Khamis, 2016 ). Mechanisms of transmission include both biological and psychosocial pathways. Epigenetic alterations in stress response systems, particularly cortisol dysregulation, heighten children’s vulnerability to anxiety (Yehuda & Lehrner, 2018 ). Psychosocial mechanisms involve harsh or inconsistent parenting (Oztuk, 2022) an what has been termed a “conspiracy of silence” (Wiseman et al., 2006 ), where parents avoid discussing traumatic experiences, inadvertently transmitting unprocessed distress to their children. From a psychoanalytic perspective, trauma is passed down through unconscious emotional processes (Salberg, 2019 ). Different family models illustrate how war-related trauma shapes parenting and emotional availability (Palosaari et al., 2016 ; Wierzbicka, 2020 ). Victim families perpetuate fear and helplessness, fighter families emphasize resilience but dismiss emotional vulnerability, numb families suppress emotions entirely, and “those who made it” families prioritize personal ambition over emotional needs. Viewed through a lens of Family System Theory, these patterns commonly manifest as emotional cutoff, triangulation, and constrained differentiation of self (Gehart, 2014 ; Gehart, 2016 ). Over time, these systemic disruptions shape the identities and emotional worlds of younger generations. Alongside trauma, collective identity plays a crucial role in sustaining cultural resilience. Its key components include self-categorization, evaluation, attachment and interdependence, social embeddedness, behavioral involvement, and shared content and meaning (Ashmore et al., 2004 ). Through shared rituals, family narratives, commemorations, and cultural symbols, communities preserve collective memory, strengthen emotional bonds, and build solidarity (David & Bar-Tal, 2009 ). Historical examples, from nationalist mobilization during the Northern Ireland Troubles to silent protests by the Women in Black movement demonstrate how shared identity can transform collective grief into political and social agency (Bilić, 2012 ; Stouraitis, 2023 ). Social identity theory and Self-categorization theory explain how individuals perceive their suffering as part of a broader communal story to mobilize collective healing and action (Turner, 1975 ; Oakes & Turner, 1980 ; Van Lange et al., 2012 ). While much research has documented the psychological impacts of war, recent studies increasingly highlight resilience and culturally grounded coping mechanisms within conflict-affected communities (Averianova & Voropaieva, 2020 ; Akimova et al., 2025 ). Resilience operates at multiple levels: individual, community, and societal (Marciano et al., 2024 ). One widely applied framework is the Circle of Courage model, which identifies belonging, mastery, independence, and generosity as pillars of resilience (Brendtro et al., 2009; Brokenleg, 2012 ). These principles resonate strongly in Indigenous and war-affected communities, where resilience is cultivated through religious gatherings, traditional ceremonies, kinship networks, and collective support systems. Despite a long history of armed conflict, the Jinghpaw have maintained a strong sense of collective identity (Williams, 2017 ). However, it remains unclear how decades of sustained traumatic experiences have affected the preservation, reshaping, or fragmentation of this identity. The Jinghpaw remain largely underrepresented in trauma research, particularly regarding the intergenerational transmission of trauma and its impact on collective identity. Understanding these dynamics is essential to address both individual psychological outcomes and broader communal resilience. This study addressed these gaps by examining how intergenerational trauma shapes collective identity among the Jinghpaw people. It aims to inform the development of a culturally sensitive questionnaire to assess intergenerational trauma severity and collective identity themes. This tool will assist mental health practitioners in providing ethical, culturally grounded interventions. At the community level, the study seeks to empower the Jinghpaw people to better understand the psychological inheritance of trauma, preserve collective memory, strengthen emotional solidarity, and interrupt cycles of trauma transmission across generations. Methods The participants in this study were Jinghpaw individuals aged 18 years and older. The initial plan was to include 12 participants, drawn from 4 families with 3 generations represented in each. During data collection, the sample was broadened to include 8 families in total, 4 from IDP backgrounds and 4 from non-IDP backgrounds. However, 2 families of the non-IDP were not included in the final analysis because one or more family members declined to participate. The final sample, therefore, consisted of 6 families, including 4 from IDP backgrounds and 2 from non-IDP backgrounds, with a total of 18 participants. Among these, 4 were male and 14 were female counterparts. Participant Profile To protect confidentiality while maintaining clarity of generational perspectives, participants are referred to using a family-generation coding system. For example: F1G1 = Family 1, Generation 1 (grandparent) F1G2 = Family 1, Generation 2 (parent) F1G3 = Family 1, Generation 3 (child) The instrument used for data collection was ten in-depth interview guides. The interview guide was developed specifically for this study, drawing on existing trauma and intergenerational trauma literature, including Auerhahn & Laub’s ( 1998 ) work on intergenerational memory, Maxwell’s ( 2014 ) critique of trans-generational trauma theory, and Yehuda & Lehrner’s ( 2018 ) framework on trauma transmission, as well as collective identity scholarship such as Ashmore et al. ( 2004 ) and David & Bar-Tal ( 2009 ). These sources informed the design of questions exploring trauma experiences, family narratives, and the shaping of collective identity among the Jinghpaw/Kachin community (Appendix A). Data from the interviews were analyzed using Braun and Clarke’s ( 2006 ) six-phase thematic analysis framework, which offers a systematic and flexible approach to identifying and interpreting themes within qualitative data (Howitt, 2019 ). Results Two major themes for factors contributing to Intergenerational Trauma are War-Related Trauma and Family-Related Trauma. Two major themes for the influences of intergenerational trauma on collective identity are Collective Memory and Emotional Solidarity. War-Related Trauma Direct Exposure to Violence For many, the life-threatening encounters with armed groups turned daily routines into constant negotiations with fear and uncertainty. F2G1 recalled: “… I was beaten by Burmese soldiers because of my history of working for KIA soldiers. My wife helped me hide and move to a safer place every time I was searched for by Burmese soldiers…. Those moments were the hardest times in my life …” His accounts capture the personal safety depended on quick decisions, solidarity, and constant vigilance. Some endured repeated risks and separations along the way. F3G1 described her father’s determination to protect the family while enduring hunger and hardship: “… I could only carry a 2 kg rice bag and some clothes. My father would drag me to run or flee from the conflict, sometimes giving me a piggyback or shoulder ride. After walking for half a day, my father prepared a temporary shelter for all of us…. While my parents returned to the village to bring more food, we did not know how to cook back then and were very hungry. My father taught us to use one pumpkin for one meal and split one onion into two slices for two meals, because food was scarce …” Physical Responses Some participants described how fleeing repeatedly over the years weakened their bodies and led to chronic illnesses later in life. For instance, F3G1 shared her serious health conditions: “… years of fleeing led to serious osteoarthritis and leg numbness …” Similarly, F4G2 recounted the physical toll of exposure to the elements while fleeing for safety: “… I had to flee to the mountains and streams from a young age. Once, I had to stay in water for a long period, which may have caused sickness later. Running in the rain during shootings weakened my immune system. We often had no proper roof or food overnight …” These memories highlight how constant physical strain and inadequate shelter created health vulnerabilities that persisted across the lifespan. Participants also spoke about deteriorating health after displacement into IDP camps, where reliance on low-quality food. F3G2 reflected on this transition: “… prior to the camp, we ate organic food and were healthy. In the camp, reliance on instant food led to back pain, liver stones, cervical issues, high blood pressure, diabetes, and other illnesses …” Emotional and Psychological Responses Beyond the physical devastation of war, participants described the deep emotional and psychological scars carried across generations within the Jinghpaw community. One of the most recurring themes was grief over lost family members who died or disappeared because of the conflict. For example, F1G1 recalled losing her father in a sudden act of violence that marked her childhood permanently: “… while my father was sitting in the house, Burmese soldiers came in asking for a cup of tea. At the same time, KIA soldiers arrived. When they saw each other, they started shooting. My father was shot and died on the spot. I still vividly remember that scene …” For many parents, the death of a child was especially devastating. F1G2, who lost her son while fleeing violence, explained how grief still lingers decades later: “… while fleeing, I lost my second son. He was only 3 years old… I cannot bear to see boys the same age as my son. I cry a lot, and I feel grief, resentment, and out of control. I have many ‘what if’ thoughts, even after 14 years since my son left me… If Naw Naw were alive, he would now be a second-year university student …” Similarly, F6G1, who lost her own son while he was serving in the KIA, expressed the emotional burden she continues to carry: “… last year, (crying) my own son died in the KIA service ...” Many participants also linked emotional distress to the absence of fathers serving in the KIA. Children experienced loneliness, emotional distance, and weakened family bonds. F3G3 mourned this reality: “… I have grown up without a consistent father figure. If there were no conflict, and my father were not a KIA soldier, we could have lived together at home …” For some participants, ethnic discrimination deepened the psychological toll of conflict. F5G2 recalled his childhood experience of discrimination at school: “… I experienced discrimination at school. A friend, the son of a Burmese General, told me, ‘We Jinghpaw are addicts, and we could be killed anytime because we are a minority.’… Although this happened in my childhood, similar cases persist, for example, in 2015, a young university student was killed for no reason…” This account reflects how conflict caused imposed psychological violence through fear, stereotyping, and marginalization, fueling cycles of insecurity and emotional distress. He continued: “… negatively, lifestyles were disrupted. Many people turned to drugs as a negative coping mechanism …” These coping patterns were often rooted in the constant sense of danger and injustice. Socioeconomic Consequences Beyond physical harm and emotional suffering, participants repeatedly emphasized how the civil war destroyed economic stability, educational opportunities, and social networks across generations. Many participants highlighted how basic survival itself became a daily struggle, especially after displacement into IDP camps, where farmland was abandoned and livelihoods were cut off. As F1G1 shared: “… no income and no farming in the IDP. Food is very limited. One day, I only had rice but nothing else for my children. I bought one egg, cooked it, fed my children, and starved myself …” Some families survived only through dangerous or unpredictable work. F4G1 described how her husband risked his life as a driver, traveling through conflict zones to keep the family fed: “… my husband worked as a driver. During the intense fighting of the 1980s, he sometimes spent a month on the road. When he was home, we had good meals; when he was away, we did not. One of our daughters shouted to the sky, ‘Dad, please come back home quickly; I want a good meal.’ ...” These stories reveal how economic precarity left families one crisis away from hunger, creating constant anxiety about food and survival. Another major consequence of the conflict was disrupted education, which participants linked directly to lost opportunities for personal and family advancement. Some expressed frustration at having to abandon schooling entirely. F4G2 shared: “… I never got educated and lost career opportunities until today …” Similarly, F2G2 explained: “… because of the frequent and unpredictable conflict, I had to drop out of school, and until today, I live as an uneducated individual, which I think is unfair to me. If there were no war, I could be educated ...” For many, this lack of education reinforced cycles of poverty and diminished confidence when interacting with better-educated people outside conflict-affected areas. Participants described how displacement eroded social connections and confidence, leaving people isolated and withdrawn. F3G2 shared how insecurity limited her social participation: “… I avoided social events, even my relatives’ wedding in Yangon, because I felt uncomfortable …” Family-Related Trauma Parenting Style F1G2 explained that older generations were influenced by traditional Gumchying Gumsa (regional ruling) leadership and treated their grandchildren “…my husband became a KIA soldier because his father ordered him to ten years ago, and he [husband] died in the battle in 2023…” She added, “…after becoming a KIA soldier, my husband’s parenting is very similar to his father’s style – strict, giving orders, not allowing complaints – don’t do, don’t go, don’t eat, don’t drink….” She described this as “one-way teaching” that left little room for dialogue. Fear-based parenting also surfaced as a recurring theme. F2G3 recalled: “…my parents never let me go far, even to Myitkyina…. They always made me scared of going somewhere, keeping me in alert mode all the time, which is very tiring. Over time, I unconsciously agreed to their demands and accepted them as my own….” Such approaches limited children’s independence and eroded their self-esteem. Participants also emphasized how conflict shaped parents’ ability to express affection. F5G2 reflected on this dynamic, acknowledging the roots of his parents’ distant style, “…my parents had a very difficult upbringing…. My parents never experienced emotional closeness or love from their own parents. So, they genuinely believe we will grow up fine on our own and that we are no longer their responsibility. However, they still expect me to achieve more than they did. They always feel it’s not enough of my effort…” He added that although this was hard to accept as a child, he now recognizes it as a survival-based form of love. The lack of open communication within families was another recurring concern. F2G3 explained: “… my father is a soldier, and my mother is a community volunteer. I know a story of how we got displaced to the camp and how my mother was struggling because my father could not be helpful due to his duty; however, at home, we never talked about this matter… This makes me feel more emotionally distant….” Coping and Survival Mechanisms Many participants shared their practice in the current conflict situation. F1G3 stated, “… my mother taught me to keep a baby quiet when hiding from the troops. Otherwise, the soldiers could detect the location, and I would be left alone. So, I make sure my one-year-old baby doesn't cry when fleeing …” Similarly, F3G1 stated, “… to save the food while displacement in the forest, we bury chickens underground to prevent noise and avoid detection by Burmese soldiers …” For some participants, the act of coping was directly tied to food and survival, revealing how fear of hunger intertwined with fear of violence. F1G3 described how this mindset has stayed with her long after the immediate danger passed, “… my parents used to tell me not to let myself die in hunger. In storms, floods, or conflict, no matter what, one must be full. So, whenever I hear the noise of airplanes or shooting, I immediately look for food because I do not want to die hungry...” Her words show how the trauma of war reshaped daily priorities into an enduring survival mechanism. Coping strategies also became routine, woven into daily household practices. F3G2 shared how she manages uncertainty by constantly preparing for potential emergencies, “… I always cook extra food as if there might be an emergency. Even if there is no shooting, I prepare food for more people than needed. I keep an emergency bag ready with candles and a lighter, wear long pants while sleeping, and keep jumpers nearby, and I’ve taught my 8-year-old daughter to do the same.…” This account illustrates how survival practices are passed down as ordinary behaviors, where preparation itself becomes a coping mechanism. Collective Memory Silence and Storytelling Across Generations Some participants explained why they chose to withhold stories. They felt that constantly revisiting painful memories might perpetuate trauma rather than prevent it. For instance, one mother, F1G3, expressed this protective instinct clearly: “… I will share my experiences with younger generations only when necessary. These are unpleasant experiences, and I would prefer they not know them unless required. I hope that in my children’s time, there will be no more war, and they can live happily without needing to hear about these experiences ...” Her words show how memory can become both a legacy and a burden, requiring older generations to weigh the value of preserving history against the emotional cost of doing so. Others, however, saw storytelling as essential for teaching lessons of survival, resilience, and identity. F3G1 emphasized this belief: “… I share experiences for younger ones to have lessons learned.” Similarly, F3G2 explained how her grandmother’s wartime memories gained deeper meaning once she herself endured similar conflict: “… my grandmother shared stories about hiding from Japanese airplanes. At the time, I found them both funny and sad; now, experiencing similar dangers, I truly understand her feelings. I intend to pass this knowledge to future generations by emphasizing our shared history and lessons …” These accounts show that the meaning of stories often shifted over time as what once felt like distant tales became urgent lessons when conflict touched later generations directly. Faith, Fear, and Everyday Caution One participant, F4G1, recalled how religious identity shifted amid war and displacement: “… I proposed to my grandfather to become a Christian, but he forbade it, saying my father was the first to advocate Christianity and the villagers had already trusted in God. When conflict began, priests could not come, so people returned to praying to spirits for safety and health. So, my grandfather was very ashamed of his son’s initiative… Eventually, I became a Christian with the help of church leaders …” Her decision to convert was shaped not only by her father’s pioneering role in advocating Christianity but also by her own involvement in missionary activities. Through these experiences, she saw Christianity as more than personal faith. It became a way to strengthen communal ties, share collective burdens, and stand with others in times of conflict. Beyond spiritual life, participants emphasized how fear itself became part of the collective memory that shapes daily routines, emotional responses, and even parenting practices. F4G2 reflected on how laws, curfews, and constant threats influenced the vigilance of his family: “… when I was young, I was afraid to speak Burmese because the community hated the Burmese military… When I was young, a law prohibited going out at night… Even now, we are under Martial Law from 8 PM to 5 AM …” These accounts illustrate how the legacy of fear lingers across generations, shaping behaviors, emotional reactions, and communal caution. Memories of curfews, airstrikes, and military restrictions became part of everyday life, leaving families to balance faith, vigilance, and survival in a world marked by uncertainty. Political Betrayal and Ethnic Discrimination Alongside memories of war, participants repeatedly described how historical political betrayals and ethnic discrimination deepened collective trauma and shaped intergenerational identity. Many traced this sense of injustice back to the Pan Lung Agreement, which was initially meant to secure ethnic equality but ultimately ended in disappointment and conflict. As F1G2 reflected: “… the civil war started from the Pan Lung contract, where General Aung San lied to the ethnic groups. Our Jinghpaw people were treated unfairly by the Burmese majority; they betrayed us …” For many, this betrayal planted the seeds of distrust toward government force. Unfair treatment also seeped into daily life through strict and often contradictory rules. F4G1 remembered how even clothing became politicized: “… KIA soldiers only allowed us to wear Kachin traditional longyi. If we wore Burmese longyi, we were investigated …” But the danger shifted entirely when facing Burmese soldiers. At checkpoints, wearing Kachin clothing carried its own risks, leading some to deception as a survival strategy. F4G2 explained: “… wearing Kachin longyi was forbidden. If caught at checkpoints by Burmese soldiers, we were punished with physical exercises, like push-ups or squats …” For families already living with fear, these restrictions created anxiety and humiliation, especially for those who could not afford proper clothing. Participants also described discrimination extending into education, employment, and cultural survival. F5G2 recalled being denied work solely because of his ethnicity: “… after high school, I applied for a government position but was rejected solely due to my ethnicity. I felt this was unfair and discriminatory. Still, I knew this rejection was not unique, as many in the Jinghpaw community faced the same struggles, which gave me a sense of solidarity rather than complete isolation …” Emotional Solidarity Family Legacy For many families, emotional solidarity was expressed through caregiving in times of loss and disruption. When parents were absent or families were separated by war, relatives often stepped in to rebuild a sense of stability. F3G1 recalled: “… after my mother passed away, my mother’s elder sister married our father. She said it was better for her to take care of us than for strangers to step in …” Such caregiving practices created emotional anchors within families, which ensured that children continued to feel love and protection despite war-related losses. Adopting children displaced by conflict also reflected this ethic of solidarity. F5G2 shared: “… I adopted my cousin’s daughter when she was in Grade 3 because her family had to flee repeatedly due to conflict in their village …” These acts of care demonstrated a communal responsibility to protect children and preserve family bonds even in the midst of instability. Family legacy also carried expectations about precautionary choices in marriage and the preservation of cultural identity. Older generations emphasized the risks of interethnic unions, linking marriage decisions to both personal safety and cultural survival. As F1G1 shared, “… my mother told me not to marry other ethnicities, especially Burmese. If a Jinghpaw girl married a Burmese boy, he could be killed (accused as a spy) and the girl would become a widow at a young age …” Intergenerational Resilience Many participants framed war experiences as a collective story of suffering and resilience. F1G2 described: “… I try to remind myself that I am not the only one suffering loss; my relatives, neighbors, and community members have also made sacrifices during this conflict. Thinking this way helps me feel less pain …” This perspective reveals how family narratives fostered empathy and resilience that helped younger generations to find strength in shared struggles rather than isolation. Importantly, participants emphasized that resilience did not mean passing on anger or hatred toward future generations. Instead, they sought to teach justice, dignity, and moral responsibility rather than revenge. F3G2 explained: “… although the conflict is between the Burmese and the Kachin, I do not teach this to instill hatred toward the Burmese people. Instead, I want our children to understand injustice, discrimination, and the struggle of minor ethnicities in Myanmar …” This approach reflects an intentional effort to break cycles of intergenerational hostility, transforming suffering into a commitment to fairness and human dignity. Community Service and Responsibility Community service emerged as a means of expressing collective identity among the Jinghpaw people. Volunteering itself became a way of honoring cultural traditions and identity. F6G1 explained: “… I felt proud when I served as a volunteer teacher in the KIA missionary school. I was specially requested to volunteer, and I happily accepted, moving to the missionary place …” Community service became a way to protect cultural values and maintain traditional systems of problem-solving. F2G2 explained how the Jinghpaw community relied on customary justice rather than external institutions: “... when there is a problem in the community, we don’t need to go to court, we have our own traditional court to solve problems. We all follow the decision of the traditional leaders out of respect for our culture and traditions. Because of this practice, our community is more united …” Such practices reinforced cultural autonomy and collective decision-making even under political