Lydiate is our home of last resort: Perceptions of place among the poverty-stricken, infirm and invalid migrants in an informal settlement in Zimbabwe

Lydiate is our home of last resort: Perceptions of place among the poverty-stricken, infirm and invalid migrants in an informal settlement in Zimbabwe | Research Square window.SnipcartSettings = { analytics: { enabled: false } }; (function() { var accessVector = localStorage.getItem('access_vector') || ''; window.dataLayer = window.dataLayer || []; if (accessVector) { window.dataLayer.push({ user: { profile: { profileInfo: { snid: accessVector } } } }); } })(); (function(w,d,s,l,i){w[l]=w[l]||[];w[l].push({'gtm.start':new Date().getTime(),event:'gtm.js'});var f=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],j=d.createElement(s),dl=l!='dataLayer'?'&l='+l:'';j.async=true;j.src='https://www.googletagmanager.com/gtm.js?id='+i+dl;f.parentNode.insertBefore(j,f);})(window,document,'script','dataLayer','GTM-K279D39R'); Browse Preprints In Review Journals COVID-19 Preprints AJE Video Bytes Research Tools Research Promotion AJE Professional Editing AJE Rubriq About Preprint Platform In Review Editorial Policies Our Team Advisory Board Help Center Sign In Submit a Preprint Cite Share Download PDF Research Article Lydiate is our home of last resort: Perceptions of place among the poverty-stricken, infirm and invalid migrants in an informal settlement in Zimbabwe Johannes Bhanye This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-6112780/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Published Journal Publication published 17 Jul, 2025 Read the published version in Discover Sustainability → Version 1 posted 9 You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract This paper examines the concept of "home" among (Lydiatians) – Malawian descendants staying in Lydiate informal settlement in Zimbabwe, focusing on its most vulnerable residents: the infirm, invalid, and impoverished migrants. Using a qualitative ethnographic approach, this study probes how socio-economic and health-related challenges profoundly shape these migrants' perceptions of home. Contrary to traditional views in diaspora and migration studies that emphasize fluid and transnational identities, findings reveal that for these individuals, home is not a haven but a "home of last resort"—as the settlement becomes the ultimate fallback, a place where they are forced to reside because other options are either unattainable or non-existent. Here home is imbued with a sense of resignation and inevitability, where personal agency and choice are markedly diminished. The constraints imposed by illness and poverty not only restrict physical movement but also curtail opportunities for improving their living conditions, thereby cementing their stay in Lydiate as permanent and unchangeable. The study challenges the conventional fluid conceptualizations of home but also highlight the static and imposed nature of home for people living under extreme constraints. The implications of these findings are significant for migration policy and urban development strategies, particularly as they align with the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) on poverty, health, well-being, and sustainable cities. The paper highlights the urgent need for targeted policies that address the specific needs of marginalized groups and recommends inclusive urban planning and migration policy reforms to support the health, welfare, and dignity of these populations. Ultimately, this research contributes to a broader discourse on migration, urban poverty, and informal settlement dynamics, stressing the critical need to understand and respond to the complex realities faced by disenfranchised communities in urban peripheries. migration diaspora home poverty health informal settlements 1. Introduction The concept of "home" within diaspora communities encapsulates a spectrum of meanings that extend beyond the traditional physical boundaries to include social, emotional, and cultural dimensions (Bhanye, 2022 ). Scholarly debates illuminate the complexity of this notion, with some researchers arguing that diasporic individuals often navigate between multiple homes, creating a dynamic and plurilocal sense of belonging (Bauböck & Faist, 2010 ; Blunt & Bonnerjee, 2019 ). Conversely, other scholars contend that certain migrants maintain a fixed and singular notion of home, particularly as they age or experience prolonged displacement from their country of origin (Bandauko et al., 2022 ; Bhanye, 2023 ; Johannes et al., 2023 ). This fixedness is often rooted in nostalgia and a yearning for the homeland that persists despite the physical and temporal distance (Brah, 2005 ; Safran, 1991 ). However, less attention has been given to how these conceptualizations manifest among the most vulnerable diasporans—those who are poverty-stricken or grappling with severe health issues. This paper presents an ethnographic study of the Malawian diaspora residing in the Lydiate informal settlement in Zimbabwe (herein referred to as Lyditians), focusing particularly on the most vulnerable segments of this community—the poverty-stricken and the infirm and invalids. Specifically, the study aims to explore the lived experiences of Lydiate’s infirm, invalid, and impoverished migrants, focusing on their perceptions of home in an informal settlement. These groups often embody a different kind of diasporic experience, one characterized not by the fluidity of identity or multiple belongings but by the constraints imposed by their socio-economic and health conditions. The core of this investigation addresses a poignant aspect often overlooked in migration studies: the experiences of those who are both economically disadvantaged and physically incapacitated – what in this study referred to as the “poverty-stricken” and the “infirm and invalid.” How do these individuals conceptualize "home" when their choices are severely constrained by their health and economic conditions? The study unveils the layers of complexity that define home for Lydiate’s infirm and invalid residents, providing a voice to those often silenced in academic and policy discourse. In this study, the “poverty stricken” refers to individuals who lack sufficient financial means to meet the basic necessities of life, often resulting in limited access to healthcare, education, and secure living conditions. The “Infirm and Invalids” includes individuals suffering from significant health issues that limit their physical abilities and opportunities for employment, thereby impacting their social integration and quality of life. Understanding these personal and collective conceptions of home has significant implications for migration policy and urban development strategies. As the world grapples with increasing migration flows and urban sprawl, particularly in developing countries, insights from this study are crucial for formulating policies that are not only inclusive but also supportive of the most vulnerable segments of migrant populations. Furthermore, this research aligns with the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), particularly SDG 1 (No Poverty), Goal 11 (Sustainable Cities and Communities) and Goal 3 (Good Health and Well-being), by highlighting the need for urban systems that eliminate poverty, and cater to the health and welfare of all residents, regardless of their migrant status. Thus, this paper contributes to the broader discourse on migration, health, and urbanization by delving into the lived experiences of the Malawian diaspora in Zimbabwe, thereby offering a better understanding of home that challenges traditional paradigms and informs future policy interventions. 2. Literature Review 2.1 Conceptualization of Diaspora Home The diaspora's conceptualization of "home" has been a central theme in migration studies, explored through various disciplinary lenses that highlights its complexity and multifaceted nature. The traditional understanding of home as a fixed, geographically bounded space has been challenged and expanded to include multiple locales and layers of meaning that encompass emotional, cultural, and political dimensions (Brah, 2005 ; Safran, 1991 ). Scholars like Avtar Brah ( 2005 ) and William Safran ( 1991 ) have significantly influenced the theoretical underpinnings of diaspora studies. Brah's notion of "diaspora space" as the intersection of diaspora, border, and dis/location is critical in understanding the complex negotiations of identity and belonging (Brah, 2005 ). This perspective is useful in examining how diaspora communities, such as the Malawian migrants in Zimbabwe, navigate their "homes" within overlapping boundaries of culture, memory, and geography. Safran ( 1991 ) extends this dialogue by defining the diaspora experience through key characteristics such as collective memory and myth about the homeland, alienation in the host country, and the idealization of the supposed ancestral home. This framework helps elucidate the nostalgic elements often present in diasporic communities' conceptualizations of home (Safran, 1991 ). The concept of plurilocal homes is central in the works of scholars like Nina Glick Schiller and George Fouron, who argue that diasporans maintain simultaneous linkages with their countries of origin and settlement (Glick Schiller et al., 1995). This transnational perspective highlights the fluidity of home for diaspora populations, who engage with their homelands through frequent travels, remittances, and communication technologies, thus challenging the notion of home as singular and static. The emotional and symbolic dimensions of home are explored in depth by scholars such as Karen Fog Olwig (2003), who contends that the feelings of belonging and community are as significant as physical locality in defining home. Olwig's analysis of Caribbean migrants shows that home is often a symbol of personal and collective identity that is recreated in everyday practices and through social networks in diaspora (Olwig, 2003). Less explored in the literature is the concept of home from the perspective of vulnerable populations within the diaspora. Studies that do focus on this aspect, such as work by Cecilia Menjívar ( 2000 ), provide insights into how structural forces like legal status and socio-economic conditions shape the migrant experiences of home and belonging. Menjívar’s study on Central American migrants in the United States illustrates how precarious legal statuses transform the traditional concepts of home into spaces of vulnerability and insecurity (Menjívar, 2000 ). Despite the rich discourse on diaspora and home, there remains a gap in understanding how these concepts are experienced by the most marginalized—specifically, the poor, infirm, and invalid migrants in informal settlements like Lydiate. This paper seeks to fill this gap by exploring how these migrants, constrained not only by their transnational experiences but also by their immediate physical and economic conditions, construct their notions of home. 2.2 Infirm, Invalids, and Poverty-Stricken Migrants in Informal Settlements The lived experiences of infirm, invalid, and economically disadvantaged migrants in informal settlements have been the subject of scholarly attention, albeit to a lesser extent than other aspects of diaspora and migration studies. These studies primarily examine how physical, social, and economic vulnerabilities intersect to compound the challenges faced by these groups. Research by Moser ( 1998 ) on urban poverty has highlighted that informal settlements are not just physically precarious but are also spaces where health vulnerabilities are significantly magnified. The lack of basic infrastructure, such as clean water and sanitation, exacerbates health problems among the infirm and invalid, creating a cyclical pattern of vulnerability and poverty (Moser, 1998 ). These conditions starkly contrast with the migrants’ notions of home as a safe haven, instead presenting a continuous struggle for survival. Studies by authors like Portes and Rumbaut ( 2006 ) delve into the economic aspects of migrant lives in informal settlements. They describe how structural barriers in the host countries limit migrants’ access to employment opportunities, forcing many into the informal economy where instability and exploitation are rampant (Portes & Rumbaut, 2006 ). This economic precariousness directly impacts how migrants perceive their living conditions, often relegating the idea of 'home' to mere subsistence rather than a place of comfort and stability. The work of Agier (2002) provides an anthropological perspective on how informal settlements function as spaces of exclusion. These areas, characterized by their unofficial and often illegal status, serve not only as physical locales but also as metaphors for marginalization from the broader social and economic systems of the host country (Agier, 2002). For the infirm and invalid, this exclusion is compounded by their physical incapacities, which further limit their ability to engage with community life and access necessary services. However, it is not all bleak. Studies by scholars like Karunarathne & Lee ( 2022 ) and Morgner et al. (2020) have documented adaptive strategies employed by impoverished communities. In their examination of informal settlements they highlight the role of reciprocal social networks and informal support systems that help mitigate some of the hardships faced by vulnerable populations. Such mechanisms are vital in sustaining the infirm and invalid, often providing them with a semblance of home and community in otherwise harsh environments (Lomnitz, 2024). While these studies provide valuable insights into the struggles and strategies of economically and physically vulnerable migrants, there remains a significant gap in specifically understanding how these conditions influence migrants' conceptualizations of home. Most existing research tends to focus on either economic hardship or health issues in isolation, rather than exploring how these factors interact dynamically to shape migrants’ experiences of home in informal settlements (Agier, 2002; Lomnitz, 2024; Morgner et al., 2020) 3. Methodology 3.1 Ethnography This study employs a qualitative ethnographic approach to explore the complex phenomena of home and identity among the infirm, invalids, and poverty-stricken migrants in the Lydiate informal settlement. Ethnography, as defined by Hammersley ( 2006 ), involves direct and sustained contact with participants, emphasizing an immersive experience that allows the researcher to observe and interpret the social meanings and daily practices of the subjects. The approach is particularly suited to this study as it facilitates an in-depth understanding of the lived experiences and perceptions of migrants in their socio-cultural and environmental contexts (Hammersley, 2006 ). This method enabled the capturing of nuanced expressions of identity, belonging, and community within the challenging contexts of illness, disability, and economic hardship. 3.2 Data Collection Methods and Analysis Data collection was carried out over two years, from 2018 to 2020, employing several ethnographic techniques to ensure a comprehensive understanding of the participants' lives and their perception of home. As a core component of the ethnographic method, participant observation involved engaging with the community in their everyday environments. The researcher participated in various community activities such as religious gatherings, traditional ceremonies (e.g., Nyau dances), community meetings, and informal social gatherings. This immersion allowed for direct observation of the interactions and daily practices of the infirm, invalid, and economically disadvantaged, providing insights into their integration and roles within the community. Approximately 25 in-depth interviews were conducted with a focus on the elderly and infirm first-generation migrants. These interviews were semi-structured, allowing for flexibility in responses and the ability to explore themes such as perceptions of home, reasons for considering Lydiate as a final home, and visions for the future concerning their descendants. Each interview lasted between 60 to 90 minutes and was conducted in locations where participants felt most comfortable to ensure candid and relaxed conversations. Data analysis involved thematic coding of interviews and observations, iteratively refined through team discussions to identify patterns like resignation and entrapment. Reliability was enhanced by prolonged engagement, allowing data triangulation across interviews, observations, and community interactions. Validity was ensured by member-checking, where findings were shared with participants to confirm accuracy, grounding results in their realities. 3.3 Ethics and Positionality Researching Lydiate’s vulnerable migrant population required careful ethical measures to ensure informed consent, safety, and respect. All participant names, are pseudonyms to protect their privacy, given the sensitivity of their health and economic challenges. Consent was obtained verbally in local languages (Shona), using simple explanations tailored to low literacy and health impairments, with oral consent accepted for those unable to sign. To foster trust, interviews were held privately at times suiting participants’ needs, and community leaders were engaged to legitimize the study. Participants valued being heard, but the researcher clarified no direct aid would be provided to avoid false expectations. Despite constraints, these steps aimed to uphold dignity and minimize harm in a challenging research context. Ethical approval for the study was obtained from the University of Zimbabwe Ethical Review Board, ensuring adherence to ethical standards in research. The qualitative ethnographic approach may have inherent risks of subjectivity and researcher bias, as interpretations may be influenced by the researcher’s perspective. To minimize these risks, several steps were taken to enhance rigor and objectivity. Prolonged engagement over several months allowed for deep immersion, reducing snap judgments and enabling cross-verification of observations through repeated interactions with participants. Triangulation was employed by combining interviews, participant observation, and community discussions, ensuring diverse data sources corroborated findings, such as residents’ perceptions of Lydiate as a “home of last resort.” A reflexive journal was maintained to document the researcher’s assumptions and emotional responses, particularly as an outsider to the community, helping to identify and mitigate preconceptions about poverty or migration. Peer debriefing with local research assistants provided critical feedback, grounding interpretations in local cultural contexts. 4. Area of Study: Lydiate Informal Settlement 4.1 Contextual and Historical Overview Lydiate informal settlement, located in the peri-urban areas near Norton, a town in Ward 14 of the Chegutu Rural District Council in Zimbabwe's Mashonaland West province, was a focal point for understanding the complexities of migrant life in a transnational context. Home to a significant population of ethnic Malawian migrants, Lydiate's history is deeply intertwined with the broader patterns of regional migration and the socio-political dynamics of Southern Africa. The migration of Malawians to Zimbabwe traces back to the colonial labor migration period spanning from the 1890s to the 1970s, a time when the borders of Southern Africa were fluid yet constrictive in their regulation of labor movement (Daimon, 2015). This period was marked by the formation and dissolution of the Central African Federation (CAF), comprising Southern Rhodesia, Northern Rhodesia, and Nyasaland—now Zimbabwe, Zambia, and Malawi respectively. During and after the dissolution of the CAF, the borders, did not just demarcate territories but also delineated rights and identities, often relegating migrant communities to the margins of society. 4.2 Socio-Economic Dynamics Currently, Lydiate is populated primarily by first to fourth-generation Malawians. Many of the first-generation migrants arrived directly from Malawi between the 1950s and the 1970s, initially drawn by opportunities in agriculture and tobacco processing at Lydiate Farm. Over time, subsequent generations have continued to settle in Lydiate, seeking both employment and a sense of community amidst the backdrop of broader exclusion from Zimbabwean society. The settlement itself is characterized by basic and often inadequate infrastructure. Most housing structures range from temporary to semi-permanent, constructed from materials such as poles, mud, tin, and scrap metal. Recent years have seen a slight shift, with some middle-aged residents beginning to build more durable two-bedroom homes using farm bricks and cement. However, essential services like running water, indoor plumbing, and paved roads remain virtually non-existent, with electricity accessible only to a privileged few. There is a small clinic near the community, which barely meets the health demands of the growing community. Adjacent the community is Mutipitipi Primary School, where most of the children in the community go to school, however, only a few go beyond primary education. 4.3 Social Structure and Community Life Lydiatians are organized into kinship groups that play a pivotal role in community support and resource distribution, crucial for survival in an environment marked by limited economic opportunities and ongoing marginalization. Leadership within the community is structured around village heads (maSabhuku) who maintain registers of households and are key in mediating access to limited resources, including land. Despite these challenges, the community is vibrant and resilient, with a strong religious presence including Christianity and Islam, alongside traditional practices such as the Nyau cult, which plays a significant role in cultural and social events. This blend of religious and cultural identities contributes to a complex community dynamic that influences how migrants negotiate their space and identity in a host country that continuously views them as 'the other.' 