and social constraints. Cultural Pride and Identity Preservation Cultural pride emerged across participants’ experiences, revealing how the Jinghpaw people preserved, celebrated, and adapted their traditions, values, and identity amid displacement, loss, and political marginalization. For many, spirituality was closely intertwined with cultural pride. F5G2 reflected: “… we are a population selected by God, and we have to protect our people and build a new nation …” Similarly, F1G1 reflected on how living in the IDP camp deepened this sense of spiritual connection: “… I realized that staying in the IDP is a reminder from God for our people to trust Him and endure struggles together with Him …” Cultural pride was also tied to feelings of safety and respect within and beyond the Jinghpaw community. F4G3 emphasized this interethnic dimension: “… whenever I see a Jinghpaw person in a large group, I feel safe and connected. Other ethnicities sometimes adopt Jinghpaw family names and practices out of respect for our culture …” This sense of pride, therefore, was not inward-looking but also shaped how the Jinghpaw related to other ethnic groups and envisioned cultural continuity across generations. Moreover, F3G1 continued: “… wearing traditional clothing, speaking our language, and being with my community are my ways of showing love for the Jinghpaw. These practices stem from both my religious background and tribal traditions …” The Manau Festival emerged as a central symbol of cultural pride and solidarity. F4G1 described its significance: “… I enjoy celebrating the Manau festival every year. Even though I am not a good dancer, I always participate and try to dance. I am proud of our culture and traditions …” Such practices reflected a cultural continuity that survived even as political and military upheavals disrupted daily life. Political Pride and Shared Struggle Many participants spoke of unity as central to both survival and the political dream of independence. F1G1 expressed this belief simply but powerfully: “… as long as we are together, we can achieve everything …” Participants repeatedly described KIA-controlled areas as symbols of safety. F4G2 expressed this clearly: “… I feel safe to travel around KIA-controlled areas rather than government-controlled areas. I hope for peace and safe travel one day [nationwide] …” For others, political pride was tied to daily acts of responsibility. F5G1 summarized this sense of duty: “… being born in conflict areas means endless responsibility to contribute to the community …” Service was also framed as a shared sacrifice for the community’s survival, especially among families of KIA soldiers. F3G2 described the emotional cost of her husband’s absence: “… my husband is a KIA soldier, so he was absent when I gave birth to our first daughter. I felt very lonely and sad, but I accepted it because he was serving the people, and I viewed our sacrifice as part of our shared duty ...” Not all memories of political struggle were rooted only in suffering; for some, the Spring Revolution of 2021 reignited hope for collective change. F4G3 reflected on this turning point: “… I support the current 2021 Spring Revolution because we have suffered enough… I feel hopeful about the new nation that could emerge. This Spring Revolution is special because everyone is involved… I believe change will happen… a new nation will be built with motivation, creativity, and collective effort …” Meanwhile, F1G2 emphasized that the political struggle carried expectations for future generations: “… I want my children to continue the fight for our rights and self-determination, ending the suffering our people face. I trust them to create a future without war, where our people can live happily …” Across these narratives, political pride emerged as both a burden and a source of strength, as a commitment to survival, justice, and self-determination passed down through generations. It was not only about resisting oppression but also about imagining a future where decades of sacrifice would lead to peace, dignity, and independence for the Jinghpaw people. Reflexive Reflections At the outset, the researcher approached this study with motivations that were not only academic but also deeply personal. Having grown up in a family shaped by decades of war experiences and ongoing insecurity in Kachin State, the researcher carried an underlying curiosity about whether prolonged exposure to conflict shaped behaviors, emotional responses, and family dynamics in ways that continued across generations. Initially, the researcher assumed that families affected by decades of war would remain trapped in cycles of trauma, continuously reliving painful memories. However, as the study progressed, it became clear that while trauma was deeply rooted, resilience and communal solidarity were equally strong. Families bore the scars of loss and displacement, yet they also displayed determination, faith, and moral responsibility that exceeded the researcher’s expectations. At the same time, the study illuminated how collective identity shapes values of communal care and responsibility, which is grounded in shared survival and moral obligation. Discussion Findings from this study revealed that intergenerational trauma among the Jinghpaw people extends beyond the boundaries of a clinical syndrome and instead becomes embedded within family routines, communal behaviors, and cultural norms shaped by prolonged conflict. Direct exposure to violence is not just a historical event. It defines the emotional and moral landscape that future generations will inherit. The physical and psychological manifestations of trauma , like many Indigenous and conflict-affected groups worldwide (Maxwell, 2014 ; Cai & Lee, 2022 ), the Jinghpaw rarely label these experiences as “trauma.” Suffering was normalized as a collective destiny rather than an individualized pathology because survival imperatives left little space for mental health conceptualization or care. Generational contrasts in this study revealed how intergenerational trauma was experienced, interpreted, and transmitted differently across time. For Generation One (G1), intergenerational trauma was defined primarily by direct and lifelong exposure to war-related violence, forced displacement, and loss of family members, homes, and livelihoods. Generation Two (G2) occupied an intermediary position, both witnessing their parents’ struggles and enduring conflict themselves. Growing up under G1’s survival-oriented parenting, they adapted by consciously trying to protect their children from similar emotional burdens. This pattern mirrors what intergenerational trauma studies describe as “buffer generations” (Daud et al., 2005 ; Oztuk, 2022). For Generation Three (G3), trauma was less about direct exposure to violence and more about emotional deprivation, disrupted attachments, and unmet psychological needs. Among the Jinghpaw, substance abuse, school dropout, and strained relationships emerged as manifestations of these unmet emotional needs. While G3 inherited resilience knowledge from older generations, they sought emotional closeness and psychological healing, signaling a generational shift from survival-focused coping toward relational and emotional well-being. Moreover, family-level narratives demonstrate that intergenerational trauma in conflict-affected communities is neither uniform nor static. Instead, it is mediated by family-specific histories, caregiving roles, political positioning, and coping mechanisms that range from silence and avoidance to resilience, activism, and moral reinterpretation of suffering. Long before the outbreak of prolonged civil war, the Jinghpaw’s clan-based social structures, Christian moral frameworks, and communal traditions had already cultivated a deeply collective orientation (Jaquet, 2015 ). Practices such as caring for widowed in-laws, preserving ancestral family names, and mobilizing resources during hardship created a culture where the well-being of the community consistently outweighed individual needs. This pre-existing collective ethos meant that collective identity was not invented by war. Rather, civil conflict intensified and politicized what was already a culturally embedded sense of belonging. To indicate the political pride among the Jinghpaw, war-linked suffering carried political meaning. It became inseparable from the struggle for Kachin autonomy and independence, signaling how trauma shaped not only psychological responses but also political consciousness and collective memory across generations. Participants often described KIA-controlled areas not only as military strongholds but also as territorial and cultural sanctuaries where people felt protected, united, and morally anchored (The Irrawaddy, 2023 ). Across generations, participants expressed the conviction that present suffering was borne so that “one day” future generations might live free from oppression. Conclusion The multiple contributing factors that link the civil war to intergenerational trauma are prolonged exposure to violence, loss of family members, forced displacement, ethnic discrimination, economic deprivation, and the disruption of education and religious life. These conditions fundamentally altered family structures and caregiving practices, with trauma transmitted across generations through authoritative, fear-based, and survival-oriented parenting styles. These were further reinforced by coping mechanisms such as emotional restraint, hypervigilance, moralized endurance, and an emphasis on obedience and self-sacrifice. While these strategies constrained emotional openness and interpersonal warmth, they enabled families to adapt to prolonged insecurity, maintain social order, and protect future generations from perceived threats. They deepened the pre-existing collective orientation rooted in kinship ties, Christian spirituality, cultural rituals, and communal resilience practices. Rather than being experienced solely as private suffering, for the Jinghpaw people, trauma became embedded in the community’s collective consciousness, informing shared values, cultural practices, and moral responsibilities. This transformation of pain into purpose ensured that trauma was framed as both a historical burden and a moral mandate, linking past sacrifices to visions of liberation and future security for generations to come. Declarations Ethical approval and consent for participation This study was conducted in accordance with the Helsinki Declaration as approved by the Institutional Review Board of Assumption University of Thailand (Approval No. 00060-2024). All participants were informed about the purpose of the study, their voluntary participation, and the confidentiality of their information. Verbal informed consent was obtained from all participants prior to data collection. Consent for publication Not applicable. Competing interests The authors declare that they have no competing interests. Funding This research did not receive any specific grant from funding agencies in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors. The first author is supported by a church-based scholarship organization. Authors’ contributions Manam Ja Seng Ing (MJSI) conceptualized and conducted the study, analyzed the data, and prepared the manuscript under the supervision of Dr. Davud Shahidi (DS). Both authors read and approved the final manuscript. Data availability The datasets generated and analyzed during the current study are not publicly available due to participant confidentiality but are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request. Clinical trial registration Clinical trial number: Not applicable. Acknowledgements The authors wish to express heartfelt gratitude to the participants who generously shared their experiences and to the church-based organization that provided financial support for the author’s academic journey. Appreciation is also extended to Assumption University for academic guidance and encouragement. References Akimova O, Ishchenko A, Perga I. (2025). 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Historicizing historical trauma theory: Troubling the trans-generational transmission paradigm. Transcult Psychiatry. 2014;51(3):407–35. https://doi.org/10.1177/1363461514531317 . Meek A. Trauma and media: Theories, histories, and images. Routledge; 2011. Oakes PJ, Turner JC. Social categorization and intergroup behaviour: Does minimal intergroup discrimination make social identity more positive? Eur J Social Psychol. 1980;10(3):295–301. https://doi.org/10.1002/ejsp.2420100307 . Ozturk E. Dysfunctional generations versus natural and guiding parenting style: Intergenerational transmission of trauma and intergenerational transfer of psychopathology as dissociogenic agents. Med Sci | Int Med J. 2022;11(2):886. https://doi.org/10.5455/medscience.2022.04.090 . Palosaari E, Punamäki R, Peltonen K, Diab M, Qouta SR. Negative social relationships predict posttraumatic stress symptoms among war-affected children via posttraumatic cognitions. J Abnorm Psychol. 