5. Findings: Lydiate as a “Home of Last Resort” The conceptualization of "home" within the Lydiate informal settlement among the infirm, invalid, and poverty-stricken Lydiatians diverges significantly from traditional notions of home as a sanctuary or a space of comfort and belonging. Instead, for many of these residents, home has morphed into a place of last resort—a space where options are limited and choices constrained by various socio-economic and health-related hardships. For many residents of Lydiate, especially the infirm and the poverty-stricken, the settlement is not so much a chosen home but rather the only option left. Chronic illnesses and severe economic deprivation have tethered them to a place where their day-to-day existence is marked not by a sense of belonging, but by survival. The lack of mobility, exacerbated by health issues and financial constraints, makes it nearly impossible for these individuals to envision a life beyond the confines of the settlement. As such, Lydiate becomes a default "home," where the physical and social landscapes are shaped by necessity and limitation rather than desire or attachment. This section presents how these conditions shape the perceptions of home for Lydiate's most vulnerable populations and presents detailed case studies to illustrate these dynamics. 5.1 The infirm and invalids This group of migrants consists of Lydiatians who are sick and bedridden and now regard the settlement as a home of last resort. Some of them are old timers while others are recent migrants who came to a place where they can be looked after by sympathetic relatives. For these as well, Lydiate is their final home. A number of cases identified during the study demonstrate this scenario. Fahid Banda (87) and his wife Hildah (85) exemplify the harsh realities of ageing with disabilities within an informal settlement. Having migrated to Zimbabwe from Malawi decades ago, the Bandas have outlived any relatives who might have provided support. Their small, thatched home offers minimal protection from the elements, and their daily life revolves around managing health issues with scant medical resources. Fahid, despite his advanced age and deteriorating health, is the primary caregiver for his bedridden wife. Their story demonstrates a grim acceptance of their surroundings as their final home—a place where they expect to end their days, supported only by occasional charity and a meagre government assistance program. When I visited the couple’s home I was welcomed by a miserable situation. The two lived in a small round-thatched hut and beside this was a kitchen shed made of pole and dagga. The wife who was bedridden and looked helpless with swollen legs was seated in the small kitchen shed and she called out to the husband who came out to start a fire to warm her up as we were conversing. Fahid narrated: I stay my wife - Hildah. We came here a long time ago; I have even forgotten the year we came here. We do not have any children so we have been staying on our own ever since we came here from Malawi. As you can see, we are now very old and we cannot think of going anywhere. I am the one taking care of my sick wife, yet I also have my own ailments. We are just waiting to die here (tangomirira kufa pano). We survive on well-wishers (vane tsitsi) and these dwellings that you see were built by two generous young men after our only house was destroyed during the rainy season in 2016. We are also beneficiaries of the Muslim community here who occasionally donate clothing and food handouts to us. We also survive on maize handouts by the government’s social welfare programme (tinomboyamurwa ne government nemasaga echibage chesocial welfare). 1 The second case is of an old widow Lynda Kamanga who described how her sickly condition has yoked her to Lydiate. Lynda Kamanga’s sad story offers a poignant look at the intersection of migration, health, and ageing. A widow born in 1942 in Malawi, Lynda moved to Zimbabwe in her early twenties. After her husband’s death, she found herself alone and increasingly incapacitated by diabetes and other health issues. Her move to Lydiate was driven by necessity, as her younger sister and her family, already residents of the settlement, were her last available support system. Lynda's reflection on her life in Lydiate is tinged with resignation; she sees the settlement not as a home but as a place of last refuge, where she has been anchored by her illnesses and economic circumstances. She narrated: I was born in Malawi in 1942. I came from Malawi in 1964 with my parents and two other siblings. My father was working as a teacher in Uzumba and later on worked as a shopkeeper in Norton. As we grew up, my elder brother, who later on passed away, went to Kwekwe where he was working at a mine. My younger sister, got married and stayed with her husband at this compound. I got married as well and stayed in Norton for some time. When my husband died, life got difficult and I moved to Skey farm where I survived on piece works on surrounding plots. I was staying there alone since we were not privileged to have a child with my husband. After I got seriously sick, my younger sister took me to stay with her at this compound. It was after I had settled at Skey farm that sicknesses (zvirwere) fell upon me. I suffered from diabetes, swollen legs; literally, my whole body was in pain! The condition prompted my younger sister and her husband to bring me here. I am so grateful for their love (rudo rwavo). Lydiate has now become my permanent home and I do not see myself going anywhere. 2 The infirm and invalids in the Lydiate settlement represent a particularly vulnerable segment of the diaspora community, grappling not only with their migrant status but also with significant health challenges that severely impact their daily lives and social interactions. These individuals typically contend with chronic illnesses or disabilities that limit their mobility and capacity to engage in regular economic activities, thereby compounding their sense of isolation within the settlement. Care for the infirm and invalids in Lydiate is predominantly community-based, reflecting a mix of traditional African familial care practices and informal community support systems. Formal healthcare services are scarce, and the settlement lacks adequate medical facilities, making regular and emergency healthcare access a critical issue. Family members often assume the role of caregivers, an arrangement that can strain family resources and affect the overall well-being of the household. Social support for the infirm and invalids typically involves informal networks that include neighbours and local religious groups. These networks provide not only emotional support but also practical assistance, such as food sharing, help with household chores, and occasional cash donations. However, the support is inconsistent and heavily dependent on the social capital of individuals within the community. The precarious nature of these support systems often leaves the infirm and invalids in a vulnerable position, where their basic needs are not consistently met. Misfortunes in the form of diseases and incapacitation like the above cases sometimes derailed plans and ideas of building and perceiving of home elsewhere. In the end, the current place of residence turns into a home of last resort. The case studies highlight a critical aspect of life in Lydiate: the profound impact of physical and social environments on residents' perceptions of home. For the infirm and economically disadvantaged, the settlement does not offer a sense of community or belonging but rather serves as a backdrop to their struggles with health and poverty. These narratives challenge the conventional understanding of home in migration studies, which often emphasizes transnational connections and identity construction. Instead, for residents like the Bandas and Lynda Kamanga, home is defined by its role as a final refuge—a place where they manage their day-to-day survival under constrained circumstances. 5.2 ‘Vanoshaisisa’ or the poverty-stricken This group of migrants includes those who are very poor, ‘vanoshaisisa’ . For such migrants, poverty is a glue that binds them to their current place of settlement. By definition, poverty is the state of lacking a usual or socially acceptable amount of financial or material possessions to satisfy basic needs (Chambers, 2006). The manifestations of poverty include hunger and malnutrition, limited access to education and other basic services, social discrimination and exclusion, and the lack of participation in decision-making (Chambers, 2006). In Lydiate, poverty manifests in all these spheres forcing migrants to remain stuck in the settlement. From the study, the root cause of poverty in Lydiate is that Lydiatians have for decades lived as minorities, in a state of unbelonging. 72-year-old Mr Chigamba narrated it thus; ‘We have been in this miserable situation ever since we came here. He has never been fully considered as full citizens in this country.’ 3 The situation of Malawian migrants at Lydiate is hardly unusual in Africa. In several other African countries like Kenya, Somalia, Zambia, Swaziland, South Africa and Malawi, the problem of nonbelonging is acute. In Zimbabwe, citizenship has largely been dictated by the politics of power and patronage. The state has systematically used the idea of national identity and autochthonous citizenship to manipulate non-indigenous Zimbabweans’ rights to suffrage and access to resources (Daimon, 2015). This othering has been evident through the systematic labelling and stereotyping of migrants as aliens on their identity documents; displacement; and victimization during political elections (Daimon, 2015: 215). State nationalism excluded certain groups of Zimbabweans seen as inauthentic, unpatriotic, and those not considered to rightfully belong to the ‘nation’ (Mano & Willems, 2010). Consequently, for many Malawians at Lydiate community, their migrant identity has made them remain in the margins of both socio-economic and political spheres of Zimbabwe. Some of the Lydiatians are second, third- and fourth-generation Zimbabweans of Malawian ancestry who do not know where Malawi is or what it is like and can claim neither any links to, nor any direct citizenship rights in Malawi. Because of this statelessness, they have lived their entire lives in a vicious cycle of poverty. Those who are bound to place by poverty and its roughness include both the elderly, middle aged and youths. These are presented below. 5.2.1 ‘Vakwegura vanoshaisisa’ the elderly poor There are old and poor migrants ‘ Vakwegura vanoshaisisa’ who are tied to Lydiate because of poverty. Majority of them comprise of those migrants who have become poor, obsolete and stuck at Lydiate ever since the whites who where their employers were evicted during Zimbabwe’s Fast Track Land Reform Programme. Nowhere was this clear than through an interview with 72-year-old Mr Chigamba who had this to say: We are just stuck here. There is no more work for us. We used to work in the tobacco-grading shed for the white farmer here. That was our life, earning something for about 8 months of the year. But now it is a different story. We are still hoping one of the days our jobs will be restored. Last year we were engaged in the tobacco-grading shed for only a month. That is not enough to earn a living. We also used to get several job contracts in the surrounding farms during the period when farms where owned by whites. Now that the farms were allocated to indigenes, there are no more jobs. Most of the farms are just idle. 4 Clearly, elderly poverty is pronounced in Lydiate, with many older residents having spent several decades in the settlement. These individuals often face diminishing physical health and lack adequate retirement savings, making them heavily dependent on community goodwill and familial support. Another case of an elderly resident, 82-year-old Margret Chirwa, illustrate the dire circumstances of ageing migrants in poverty. Margret relies on irregular piecework and minimal support from distant relatives, embodying the struggles faced by many elderly migrants. When the researcher opened the small gate of Magret’s place, he was welcomed by two small huts made out of pole and dagga. The old widow was helpless even struggling to find a proper stool for the researcher to sit on. The researcher sat on the floor, assuring the old widow not to trouble herself; “Do not trouble yourself mother, I am comfortable here”. The old lady got settled and went on to converse with the researcher. She narrated her fate as follows: We survive from hand to mouth here my son, and we do not see ourselves going anywhere else. If we get piece jobs that give us $3 then we know we survive for that day. (Tikangowanawo maricho anotipawo ka $3 totoraramawo). It is poverty after poverty because of our old age (inhamo yoga Nhamo kuchembera kwataita kudai). We also survive on cutting and selling thatching grass (kutengesa huswa). It is only after the rainy season that we start to cut and dry the grass. We then sell for $1 or $1.50 per bundle. We do not have land for farming here; we only cultivate small portions of land if we are given by indigenous people who own the land close by our stands. We do not have any other place to go to ; this has now become our home (pano ndipo pava pamusha pedu). 5 Figure 2 shows an elderly poor migrant who survives on selling thatching grass in Lydiate. The third and final case on elderly poor migrants in Lydiate involves 74-year-old widow Eve Phiri who also narrated how she saw herself as a lifetime resident of Lydiate owing to her poor life. My name is Eve Phiri and I was born in 1955. I have two children, one staying here and the other one married in Harare. Before I came to Lydiate, I once stayed in Kwekwe, and I later moved to the city of Harare. When I was working for a white couple in Mount Pleasant (kumayards), that’s when I met my husband, Edward Magomba. We later came here at Lydiate farm together with my husband in 1988. We worked at the grading shed at Lydiate farm. I have a Malawian origin and my husband was also originally from Malawi. My husband later died in 2005 and I am now staying with my son. We have no other relatives here and life is not easy. We survive on doing piece works in the surrounding agro-residential plots. I no longer see myself moving outside of this community; I have accepted that I am stuck in this poor community. 6 5.2.2 The middle-aged poor It is not only the first-generation elderly who are stuck at Lydiate because of poverty. There are also middle-aged Lydiatians who are yoked to the place because of poverty. Middle-aged residents often find themselves caught between caring for aging parents and supporting their own children. This group faces the dual burden of inadequate job opportunities and the responsibilities of caregiving, which significantly limits their economic mobility. An example is Pricilla Ngozo, a 43-year-old widow, who struggles to provide for her children through casual labor, highlighting the cyclical nature of poverty that traps many families in Lydiate. Pricilla Ngozo, explained how she is caught up in the vicious cycle of poverty at Lydiate: I am currently staying with my three children. I started staying at Lydiate farm in 1986. My parents came from Malawi and we were born in Mutorashanga together with my siblings. We came here with our parents who used to work at a mine. My husband James died in 2016 and was buried here at Lydiate Farm. My first son Precious is now living in Epworth. He is just doing piece works. There is nothing in Epworth (Ari kungo kiya kiyawo mwanangu, Hakuna basa kuEpatoni Uko.) The other three children are at home doing piece works. Usually we work in plots ( maricho ). We now consider ourselves people of this community as it is difficult to dream of a better life beyond this current poverty that we are in. 7 Another middle-aged poverty-stricken Lydiatian, 45-year-old Jane Kalonde indicated that because of the poverty that is rampant in the community, she is living from hand to mouth with her family leaving her with no option but to remain a resident of the compound. Jane narrated: I’ve no plan about the future. I am living life one day at a time. You’d better live this way rather than doing plans all the time- what I’ll do the day after tomorrow, or in 10 years, or whatever. I’m just thinking that today was OK, tomorrow… God will take care of it. Years back we used to get jobs here but it is now a different story these days. It is now difficult to make a living in this community. We do piece works around here to get money to buy soap and food. We have become comfortable with the life that we are living here. I do not have close relatives nor friends that can take me out of this community. Those who are around me are also poor and in need of support. My two sons Paul and Charles, for example, are also still staying in this compound. 8 5.2.3 ‘Vechidiki vanoshaisisa’ , the poor youth Just as the preceding cases illustrating how both the elderly and the middle-aged regard the settlement as home because of poverty, the youths are also not exempt. Majority of these young migrants were born in Lydiate and they do not know any other place to call home. Further, the chances for better lives for these youths have been limited by their poor education as parents in the community do not value education that much. One community leader revealed that, ‘In this community, if a child gets to grade 7 it’s a miracle, if he proceeds then that is heaven.’ 9 Usually the young migrants join their parents in doing menial jobs to provide for the family at very young ages. As they grow up and get married, they can be allocated a piece of land where they can start a family. While some may eventually have a radical position against staying in the rough settlement as shall be presented later, some will remain stuck, settling for the same life that their parents and grandparents have experienced in the community. Figure 3 below shows a young poor Lydiatian who now regards Lydiate as a home of last resort repairing his thatched roof. I shall provide two cases illustrating the youths that have resolved to make Lydiate their home because of poverty. The first case involves 27-year-old Focus Kwayera who had this to say: Although I desire to have a better life outside of this community, I have given up on that dream. There are several challenges in this community that have forced me to remain here. First, my parents did not afford to provide me with adequate education; I only ended in grade 7. Second, in this compound one is expected to start supporting the family by doing menial jobs at a very young age. I was born here and literally this place has been my home from birth. Things are difficult here; there are no proper jobs and there is nowhere you can get a money to make savings to move out of this community. I have tried several piece jobs but nothing is materialising. People are struggling in this compound. 10 The second case involves 24-year-old Ernest Chibale who became the breadwinner for his three young siblings after both parents passed away. I am currently staying here with three of my siblings- Ruth (17), Edgar (15) and Chipo (13). We were all born in this community. Unfortunately, both of our parents passed away. Our parents had come here with their parents from Malawi. Our grandparents also died a long time ago. I am currently the one taking care of my brother and sisters. Being a breadwinner at a young age is not easy as you have to work really hard and be able to make wise decisions. I do various piece jobs to get money. I also occasionally go fishing with other young people here. I am proud all my siblings have earned primary education with my support. Together, Lydiate has now become our home. Here we do participate in various community activities- I am also part of the Nyau cult and I occasionally take part in the dances and processions that take place during the weekend. 11 Poverty in Lydiate acts as a binding factor that ties individuals and families to the settlement. The lack of economic resources limits the residents' options for relocating or accessing better living conditions elsewhere. This economic immobility creates a static community where generational poverty is prevalent, and where the aspirations for mobility are curtailed by the harsh realities of daily survival. Thus, what one calls home can be shaped by complex and wicked societal problems like poverty. Both the young, middle-aged and elderly migrants can be entrapped in the vicious cycle of poverty and in the end they will, out of desperation, find an enclave in such squatter settlements in destination countries and see these as their final home. This observation is in line with scholars like Mpofu (2012) who highlight that squatters of foreign descent in Killarney squatter camp in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe, have been entrapped by precarity for decades making it impossible for them to go and make homes elsewhere, regardless of facing eviction threats by local authorities. 6. Discussion 6.1 Role of Socio-Economic Conditions in Shaping Perceptions of Home The socio-economic conditions within the Lydiate informal settlement significantly influence how its residents perceive and experience ideas of "home." Poverty in Lydiate is not merely a lack of financial resources but a condition that pervades all aspects of life, constraining both physical and social mobility. Residents often find themselves physically bound to their immediate environment due to economic limitations that prevent them from seeking better housing or even returning to their homeland, should they wish to. Socially, poverty restricts their ability to engage with wider community networks outside their immediate environment, limiting their social capital and reinforcing isolation. This scenario starkly contrasts with the diaspora theory that often emphasizes the transnational networks and mobility of migrant communities (Basch, Schiller, & Blanc, 2020 ). The harsh economic conditions also shape the daily realities and future aspirations of the residents. The concept of home becomes intertwined with survival rather than belonging or cultural identity. For many in Lydiate, future aspirations are not about improvement or return but about making do with the present conditions. This reality challenges notions of diasporic communities actively shaping their futures through transnational engagement and highlights the need for a grounded understanding of how economic deprivation impacts migrant perceptions of home. The infirm and invalid in Lydiate experience a compounded vulnerability where poor health intersects with economic deprivation. This intersection profoundly impacts their concept of home, which for many revolves around access to care and basic survival. The lack of adequate healthcare services within the settlement further exacerbates their vulnerability, making their homes places of necessity rather than choice or comfort. Theoretical frameworks that discuss health typically focus on access and equity (Quesada, Hart, & Bourgois, 2011 ); however, in Lydiate, the discussion extends to how health directly influences existential security and perceptions of stability and safety in what is called 'home.' Dependency due to health conditions fosters a unique form of community support, which, while crucial, often lacks consistency and adequacy. This form of dependency contradicts the more active, agency-driven narratives prevalent in diaspora studies, presenting a scenario where home is defined by the limits of one’s physical and health conditions rather than the opportunities for cultural expression or community engagement. 6.2 Marginalization and its Effects on Home Perception Residents of Lydiate, particularly the impoverished and those with severe health issues, face a dual marginalization — spatially, by living on the periphery of urban development, and socially, by being excluded from mainstream economic and social systems. This marginalization affects their identity construction, often leading to a diminished sense of belonging and community. Theoretical discussions on marginalization in migration studies (Gupta & Ferguson, 2008 ) usually highlight strategies for resistance or integration, but in Lydiate, marginalization leads to a reinforcement of vulnerabilities, pushing residents to adapt by accepting rather than challenging their conditions. The socio-economic conditions erode personal agency and autonomy, pivotal elements in diaspora narratives about home-making and identity construction. In Lydiate, the ability to make meaningful choices about one’s living conditions, social relations, and even daily activities is severely restricted, which challenges the optimistic portrayal of diaspora as spaces of fluid identity and cultural synthesis. The study’s emphasis on resignation and inevitability as defining features of the "home of last resort" for Lydiate’s infirm, invalid, and poverty-stricken migrants reflects the dominant lived experiences uncovered through ethnographic data. The narratives of residents like Fahid and Hildah Banda, Lynda Kamanga, and Margret Chirwa consistently highlight how chronic illness, severe poverty, and socio-political marginalization tether them to Lydiate, limiting their mobility and agency. This focus is deliberate, as it seeks to amplify the voices of the most vulnerable, whose experiences are often sidelined in diaspora studies that prioritize fluid identities and transnational connections (Brah, 2005 ; Safran, 1991 ). Foregrounding resignation, the study highlights the structural constraints—such as inadequate healthcare, lack of legal status, and economic exclusion—that shape these residents’ static perceptions of home, aligning with theoretical frameworks on structural vulnerability. However, this emphasis is not meant to overshadow instances of resilience, adaptation, or community agency, which have already been documented in other published works on the same case study (See Bhanye 2022 ; Bhanye 2023 ). For example, the reliance on informal support networks, such as food sharing by religious groups or assistance from neighbors (e.g., the Bandas’ house rebuilt by young men), demonstrates a form of community resilience, albeit inconsistent and limited in scope. Similarly, some younger and middle-aged residents, like Focus Kwayera, exhibit adaptation through occasional transience, seeking piecework outside Lydiate, or maintaining a dual sense of place (Bhanye, 2023 ). These efforts suggest a degree of agency, as residents attempt to navigate their constraints, akin to the "housing logic" observed in other African informal settlements where incremental adaptations foster resilience (Charitonidou, 2022 ). Despite these instances, the study’s focus on resignation remains justified because such adaptive strategies are not only minimal but also inaccessible to the most marginalized—those who are infirm, invalid, or deeply impoverished. For these residents, physical limitations and economic destitution severely curtail the ability to engage in meaningful adaptation, rendering community support a palliative rather than transformative force. The bias toward inevitability arises from the ethnographic reality that, for these groups, agency is profoundly constrained, and resilience often manifests as mere survival rather than empowerment. 6.3 Intersectional Factors, Socio-Political Dynamics and Resident Experiences It is important to note that the experiences of Lydiate’s infirm, invalid, and impoverished migrants are also shaped by other intersecting factors such as gender, age, ethnicity, and other social categories, which complicate their perceptions of home as a “last resort.” Gender influences labor roles, with women like Margret Chirwa often relegated to low-income tasks like selling thatching grass, while men like Focus Kwayera access piecework, though both face health barriers. Age exacerbates vulnerability, as elderly residents like Fahid and Hildah Banda suffer greater immobility compared to younger migrants who occasionally leave for work.. Other factors, like disability status, further isolate individuals like Lynda Kamanga, whose diabetes restricts social participation. While the study prioritized health and poverty as primary lenses, these intersectional dynamics were observed through participant narratives and community interactions, enriching the analysis. However, the small sample size constrained in-depth exploration of all social categories, a limitation suggesting future research to fully unpack their interplay in informal settlements. The socio-political environment in Zimbabwe has been marked by occasional outbreaks of ‘othering’, often fueled by economic decline and political rhetoric that frames migrants as scapegoats for broader socio-economic issues. Such attitudes permeate social interactions and can influence local community perceptions, leading to discrimination and social exclusion of migrants. This social backdrop plays a critical role in shaping migrant identities, where they are often seen—and see themselves—as unwelcome or second-class citizens. The political disenfranchisement of migrants, particularly those from nearby countries like Malawi, further impacts their social identities and their perceptions of belonging. Exclusion from political processes ensures that migrants have little say in the decisions that affect their lives, reinforcing their marginal status and complicating their integration into the broader societal fabric of Zimbabwe. 6.4 State Policies, Citizenship Issues, and Their Impact on Migrant Identities and Rights within Zimbabwe Zimbabwe's approach to migration and citizenship has been characterized by a complex legal and policy framework that often places migrants in precarious positions. The Zimbabwean government has enacted policies that oscillate between inclusionary practices aimed at integration and exclusionary measures that marginalize certain groups (Bloch, 2008 ). For instance, the regularization programs have occasionally opened pathways for migrants to regularize their status, yet the stringent requirements and bureaucratic hurdles limit their effectiveness. Such policies directly impact migrants’ ability to secure stable employment, access social services, and even participate in local community life, thereby shaping their identities as perpetually liminal or 'othered' within the national context. The citizenship laws in Zimbabwe, particularly those pertaining to descent and naturalization, have profound implications for migrants. These laws often disenfranchise second and third-generation migrants, who, despite their long-term presence in the country, find themselves classified as aliens due to their ancestry (Pasura, 2012 ). This legal othering not only affects their sense of belonging but also their day-to-day experiences, influencing everything from property ownership to political participation. The identity of being a 'permanent outsider' is thus reinforced by legal structures, deeply affecting migrant perceptions of home and belonging in Zimbabwe. The role of local governance in informal settlements is crucial, as it directly impacts migrants' access to essential services such as healthcare, education, and sanitation. In many cases, informal settlements like Lydiate are underserved, with local authorities either neglecting these areas or engaging in sporadic, often punitive, measures such as evictions or demolitions (Hammar, 2010 ). Such practices exacerbate the vulnerabilities of migrants, making their living conditions more precarious and directly influencing their identity as marginalized community members within the urban landscape. Issues surrounding registration and documentation significantly affect migrants' abilities to assert their rights and secure their identities within Zimbabwe. The lack of proper documentation not only restricts their mobility but also limits their access to formal employment and social services (Crush & Tevera, 2010 ). For many migrants in Lydiate, the challenge of securing recognized identity documents is a constant barrier, impacting their ability to engage fully and meaningfully with both the state and the broader society. 6.5 Implications on Migration Studies and Informal Housing Literature This study’s portrayal of Lydiate as a "home of last resort" for infirm, invalid, and poverty-stricken migrants challenges traditional migration studies that often emphasize mobility, agency, and transnational identities (Brah, 2005 ; Safran, 1991 ). Foregrounding the static experiences of residents like Fahid and Hildah Banda or Lynda Kamanga, the study aligns with and extends recent scholarship on the sociodemographic and socioeconomic dynamics and political economy of informal housing, offering a nuanced contribution to understanding marginalized migrant populations in urban peripheries. In migration studies, seminal works like those of Castles and Miller (2009) frame migration as a dynamic process driven by economic opportunities and social networks, often overlooking those "left behind" due to health or economic constraints. The Lydiate case contradicts this narrative, illustrating how chronic illness and poverty anchor migrants to informal settlements, limiting their integration into broader diasporic networks. This finding resonates with Quesada et al.’s ( 2011 ) concept of structural vulnerability, which highlights how systemic factors—such as lack of healthcare and legal status—compound marginalization. However, unlike Quesada et al.’s focus on Latino migrants in the U.S., Lydiate’s context reveals a distinct African urban dynamic where informal housing becomes a permanent rather than transitional space, expanding the applicability of structural vulnerability to Zimbabwe’s peri-urban settings. Recent research on the sociodemographic and socioeconomic dynamics of informal housing provides further insights. For instance, Conteh et al. ( 2021 ) study of Freetown’s informal settlements highlights how age, gender, and health shape residents’ ability to navigate socioeconomic challenges, with older and infirm residents facing greater challenges. In Lydiate, similar patterns emerge, as elderly residents like Margret Chirwa rely on precarious activities (e.g., selling thatching grass), yet the absence of even basic infrastructure, unlike Freetown’s more established slums, intensifies their entrapment. This comparison extends Conteh et al. ( 2021 )’s findings by highlighting how extreme resource scarcity in smaller settlements like Lydiate amplifies sociodemographic vulnerabilities, limiting adaptive strategies observed in larger urban contexts. The political economy of informal housing offers another critical lens. Huchzermeyer’s ( 2004 ) analysis of South Africa’s informal settlements reveals how state neglect and contested land tenure perpetuate cycles of poverty and exclusion, a dynamic mirrored in Lydiate’s lack of formal recognition by the local authorities. However, the case of Lydiate diverges by showing how migrants’ health-related immobility, rather than solely political contestation, drives settlement persistence, contradicting assumptions that informal housing primarily reflects economic or tenure disputes. This finding builds on Huchzermeyer’s work by integrating health as a central factor in the political economy of informal spaces, suggesting that policy interventions must address medical access alongside tenure security to disrupt cycles of marginalization. Engaging with these strands of literature, this study both connects to and expands migration and informal housing scholarship. It aligns with calls for intersectional approaches that consider health, age, and poverty, while challenging the mobility-centric bias in diaspora studies. Simultaneously, it extends the political economy framework by foregrounding health-driven immobility as a critical yet understudied dimension of informal settlements. These connections strengthen the study’s contribution, positioning Lydiate as a case that illuminates the interplay of structural constraints and individual vulnerabilities in shaping migrant experiences in African urban peripheries. 6.6 Implications on the concept of Home The findings from the Lydiate informal settlement provides new perspective on the concept of "home" within diaspora studies, through the lens of infirmity, invalidity, and poverty. Ideas of plurilocality in diaspora studies suggests that migrants maintain connections across multiple locales, encompassing both their countries of origin and their places of settlement (Levitt & Glick Schiller, 2004 ). While this is generally true, the infirm and invalid migrants in Lydiate experience a constrained version of plurilocality. Their physical and economic limitations significantly restrict their ability to engage in transnational practices, such as travel or active participation in the economic life of their homeland. Instead, their concept of home is more static and localized, primarily centred around survival within the confines of the settlement. This contrasts with broader diaspora narratives that emphasize fluidity and active engagement with multiple homelands. Scholarly discussions on home often portray it as a site of belonging and identity formation, where cultural ties and social networks foster a sense of community and attachment (Brah, 2005 ). In Lydiate, while there is a semblance of community support, the severe conditions of poverty and infirmity shape a sense of home that is less about belonging and more about necessity and survival. The community's bonding is not so much about shared cultural practices but rather about shared struggles and mutual aid in facing everyday hardships. A common theme in diaspora studies is the idealization of the homeland and the desire to return, which is often fueled by nostalgia and a sense of cultural loss (Safran, 1991 ). However, for many in Lydiate, especially the ageing and infirm, the homeland (Malawi) becomes an abstract concept, overshadowed by the immediate needs and the harsh realities of their lives in Zimbabwe. Their concept of home has morphed into a "home of last resort," where the idealization of the homeland is replaced by a resigned acceptance of their current living conditions at Lydiate informal settlement. Diaspora theory often emphasizes the agency migrants possess in constructing their homes and identities in new environments (Hall, 1990). This agency is significantly compromised in Lydiate due to economic destitution and health-related incapacities. The poverty-stricken, infirm, and invalid migrants exhibit limited agency in defining their homes or future, constrained by their physical and financial circumstances. This reality starkly contrasts with theoretical assertions that view diaspora home-making as an active and dynamic process. The experiences of residents in Lydiate challenge some of the optimistic tones in diaspora studies about flexibility, hybrid identities, and transnational engagements. Instead, they highlight the importance of considering how severe constraints—be they economic, physical, or both—can limit the diasporic experience, leading to a more static and confined understanding of home. This insight suggests that diaspora studies need to integrate more nuanced views that account for the heterogeneity of migrant experiences, especially those marginalized within already vulnerable populations. Additionally, the findings urge policymakers and practitioners to rethink urban development and migrant support strategies. There is a need for targeted interventions that address the specific vulnerabilities of infirm, invalid, and poverty-stricken migrants, ensuring that their basic needs are met and that they are included in broader community support systems. 7. Policy Implications and Recommendations To address the unique challenges faced by Lydiate’s infirm, invalid, and poverty-stricken migrants, the following targeted strategies provide actionable pathways to enhance their health, economic stability, and integration. Healthcare Access through Community Health Posts and Telemedicine The limited healthcare infrastructure in Lydiate, as exemplified by the inadequate local clinic, severely restricts residents’ ability to manage chronic illnesses like diabetes (e.g., Lynda Kamanga’s case). To address this, there is a need to establish community health posts staffed by trained community health workers (CHWs) to provide basic medical care, health education, and chronic disease management. For instance, CHWs could distribute essential medications and monitor conditions like hypertension, reducing reliance on distant facilities. Additionally, introduce mobile telemedicine units to connect residents with urban-based specialists for consultations, particularly for the bedridden (e.g., Hildah Banda). A Health Extension Program, which trains local women to deliver primary care in underserved areas, could be adapted to Lydiate by partnering with Zimbabwe’s Ministry of Health and local NGOs to train residents, ensuring cultural and linguistic relevance. Economic Empowerment via Cooperative Enterprises Poverty traps residents like Margret Chirwa and Focus Kwayera in a cycle of hand-to-mouth survival, limiting their ability to relocate or improve their homes. To break this cycle, there is need to establish community-based cooperative enterprises focused on locally viable activities, such as thatching grass processing or small-scale vegetable farming on borrowed land. For example, a cooperative could aggregate thatching grass sales (as Margret does individually) to secure bulk contracts with urban markets, increasing income stability. A microfinance model could be adapted to provide seed funding, with groups of 5–10 residents forming savings circles to access low-interest loans for tools or seeds. These cooperatives would prioritize the elderly and infirm by assigning lighter tasks, ensuring inclusivity despite physical limitations. Educational Support through Mobile Learning Units Low education levels, particularly among youth like Ernest Chibale, perpetuate generational poverty in Lydiate. To address this, there is need to deploy mobile learning units equipped with tablets and solar-powered internet to deliver vocational training and basic literacy programs directly in the settlement. For instance, a program teaching skills like carpentry or tailoring could enable youth to access markets beyond piecework. A approach that brings non-formal education to marginalized communities can be adopted. These units could also offer adult education for middle-aged residents like Pricilla Ngozo, focusing on financial literacy to support cooperative participation, tailored to their caregiving responsibilities. Formalization with Incremental Tenure Security The precarious legal status of Lydiate’s residents exacerbates their sense of exclusion and vulnerability to eviction. To enhance security, the government can implement an incremental tenure regularization program, starting with temporary occupancy certificates that grant legal recognition without immediate land ownership disputes. For example, a pilot project could issue certificates to 50 households, prioritizing elderly residents like Fahid Banda, ensuring they can access government services without fear of displacement. Overall, the findings from the Lydiate informal settlement study highlight the urgent need for comprehensive policy reforms and targeted interventions to support vulnerable migrant populations. Table 1 Policy Recommendations for Supporting Vulnerable Migrant Populations in Lydiate Policy Area Recommendation Action Steps Urban Development Policies Inclusive Urban Planning Implement strategies that incorporate the needs of informal settlements. Collaborate with community leaders to map out and address essential service needs. Formal Recognition of Settlements Regularize informal settlements to improve legal security and access to services. Initiate land tenure processes and offer long-term lease agreements to protect residents from evictions. Community-Based Participatory Planning Involve migrants in urban development decisions. Establish local committees that include migrant representatives for planning and implementation. Migration Policies Reform of Citizenship and Residency Laws Reform laws to reduce statelessness and improve legal status of migrants. Simplify the naturalization process, reduce fees, and eliminate bureaucratic obstacles. Anti-Discrimination and Social Integration Develop laws and programs for social integration. Launch educational campaigns against xenophobia and promote cultural understanding; implement integration programs. Targeted Interventions Healthcare Access Improve healthcare access through mobile clinics and community health programs. Regularly deploy mobile clinics; train community health workers to provide basic care and education. Economic Empowerment Initiatives Provide vocational training, microfinance, and job placement services. Partner with local businesses and NGOs to offer skill development and create microcredit opportunities. Educational Opportunities Enhance educational access through scholarships and support for local schools. Increase funding for schools, offer scholarships and financial aid, and establish adult education centers. 