2016;44:845–57. https://doi.org/10.1037/abn0000105 . Pelletier A. (2021). Identity formation, Christian networks, and the peripheries of Kachin ethnonational identity. Asian Politics & Policy , 13 (1), 72–89. Retrieved from https://doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12571 Richard AJ, Lee CI, Richard MG, Oo EK, Lee T, Stock L. Essential Trauma Management Training: Addressing service delivery needs in active conflict zones in eastern Myanmar. Hum Resour Health. 2009;7(1). https://doi.org/10.1186/1478-4491-7-19 . Salberg J. When Trauma tears the fabric of attachment: Discussion of The Intergenerational Transmission of Holocaust Trauma: A Psychoanalytic Theory Revisited. Psychoanal Q. 2019;88(3):563–82. https://doi.org/10.1080/00332828.2019.1616500 . Shyam K, ECONOMIC, POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE. (2022). Jinghpaw People: Their Religion, History and Culture. AGPE THE ROYAL GONDWANA RESEARCH JOURNAL OF HISTORY, SCIENCE, 3(2), 84–91. Retrieved from https://www.agpegondwanajournal.co.in/index.php/agpe/article/view/97 Stouraitis Y. (2023). Chapter 12. War and Collective identifications in Medieval Societies: Drawing Comparisons. In Amsterdam University Press eBooks (pp. 203–224). https://doi.org/10.1515/9781802701067-013 The Irrawaddy. (2023). Fighting in Myanmar’s Kachin State Displaces Over 1,000 Villagers . [online] The Irrawaddy. Available at: Available at: https://www.irrawaddy.com/news/burma/fighting-in-myanmars-kachin-state-displaces-over-1000-villagers.html [Accessed 4 Jan. 2025]. Turner JC. Social comparison and social identity: Some prospects for intergroup behaviour. Eur J Social Psychol. 1975;5(1):1–34. https://doi.org/10.1002/ejsp.2420050102 . Van Lange PA, Kruglanski AW, Higgins ET. Handbook of theories of social psychology. Choice Reviews Online. 2012;49(09):49–5135. https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.49-5135 . Walton MJ. The Wages of Burman-Ness: Ethnicity and Burman Privilege in Contemporary Myanmar. J Contemp Asia. 2013;43(1):1–27. https://doi.org/10.1080/00472336.2012.730892 . Wierzbicka J. (2020). Postmemory of the Holocaust in modern research. Papers in Literature , 8 . https://doi.org/10.31648/10.31648/pl.5667 Williams B. (2017). Excess of Love - An Oral History of the Kachin Independence Organization [Master Thesis, Williams College]. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/372658288_Excess_of_love Wiseman H, Metzl E, Barber JP. Anger, guilt, and intergenerational communication of trauma in the interpersonal narratives of second-generation Holocaust survivors. Am J Orthopsychiatry. 2006;76(2):176–84. Yehuda R, Lehrner A. Intergenerational transmission of trauma effects: Putative role of epigenetic mechanisms. World Psychiatry. 2018;17(3):243–57. https://doi.org/10.1002/wps.20568 . Additional Declarations No competing interests reported. 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10:03:36","extension":"docx","order_by":1,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"supplement","size":16726,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"APPENDIXA.docx","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7965109/v1/13c93e75c2d7a898ee40877b.docx"}],"financialInterests":"No competing interests reported.","formattedTitle":"Intergenerational Trauma and Collective Identity among the Jinghpaw: A Qualitative Exploration","fulltext":[{"header":"Background","content":"\u003cp\u003eMyanmar is a multiethnic country marked by rich cultural diversity as well as decades of political instability and protracted armed conflict. The Kachin comprise six primary tribes, with the Jinghpaw being the largest and most politically influential (Walton, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR36\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e; Ferguson, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e; Pelletier, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). Known as \u0026ldquo;Kachin\u0026rdquo; in Myanmar, \u0026ldquo;Jingpo\u0026rdquo; in China, and \u0026ldquo;Singpo\u0026rdquo; in India, the Jinghpaw possess a cultural heritage deeply tied to history and territory. Historical accounts trace their migration from the southern Tibetan Plateau more than 1,500 years ago to settlements along the Burma border, drawn in part by jade mining regions (Shyam, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), with its military wing Kachin Independence Army (KIA), emerged during the late colonial/early post-independence era as a political expression of Kachin self-determination in 1961 (Hedstroem \u0026amp; Olivius, 2021). Although a ceasefire in 1994 temporarily reduced hostilities, renewed conflict since 2011 has resulted in mass displacement, civilian casualties, and widespread human rights violations (Krause \u0026amp; Kamler, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR21\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). The consequences of this protracted conflict extend far beyond physical harm: populations exposed to chronic violence, displacement, and trauma face heightened risks of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and related mental health problems. In low-resource settings, trauma is increasingly recognized as a major contributor to morbidity and mortality (Kienzler, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR20\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e; Richard et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR29\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eScholars conceptualize intergenerational trauma as comprising three interrelated categories: traumatic image, structural trauma, and historical trauma (Meek, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e). Traumatic image refers to the immediate psychological and physical wounds; structural trauma captures the delayed emotional recognition of such events; and historical trauma involves the long-term disruptions of identity and belonging that require continuous processing across generations. Empirical research has shown that parents\u0026rsquo; exposure to community violence can intensify psychological distress and increase the risk of aggressive or neglectful parenting behaviors (Auerhahn \u0026amp; Laub, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR3\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1998\u003c/span\u003e; Chen \u0026amp; Lee, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e; Khamis, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR19\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e). Mechanisms of transmission include both biological and psychosocial pathways. Epigenetic alterations in stress response systems, particularly cortisol dysregulation, heighten children\u0026rsquo;s vulnerability to anxiety (Yehuda \u0026amp; Lehrner, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR40\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). Psychosocial mechanisms involve harsh or inconsistent parenting (Oztuk, 2022) an what has been termed a \u0026ldquo;conspiracy of silence\u0026rdquo; (Wiseman et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR39\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e), where parents avoid discussing traumatic experiences, inadvertently transmitting unprocessed distress to their children.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eFrom a psychoanalytic perspective, trauma is passed down through unconscious emotional processes (Salberg, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR30\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). Different family models illustrate how war-related trauma shapes parenting and emotional availability (Palosaari et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR27\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e; Wierzbicka, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR37\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). Victim families perpetuate fear and helplessness, fighter families emphasize resilience but dismiss emotional vulnerability, numb families suppress emotions entirely, and \u0026ldquo;those who made it\u0026rdquo; families prioritize personal ambition over emotional needs. Viewed through a lens of Family System Theory, these patterns commonly manifest as emotional cutoff, triangulation, and constrained differentiation of self (Gehart, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e; Gehart, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR15\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e). Over time, these systemic disruptions shape the identities and emotional worlds of younger generations.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAlongside trauma, collective identity plays a crucial role in sustaining cultural resilience. Its key components include self-categorization, evaluation, attachment and interdependence, social embeddedness, behavioral involvement, and shared content and meaning (Ashmore et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2004\u003c/span\u003e). Through shared rituals, family narratives, commemorations, and cultural symbols, communities preserve collective memory, strengthen emotional bonds, and build solidarity (David \u0026amp; Bar-Tal, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e). Historical examples, from nationalist mobilization during the Northern Ireland Troubles to silent protests by the Women in Black movement demonstrate how shared identity can transform collective grief into political and social agency (Bilić, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e; Stouraitis, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). Social identity theory and Self-categorization theory explain how individuals perceive their suffering as part of a broader communal story to mobilize collective healing and action (Turner, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR34\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1975\u003c/span\u003e; Oakes \u0026amp; Turner, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR25\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1980\u003c/span\u003e; Van Lange et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR35\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eWhile much research has documented the psychological impacts of war, recent studies increasingly highlight resilience and culturally grounded coping mechanisms within conflict-affected communities (Averianova \u0026amp; Voropaieva, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e; Akimova et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e). Resilience operates at multiple levels: individual, community, and societal (Marciano et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). One widely applied framework is the Circle of Courage model, which identifies belonging, mastery, independence, and generosity as pillars of resilience (Brendtro et al., 2009; Brokenleg, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e). These principles resonate strongly in Indigenous and war-affected communities, where resilience is cultivated through religious gatherings, traditional ceremonies, kinship networks, and collective support systems.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDespite a long history of armed conflict, the Jinghpaw have maintained a strong sense of collective identity (Williams, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR38\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e). However, it remains unclear how decades of sustained traumatic experiences have affected the preservation, reshaping, or fragmentation of this identity. The Jinghpaw remain largely underrepresented in trauma research, particularly regarding the intergenerational transmission of trauma and its impact on collective identity. Understanding these dynamics is essential to address both individual psychological outcomes and broader communal resilience. This study addressed these gaps by examining how intergenerational trauma shapes collective identity among the Jinghpaw people. It aims to inform the development of a culturally sensitive questionnaire to assess intergenerational trauma severity and collective identity themes. This tool will assist mental health practitioners in providing ethical, culturally grounded interventions. At the community level, the study seeks to empower the Jinghpaw people to better understand the psychological inheritance of trauma, preserve collective memory, strengthen emotional solidarity, and interrupt cycles of trauma transmission across generations.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Methods","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe participants in this study were Jinghpaw individuals aged 18 years and older. The initial plan was to include 12 participants, drawn from 4 families with 3 generations represented in each. During data collection, the sample was broadened to include 8 families in total, 4 from IDP backgrounds and 4 from non-IDP backgrounds. However, 2 families of the non-IDP were not included in the final analysis because one or more family members declined to participate. The final sample, therefore, consisted of 6 families, including 4 from IDP backgrounds and 2 from non-IDP backgrounds, with a total of 18 participants. Among these, 4 were male and 14 were female counterparts.