8. Conclusion This study explored the concept of "home" among the diaspora communities in Lydiate, with a particular focus on the most vulnerable populations: the infirm, invalid, and poverty-stricken migrants. The findings reveal significant insights into how socio-economic constraints and health challenges shape the perceptions and realities of home within these communities. For many migrants in Lydiate, home has evolved into a place of last resort rather than a source of comfort or identity. The harsh realities of poverty and chronic health issues have transformed their living spaces into mere survival zones, where the idealized notions of home as a sanctuary are overshadowed by daily struggles. The study highlighted the limited agency of migrants in defining and shaping their living conditions. Economic hardships and health incapacities restrict their ability to engage with both local and transnational spaces, challenging the broader diaspora narratives of fluid and dynamic home-making practices. While there exists a sense of community support, it is often precarious and insufficient to meet the extensive needs of the infirm and impoverished. This situation fosters a complex network of social relations based on mutual dependency rather than shared cultural or social identities. Defining home within diaspora communities, especially under the constraints of poverty and ill health, presents a multitude of complexities that challenge traditional academic and practical understandings. The notion of home extends beyond physical spaces or cultural ties; it encompasses a range of emotional, economic, and social dynamics that are continuously negotiated and redefined under the pressures of marginalization and vulnerability. This study demonstrates the need to consider these multifaceted dimensions when discussing home within the context of migration and diaspora studies. Understanding the perceptions of home among diaspora communities, particularly those facing severe constraints, is crucial for several reasons. Insights from this study can inform targeted policy interventions aimed at improving the living conditions of migrant communities. Recognizing the specific needs and challenges of these groups can lead to more effective urban development strategies and migration policies that address issues of healthcare, housing, and economic stability. The findings contribute to academic discourses on migration, diaspora, and urban studies by highlighting the lived experiences of often overlooked populations. This enriches the theoretical discussions around home and identity in migration studies, providing a grounded perspective that accounts for the impact of socio-economic and health-related vulnerabilities. By elucidating the conditions and perceptions of migrants in informal settlements, this research also supports community-based initiatives aimed at fostering better integration, support networks, and empowerment opportunities for diaspora communities. This paper significantly contributes to the critical importance of working towards the achievement of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), especially SDG 1 (No Poverty), SDG 3 (Good Health and Well-being), and SDG 11 (Sustainable Cities and Communities), by addressing the complex challenges faced by marginalized populations in informal settlements like Lydiate. The insights from this research are pivotal for developing urban development policies and health interventions that effectively support vulnerable migrant communities. Regarding contribution to SDG 1 (No Poverty), the study highlights the dire economic conditions of the infirm, invalid, and poverty-stricken residents of Lydiate, underscoring the urgent need for economic empowerment initiatives. Advocating for vocational training, microfinance opportunities, and educational support, the research addresses critical pathways to alleviate poverty among these groups. These initiatives are vital for providing sustainable economic solutions that empower migrants to improve their living conditions and escape the cycle of poverty. Regarding contribution to SDG 3 (Good Health and Well-being); health disparities, particularly among the infirm and invalid, are a major focus of this research, aligning with SDG 3. The study illuminates the lack of healthcare access in Lydiate and proposes targeted interventions such as mobile health clinics and community health worker programs. These recommendations are designed to bridge healthcare gaps and enhance the overall health and well-being of marginalized migrants, ensuring they receive the medical attention necessary for a dignified life. In relation to contribution to SDG 11 (Sustainable Cities and Communities), the findings from this study emphasize the necessity for inclusive urban planning that integrates the needs of informal settlements into city-wide development plans. Recommendations for formalizing these settlements and improving infrastructure—like clean water, sanitation, and stable electricity—are essential for transforming Lydiate into a resilient and sustainable community. Additionally, the advocacy for participatory urban planning ensures that the voices of marginalized populations are heard and considered in urban development processes. In conclusion, the perceptions of home among the infirm, invalid, and poverty-stricken migrants in Lydiate inform a critical understanding of how migration, health, and economic factors intersect to shape individual and collective lives. These insights not only challenge existing narratives within migration and diaspora studies but also call for a compassionate and informed approach to policy-making and community engagement that recognizes the dignity and complexity of all human experiences. Understanding these perceptions is not merely an academic exercise; it is a fundamental component of crafting humane and just societies that uphold the rights and identities of all their members. Declarations Disclosure statement: No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s). Disclaimer: Liability for commissions, omissions and/or views expressed in this paper remains entirely the responsibility of the authors. Funding: The author thanks the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation (Grant No. 41600690) for funding this research through its “Mobility and Sociality in Africa’s Emerging Urban Doctoral Fellowship.” Data availability (data transparency) Some of the data that underlie the findings of this study may be made available upon request from the authors. Informed consent All participants provided written informed consent before inclusion in the study. The process included a clear explanation of the study, potential risks, benefits, and the voluntary nature of participation. Clinical trial number Not applicable Consent to Publish declaration Not applicable Ethics declaration The study was approved by the University of Zimbabwe’s Ethical Approval Committee Author Contributions Johannes Bhanye - conceptualization, data collection, data analysis, and writing - original draft, review and editing. References Bandauko, E., Kutor, S. K., Annan-Aggrey, E., & Arku, G. 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Social Dynamics , 42 (2), 205-217. Mano, W., & Willems, W. (2010). Debating ‘Zimbabweanness’ in diasporic internet forums: technologies of freedom?. Zimbabwe’s new diaspora: Displacement and the cultural politics of survival , 31 , 183. Menjívar, C. (2000). Fragmented Ties: Salvadoran Immigrant Networks in America . Berkeley: University of California Press. Morgner, C., Ambole, A., Anditi, C., & Githira, D. (2020, December). Exploring the dynamics of social networks in urban informal settlements: the case of Mathare Valley, Kenya. In Urban Forum (Vol. 31, No. 4, pp. 489-512). Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands. Moser, C. O. N. (1998). The Asset Vulnerability Framework: Reassessing Urban Poverty Reduction Strategies . World Development, 26(1), 1-19. Mpofu, B. (2012). Perpetual ‘outcasts’? Squatters in peri-urban Bulawayo, Zimbabwe. Afrika Focus , 25 (2), 45-63. Pasura, D. (2012). A fractured transnational diaspora: The case of Zimbabweans in Britain. International Migration , 50 (1), 143-161. Portes, A., & Rumbaut, R. G. (2006). Immigrant America: A Portrait . Berkeley: University of California Press. Quesada, J., Hart, L. K., & Bourgois, P. (2011). Structural Vulnerability and Health: Latino Migrant Laborers in the United States . Medical Anthropology, 30(4), 339-362. Safran, W. (1991). Diasporas in Modern Societies: Myths of Homeland and Return . Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies, 1(1), 83-99. Footnotes Interview with Fahid Banda at Lydiate Farm, 06 June 2018. Interview with Lynda Kamanaga at Lydiate Farm, 21 June 2018. Interview with Mr Chigamba at Lydiate Farm, 04 June 2018. Interview with Mr Chigamba at Lydiate Farm, 04 June 2018. Interview with Magret Chirwa at Lydiate Farm, 21 June 2018. Interview with Eve Phiri at Lydiate Farm, 15 June 2018. Interview with Pricilla Ngozo at Lydiate Farm, 20 January 2019. Interview with Jane Kalonde at Lydiate Farm, 15 January 2018. Interview with community leader Mrs. Zvinyenye at Lydiate Farm, 23 January 2018. Interview with Focus Kwayera at Lydiate Farm, 13 January 2018. Interview with Ernest Chibale at Lydiate Farm, 27 June 2018. Additional Declarations No competing interests reported. Cite Share Download PDF Status: Published Journal Publication published 17 Jul, 2025 Read the published version in Discover Sustainability → Version 1 posted Editorial decision: Revision requested 09 May, 2025 Reviews received at journal 01 May, 2025 Reviews received at journal 30 Apr, 2025 Reviewers agreed at journal 22 Apr, 2025 Reviewers agreed at journal 21 Apr, 2025 Editor assigned by journal 21 Apr, 2025 Reviewers invited by journal 21 Apr, 2025 Submission checks completed at journal 18 Apr, 2025 First submitted to journal 14 Apr, 2025 You are reading this latest preprint version Research Square lets you share your work early, gain feedback from the community, and start making changes to your manuscript prior to peer review in a journal. As a division of Research Square Company, we’re committed to making research communication faster, fairer, and more useful. We do this by developing innovative software and high quality services for the global research community. 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Also discoverable on Platform About Our Team In Review Editorial Policies Advisory Board Help Center Resources Author Services Accessibility API Access RSS feed Manage Cookie Preferences © Research Square 2026 | ISSN 2693-5015 (online) Privacy Policy Terms of Service Do Not Sell My Personal Information {"props":{"pageProps":{"initialData":{"identity":"rs-6112780","acceptedTermsAndConditions":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"archivedVersions":[],"articleType":"Research Article","associatedPublications":[],"authors":[{"id":446076149,"identity":"4ca9c0d9-4ccb-4dd5-ab22-b8a92ecd4108","order_by":0,"name":"Johannes Bhanye","email":"data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAZAAAAAyAQMAAABI0h/eAAAABlBMVEX///8AAABVwtN+AAAACXBIWXMAAA7EAAAOxAGVKw4bAAAA4ElEQVRIiWNgGAWjYBACxgYGNmYwi70BSBhYkKKF5wBIiwRRFkG1SCSAScLqmdubjz0uqLmT2C/5/OqGHwUSDPzt3Qn4HdZzLN14xrFniTNn55Td7AE6TOLM2Q34tczIMZPmYTucuOF2TtoNHqAWA4lcQlryv0nz/DucuP/mmbSbf4jTksMmzdsGtEWC/dht4mzpOWZuzNt32HjGmRy22zIGEjwE/WLY3vzsMc+3w7L97cef3Xzzx0aOv72XgJYGCO3YwMBjAGLw4FUOAvJQ2h6YYh4QVD0KRsEoGAUjEwAAvzhK1KeH/9kAAAAASUVORK5CYII=","orcid":"","institution":"University of Cape Town","correspondingAuthor":true,"prefix":"","firstName":"Johannes","middleName":"","lastName":"Bhanye","suffix":""}],"badges":[],"createdAt":"2025-02-26 11:38:15","currentVersionCode":1,"declarations":"","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-6112780/v1","doiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-6112780/v1","draftVersion":[],"editorialEvents":[{"content":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s43621-025-01565-3","type":"published","date":"2025-07-17T15:57:03+00:00"}],"editorialNote":"","failedWorkflow":false,"files":[{"id":88506099,"identity":"7d0cbd91-e0fd-495b-9b76-09f5ba075aa3","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-08-07 07:30:57","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":1049956,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-6112780/v1/faa0827d-bae6-4004-a6b7-d726015b5314.pdf"}],"financialInterests":"No competing interests reported.","formattedTitle":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eLydiate is our home of last resort: Perceptions of place among the poverty-stricken, infirm and invalid migrants in an informal settlement in Zimbabwe\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e","fulltext":[{"header":"1. Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe concept of \"home\" within diaspora communities encapsulates a spectrum of meanings that extend beyond the traditional physical boundaries to include social, emotional, and cultural dimensions (Bhanye, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). Scholarly debates illuminate the complexity of this notion, with some researchers arguing that diasporic individuals often navigate between multiple homes, creating a dynamic and plurilocal sense of belonging (Baub\u0026ouml;ck \u0026amp; Faist, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR3\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e; Blunt \u0026amp; Bonnerjee, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). Conversely, other scholars contend that certain migrants maintain a fixed and singular notion of home, particularly as they age or experience prolonged displacement from their country of origin (Bandauko et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Bhanye, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e; Johannes et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR19\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). This fixedness is often rooted in nostalgia and a yearning for the homeland that persists despite the physical and temporal distance (Brah, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2005\u003c/span\u003e; Safran, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1991\u003c/span\u003e). However, less attention has been given to how these conceptualizations manifest among the most vulnerable diasporans\u0026mdash;those who are poverty-stricken or grappling with severe health issues.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis paper presents an ethnographic study of the Malawian diaspora residing in the Lydiate informal settlement in Zimbabwe (herein referred to as Lyditians), focusing particularly on the most vulnerable segments of this community\u0026mdash;the poverty-stricken and the infirm and invalids. Specifically, the study aims to explore the lived experiences of Lydiate\u0026rsquo;s infirm, invalid, and impoverished migrants, focusing on their perceptions of home in an informal settlement. These groups often embody a different kind of diasporic experience, one characterized not by the fluidity of identity or multiple belongings but by the constraints imposed by their socio-economic and health conditions. The core of this investigation addresses a poignant aspect often overlooked in migration studies: the experiences of those who are both economically disadvantaged and physically incapacitated \u0026ndash; what in this study referred to as the \u0026ldquo;poverty-stricken\u0026rdquo; and the \u0026ldquo;infirm and invalid.\u0026rdquo; How do these individuals conceptualize \"home\" when their choices are severely constrained by their health and economic conditions? The study unveils the layers of complexity that define home for Lydiate\u0026rsquo;s infirm and invalid residents, providing a voice to those often silenced in academic and policy discourse. In this study, the \u0026ldquo;poverty stricken\u0026rdquo; refers to individuals who lack sufficient financial means to meet the basic necessities of life, often resulting in limited access to healthcare, education, and secure living conditions. The \u0026ldquo;Infirm and Invalids\u0026rdquo; includes individuals suffering from significant health issues that limit their physical abilities and opportunities for employment, thereby impacting their social integration and quality of life.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eUnderstanding these personal and collective conceptions of home has significant implications for migration policy and urban development strategies. As the world grapples with increasing migration flows and urban sprawl, particularly in developing countries, insights from this study are crucial for formulating policies that are not only inclusive but also supportive of the most vulnerable segments of migrant populations. Furthermore, this research aligns with the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), particularly SDG 1 (No Poverty), Goal 11 (Sustainable Cities and Communities) and Goal 3 (Good Health and Well-being), by highlighting the need for urban systems that eliminate poverty, and cater to the health and welfare of all residents, regardless of their migrant status. Thus, this paper contributes to the broader discourse on migration, health, and urbanization by delving into the lived experiences of the Malawian diaspora in Zimbabwe, thereby offering a better understanding of home that challenges traditional paradigms and informs future policy interventions.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"2. Literature Review","content":"\u003cdiv id=\"Sec3\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e2.1 Conceptualization of Diaspora Home\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe diaspora's conceptualization of \"home\" has been a central theme in migration studies, explored through various disciplinary lenses that highlights its complexity and multifaceted nature. The traditional understanding of home as a fixed, geographically bounded space has been challenged and expanded to include multiple locales and layers of meaning that encompass emotional, cultural, and political dimensions (Brah, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2005\u003c/span\u003e; Safran, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1991\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eScholars like Avtar Brah (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2005\u003c/span\u003e) and William Safran (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1991\u003c/span\u003e) have significantly influenced the theoretical underpinnings of diaspora studies. Brah's notion of \"diaspora space\" as the intersection of diaspora, border, and dis/location is critical in understanding the complex negotiations of identity and belonging (Brah, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2005\u003c/span\u003e). This perspective is useful in examining how diaspora communities, such as the Malawian migrants in Zimbabwe, navigate their \"homes\" within overlapping boundaries of culture, memory, and geography. Safran (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1991\u003c/span\u003e) extends this dialogue by defining the diaspora experience through key characteristics such as collective memory and myth about the homeland, alienation in the host country, and the idealization of the supposed ancestral home. This framework helps elucidate the nostalgic elements often present in diasporic communities' conceptualizations of home (Safran, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1991\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe concept of plurilocal homes is central in the works of scholars like Nina Glick Schiller and George Fouron, who argue that diasporans maintain simultaneous linkages with their countries of origin and settlement (Glick Schiller et al., 1995). This transnational perspective highlights the fluidity of home for diaspora populations, who engage with their homelands through frequent travels, remittances, and communication technologies, thus challenging the notion of home as singular and static.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe emotional and symbolic dimensions of home are explored in depth by scholars such as Karen Fog Olwig (2003), who contends that the feelings of belonging and community are as significant as physical locality in defining home. Olwig's analysis of Caribbean migrants shows that home is often a symbol of personal and collective identity that is recreated in everyday practices and through social networks in diaspora (Olwig, 2003).