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec3\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eParticipant Profile\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eTo protect confidentiality while maintaining clarity of generational perspectives, participants are referred to using a family-generation coding system. For example:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cul\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eF1G1\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;Family 1, Generation 1 (grandparent)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eF1G2\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;Family 1, Generation 2 (parent)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eF1G3\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;Family 1, Generation 3 (child)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/ul\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe instrument used for data collection was ten in-depth interview guides. The interview guide was developed specifically for this study, drawing on existing trauma and intergenerational trauma literature, including Auerhahn \u0026amp; Laub\u0026rsquo;s (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR3\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1998\u003c/span\u003e) work on intergenerational memory, Maxwell\u0026rsquo;s (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e) critique of trans-generational trauma theory, and Yehuda \u0026amp; Lehrner\u0026rsquo;s (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR40\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e) framework on trauma transmission, as well as collective identity scholarship such as Ashmore et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2004\u003c/span\u003e) and David \u0026amp; Bar-Tal (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e). These sources informed the design of questions exploring trauma experiences, family narratives, and the shaping of collective identity among the Jinghpaw/Kachin community (Appendix A). Data from the interviews were analyzed using Braun and Clarke\u0026rsquo;s (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e) six-phase thematic analysis framework, which offers a systematic and flexible approach to identifying and interpreting themes within qualitative data (Howitt, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR17\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Results","content":"\u003cp\u003eTwo major themes for factors contributing to Intergenerational Trauma are War-Related Trauma and Family-Related Trauma. Two major themes for the influences of intergenerational trauma on collective identity are Collective Memory and Emotional Solidarity.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eWar-Related Trauma\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cdiv id=\"Sec6\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eDirect Exposure to Violence\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eFor many, the life-threatening encounters with armed groups turned daily routines into constant negotiations with fear and uncertainty. F2G1 recalled: \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; I was beaten by Burmese soldiers because of my history of working for KIA soldiers. My wife helped me hide and move to a safer place every time I was searched for by Burmese soldiers\u0026hellip;. Those moments were the hardest times in my life\u003c/em\u003e\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo; His accounts capture the personal safety depended on quick decisions, solidarity, and constant vigilance.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSome endured repeated risks and separations along the way. F3G1 described her father\u0026rsquo;s determination to protect the family while enduring hunger and hardship: \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; \u003cem\u003eI could only carry a 2 kg rice bag and some clothes. My father would drag me to run or flee from the conflict, sometimes giving me a piggyback or shoulder ride. After walking for half a day, my father prepared a temporary shelter for all of us\u0026hellip;. While my parents returned to the village to bring more food, we did not know how to cook back then and were very hungry. My father taught us to use one pumpkin for one meal and split one onion into two slices for two meals, because food was scarce\u003c/em\u003e\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003ePhysical Responses\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSome participants described how fleeing repeatedly over the years weakened their bodies and led to chronic illnesses later in life. For instance, F3G1 shared her serious health conditions: \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; \u003cem\u003eyears of fleeing led to serious osteoarthritis and leg numbness\u003c/em\u003e\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo; Similarly, F4G2 recounted the physical toll of exposure to the elements while fleeing for safety: \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; \u003cem\u003eI had to flee to the mountains and streams from a young age. Once, I had to stay in water for a long period, which may have caused sickness later. Running in the rain during shootings weakened my immune system. We often had no proper roof or food overnight\u003c/em\u003e\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo; These memories highlight how constant physical strain and inadequate shelter created health vulnerabilities that persisted across the lifespan.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eParticipants also spoke about deteriorating health after displacement into IDP camps, where reliance on low-quality food. F3G2 reflected on this transition: \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; \u003cem\u003eprior to the camp, we ate organic food and were healthy. In the camp, reliance on instant food led to back pain, liver stones, cervical issues, high blood pressure, diabetes, and other illnesses\u003c/em\u003e\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec8\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eEmotional and Psychological Responses\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eBeyond the physical devastation of war, participants described the deep emotional and psychological scars carried across generations within the Jinghpaw community.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eOne of the most recurring themes was grief over lost family members who died or disappeared because of the conflict. For example, F1G1 recalled losing her father in a sudden act of violence that marked her childhood permanently: \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip;\u003cem\u003ewhile my father was sitting in the house, Burmese soldiers came in asking for a cup of tea. At the same time, KIA soldiers arrived. When they saw each other, they started shooting. My father was shot and died on the spot. I still vividly remember that scene\u003c/em\u003e\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo; For many parents, the death of a child was especially devastating. F1G2, who lost her son while fleeing violence, explained how grief still lingers decades later: \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; \u003cem\u003ewhile fleeing, I lost my second son. He was only 3 years old\u0026hellip; I cannot bear to see boys the same age as my son. I cry a lot, and I feel grief, resentment, and out of control. I have many \u0026lsquo;what if\u0026rsquo; thoughts, even after 14 years since my son left me\u0026hellip; If Naw Naw were alive, he would now be a second-year university student\u003c/em\u003e\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo; Similarly, F6G1, who lost her own son while he was serving in the KIA, expressed the emotional burden she continues to carry: \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; \u003cem\u003elast year, (crying) my own son died in the KIA service\u003c/em\u003e...\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eMany participants also linked emotional distress to the absence of fathers serving in the KIA. Children experienced loneliness, emotional distance, and weakened family bonds. F3G3 mourned this reality: \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; \u003cem\u003eI have grown up without a consistent father figure. If there were no conflict, and my father were not a KIA soldier, we could have lived together at home\u003c/em\u003e\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eFor some participants, ethnic discrimination deepened the psychological toll of conflict. F5G2 recalled his childhood experience of discrimination at school: \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; I experienced discrimination at school. A friend, the son of a Burmese General, told me, \u0026lsquo;We Jinghpaw are addicts, and we could be killed anytime because we are a minority.\u0026rsquo;\u0026hellip; Although this happened in my childhood, similar cases persist, for example, in 2015, a young university student was killed for no reason\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e This account reflects how conflict caused imposed psychological violence through fear, stereotyping, and marginalization, fueling cycles of insecurity and emotional distress. He continued: \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; \u003cem\u003enegatively, lifestyles were disrupted. Many people turned to drugs as a negative coping mechanism\u003c/em\u003e\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo; These coping patterns were often rooted in the constant sense of danger and injustice.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eSocioeconomic Consequences\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBeyond physical harm and emotional suffering, participants repeatedly emphasized how the civil war destroyed economic stability, educational opportunities, and social networks across generations. Many participants highlighted how basic survival itself became a daily struggle, especially after displacement into IDP camps, where farmland was abandoned and livelihoods were cut off. As F1G1 shared: \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; \u003cem\u003eno income and no farming in the IDP. Food is very limited. One day, I only had rice but nothing else for my children. I bought one egg, cooked it, fed my children, and starved myself\u003c/em\u003e\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSome families survived only through dangerous or unpredictable work. F4G1 described how her husband risked his life as a driver, traveling through conflict zones to keep the family fed: \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; \u003cem\u003emy husband worked as a driver. During the intense fighting of the 1980s, he sometimes spent a month on the road. When he was home, we had good meals; when he was away, we did not. One of our daughters shouted to the sky, \u0026lsquo;Dad, please come back home quickly; I want a good meal.\u0026rsquo;\u003c/em\u003e...\u0026rdquo; These stories reveal how economic precarity left families one crisis away from hunger, creating constant anxiety about food and survival.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAnother major consequence of the conflict was disrupted education, which participants linked directly to lost opportunities for personal and family advancement. Some expressed frustration at having to abandon schooling entirely. F4G2 shared: \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; \u003cem\u003eI never got educated and lost career opportunities until today\u003c/em\u003e\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo; Similarly, F2G2 explained: \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; \u003cem\u003ebecause of the frequent and unpredictable conflict, I had to drop out of school, and until today, I live as an uneducated individual, which I think is unfair to me. If there were no war, I could be educated\u003c/em\u003e...\u0026rdquo; For many, this lack of education reinforced cycles of poverty and diminished confidence when interacting with better-educated people outside conflict-affected areas.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eParticipants described how displacement eroded social connections and confidence, leaving people isolated and withdrawn. F3G2 shared how insecurity limited her social participation: \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip;\u003cem\u003eI avoided social events, even my relatives\u0026rsquo; wedding in Yangon, because I felt uncomfortable\u003c/em\u003e\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eFamily-Related Trauma\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cdiv id=\"Sec11\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eParenting Style\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eF1G2 explained that older generations were influenced by traditional Gumchying Gumsa (regional ruling) leadership and treated their grandchildren \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip;my husband became a KIA soldier because his father ordered him to ten years ago, and he [husband] died in the battle in 2023\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e She added, \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip;after becoming a KIA soldier, my husband\u0026rsquo;s parenting is very similar to his father\u0026rsquo;s style \u0026ndash; strict, giving orders, not allowing complaints \u0026ndash; don\u0026rsquo;t do, don\u0026rsquo;t go, don\u0026rsquo;t eat, don\u0026rsquo;t drink\u0026hellip;.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e She described this as \u0026ldquo;one-way teaching\u0026rdquo; that left little room for dialogue.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eFear-based parenting also surfaced as a recurring theme. F2G3 recalled: \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip;my parents never let me go far, even to Myitkyina\u0026hellip;. They always made me scared of going somewhere, keeping me in alert mode all the time, which is very tiring. Over time, I unconsciously agreed to their demands and accepted them as my own\u0026hellip;.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e Such approaches limited children\u0026rsquo;s independence and eroded their self-esteem.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e Participants also emphasized how conflict shaped parents\u0026rsquo; ability to express affection. F5G2 reflected on this dynamic, acknowledging the roots of his parents\u0026rsquo; distant style, \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip;my parents had a very difficult upbringing\u0026hellip;. My parents never experienced emotional closeness or love from their own parents. So, they genuinely believe we will grow up fine on our own and that we are no longer their responsibility. However, they still expect me to achieve more than they did. They always feel it\u0026rsquo;s not enough of my effort\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e He added that although this was hard to accept as a child, he now recognizes it as a survival-based form of love.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe lack of open communication within families was another recurring concern. F2G3 explained: \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; my father is a soldier, and my mother is a community volunteer. I know a story of how we got displaced to the camp and how my mother was struggling because my father could not be helpful due to his duty; however, at home, we never talked about this matter\u0026hellip; This makes me feel more emotionally distant\u0026hellip;.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec12\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eCoping and Survival Mechanisms\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eMany participants shared their practice in the current conflict situation. F1G3 stated, \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; \u003cem\u003emy mother taught me to keep a baby quiet when hiding from the troops. Otherwise, the soldiers could detect the location, and I would be left alone. So, I make sure my one-year-old baby doesn't cry when fleeing\u003c/em\u003e\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo; Similarly, F3G1 stated, \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; \u003cem\u003eto save the food while displacement in the forest, we bury chickens underground to prevent noise and avoid detection by Burmese soldiers\u003c/em\u003e\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eFor some participants, the act of coping was directly tied to food and survival, revealing how fear of hunger intertwined with fear of violence. F1G3 described how this mindset has stayed with her long after the immediate danger passed, \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; my parents used to tell me not to let myself die in hunger. In storms, floods, or conflict, no matter what, one must be full. So, whenever I hear the noise of airplanes or shooting, I immediately look for food because I do not want to die hungry...\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e Her words show how the trauma of war reshaped daily priorities into an enduring survival mechanism.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eCoping strategies also became routine, woven into daily household practices. F3G2 shared how she manages uncertainty by constantly preparing for potential emergencies, \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; I always cook extra food as if there might be an emergency. Even if there is no shooting, I prepare food for more people than needed. I keep an emergency bag ready with candles and a lighter, wear long pants while sleeping, and keep jumpers nearby, and I\u0026rsquo;ve taught my 8-year-old daughter to do the same.\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e This account illustrates how survival practices are passed down as ordinary behaviors, where preparation itself becomes a coping mechanism.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec13\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eCollective Memory\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec14\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eSilence and Storytelling Across Generations\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eSome participants explained why they chose to withhold stories. They felt that constantly revisiting painful memories might perpetuate trauma rather than prevent it. For instance, one mother, F1G3, expressed this protective instinct clearly: \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; \u003cem\u003eI will share my experiences with younger generations only when necessary. These are unpleasant experiences, and I would prefer they not know them unless required. I hope that in my children\u0026rsquo;s time, there will be no more war, and they can live happily without needing to hear about these experiences\u003c/em\u003e...\u0026rdquo; Her words show how memory can become both a legacy and a burden, requiring older generations to weigh the value of preserving history against the emotional cost of doing so.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eOthers, however, saw storytelling as essential for teaching lessons of survival, resilience, and identity. F3G1 emphasized this belief: \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; \u003cem\u003eI share experiences for younger ones to have lessons learned.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e Similarly, F3G2 explained how her grandmother\u0026rsquo;s wartime memories gained deeper meaning once she herself endured similar conflict: \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; my grandmother shared stories about hiding from Japanese airplanes. At the time, I found them both funny and sad; now, experiencing similar dangers, I truly understand her feelings. I intend to pass this knowledge to future generations by emphasizing our shared history and lessons\u003c/em\u003e\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo; These accounts show that the meaning of stories often shifted over time as what once felt like distant tales became urgent lessons when conflict touched later generations directly.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec15\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eFaith, Fear, and Everyday Caution\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eOne participant, F4G1, recalled how religious identity shifted amid war and displacement: \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; \u003cem\u003eI proposed to my grandfather to become a Christian, but he forbade it, saying my father was the first to advocate Christianity and the villagers had already trusted in God. When conflict began, priests could not come, so people returned to praying to spirits for safety and health. So, my grandfather was very ashamed of his son\u0026rsquo;s initiative\u0026hellip; Eventually, I became a Christian with the help of church leaders\u003c/em\u003e\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo; Her decision to convert was shaped not only by her father\u0026rsquo;s pioneering role in advocating Christianity but also by her own involvement in missionary activities. Through these experiences, she saw Christianity as more than personal faith. It became a way to strengthen communal ties, share collective burdens, and stand with others in times of conflict.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eBeyond spiritual life, participants emphasized how fear itself became part of the collective memory that shapes daily routines, emotional responses, and even parenting practices. F4G2 reflected on how laws, curfews, and constant threats influenced the vigilance of his family: \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; \u003cem\u003ewhen I was young, I was afraid to speak Burmese because the community hated the Burmese military\u0026hellip; When I was young, a law prohibited going out at night\u0026hellip; Even now, we are under Martial Law from 8 PM to 5 AM\u003c/em\u003e\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo; These accounts illustrate how the legacy of fear lingers across generations, shaping behaviors, emotional reactions, and communal caution. Memories of curfews, airstrikes, and military restrictions became part of everyday life, leaving families to balance faith, vigilance, and survival in a world marked by uncertainty.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec16\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003ePolitical Betrayal and Ethnic Discrimination\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eAlongside memories of war, participants repeatedly described how historical political betrayals and ethnic discrimination deepened collective trauma and shaped intergenerational identity. Many traced this sense of injustice back to the Pan Lung Agreement, which was initially meant to secure ethnic equality but ultimately ended in disappointment and conflict. As F1G2 reflected: \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; \u003cem\u003ethe civil war started from the Pan Lung contract, where General Aung San lied to the ethnic groups. Our Jinghpaw people were treated unfairly by the Burmese majority; they betrayed us\u003c/em\u003e\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo; For many, this betrayal planted the seeds of distrust toward government force.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eUnfair treatment also seeped into daily life through strict and often contradictory rules. F4G1 remembered how even clothing became politicized: \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; \u003cem\u003eKIA soldiers only allowed us to wear Kachin traditional longyi. If we wore Burmese longyi, we were investigated\u003c/em\u003e\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo; But the danger shifted entirely when facing Burmese soldiers. At checkpoints, wearing Kachin clothing carried its own risks, leading some to deception as a survival strategy. F4G2 explained: \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; \u003cem\u003ewearing Kachin longyi was forbidden. If caught at checkpoints by Burmese soldiers, we were punished with physical exercises, like push-ups or squats\u003c/em\u003e\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo; For families already living with fear, these restrictions created anxiety and humiliation, especially for those who could not afford proper clothing.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eParticipants also described discrimination extending into education, employment, and cultural survival. F5G2 recalled being denied work solely because of his ethnicity: \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; \u003cem\u003eafter high school, I applied for a government position but was rejected solely due to my ethnicity. I felt this was unfair and discriminatory. Still, I knew this rejection was not unique, as many in the Jinghpaw community faced the same struggles, which gave me a sense of solidarity rather than complete isolation\u003c/em\u003e\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec17\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eEmotional Solidarity\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec18\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eFamily Legacy\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eFor many families, emotional solidarity was expressed through caregiving in times of loss and disruption. When parents were absent or families were separated by war, relatives often stepped in to rebuild a sense of stability. F3G1 recalled: \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; \u003cem\u003eafter my mother passed away, my mother\u0026rsquo;s elder sister married our father. She said it was better for her to take care of us than for strangers to step in\u003c/em\u003e\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo; Such caregiving practices created emotional anchors within families, which ensured that children continued to feel love and protection despite war-related losses.