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eLess explored in the literature is the concept of home from the perspective of vulnerable populations within the diaspora. Studies that do focus on this aspect, such as work by Cecilia Menj\u0026iacute;var (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2000\u003c/span\u003e), provide insights into how structural forces like legal status and socio-economic conditions shape the migrant experiences of home and belonging. Menj\u0026iacute;var\u0026rsquo;s study on Central American migrants in the United States illustrates how precarious legal statuses transform the traditional concepts of home into spaces of vulnerability and insecurity (Menj\u0026iacute;var, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2000\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDespite the rich discourse on diaspora and home, there remains a gap in understanding how these concepts are experienced by the most marginalized\u0026mdash;specifically, the poor, infirm, and invalid migrants in informal settlements like Lydiate. This paper seeks to fill this gap by exploring how these migrants, constrained not only by their transnational experiences but also by their immediate physical and economic conditions, construct their notions of home.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec4\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e2.2 Infirm, Invalids, and Poverty-Stricken Migrants in Informal Settlements\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe lived experiences of infirm, invalid, and economically disadvantaged migrants in informal settlements have been the subject of scholarly attention, albeit to a lesser extent than other aspects of diaspora and migration studies. These studies primarily examine how physical, social, and economic vulnerabilities intersect to compound the challenges faced by these groups.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eResearch by Moser (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1998\u003c/span\u003e) on urban poverty has highlighted that informal settlements are not just physically precarious but are also spaces where health vulnerabilities are significantly magnified. The lack of basic infrastructure, such as clean water and sanitation, exacerbates health problems among the infirm and invalid, creating a cyclical pattern of vulnerability and poverty (Moser, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1998\u003c/span\u003e). These conditions starkly contrast with the migrants\u0026rsquo; notions of home as a safe haven, instead presenting a continuous struggle for survival.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eStudies by authors like Portes and Rumbaut (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e) delve into the economic aspects of migrant lives in informal settlements. They describe how structural barriers in the host countries limit migrants\u0026rsquo; access to employment opportunities, forcing many into the informal economy where instability and exploitation are rampant (Portes \u0026amp; Rumbaut, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e). This economic precariousness directly impacts how migrants perceive their living conditions, often relegating the idea of 'home' to mere subsistence rather than a place of comfort and stability. The work of Agier (2002) provides an anthropological perspective on how informal settlements function as spaces of exclusion. These areas, characterized by their unofficial and often illegal status, serve not only as physical locales but also as metaphors for marginalization from the broader social and economic systems of the host country (Agier, 2002). For the infirm and invalid, this exclusion is compounded by their physical incapacities, which further limit their ability to engage with community life and access necessary services.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eHowever, it is not all bleak. Studies by scholars like Karunarathne \u0026amp; Lee (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR20\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e) and Morgner et al. (2020) have documented adaptive strategies employed by impoverished communities. In their examination of informal settlements they highlight the role of reciprocal social networks and informal support systems that help mitigate some of the hardships faced by vulnerable populations. Such mechanisms are vital in sustaining the infirm and invalid, often providing them with a semblance of home and community in otherwise harsh environments (Lomnitz, 2024).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eWhile these studies provide valuable insights into the struggles and strategies of economically and physically vulnerable migrants, there remains a significant gap in specifically understanding how these conditions influence migrants' conceptualizations of home. Most existing research tends to focus on either economic hardship or health issues in isolation, rather than exploring how these factors interact dynamically to shape migrants\u0026rsquo; experiences of home in informal settlements (Agier, 2002; Lomnitz, 2024; Morgner et al., 2020)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"3. Methodology","content":"\u003cdiv id=\"Sec6\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e3.1 Ethnography\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis study employs a qualitative ethnographic approach to explore the complex phenomena of home and identity among the infirm, invalids, and poverty-stricken migrants in the Lydiate informal settlement. Ethnography, as defined by Hammersley (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR17\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e), involves direct and sustained contact with participants, emphasizing an immersive experience that allows the researcher to observe and interpret the social meanings and daily practices of the subjects. The approach is particularly suited to this study as it facilitates an in-depth understanding of the lived experiences and perceptions of migrants in their socio-cultural and environmental contexts (Hammersley, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR17\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e). This method enabled the capturing of nuanced expressions of identity, belonging, and community within the challenging contexts of illness, disability, and economic hardship.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec7\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e3.2 Data Collection Methods and Analysis\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eData collection was carried out over two years, from 2018 to 2020, employing several ethnographic techniques to ensure a comprehensive understanding of the participants' lives and their perception of home. As a core component of the ethnographic method, participant observation involved engaging with the community in their everyday environments. The researcher participated in various community activities such as religious gatherings, traditional ceremonies (e.g., Nyau dances), community meetings, and informal social gatherings. This immersion allowed for direct observation of the interactions and daily practices of the infirm, invalid, and economically disadvantaged, providing insights into their integration and roles within the community.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eApproximately 25 in-depth interviews were conducted with a focus on the elderly and infirm first-generation migrants. These interviews were semi-structured, allowing for flexibility in responses and the ability to explore themes such as perceptions of home, reasons for considering Lydiate as a final home, and visions for the future concerning their descendants. Each interview lasted between 60 to 90 minutes and was conducted in locations where participants felt most comfortable to ensure candid and relaxed conversations.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eData analysis involved thematic coding of interviews and observations, iteratively refined through team discussions to identify patterns like resignation and entrapment. Reliability was enhanced by prolonged engagement, allowing data triangulation across interviews, observations, and community interactions. Validity was ensured by member-checking, where findings were shared with participants to confirm accuracy, grounding results in their realities.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec8\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e3.3 Ethics and Positionality\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eResearching Lydiate\u0026rsquo;s vulnerable migrant population required careful ethical measures to ensure informed consent, safety, and respect. All participant names, are pseudonyms to protect their privacy, given the sensitivity of their health and economic challenges. Consent was obtained verbally in local languages (Shona), using simple explanations tailored to low literacy and health impairments, with oral consent accepted for those unable to sign. To foster trust, interviews were held privately at times suiting participants\u0026rsquo; needs, and community leaders were engaged to legitimize the study. Participants valued being heard, but the researcher clarified no direct aid would be provided to avoid false expectations. Despite constraints, these steps aimed to uphold dignity and minimize harm in a challenging research context. Ethical approval for the study was obtained from the University of Zimbabwe Ethical Review Board, ensuring adherence to ethical standards in research.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe qualitative ethnographic approach may have inherent risks of subjectivity and researcher bias, as interpretations may be influenced by the researcher\u0026rsquo;s perspective. To minimize these risks, several steps were taken to enhance rigor and objectivity. Prolonged engagement over several months allowed for deep immersion, reducing snap judgments and enabling cross-verification of observations through repeated interactions with participants. Triangulation was employed by combining interviews, participant observation, and community discussions, ensuring diverse data sources corroborated findings, such as residents\u0026rsquo; perceptions of Lydiate as a \u0026ldquo;home of last resort.\u0026rdquo; A reflexive journal was maintained to document the researcher\u0026rsquo;s assumptions and emotional responses, particularly as an outsider to the community, helping to identify and mitigate preconceptions about poverty or migration. Peer debriefing with local research assistants provided critical feedback, grounding interpretations in local cultural contexts.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"4. Area of Study: Lydiate Informal Settlement","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e4.1 Contextual and Historical Overview\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eLydiate informal settlement, located in the peri-urban areas near Norton, a town in Ward 14 of the Chegutu Rural District Council in Zimbabwe\u0026apos;s Mashonaland West province, was a focal point for understanding the complexities of migrant life in a transnational context. Home to a significant population of ethnic Malawian migrants, Lydiate\u0026apos;s history is deeply intertwined with the broader patterns of regional migration and the socio-political dynamics of Southern Africa.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe migration of Malawians to Zimbabwe traces back to the colonial labor migration period spanning from the 1890s to the 1970s, a time when the borders of Southern Africa were fluid yet constrictive in their regulation of labor movement (Daimon, 2015). This period was marked by the formation and dissolution of the Central African Federation (CAF), comprising Southern Rhodesia, Northern Rhodesia, and Nyasaland\u0026mdash;now Zimbabwe, Zambia, and Malawi respectively. During and after the dissolution of the CAF, the borders, did not just demarcate territories but also delineated rights and identities, often relegating migrant communities to the margins of society.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e4.2 Socio-Economic Dynamics\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eCurrently, Lydiate is populated primarily by first to fourth-generation Malawians. Many of the first-generation migrants arrived directly from Malawi between the 1950s and the 1970s, initially drawn by opportunities in agriculture and tobacco processing at Lydiate Farm. Over time, subsequent generations have continued to settle in Lydiate, seeking both employment and a sense of community amidst the backdrop of broader exclusion from Zimbabwean society.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe settlement itself is characterized by basic and often inadequate infrastructure. Most housing structures range from temporary to semi-permanent, constructed from materials such as poles, mud, tin, and scrap metal. Recent years have seen a slight shift, with some middle-aged residents beginning to build more durable two-bedroom homes using farm bricks and cement. However, essential services like running water, indoor plumbing, and paved roads remain virtually non-existent, with electricity accessible only to a privileged few. There is a small clinic near the community, which barely meets the health demands of the growing community. Adjacent the community is Mutipitipi Primary School, where most of the children in the community go to school, however, only a few go beyond primary education.\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e4.3 Social Structure and Community Life\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eLydiatians are organized into kinship groups that play a pivotal role in community support and resource distribution, crucial for survival in an environment marked by limited economic opportunities and ongoing marginalization. Leadership within the community is structured around village heads \u003cem\u003e(maSabhuku)\u003c/em\u003e who maintain registers of households and are key in mediating access to limited resources, including land.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDespite these challenges, the community is vibrant and resilient, with a strong religious presence including Christianity and Islam, alongside traditional practices such as the Nyau cult, which plays a significant role in cultural and social events. This blend of religious and cultural identities contributes to a complex community dynamic that influences how migrants negotiate their space and identity in a host country that continuously views them as \u0026apos;the other.\u0026apos;\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"5. Findings: Lydiate as a “Home of Last Resort”","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe conceptualization of \u0026quot;home\u0026quot; within the Lydiate informal settlement among the infirm, invalid, and poverty-stricken Lydiatians diverges significantly from traditional notions of home as a sanctuary or a space of comfort and belonging. Instead, for many of these residents, home has morphed into a place of last resort\u0026mdash;a space where options are limited and choices constrained by various socio-economic and health-related hardships. For many residents of Lydiate, especially the infirm and the poverty-stricken, the settlement is not so much a chosen home but rather the only option left. Chronic illnesses and severe economic deprivation have tethered them to a place where their day-to-day existence is marked not by a sense of belonging, but by survival. The lack of mobility, exacerbated by health issues and financial constraints, makes it nearly impossible for these individuals to envision a life beyond the confines of the settlement. As such, Lydiate becomes a default \u0026quot;home,\u0026quot; where the physical and social landscapes are shaped by necessity and limitation rather than desire or attachment.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis section presents how these conditions shape the perceptions of home for Lydiate\u0026apos;s most vulnerable populations and presents detailed case studies to illustrate these dynamics.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e5.1 The infirm and invalids\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis group of migrants consists of Lydiatians who are sick and bedridden and now regard the settlement as a home of last resort. Some of them are old timers while others are recent migrants who came to a place where they can be looked after by sympathetic relatives. For these as well, Lydiate is their final home. A number of cases identified during the study demonstrate this scenario. Fahid Banda (87) and his wife Hildah (85) exemplify the harsh realities of ageing with disabilities within an informal settlement. Having migrated to Zimbabwe from Malawi decades ago, the Bandas have outlived any relatives who might have provided support. Their small, thatched home offers minimal protection from the elements, and their daily life revolves around managing health issues with scant medical resources. Fahid, despite his advanced age and deteriorating health, is the primary caregiver for his bedridden wife. Their story demonstrates a grim acceptance of their surroundings as their final home\u0026mdash;a place where they expect to end their days, supported only by occasional charity and a meagre government assistance program.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWhen I visited the couple\u0026rsquo;s home I was welcomed by a miserable situation. The two lived in a small round-thatched hut and beside this was a kitchen shed made of pole and dagga. The wife who was bedridden and looked helpless with swollen legs was seated in the small kitchen shed and she called out to the husband who came out to start a fire to warm her up as we were conversing. Fahid narrated:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eI stay my wife - Hildah. We came here a long time ago; I have even forgotten the year we came here. We do not have any children so we have been staying on our own ever since we came here from Malawi. As you can see, we are now very old and we cannot think of going anywhere. I am the one taking care of my sick wife, yet I also have my own ailments. We are just waiting to die here \u003cem\u003e(tangomirira kufa pano).\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003eWe survive on well-wishers \u003cem\u003e(vane tsitsi)\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003eand these dwellings that you see were built by two generous young men after our only house was destroyed during the rainy season in 2016. We are also beneficiaries of the Muslim community here who occasionally donate clothing and food handouts to us. We also survive on maize handouts by the government\u0026rsquo;s social welfare programme\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;(tinomboyamurwa ne government nemasaga echibage chesocial welfare).\u003ca href=\"#_ftn1\" name=\"_ftnref1\" title=\"\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e\u003csup\u003e1\u003c/sup\u003e\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe second case is of an old widow Lynda Kamanga who described how her sickly condition has yoked her to Lydiate. Lynda Kamanga\u0026rsquo;s sad story offers a poignant look at the intersection of migration, health, and ageing. A widow born in 1942 in Malawi, Lynda moved to Zimbabwe in her early twenties. After her husband\u0026rsquo;s death, she found herself alone and increasingly incapacitated by diabetes and other health issues. Her move to Lydiate was driven by necessity, as her younger sister and her family, already residents of the settlement, were her last available support system. Lynda\u0026apos;s reflection on her life in Lydiate is tinged with resignation; she sees the settlement not as a home but as a place of last refuge, where she has been anchored by her illnesses and economic circumstances. She narrated:\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eI was born in Malawi in 1942. I came from Malawi in 1964 with my parents and two other siblings. My father was working as a teacher in Uzumba and later on worked as a shopkeeper in Norton. As we grew up, my elder brother, who later on passed away, went to Kwekwe where he was working at a mine. My younger sister, got married and stayed with her husband at this compound. I got married as well and stayed in Norton for some time. When my husband died, life got difficult and I moved to Skey farm where I survived on piece works on surrounding plots. I was staying there alone since we were not privileged to have a child with my husband. After I got seriously sick, my younger sister took me to stay with her at this compound. It was after I had settled at Skey farm that sicknesses \u003cem\u003e(zvirwere)\u003c/em\u003e fell upon me. I suffered from diabetes, swollen legs; literally, my whole body was in pain! The condition prompted my younger sister and her husband to bring me here. I am so grateful for their love \u003cem\u003e(rudo rwavo).\u003c/em\u003e Lydiate has now become my permanent home and I do not see myself going anywhere.\u003ca href=\"#_ftn2\" name=\"_ftnref2\" title=\"\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e\u003csup\u003e2\u003c/sup\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe infirm and invalids in the Lydiate settlement represent a particularly vulnerable segment of the diaspora community, grappling not only with their migrant status but also with significant health challenges that severely impact their daily lives and social interactions. These individuals typically contend with chronic illnesses or disabilities that limit their mobility and capacity to engage in regular economic activities, thereby compounding their sense of isolation within the settlement.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eCare for the infirm and invalids in Lydiate is predominantly community-based, reflecting a mix of traditional African familial care practices and informal community support systems. Formal healthcare services are scarce, and the settlement lacks adequate medical facilities, making regular and emergency healthcare access a critical issue. Family members often assume the role of caregivers, an arrangement that can strain family resources and affect the overall well-being of the household.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSocial support for the infirm and invalids typically involves informal networks that include neighbours and local religious groups. These networks provide not only emotional support but also practical assistance, such as food sharing, help with household chores, and occasional cash donations. However, the support is inconsistent and heavily dependent on the social capital of individuals within the community. The precarious nature of these support systems often leaves the infirm and invalids in a vulnerable position, where their basic needs are not consistently met.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMisfortunes in the form of diseases and incapacitation like the above cases sometimes derailed plans and ideas of building and perceiving of home elsewhere. In the end, the current place of residence turns into a home of last resort. The case studies highlight a critical aspect of life in Lydiate: the profound impact of physical and social environments on residents\u0026apos; perceptions of home. For the infirm and economically disadvantaged, the settlement does not offer a sense of community or belonging but rather serves as a backdrop to their struggles with health and poverty. These narratives challenge the conventional understanding of home in migration studies, which often emphasizes transnational connections and identity construction. Instead, for residents like the Bandas and Lynda Kamanga, home is defined by its role as a final refuge\u0026mdash;a place where they manage their day-to-day survival under constrained circumstances.\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e5.2\u003c/strong\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u0026lsquo;Vanoshaisisa\u0026rsquo;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;or the poverty-stricken\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis group of migrants includes those who are very poor, \u003cem\u003e\u0026lsquo;vanoshaisisa\u0026rsquo;\u003c/em\u003e. For such migrants, poverty is a glue that binds them to their current place of settlement. By definition, poverty is the state of lacking a usual or socially acceptable amount of financial or material possessions to satisfy basic needs (Chambers, 2006). The manifestations of poverty include hunger and malnutrition, limited access to education and other basic services, social discrimination and exclusion, and the lack of participation in decision-making (Chambers, 2006). In Lydiate, poverty manifests in all these spheres forcing migrants to remain stuck in the settlement. From the study, the root cause of poverty in Lydiate is that Lydiatians have for decades lived as minorities, in a state of unbelonging. 72-year-old Mr Chigamba narrated it thus; \u003cem\u003e\u0026lsquo;We have been in this miserable situation ever since we came here. He has never been fully considered as full citizens in this country.\u0026rsquo;\u003c/em\u003e\u003ca href=\"#_ftn3\" name=\"_ftnref3\" title=\"\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e\u003csup\u003e3\u003c/sup\u003e The situation of Malawian migrants at Lydiate is hardly unusual in Africa. In several other African countries like Kenya, Somalia, Zambia, Swaziland, South Africa and Malawi, the problem of nonbelonging is acute. In Zimbabwe, citizenship has largely been dictated by the politics of power and patronage. The state has systematically used the idea of national identity and autochthonous citizenship to manipulate non-indigenous Zimbabweans\u0026rsquo; rights to suffrage and access to resources (Daimon, 2015). This othering has been evident through the systematic labelling and stereotyping of migrants as aliens on their identity documents; displacement; and victimization during political elections (Daimon, 2015: 215). State nationalism excluded certain groups of Zimbabweans seen as inauthentic, unpatriotic, and those not considered to rightfully belong to the \u0026lsquo;nation\u0026rsquo; (Mano \u0026amp; Willems, 2010). Consequently, for many Malawians at Lydiate community, their migrant identity has made them remain in the margins of both socio-economic and political spheres of Zimbabwe. Some of the Lydiatians are second, third- and fourth-generation Zimbabweans of Malawian ancestry who do not know where Malawi is or what it is like and can claim neither any links to, nor any direct citizenship rights in Malawi. Because of this statelessness, they have lived their entire lives in a vicious cycle of poverty. Those who are bound to place by poverty and its roughness include both the elderly, middle aged and youths. These are presented below.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003e5.2.1 \u0026lsquo;Vakwegura vanoshaisisa\u0026rsquo;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;the elderly poor\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThere are old and poor migrants \u0026lsquo;\u003cem\u003eVakwegura vanoshaisisa\u0026rsquo;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003ewho are tied to Lydiate because of poverty. Majority of them comprise of those migrants who have become poor, obsolete and stuck at Lydiate ever since the whites who where their employers were evicted during Zimbabwe\u0026rsquo;s Fast Track Land Reform Programme. Nowhere was this clear than through an interview with 72-year-old Mr Chigamba who had this to say:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWe are just stuck here. There is no more work for us. We used to work in the tobacco-grading shed for the white farmer here. That was our life, earning something for about 8 months of the year. But now it is a different story. We are still hoping one of the days our jobs will be restored. Last year we were engaged in the tobacco-grading shed for only a month. That is not enough to earn a living. We also used to get several job contracts in the surrounding farms during the period when farms where owned by whites. Now that the farms were allocated to indigenes, there are no more jobs. Most of the farms are just idle.\u003ca href=\"#_ftn4\" name=\"_ftnref4\" title=\"\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e\u003csup\u003e4\u003c/sup\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eClearly, elderly poverty is pronounced in Lydiate, with many older residents having spent several decades in the settlement. These individuals often face diminishing physical health and lack adequate retirement savings, making them heavily dependent on community goodwill and familial support. Another case of an elderly resident, 82-year-old Margret Chirwa, illustrate the dire circumstances of ageing migrants in poverty. Margret relies on irregular piecework and minimal support from distant relatives, embodying the struggles faced by many elderly migrants. When the researcher opened the small gate of Magret\u0026rsquo;s place, he was welcomed by two small huts made out of pole and dagga. The old widow was helpless even struggling to find a proper stool for the researcher to sit on. The researcher sat on the floor, assuring the old widow not to trouble herself; \u0026ldquo;Do not trouble yourself mother, I am comfortable here\u0026rdquo;. The old lady got settled and went on to converse with the researcher. She narrated her fate as follows:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWe survive from hand to mouth here my son, and we do not see ourselves going anywhere else. If we get piece jobs that give us $3 then we know we survive for that day. \u003cem\u003e(Tikangowanawo maricho anotipawo ka $3 totoraramawo).\u003c/em\u003e It is poverty after poverty because of our old age\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;(inhamo yoga Nhamo kuchembera kwataita kudai).\u003c/em\u003e We also survive on cutting and selling thatching grass \u003cem\u003e(kutengesa huswa).\u003c/em\u003e It is only after the rainy season that we start to cut and dry the grass. We then sell for $1 or $1.50 per bundle. We do not have land for farming here; we only cultivate small portions of land if we are given by indigenous people who own the land close by our stands. We do not have any other place to go to\u003cem\u003e;\u003c/em\u003e this has now become our home \u003cem\u003e(pano ndipo pava pamusha pedu).\u003csup\u003e5\u003c/sup\u003e\u003c/em\u003e\u003ca href=\"#_ftn5\" name=\"_ftnref5\" title=\"\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFigure 2 shows an elderly poor migrant who survives on selling thatching grass in Lydiate.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe third and final case on elderly poor migrants in Lydiate involves 74-year-old widow Eve Phiri who also narrated how she saw herself as a lifetime resident of Lydiate owing to her poor life.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMy name is Eve Phiri and I was born in 1955. I have two children, one staying here and the other one married in Harare. Before I came to Lydiate, I once stayed in Kwekwe, and I later moved to the city of Harare. When I was working for a white couple in Mount Pleasant \u003cem\u003e(kumayards),\u003c/em\u003e that\u0026rsquo;s when I met my husband, Edward Magomba. We later came here at Lydiate farm together with my husband in 1988. We worked at the grading shed at Lydiate farm. I have a Malawian origin and my husband was also originally from Malawi. My husband later died in 2005 and I am now staying with my son. We have no other relatives here and life is not easy. We survive on doing piece works in the surrounding agro-residential plots. I no longer see myself moving outside of this community; I have accepted that I am stuck in this poor community.\u003ca href=\"#_ftn6\" name=\"_ftnref6\" title=\"\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e\u003csup\u003e6\u003c/sup\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e5.2.2 The middle-aged poor\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIt is not only the first-generation elderly who are stuck at Lydiate because of poverty. There are also middle-aged Lydiatians who are yoked to the place because of poverty. Middle-aged residents often find themselves caught between caring for aging parents and supporting their own children. This group faces the dual burden of inadequate job opportunities and the responsibilities of caregiving, which significantly limits their economic mobility. An example is Pricilla Ngozo, a 43-year-old widow, who struggles to provide for her children through casual labor, highlighting the cyclical nature of poverty that traps many families in Lydiate. Pricilla Ngozo, explained how she is caught up in the vicious cycle of poverty at Lydiate:\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eI am currently staying with my three children. I started staying at Lydiate farm in 1986. My parents came from Malawi and we were born in Mutorashanga together with my siblings. We came here with our parents who used to work at a mine. My husband James died in 2016 and was buried here at Lydiate Farm. My first son Precious is now living in Epworth. He is just doing piece works. There is nothing in Epworth \u003cem\u003e(Ari kungo kiya kiyawo mwanangu, Hakuna basa kuEpatoni Uko.)\u003c/em\u003e The other three children are at home doing piece works. Usually we work in plots (\u003cem\u003emaricho\u003c/em\u003e). We now consider ourselves people of this community as it is difficult to dream of a better life beyond this current poverty that we are in.\u003ca href=\"#_ftn7\" name=\"_ftnref7\" title=\"\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e\u003csup\u003e7\u003c/sup\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAnother middle-aged poverty-stricken Lydiatian, 45-year-old Jane Kalonde indicated that because of the poverty that is rampant in the community, she is living from hand to mouth with her family leaving her with no option but to remain a resident of the compound. Jane narrated:\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eI\u0026rsquo;ve no plan about the future. I am living life one day at a time. You\u0026rsquo;d better live this way rather than doing plans all the time- what I\u0026rsquo;ll do the day after tomorrow, or in 10 years, or whatever. I\u0026rsquo;m just thinking that today was OK, tomorrow\u0026hellip; God will take care of it. \u0026nbsp;Years back we used to get jobs here but it is now a different story these days. It is now difficult to make a living in this community. We do piece works around here to get money to buy soap and food. We have become comfortable with the life that we are living here. I do not have close relatives nor friends that can take me out of this community. Those who are around me are also poor and in need of support. My two sons Paul and Charles, for example, are also still staying in this compound.\u003ca href=\"#_ftn8\" name=\"_ftnref8\" title=\"\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e\u003csup\u003e8\u003c/sup\u003e \u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e5.2.3\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026lsquo;Vechidiki vanoshaisisa\u0026rsquo;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e, the poor youth\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eJust as the preceding cases illustrating how both the elderly and the middle-aged regard the settlement as home because of poverty, the youths are also not exempt. Majority of these young migrants were born in Lydiate and they do not know any other place to call home. Further, the chances for better lives for these youths have been limited by their poor education as parents in the community do not value education that much. One community leader revealed that,\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u0026lsquo;In this community, if a child gets to grade 7 it\u0026rsquo;s a miracle, if he proceeds then that is heaven.\u0026rsquo;\u003c/em\u003e\u003ca href=\"#_ftn9\" name=\"_ftnref9\" title=\"\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e\u003csup\u003e9\u003c/sup\u003e Usually the young migrants join their parents in doing menial jobs to provide for the family at very young ages. As they grow up and get married, they can be allocated a piece of land where they can start a family. While some may eventually have a radical position against staying in the rough settlement as shall be presented later, some will remain stuck, settling for the same life that their parents and grandparents have experienced in the community. Figure 3 below shows a young poor Lydiatian who now regards Lydiate as a home of last resort repairing his thatched roof.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eI shall provide two cases illustrating the youths that have resolved to make Lydiate their home because of poverty. The first case involves 27-year-old Focus Kwayera who had this to say:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAlthough I desire to have a better life outside of this community, I have given up on that dream. There are several challenges in this community that have forced me to remain here. First, my parents did not afford to provide me with adequate education; I only ended in grade 7. Second, in this compound one is expected to start supporting the family by doing menial jobs at a very young age. \u0026nbsp;I was born here and literally this place has been my home from birth. Things are difficult here; there are no proper jobs and there is nowhere you can get a money to make savings to move out of this community. I have tried several piece jobs but nothing is materialising. People are struggling in this compound.\u003ca href=\"#_ftn10\" name=\"_ftnref10\" title=\"\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e\u003csup\u003e10\u003c/sup\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe second case involves 24-year-old Ernest Chibale who became the breadwinner for his three young siblings after both parents passed away.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eI am currently staying here with three of my siblings- Ruth (17), Edgar (15) and Chipo (13). We were all born in this community. Unfortunately, both of our parents passed away. Our parents had come here with their parents from Malawi. Our grandparents also died a long time ago. I am currently the one taking care of my brother and sisters. Being a breadwinner at a young age is not easy as you have to work really hard and be able to make wise decisions. I do various piece jobs to get money. I also occasionally go fishing with other young people here. I am proud all my siblings have earned primary education with my support. Together, Lydiate has now become our home. Here we do participate in various community activities- I am also part of the Nyau cult and I occasionally take part in the dances and processions that take place during the weekend.\u003ca href=\"#_ftn11\" name=\"_ftnref11\" title=\"\"\u003e\u003csup\u003e\u003c/sup\u003e\u003c/a\u003e\u003csup\u003e11\u003c/sup\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ePoverty in Lydiate acts as a binding factor that ties individuals and families to the settlement. The lack of economic resources limits the residents\u0026apos; options for relocating or accessing better living conditions elsewhere. This economic immobility creates a static community where generational poverty is prevalent, and where the aspirations for mobility are curtailed by the harsh realities of daily survival. Thus, what one calls home can be shaped by complex and wicked societal problems like poverty. Both the young, middle-aged and elderly migrants can be entrapped in the vicious cycle of poverty and in the end they will, out of desperation, find an enclave in such squatter settlements in destination countries and see these as their final home. This observation is in line with scholars like Mpofu (2012) who highlight that squatters of foreign descent in Killarney squatter camp in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe, have been entrapped by precarity for decades making it impossible for them to go and make homes elsewhere, regardless of facing eviction threats by local authorities.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"6. Discussion","content":"\u003cdiv id=\"Sec20\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e6.1 Role of Socio-Economic Conditions in Shaping Perceptions of Home\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe socio-economic conditions within the Lydiate informal settlement significantly influence how its residents perceive and experience ideas of \"home.\" Poverty in Lydiate is not merely a lack of financial resources but a condition that pervades all aspects of life, constraining both physical and social mobility. Residents often find themselves physically bound to their immediate environment due to economic limitations that prevent them from seeking better housing or even returning to their homeland, should they wish to. Socially, poverty restricts their ability to engage with wider community networks outside their immediate environment, limiting their social capital and reinforcing isolation. This scenario starkly contrasts with the diaspora theory that often emphasizes the transnational networks and mobility of migrant communities (Basch, Schiller, \u0026amp; Blanc, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe harsh economic conditions also shape the daily realities and future aspirations of the residents. The concept of home becomes intertwined with survival rather than belonging or cultural identity. For many in Lydiate, future aspirations are not about improvement or return but about making do with the present conditions. This reality challenges notions of diasporic communities actively shaping their futures through transnational engagement and highlights the need for a grounded understanding of how economic deprivation impacts migrant perceptions of home.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe infirm and invalid in Lydiate experience a compounded vulnerability where poor health intersects with economic deprivation. This intersection profoundly impacts their concept of home, which for many revolves around access to care and basic survival. The lack of adequate healthcare services within the settlement further exacerbates their vulnerability, making their homes places of necessity rather than choice or comfort. Theoretical frameworks that discuss health typically focus on access and equity (Quesada, Hart, \u0026amp; Bourgois, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e); however, in Lydiate, the discussion extends to how health directly influences existential security and perceptions of stability and safety in what is called 'home.'\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDependency due to health conditions fosters a unique form of community support, which, while crucial, often lacks consistency and adequacy. This form of dependency contradicts the more active, agency-driven narratives prevalent in diaspora studies, presenting a scenario where home is defined by the limits of one\u0026rsquo;s physical and health conditions rather than the opportunities for cultural expression or community engagement.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec21\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e6.2 Marginalization and its Effects on Home Perception\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eResidents of Lydiate, particularly the impoverished and those with severe health issues, face a dual marginalization \u0026mdash; spatially, by living on the periphery of urban development, and socially, by being excluded from mainstream economic and social systems. This marginalization affects their identity construction, often leading to a diminished sense of belonging and community. Theoretical discussions on marginalization in migration studies (Gupta \u0026amp; Ferguson, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR15\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e) usually highlight strategies for resistance or integration, but in Lydiate, marginalization leads to a reinforcement of vulnerabilities, pushing residents to adapt by accepting rather than challenging their conditions.