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAdopting children displaced by conflict also reflected this ethic of solidarity. F5G2 shared: \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; \u003cem\u003eI adopted my cousin\u0026rsquo;s daughter when she was in Grade 3 because her family had to flee repeatedly due to conflict in their village\u003c/em\u003e\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo; These acts of care demonstrated a communal responsibility to protect children and preserve family bonds even in the midst of instability.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eFamily legacy also carried expectations about precautionary choices in marriage and the preservation of cultural identity. Older generations emphasized the risks of interethnic unions, linking marriage decisions to both personal safety and cultural survival. As F1G1 shared, \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; \u003cem\u003emy mother told me not to marry other ethnicities, especially Burmese. If a Jinghpaw girl married a Burmese boy, he could be killed (accused as a spy) and the girl would become a widow at a young age\u003c/em\u003e\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec19\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eIntergenerational Resilience\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eMany participants framed war experiences as a collective story of suffering and resilience. F1G2 described: \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; \u003cem\u003eI try to remind myself that I am not the only one suffering loss; my relatives, neighbors, and community members have also made sacrifices during this conflict. Thinking this way helps me feel less pain\u003c/em\u003e\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo; This perspective reveals how family narratives fostered empathy and resilience that helped younger generations to find strength in shared struggles rather than isolation.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eImportantly, participants emphasized that resilience did not mean passing on anger or hatred toward future generations. Instead, they sought to teach justice, dignity, and moral responsibility rather than revenge. F3G2 explained: \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; \u003cem\u003ealthough the conflict is between the Burmese and the Kachin, I do not teach this to instill hatred toward the Burmese people. Instead, I want our children to understand injustice, discrimination, and the struggle of minor ethnicities in Myanmar\u003c/em\u003e\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo; This approach reflects an intentional effort to break cycles of intergenerational hostility, transforming suffering into a commitment to fairness and human dignity.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec20\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eCommunity Service and Responsibility\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eCommunity service emerged as a means of expressing collective identity among the Jinghpaw people. Volunteering itself became a way of honoring cultural traditions and identity. F6G1 explained: \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; \u003cem\u003eI felt proud when I served as a volunteer teacher in the KIA missionary school. I was specially requested to volunteer, and I happily accepted, moving to the missionary place\u003c/em\u003e\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eCommunity service became a way to protect cultural values and maintain traditional systems of problem-solving. F2G2 explained how the Jinghpaw community relied on customary justice rather than external institutions: \u0026ldquo;... \u003cem\u003ewhen there is a problem in the community, we don\u0026rsquo;t need to go to court, we have our own traditional court to solve problems. We all follow the decision of the traditional leaders out of respect for our culture and traditions. Because of this practice, our community is more united\u003c/em\u003e\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo; Such practices reinforced cultural autonomy and collective decision-making even under political and social constraints.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec21\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eCultural Pride and Identity Preservation\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eCultural pride emerged across participants\u0026rsquo; experiences, revealing how the Jinghpaw people preserved, celebrated, and adapted their traditions, values, and identity amid displacement, loss, and political marginalization. For many, spirituality was closely intertwined with cultural pride. F5G2 reflected: \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; \u003cem\u003ewe are a population selected by God, and we have to protect our people and build a new nation\u003c/em\u003e\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo; Similarly, F1G1 reflected on how living in the IDP camp deepened this sense of spiritual connection: \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; \u003cem\u003eI realized that staying in the IDP is a reminder from God for our people to trust Him and endure struggles together with Him\u003c/em\u003e\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo; Cultural pride was also tied to feelings of safety and respect within and beyond the Jinghpaw community. F4G3 emphasized this interethnic dimension: \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; \u003cem\u003ewhenever I see a Jinghpaw person in a large group, I feel safe and connected. Other ethnicities sometimes adopt Jinghpaw family names and practices out of respect for our culture\u003c/em\u003e\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo; This sense of pride, therefore, was not inward-looking but also shaped how the Jinghpaw related to other ethnic groups and envisioned cultural continuity across generations. Moreover, F3G1 continued: \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; \u003cem\u003ewearing traditional clothing, speaking our language, and being with my community are my ways of showing love for the Jinghpaw. These practices stem from both my religious background and tribal traditions\u003c/em\u003e\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe Manau Festival emerged as a central symbol of cultural pride and solidarity. F4G1 described its significance: \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; \u003cem\u003eI enjoy celebrating the Manau festival every year. Even though I am not a good dancer, I always participate and try to dance. I am proud of our culture and traditions\u003c/em\u003e\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo; Such practices reflected a cultural continuity that survived even as political and military upheavals disrupted daily life.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec22\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003ePolitical Pride and Shared Struggle\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eMany participants spoke of unity as central to both survival and the political dream of independence. F1G1 expressed this belief simply but powerfully: \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; \u003cem\u003eas long as we are together, we can achieve everything\u003c/em\u003e\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eParticipants repeatedly described KIA-controlled areas as symbols of safety. F4G2 expressed this clearly: \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; \u003cem\u003eI feel safe to travel around KIA-controlled areas rather than government-controlled areas. I hope for peace and safe travel one day [nationwide]\u003c/em\u003e\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eFor others, political pride was tied to daily acts of responsibility. F5G1 summarized this sense of duty: \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; \u003cem\u003ebeing born in conflict areas means endless responsibility to contribute to the community\u003c/em\u003e\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo; Service was also framed as a shared sacrifice for the community\u0026rsquo;s survival, especially among families of KIA soldiers. F3G2 described the emotional cost of her husband\u0026rsquo;s absence: \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; \u003cem\u003emy husband is a KIA soldier, so he was absent when I gave birth to our first daughter. I felt very lonely and sad, but I accepted it because he was serving the people, and I viewed our sacrifice as part of our shared duty\u003c/em\u003e...\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eNot all memories of political struggle were rooted only in suffering; for some, the Spring Revolution of 2021 reignited hope for collective change. F4G3 reflected on this turning point: \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; \u003cem\u003eI support the current 2021 Spring Revolution because we have suffered enough\u0026hellip; I feel hopeful about the new nation that could emerge. This Spring Revolution is special because everyone is involved\u0026hellip; I believe change will happen\u0026hellip; a new nation will be built with motivation, creativity, and collective effort\u003c/em\u003e\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo; Meanwhile, F1G2 emphasized that the political struggle carried expectations for future generations: \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; \u003cem\u003eI want my children to continue the fight for our rights and self-determination, ending the suffering our people face. I trust them to create a future without war, where our people can live happily\u003c/em\u003e\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo; Across these narratives, political pride emerged as both a burden and a source of strength, as a commitment to survival, justice, and self-determination passed down through generations. It was not only about resisting oppression but also about imagining a future where decades of sacrifice would lead to peace, dignity, and independence for the Jinghpaw people.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec23\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eReflexive Reflections\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eAt the outset, the researcher approached this study with motivations that were not only academic but also deeply personal. Having grown up in a family shaped by decades of war experiences and ongoing insecurity in Kachin State, the researcher carried an underlying curiosity about whether prolonged exposure to conflict shaped behaviors, emotional responses, and family dynamics in ways that continued across generations.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eInitially, the researcher assumed that families affected by decades of war would remain trapped in cycles of trauma, continuously reliving painful memories. However, as the study progressed, it became clear that while trauma was deeply rooted, resilience and communal solidarity were equally strong. Families bore the scars of loss and displacement, yet they also displayed determination, faith, and moral responsibility that exceeded the researcher\u0026rsquo;s expectations. At the same time, the study illuminated how collective identity shapes values of communal care and responsibility, which is grounded in shared survival and moral obligation.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Discussion","content":"\u003cp\u003eFindings from this study revealed that intergenerational trauma among the Jinghpaw people extends beyond the boundaries of a clinical syndrome and instead becomes embedded within family routines, communal behaviors, and cultural norms shaped by prolonged conflict. \u003cem\u003eDirect exposure to violence\u003c/em\u003e is not just a historical event. It defines the emotional and moral landscape that future generations will inherit. \u003cem\u003eThe physical and psychological manifestations of trauma\u003c/em\u003e, like many Indigenous and conflict-affected groups worldwide (Maxwell, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e; Cai \u0026amp; Lee, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e), the Jinghpaw rarely label these experiences as \u0026ldquo;trauma.\u0026rdquo; Suffering was normalized as a collective destiny rather than an individualized pathology because survival imperatives left little space for mental health conceptualization or care.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eGenerational contrasts in this study revealed how intergenerational trauma was experienced, interpreted, and transmitted differently across time. For Generation One (G1), intergenerational trauma was defined primarily by direct and lifelong exposure to war-related violence, forced displacement, and loss of family members, homes, and livelihoods. Generation Two (G2) occupied an intermediary position, both witnessing their parents\u0026rsquo; struggles and enduring conflict themselves. Growing up under G1\u0026rsquo;s survival-oriented parenting, they adapted by consciously trying to protect their children from similar emotional burdens. This pattern mirrors what intergenerational trauma studies describe as \u0026ldquo;buffer generations\u0026rdquo; (Daud et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2005\u003c/span\u003e; Oztuk, 2022). For Generation Three (G3), trauma was less about direct exposure to violence and more about emotional deprivation, disrupted attachments, and unmet psychological needs. Among the Jinghpaw, substance abuse, school dropout, and strained relationships emerged as manifestations of these unmet emotional needs. While G3 inherited resilience knowledge from older generations, they sought emotional closeness and psychological healing, signaling a generational shift from survival-focused coping toward relational and emotional well-being. Moreover, family-level narratives demonstrate that intergenerational trauma in conflict-affected communities is neither uniform nor static. Instead, it is mediated by family-specific histories, caregiving roles, political positioning, and coping mechanisms that range from silence and avoidance to resilience, activism, and moral reinterpretation of suffering.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eLong before the outbreak of prolonged civil war, the Jinghpaw\u0026rsquo;s clan-based social structures, Christian moral frameworks, and communal traditions had already cultivated a deeply collective orientation (Jaquet, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e). Practices such as caring for widowed in-laws, preserving ancestral family names, and mobilizing resources during hardship created a culture where the well-being of the community consistently outweighed individual needs. This pre-existing collective ethos meant that collective identity was not invented by war. Rather, civil conflict intensified and politicized what was already a culturally embedded sense of belonging. To indicate \u003cem\u003ethe political pride\u003c/em\u003e among the Jinghpaw, war-linked suffering carried political meaning. It became inseparable from the struggle for Kachin autonomy and independence, signaling how trauma shaped not only psychological responses but also political consciousness and collective memory across generations. Participants often described KIA-controlled areas not only as military strongholds but also as territorial and cultural sanctuaries where people felt protected, united, and morally anchored (The Irrawaddy, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). Across generations, participants expressed the conviction that present suffering was borne so that \u0026ldquo;one day\u0026rdquo; future generations might live free from oppression.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Conclusion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe multiple contributing factors that link the civil war to intergenerational trauma are prolonged exposure to violence, loss of family members, forced displacement, ethnic discrimination, economic deprivation, and the disruption of education and religious life. These conditions fundamentally altered family structures and caregiving practices, with trauma transmitted across generations through authoritative, fear-based, and survival-oriented parenting styles. These were further reinforced by coping mechanisms such as emotional restraint, hypervigilance, moralized endurance, and an emphasis on obedience and self-sacrifice. While these strategies constrained emotional openness and interpersonal warmth, they enabled families to adapt to prolonged insecurity, maintain social order, and protect future generations from perceived threats. They deepened the pre-existing collective orientation rooted in kinship ties, Christian spirituality, cultural rituals, and communal resilience practices. Rather than being experienced solely as private suffering, for the Jinghpaw people, trauma became embedded in the community\u0026rsquo;s collective consciousness, informing shared values, cultural practices, and moral responsibilities. This transformation of pain into purpose ensured that trauma was framed as both a historical burden and a moral mandate, linking past sacrifices to visions of liberation and future security for generations to come.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eEthical approval and consent for participation\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;This study was conducted in accordance with the Helsinki Declaration as approved by the Institutional Review Board of Assumption University of Thailand (Approval No. 00060-2024). All participants were informed about the purpose of the study, their voluntary participation, and the confidentiality of their information. Verbal informed consent was obtained from all participants prior to data collection.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eConsent for publication\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;Not applicable.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eCompeting interests\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;The authors declare that they have no competing interests.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eFunding\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;This research did not receive any specific grant from funding agencies in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors. The first author is supported by a church-based scholarship organization.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAuthors’ contributions\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;Manam Ja Seng Ing (MJSI) conceptualized and conducted the study, analyzed the data, and prepared the manuscript under the supervision of Dr. Davud Shahidi (DS). Both authors read and approved the final manuscript.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eData availability\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;The datasets generated and analyzed during the current study are not publicly available due to participant confidentiality but are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eClinical trial registration\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;Clinical trial number: Not applicable.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAcknowledgements\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;The authors wish to express heartfelt gratitude to the participants who generously shared their experiences and to the church-based organization that provided financial support for the author’s academic journey. 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World Psychiatry. 2018;17(3):243\u0026ndash;57. \u003cspan class=\"ExternalRef\"\u003e\u003cspan class=\"RefSource\"\u003ehttps://doi.org/10.1002/wps.20568\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan address=\"10.1002/wps.20568\" targettype=\"DOI\" class=\"RefTarget\"\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":false,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"bmc-psychology","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"psyo","sideBox":"Learn more about [BMC Psychology](http://bmcpsychology.biomedcentral.com/)","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"","title":"BMC Psychology","twitterHandle":"BMC_series","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":true,"editorialSystem":"stoa","reportingPortfolio":"BMC Series","inReviewEnabled":true,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"Intergenerational Trauma, Collective Identity, Jinghpaw, Kachin, Myanmar","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7965109/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-7965109/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eThe purpose of this study was to explore how decades of civil war in Kachin State, Myanmar, contributed to intergenerational trauma among the Jinghpaw people and to explore how this trauma shaped their collective identity across generations. Drawing upon Family Systems Theory, Cultural Trauma Theory, Social Identity Theory, and Self-Categorization Theory, the study conceptualized trauma as both a psychological and socio-cultural phenomenon transmitted within families and communities rather than as an individual clinical experience alone. A qualitative, multi-generational design was employed, involving 18 participants across six families, drawn from both internally displaced persons (IDP) and non-IDP contexts. Findings revealed that intergenerational trauma among the Jinghpaw people was transmitted primarily through authoritative, fear-based, and survival-oriented parenting styles reinforced by coping mechanisms such as emotional restraint, hypervigilance, moralized endurance, and silence. These strategies limited emotional openness but enabled families to adapt to prolonged insecurity, maintain moral order, and protect future generations from perceived threats. They deepened the pre-existing collective orientation rooted in kinship, spirituality, cultural rituals, and communal resilience practices. The study further demonstrated that war-related suffering was not only endured but also interpreted as part of a broader narrative of cultural survival, political struggle, and communal solidarity. Collective memory and spiritual and cultural pride emerged as significant forces sustaining identity under conditions of displacement and marginalization. Most notably, political pride became the most enduring legacy of intergenerational trauma, as families across generations reframed their suffering as moral and political testimony to the Kachin struggle for autonomy, dignity, and cultural survival.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"Intergenerational Trauma and Collective Identity among the Jinghpaw: A Qualitative Exploration","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2025-12-08 09:50:44","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7965109/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0},{"type":"decision","content":"Revision requested","date":"2026-01-27T09:04:05+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorInvitedReview","content":"","date":"2026-01-25T18:41:28+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"179946746213475641820475708434380064339","date":"2025-12-08T03:44:10+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorInvitedReview","content":"","date":"2025-12-04T07:37:58+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"18338797910995703810206696278223046382","date":"2025-12-04T06:32:48+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewersInvited","content":"","date":"2025-12-04T04:56:17+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorAssigned","content":"","date":"2025-12-04T04:41:03+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorInvited","content":"","date":"2025-11-18T16:36:16+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"checksComplete","content":"","date":"2025-11-16T11:23:16+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"submitted","content":"BMC Psychology","date":"2025-11-16T11:20:15+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"bmc-psychology","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"psyo","sideBox":"Learn more about [BMC Psychology](http://bmcpsychology.biomedcentral.com/)","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"","title":"BMC Psychology","twitterHandle":"BMC_series","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":true,"editorialSystem":"stoa","reportingPortfolio":"BMC Series","inReviewEnabled":true,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"f1bf1a4c-e153-4c37-b553-d81375609dea","owner":[],"postedDate":"December 8th, 2025","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"under-review","subjectAreas":[],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2026-02-19T00:08:13+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2025-12-08 09:50:44","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-7965109","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-7965109","identity":"rs-7965109","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"8U1c8b4HqxoKbykW_rLl7","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}