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe socio-economic conditions erode personal agency and autonomy, pivotal elements in diaspora narratives about home-making and identity construction. In Lydiate, the ability to make meaningful choices about one\u0026rsquo;s living conditions, social relations, and even daily activities is severely restricted, which challenges the optimistic portrayal of diaspora as spaces of fluid identity and cultural synthesis.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe study\u0026rsquo;s emphasis on resignation and inevitability as defining features of the \"home of last resort\" for Lydiate\u0026rsquo;s infirm, invalid, and poverty-stricken migrants reflects the dominant lived experiences uncovered through ethnographic data. The narratives of residents like Fahid and Hildah Banda, Lynda Kamanga, and Margret Chirwa consistently highlight how chronic illness, severe poverty, and socio-political marginalization tether them to Lydiate, limiting their mobility and agency. This focus is deliberate, as it seeks to amplify the voices of the most vulnerable, whose experiences are often sidelined in diaspora studies that prioritize fluid identities and transnational connections (Brah, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2005\u003c/span\u003e; Safran, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1991\u003c/span\u003e). Foregrounding resignation, the study highlights the structural constraints\u0026mdash;such as inadequate healthcare, lack of legal status, and economic exclusion\u0026mdash;that shape these residents\u0026rsquo; static perceptions of home, aligning with theoretical frameworks on structural vulnerability.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eHowever, this emphasis is not meant to overshadow instances of resilience, adaptation, or community agency, which have already been documented in other published works on the same case study (See Bhanye \u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Bhanye \u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). For example, the reliance on informal support networks, such as food sharing by religious groups or assistance from neighbors (e.g., the Bandas\u0026rsquo; house rebuilt by young men), demonstrates a form of community resilience, albeit inconsistent and limited in scope. Similarly, some younger and middle-aged residents, like Focus Kwayera, exhibit adaptation through occasional transience, seeking piecework outside Lydiate, or maintaining a dual sense of place (Bhanye, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). These efforts suggest a degree of agency, as residents attempt to navigate their constraints, akin to the \"housing logic\" observed in other African informal settlements where incremental adaptations foster resilience (Charitonidou, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDespite these instances, the study\u0026rsquo;s focus on resignation remains justified because such adaptive strategies are not only minimal but also inaccessible to the most marginalized\u0026mdash;those who are infirm, invalid, or deeply impoverished. For these residents, physical limitations and economic destitution severely curtail the ability to engage in meaningful adaptation, rendering community support a palliative rather than transformative force. The bias toward inevitability arises from the ethnographic reality that, for these groups, agency is profoundly constrained, and resilience often manifests as mere survival rather than empowerment.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec22\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e6.3 Intersectional Factors, Socio-Political Dynamics and Resident Experiences\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eIt is important to note that the experiences of Lydiate\u0026rsquo;s infirm, invalid, and impoverished migrants are also shaped by other intersecting factors such as gender, age, ethnicity, and other social categories, which complicate their perceptions of home as a \u0026ldquo;last resort.\u0026rdquo; Gender influences labor roles, with women like Margret Chirwa often relegated to low-income tasks like selling thatching grass, while men like Focus Kwayera access piecework, though both face health barriers. Age exacerbates vulnerability, as elderly residents like Fahid and Hildah Banda suffer greater immobility compared to younger migrants who occasionally leave for work.. Other factors, like disability status, further isolate individuals like Lynda Kamanga, whose diabetes restricts social participation. While the study prioritized health and poverty as primary lenses, these intersectional dynamics were observed through participant narratives and community interactions, enriching the analysis. However, the small sample size constrained in-depth exploration of all social categories, a limitation suggesting future research to fully unpack their interplay in informal settlements.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe socio-political environment in Zimbabwe has been marked by occasional outbreaks of \u0026lsquo;othering\u0026rsquo;, often fueled by economic decline and political rhetoric that frames migrants as scapegoats for broader socio-economic issues. Such attitudes permeate social interactions and can influence local community perceptions, leading to discrimination and social exclusion of migrants. This social backdrop plays a critical role in shaping migrant identities, where they are often seen\u0026mdash;and see themselves\u0026mdash;as unwelcome or second-class citizens. The political disenfranchisement of migrants, particularly those from nearby countries like Malawi, further impacts their social identities and their perceptions of belonging. Exclusion from political processes ensures that migrants have little say in the decisions that affect their lives, reinforcing their marginal status and complicating their integration into the broader societal fabric of Zimbabwe.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec23\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e6.4 State Policies, Citizenship Issues, and Their Impact on Migrant Identities and Rights within Zimbabwe\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eZimbabwe's approach to migration and citizenship has been characterized by a complex legal and policy framework that often places migrants in precarious positions. The Zimbabwean government has enacted policies that oscillate between inclusionary practices aimed at integration and exclusionary measures that marginalize certain groups (Bloch, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e). For instance, the regularization programs have occasionally opened pathways for migrants to regularize their status, yet the stringent requirements and bureaucratic hurdles limit their effectiveness. Such policies directly impact migrants\u0026rsquo; ability to secure stable employment, access social services, and even participate in local community life, thereby shaping their identities as perpetually liminal or 'othered' within the national context.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe citizenship laws in Zimbabwe, particularly those pertaining to descent and naturalization, have profound implications for migrants. These laws often disenfranchise second and third-generation migrants, who, despite their long-term presence in the country, find themselves classified as aliens due to their ancestry (Pasura, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR30\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e). This legal othering not only affects their sense of belonging but also their day-to-day experiences, influencing everything from property ownership to political participation. The identity of being a 'permanent outsider' is thus reinforced by legal structures, deeply affecting migrant perceptions of home and belonging in Zimbabwe.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe role of local governance in informal settlements is crucial, as it directly impacts migrants' access to essential services such as healthcare, education, and sanitation. In many cases, informal settlements like Lydiate are underserved, with local authorities either neglecting these areas or engaging in sporadic, often punitive, measures such as evictions or demolitions (Hammar, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e). Such practices exacerbate the vulnerabilities of migrants, making their living conditions more precarious and directly influencing their identity as marginalized community members within the urban landscape.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIssues surrounding registration and documentation significantly affect migrants' abilities to assert their rights and secure their identities within Zimbabwe. The lack of proper documentation not only restricts their mobility but also limits their access to formal employment and social services (Crush \u0026amp; Tevera, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e). For many migrants in Lydiate, the challenge of securing recognized identity documents is a constant barrier, impacting their ability to engage fully and meaningfully with both the state and the broader society.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec24\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e6.5 Implications on Migration Studies and Informal Housing Literature\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis study\u0026rsquo;s portrayal of Lydiate as a \"home of last resort\" for infirm, invalid, and poverty-stricken migrants challenges traditional migration studies that often emphasize mobility, agency, and transnational identities (Brah, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2005\u003c/span\u003e; Safran, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1991\u003c/span\u003e). Foregrounding the static experiences of residents like Fahid and Hildah Banda or Lynda Kamanga, the study aligns with and extends recent scholarship on the sociodemographic and socioeconomic dynamics and political economy of informal housing, offering a nuanced contribution to understanding marginalized migrant populations in urban peripheries.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn migration studies, seminal works like those of Castles and Miller (2009) frame migration as a dynamic process driven by economic opportunities and social networks, often overlooking those \"left behind\" due to health or economic constraints. The Lydiate case contradicts this narrative, illustrating how chronic illness and poverty anchor migrants to informal settlements, limiting their integration into broader diasporic networks. This finding resonates with Quesada et al.\u0026rsquo;s (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e) concept of structural vulnerability, which highlights how systemic factors\u0026mdash;such as lack of healthcare and legal status\u0026mdash;compound marginalization. However, unlike Quesada et al.\u0026rsquo;s focus on Latino migrants in the U.S., Lydiate\u0026rsquo;s context reveals a distinct African urban dynamic where informal housing becomes a permanent rather than transitional space, expanding the applicability of structural vulnerability to Zimbabwe\u0026rsquo;s peri-urban settings.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eRecent research on the sociodemographic and socioeconomic dynamics of informal housing provides further insights. For instance, Conteh et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e) study of Freetown\u0026rsquo;s informal settlements highlights how age, gender, and health shape residents\u0026rsquo; ability to navigate socioeconomic challenges, with older and infirm residents facing greater challenges. In Lydiate, similar patterns emerge, as elderly residents like Margret Chirwa rely on precarious activities (e.g., selling thatching grass), yet the absence of even basic infrastructure, unlike Freetown\u0026rsquo;s more established slums, intensifies their entrapment. This comparison extends Conteh et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e)\u0026rsquo;s findings by highlighting how extreme resource scarcity in smaller settlements like Lydiate amplifies sociodemographic vulnerabilities, limiting adaptive strategies observed in larger urban contexts.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe political economy of informal housing offers another critical lens. Huchzermeyer\u0026rsquo;s (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2004\u003c/span\u003e) analysis of South Africa\u0026rsquo;s informal settlements reveals how state neglect and contested land tenure perpetuate cycles of poverty and exclusion, a dynamic mirrored in Lydiate\u0026rsquo;s lack of formal recognition by the local authorities. However, the case of Lydiate diverges by showing how migrants\u0026rsquo; health-related immobility, rather than solely political contestation, drives settlement persistence, contradicting assumptions that informal housing primarily reflects economic or tenure disputes. This finding builds on Huchzermeyer\u0026rsquo;s work by integrating health as a central factor in the political economy of informal spaces, suggesting that policy interventions must address medical access alongside tenure security to disrupt cycles of marginalization.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eEngaging with these strands of literature, this study both connects to and expands migration and informal housing scholarship. It aligns with calls for intersectional approaches that consider health, age, and poverty, while challenging the mobility-centric bias in diaspora studies. Simultaneously, it extends the political economy framework by foregrounding health-driven immobility as a critical yet understudied dimension of informal settlements. These connections strengthen the study\u0026rsquo;s contribution, positioning Lydiate as a case that illuminates the interplay of structural constraints and individual vulnerabilities in shaping migrant experiences in African urban peripheries.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec25\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e6.6 Implications on the concept of Home\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe findings from the Lydiate informal settlement provides new perspective on the concept of \"home\" within diaspora studies, through the lens of infirmity, invalidity, and poverty. Ideas of plurilocality in diaspora studies suggests that migrants maintain connections across multiple locales, encompassing both their countries of origin and their places of settlement (Levitt \u0026amp; Glick Schiller, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2004\u003c/span\u003e). While this is generally true, the infirm and invalid migrants in Lydiate experience a constrained version of plurilocality. Their physical and economic limitations significantly restrict their ability to engage in transnational practices, such as travel or active participation in the economic life of their homeland. Instead, their concept of home is more static and localized, primarily centred around survival within the confines of the settlement. This contrasts with broader diaspora narratives that emphasize fluidity and active engagement with multiple homelands.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eScholarly discussions on home often portray it as a site of belonging and identity formation, where cultural ties and social networks foster a sense of community and attachment (Brah, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2005\u003c/span\u003e). In Lydiate, while there is a semblance of community support, the severe conditions of poverty and infirmity shape a sense of home that is less about belonging and more about necessity and survival. The community's bonding is not so much about shared cultural practices but rather about shared struggles and mutual aid in facing everyday hardships.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eA common theme in diaspora studies is the idealization of the homeland and the desire to return, which is often fueled by nostalgia and a sense of cultural loss (Safran, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1991\u003c/span\u003e). However, for many in Lydiate, especially the ageing and infirm, the homeland (Malawi) becomes an abstract concept, overshadowed by the immediate needs and the harsh realities of their lives in Zimbabwe. Their concept of home has morphed into a \"home of last resort,\" where the idealization of the homeland is replaced by a resigned acceptance of their current living conditions at Lydiate informal settlement.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDiaspora theory often emphasizes the agency migrants possess in constructing their homes and identities in new environments (Hall, 1990). This agency is significantly compromised in Lydiate due to economic destitution and health-related incapacities. The poverty-stricken, infirm, and invalid migrants exhibit limited agency in defining their homes or future, constrained by their physical and financial circumstances. This reality starkly contrasts with theoretical assertions that view diaspora home-making as an active and dynamic process.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe experiences of residents in Lydiate challenge some of the optimistic tones in diaspora studies about flexibility, hybrid identities, and transnational engagements. Instead, they highlight the importance of considering how severe constraints\u0026mdash;be they economic, physical, or both\u0026mdash;can limit the diasporic experience, leading to a more static and confined understanding of home. This insight suggests that diaspora studies need to integrate more nuanced views that account for the heterogeneity of migrant experiences, especially those marginalized within already vulnerable populations. Additionally, the findings urge policymakers and practitioners to rethink urban development and migrant support strategies. There is a need for targeted interventions that address the specific vulnerabilities of infirm, invalid, and poverty-stricken migrants, ensuring that their basic needs are met and that they are included in broader community support systems.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"7. Policy Implications and Recommendations","content":"\u003cp\u003eTo address the unique challenges faced by Lydiate\u0026rsquo;s infirm, invalid, and poverty-stricken migrants, the following targeted strategies provide actionable pathways to enhance their health, economic stability, and integration.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eHealthcare Access through Community Health Posts and Telemedicine\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe limited healthcare infrastructure in Lydiate, as exemplified by the inadequate local clinic, severely restricts residents\u0026rsquo; ability to manage chronic illnesses like diabetes (e.g., Lynda Kamanga\u0026rsquo;s case). To address this, there is a need to establish community health posts staffed by trained community health workers (CHWs) to provide basic medical care, health education, and chronic disease management. For instance, CHWs could distribute essential medications and monitor conditions like hypertension, reducing reliance on distant facilities. Additionally, introduce mobile telemedicine units to connect residents with urban-based specialists for consultations, particularly for the bedridden (e.g., Hildah Banda). A Health Extension Program, which trains local women to deliver primary care in underserved areas, could be adapted to Lydiate by partnering with Zimbabwe\u0026rsquo;s Ministry of Health and local NGOs to train residents, ensuring cultural and linguistic relevance.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eEconomic Empowerment via Cooperative Enterprises\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003ePoverty traps residents like Margret Chirwa and Focus Kwayera in a cycle of hand-to-mouth survival, limiting their ability to relocate or improve their homes. To break this cycle, there is need to establish community-based cooperative enterprises focused on locally viable activities, such as thatching grass processing or small-scale vegetable farming on borrowed land. For example, a cooperative could aggregate thatching grass sales (as Margret does individually) to secure bulk contracts with urban markets, increasing income stability. A microfinance model could be adapted to provide seed funding, with groups of 5\u0026ndash;10 residents forming savings circles to access low-interest loans for tools or seeds. These cooperatives would prioritize the elderly and infirm by assigning lighter tasks, ensuring inclusivity despite physical limitations.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eEducational Support through Mobile Learning Units\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eLow education levels, particularly among youth like Ernest Chibale, perpetuate generational poverty in Lydiate. To address this, there is need to deploy mobile learning units equipped with tablets and solar-powered internet to deliver vocational training and basic literacy programs directly in the settlement. For instance, a program teaching skills like carpentry or tailoring could enable youth to access markets beyond piecework. A approach that brings non-formal education to marginalized communities can be adopted. These units could also offer adult education for middle-aged residents like Pricilla Ngozo, focusing on financial literacy to support cooperative participation, tailored to their caregiving responsibilities.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eFormalization with Incremental Tenure Security\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe precarious legal status of Lydiate\u0026rsquo;s residents exacerbates their sense of exclusion and vulnerability to eviction. To enhance security, the government can implement an incremental tenure regularization program, starting with temporary occupancy certificates that grant legal recognition without immediate land ownership disputes. For example, a pilot project could issue certificates to 50 households, prioritizing elderly residents like Fahid Banda, ensuring they can access government services without fear of displacement.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOverall, the findings from the Lydiate informal settlement study highlight the urgent need for comprehensive policy reforms and targeted interventions to support vulnerable migrant populations.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"gridtable\"\u003e\u003ctable float=\"Yes\" id=\"Tab1\" border=\"1\"\u003e \u003ccaption language=\"En\"\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionNumber\"\u003eTable 1\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionContent\"\u003e \u003cp\u003ePolicy Recommendations for Supporting Vulnerable Migrant Populations in Lydiate\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/caption\u003e \u003ccolgroup cols=\"4\"\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c1\" colnum=\"1\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c2\" colnum=\"2\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c3\" colnum=\"3\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c4\" colnum=\"4\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cthead\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colspan=\"2\" nameend=\"c2\" namest=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003ePolicy Area\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eRecommendation\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eAction Steps\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/thead\u003e \u003ctbody\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\" morerows=\"2\" rowspan=\"3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eUrban Development Policies\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eInclusive Urban Planning\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eImplement strategies that incorporate the needs of informal settlements.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eCollaborate with community leaders to map out and address essential service needs.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eFormal Recognition of Settlements\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eRegularize informal settlements to improve legal security and access to services.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eInitiate land tenure processes and offer long-term lease agreements to protect residents from evictions.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eCommunity-Based Participatory Planning\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eInvolve migrants in urban development decisions.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eEstablish local committees that include migrant representatives for planning and implementation.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\" morerows=\"1\" rowspan=\"2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eMigration Policies\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eReform of Citizenship and Residency Laws\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eReform laws to reduce statelessness and improve legal status of migrants.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eSimplify the naturalization process, reduce fees, and eliminate bureaucratic obstacles.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eAnti-Discrimination and Social Integration\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eDevelop laws and programs for social integration.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eLaunch educational campaigns against xenophobia and promote cultural understanding; implement integration programs.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\" morerows=\"2\" rowspan=\"3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eTargeted Interventions\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eHealthcare Access\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eImprove healthcare access through mobile clinics and community health programs.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eRegularly deploy mobile clinics; train community health workers to provide basic care and education.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eEconomic Empowerment Initiatives\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eProvide vocational training, microfinance, and job placement services.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003ePartner with local businesses and NGOs to offer skill development and create microcredit opportunities.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eEducational Opportunities\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eEnhance educational access through scholarships and support for local schools.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eIncrease funding for schools, offer scholarships and financial aid, and establish adult education centers.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/tbody\u003e \u003c/colgroup\u003e \u003c/table\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"8. Conclusion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis study explored the concept of \"home\" among the diaspora communities in Lydiate, with a particular focus on the most vulnerable populations: the infirm, invalid, and poverty-stricken migrants. The findings reveal significant insights into how socio-economic constraints and health challenges shape the perceptions and realities of home within these communities. For many migrants in Lydiate, home has evolved into a place of last resort rather than a source of comfort or identity. The harsh realities of poverty and chronic health issues have transformed their living spaces into mere survival zones, where the idealized notions of home as a sanctuary are overshadowed by daily struggles. The study highlighted the limited agency of migrants in defining and shaping their living conditions. Economic hardships and health incapacities restrict their ability to engage with both local and transnational spaces, challenging the broader diaspora narratives of fluid and dynamic home-making practices. While there exists a sense of community support, it is often precarious and insufficient to meet the extensive needs of the infirm and impoverished. This situation fosters a complex network of social relations based on mutual dependency rather than shared cultural or social identities.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDefining home within diaspora communities, especially under the constraints of poverty and ill health, presents a multitude of complexities that challenge traditional academic and practical understandings. The notion of home extends beyond physical spaces or cultural ties; it encompasses a range of emotional, economic, and social dynamics that are continuously negotiated and redefined under the pressures of marginalization and vulnerability. This study demonstrates the need to consider these multifaceted dimensions when discussing home within the context of migration and diaspora studies.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eUnderstanding the perceptions of home among diaspora communities, particularly those facing severe constraints, is crucial for several reasons. Insights from this study can inform targeted policy interventions aimed at improving the living conditions of migrant communities. Recognizing the specific needs and challenges of these groups can lead to more effective urban development strategies and migration policies that address issues of healthcare, housing, and economic stability. The findings contribute to academic discourses on migration, diaspora, and urban studies by highlighting the lived experiences of often overlooked populations. This enriches the theoretical discussions around home and identity in migration studies, providing a grounded perspective that accounts for the impact of socio-economic and health-related vulnerabilities. By elucidating the conditions and perceptions of migrants in informal settlements, this research also supports community-based initiatives aimed at fostering better integration, support networks, and empowerment opportunities for diaspora communities.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis paper significantly contributes to the critical importance of working towards the achievement of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), especially SDG 1 (No Poverty), SDG 3 (Good Health and Well-being), and SDG 11 (Sustainable Cities and Communities), by addressing the complex challenges faced by marginalized populations in informal settlements like Lydiate. The insights from this research are pivotal for developing urban development policies and health interventions that effectively support vulnerable migrant communities. Regarding contribution to SDG 1 (No Poverty), the study highlights the dire economic conditions of the infirm, invalid, and poverty-stricken residents of Lydiate, underscoring the urgent need for economic empowerment initiatives. Advocating for vocational training, microfinance opportunities, and educational support, the research addresses critical pathways to alleviate poverty among these groups. These initiatives are vital for providing sustainable economic solutions that empower migrants to improve their living conditions and escape the cycle of poverty. Regarding contribution to SDG 3 (Good Health and Well-being); health disparities, particularly among the infirm and invalid, are a major focus of this research, aligning with SDG 3. The study illuminates the lack of healthcare access in Lydiate and proposes targeted interventions such as mobile health clinics and community health worker programs. These recommendations are designed to bridge healthcare gaps and enhance the overall health and well-being of marginalized migrants, ensuring they receive the medical attention necessary for a dignified life.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn relation to contribution to SDG 11 (Sustainable Cities and Communities), the findings from this study emphasize the necessity for inclusive urban planning that integrates the needs of informal settlements into city-wide development plans. Recommendations for formalizing these settlements and improving infrastructure\u0026mdash;like clean water, sanitation, and stable electricity\u0026mdash;are essential for transforming Lydiate into a resilient and sustainable community. Additionally, the advocacy for participatory urban planning ensures that the voices of marginalized populations are heard and considered in urban development processes.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn conclusion, the perceptions of home among the infirm, invalid, and poverty-stricken migrants in Lydiate inform a critical understanding of how migration, health, and economic factors intersect to shape individual and collective lives. These insights not only challenge existing narratives within migration and diaspora studies but also call for a compassionate and informed approach to policy-making and community engagement that recognizes the dignity and complexity of all human experiences. Understanding these perceptions is not merely an academic exercise; it is a fundamental component of crafting humane and just societies that uphold the rights and identities of all their members.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eDisclosure statement:\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eDisclaimer:\u003c/strong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eLiability for commissions, omissions and/or views expressed in this paper remains entirely the responsibility of the authors.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eFunding:\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe author thanks the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation (Grant No. 41600690) for funding this research through its \u0026ldquo;Mobility and Sociality in Africa\u0026rsquo;s Emerging Urban Doctoral Fellowship.\u0026rdquo;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eData availability\u0026nbsp;(data transparency)\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSome of the data that underlie the findings of this study may be made available upon request from the authors.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eInformed consent\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAll participants provided written informed consent before inclusion in the study. The process included a clear explanation of the study, potential risks, benefits, and the voluntary nature of participation. \u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eClinical trial number\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eNot applicable\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eConsent to Publish declaration\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eNot applicable\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eEthics declaration\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe study was approved by the University of Zimbabwe\u0026rsquo;s Ethical Approval Committee\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAuthor Contributions\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eJohannes Bhanye - conceptualization, data collection, data analysis, and writing - original draft, review and editing.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eBandauko, E., Kutor, S. 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(2022). How do urban reciprocal support network legacies matter to improve the resiliency of urban informal livelihoods?. \u003cem\u003eSustainable Cities and Society\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e77\u003c/em\u003e, 103528.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eLandau, L. B. (2008). \u003cem\u003eThe Humanitarian Hangover: Displacement, Aid, and Transformation in Western Tanzania\u003c/em\u003e. Johannesburg: Wits University Press.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eLevitt, P., \u0026amp; Glick Schiller, N. (2004). \u003cem\u003eConceptualizing Simultaneity: A Transnational Social Field Perspective on Society\u003c/em\u003e. International Migration Review, 38(3), 1002-1039.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eLomnitz, L. A. (2014). \u003cem\u003eNetworks and Marginality: Life in a Mexican Shantytown\u003c/em\u003e. New York: Academic Press.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eManderson, L., \u0026amp; Block, E. (2016). 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(2011). \u003cem\u003eStructural Vulnerability and Health: Latino Migrant Laborers in the United States\u003c/em\u003e. Medical Anthropology, 30(4), 339-362.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eSafran, W. (1991). \u003cem\u003eDiasporas in Modern Societies: Myths of Homeland and Return\u003c/em\u003e. Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies, 1(1), 83-99.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"},{"header":"Footnotes","content":"\u003col\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e Interview with Fahid Banda at Lydiate Farm, 06 June 2018.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e Interview with Lynda Kamanaga at Lydiate Farm, 21 June 2018.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e Interview with Mr Chigamba at Lydiate Farm, 04 June 2018.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e Interview with Mr Chigamba at Lydiate Farm, 04 June 2018.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e \u003cspan\u003e Interview with Magret Chirwa at Lydiate Farm, 21 June 2018.\u003c/span\u003e \u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e Interview with Eve Phiri at Lydiate Farm, 15 June 2018.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e Interview with Pricilla Ngozo at Lydiate Farm, 20 January 2019.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e Interview with Jane Kalonde at Lydiate Farm, 15 January 2018.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e Interview with community leader Mrs. Zvinyenye at Lydiate Farm, 23 January 2018.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e Interview with Focus Kwayera at Lydiate Farm, 13 January 2018.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e Interview with Ernest Chibale at Lydiate Farm, 27 June 2018.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":false,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":true,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"discover-sustainability","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"disu","sideBox":"Learn more about [Discover Sustainability](https://www.springer.com/43621)","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"","title":"Discover Sustainability","twitterHandle":"","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":true,"editorialSystem":"stoa","reportingPortfolio":"Discover Series","inReviewEnabled":true,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"migration, diaspora, home, poverty, health, informal settlements","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-6112780/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-6112780/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eThis paper examines the concept of \"home\" among (Lydiatians) \u0026ndash; Malawian descendants staying in Lydiate informal settlement in Zimbabwe, focusing on its most vulnerable residents: the infirm, invalid, and impoverished migrants. Using a qualitative ethnographic approach, this study probes how socio-economic and health-related challenges profoundly shape these migrants' perceptions of home. Contrary to traditional views in diaspora and migration studies that emphasize fluid and transnational identities, findings reveal that for these individuals, home is not a haven but a \"home of last resort\"\u0026mdash;as the settlement becomes the ultimate fallback, a place where they are forced to reside because other options are either unattainable or non-existent. Here home is imbued with a sense of resignation and inevitability, where personal agency and choice are markedly diminished. The constraints imposed by illness and poverty not only restrict physical movement but also curtail opportunities for improving their living conditions, thereby cementing their stay in Lydiate as permanent and unchangeable. The study challenges the conventional fluid conceptualizations of home but also highlight the static and imposed nature of home for people living under extreme constraints. The implications of these findings are significant for migration policy and urban development strategies, particularly as they align with the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) on poverty, health, well-being, and sustainable cities. The paper highlights the urgent need for targeted policies that address the specific needs of marginalized groups and recommends inclusive urban planning and migration policy reforms to support the health, welfare, and dignity of these populations. Ultimately, this research contributes to a broader discourse on migration, urban poverty, and informal settlement dynamics, stressing the critical need to understand and respond to the complex realities faced by disenfranchised communities in urban peripheries.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"Lydiate is our home of last resort: Perceptions of place among the poverty-stricken, infirm and invalid migrants in an informal settlement in Zimbabwe","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2025-04-23 10:58:00","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-6112780/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0},{"type":"decision","content":"Revision requested","date":"2025-05-09T08:04:40+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorInvitedReview","content":"","date":"2025-05-01T06:35:07+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorInvitedReview","content":"","date":"2025-05-01T03:37:39+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"191773081766289988939532092830211522351","date":"2025-04-22T05:20:31+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"45880937160007356770970137473404128931","date":"2025-04-22T02:55:50+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorAssigned","content":"","date":"2025-04-22T02:51:06+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewersInvited","content":"","date":"2025-04-22T02:50:39+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"checksComplete","content":"","date":"2025-04-18T06:21:43+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"submitted","content":"Discover Sustainability","date":"2025-04-14T08:15:41+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"discover-sustainability","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"disu","sideBox":"Learn more about [Discover Sustainability](https://www.springer.com/43621)","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"","title":"Discover Sustainability","twitterHandle":"","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":true,"editorialSystem":"stoa","reportingPortfolio":"Discover Series","inReviewEnabled":true,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"c3a897d6-8517-41e7-b471-69b2db9c033d","owner":[],"postedDate":"April 23rd, 2025","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"published-in-journal","subjectAreas":[],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2025-08-07T07:13:36+00:00","versionOfRecord":{"articleIdentity":"rs-6112780","link":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s43621-025-01565-3","journal":{"identity":"discover-sustainability","isVorOnly":false,"title":"Discover Sustainability"},"publishedOn":"2025-07-17 15:57:03","publishedOnDateReadable":"July 17th, 2025"},"versionCreatedAt":"2025-04-23 10:58:00","video":"","vorDoi":"10.1007/s43621-025-01565-3","vorDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s43621-025-01565-3","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-6112780","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-6112780","identity":"rs-6112780","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"8U1c8b4HqxoKbykW_rLl7","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}