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Benson, J. S. Horne This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-7139043/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract The rape crisis in South Africa remains a deeply complex and persistent challenge, marked by high incidence rates, numerous unresolved cases, and consistently low conviction outcomes. These realities are compounded by structural weaknesses within the criminal justice system, particularly in the identification of suspects and the coordination of effective investigations. This article examines a significant case study involving a serial rapist who was linked through multiple forensic methods to 90 rape cases committed over nearly a decade in the Ekurhuleni District. While most of the offenders’ victims were adolescent girls, the overall age range spanned from 12 to 44 years. The offender demonstrated a calculated and methodical approach, often conducting surveillance of potential victims prior to the attacks. A pivotal breakthrough in the investigation came through the National Forensic Deoxyribonucleic Acid Database, which connected 49 cases via deoxyribonucleic acid evidence. However, a misdirected arrest in 2017 led to the premature dissolution of the task team and allowed the offender to continue his crimes undetected. In 2020, a renewed and multidisciplinary investigation, free from prior investigative bias, reassessed dockets, collected updated victim statements, and refined the offender profile, ultimately resulting in his arrest and prosecution. The offender was convicted on 90 counts of rape, five counts of attempted rape, eight counts of compelled rape involving children, 43 counts of kidnapping, and several other charges, including assault, theft and firearm-related offences. The presiding judge, Judge Makolomakwe, described the offender as a dangerous predator beyond rehabilitation. This case underscores the critical importance of forensic intelligence, inter-agency collaboration, and investigative resilience in addressing serial sexual violence in South Africa. case linkage cold case DNA analysis perpetrator rape serial rape the criminal justice system unresolved rape cases Figures Figure 1 1. Introduction Rape, a deeply entrenched and gendered issue in South Africa, necessitates a comprehensive, multifaceted approach to address its complexity (Mabunda, 2025 ). The country grapples with one of the highest rape prevalence rates globally, a result of historical political violence, structural inequalities, and entrenched gender disparities (Machisa et al., 2017 ). Women and girls, the majority of the victims, and men, the primary perpetrators (Jewkes et al., 2010 ; Machisa et al., 2017 ; Smythe, 2015 ), must be part of the solution. Studies reveal that up to one-third of men admit to committing rape, with nearly one-fifth reporting repeated offences (Jewkes, Nduna, et al., 2012 ; Jewkes, Vetten, et al., 2012 ; Jewkes et al., 2010 , 2011 ; Machisa et al., 2011 ). A rape that is not reported cannot be investigated. In 2010 in the Gauteng province only 1 in 20 rapes were reported to the South African Police Service (SAPS) (Machisa et al., 2011 ). Even if reported, a significant number of rape case investigations remain unresolved, mainly when the perpetrators are strangers – as is often the case in serial rape scenarios. These cases remain unsolved because of law enforcement’s failure to identify suspects (Artz & Smythe, 2007 ; Jewkes, Nduna, et al., 2012 ; Jewkes, Vetten, et al., 2012 ; Jewkes et al., 2009 ; Smythe, 2015 ; Vetten et al., 2008 ). Additionally, the criminal justice system exhibits high attrition rates, with most reported rape cases failing to reach prosecution (Campbell et al., 2025 ; Machisa et al., 2018 ; Smythe, 2015 ). Prosecutors decline nearly half of the referred cases, often owing to early victim withdrawal or insufficient investigative evidence (Basdeo, 2018 ; Smythe, 2015 ). Even when cases are enrolled, nearly half are withdrawn before trial, influenced by factors such as: i) the strength of evidence in case dockets; ii) perceptions of complainant credibility; iii) operational constraints within court systems; and iv) resource limitations affecting prosecutorial decision-making (Basdeo, 2018 ; Machisa et al., 2018 ). Court congestion further exacerbates delays, hindering the efficient prosecution of rape cases. At the onset of the trials, approximately 20% of the accused perpetrators, whether strangers or victims’ relatives, plead guilty (Machisa et al., 2017 ). This paper will examine a case study involving one of South Africa’s most prolific serial rapists, who was responsible for 90 rapes over four years, highlighting systemic challenges in forensic investigations and criminal prosecutions. 2. Literature Review 2.1 The Case Study The National Forensic Deoxyribonucleic Acid (DNA) Database of South Africa (NFDDZA) of the Forensic Services Division of the SAPS was created in 2015 (Republic of South Africa, 2013 ). The database aims to identify DNA associations between cases, and notifications are sent out to detectives. With the creation of this database, and the change in the SAPS policy for the processing of all DNA exhibits and not only those with a suspect reference sample, the number of rape series identified have increased dramatically. This in part also led to the development of a policy for the investigation of serial murder and serial rape cases by the SAPS, approved by the Minister of Police in 2016 (Civilian Secretariat for Police, 2016 ). These policies, together with the establishment of the SAPS equivalent of the FBI’s Behavioral Analysis Unit (BAU) and the Investigative Psychology Section in 1996, represent three key pillars in the police’s fight against serial sexual offenders and serial murderers (Geldenhuys, 2020 ). With the aid of DNA and information about the modus operandi, an unknown serial rapist was linked to 97 rape incidents between 2016 and 2020, using the NFDDZA. The rapes involved African victims in the areas of Crystal Park, Daveyton, Etwatwa and Putfontein in the Ekurhuleni District, South Africa. The rapist primarily targeted children, following them from school to their homes or streets and observing their parents’ behaviors. The rapist typically conducted surveillance the day before and attacked his victims the following morning, usually between 5:00 and 8:30. If a victim resisted, he attempted to negotiate or compromise, giving the impression that he disliked what he was doing, and sometimes even asked for forgiveness. He claimed to have a weapon (a knife or a firearm) and would show part of it to his victims (Luvhengo, 2024 ). The ‘Ekurhuleni serial rapist’ was associated with 49 cases through DNA comparison on the NFDDZA. Using modus operandi information, he was associated with an additional 41 cases. In 2017, forensic DNA crime-to-crime forensic investigative leads (FILs) identified an unknown serial rapist operating in the Ekurhuleni District, with 27 cases initially linked. A task team was formed to investigate these leads, and a profile of the rapist was compiled. A suspect was arrested after being identified by a victim and witnesses during an identification parade. However, his forensic DNA profile did not match the DNA profiles from the rape cases, and he was excluded as the perpetrator. Unfortunately, the arrested suspect initiated civil litigation against the SAPS for wrongful arrest, and the resulting negative publicity led to the dissolution of this task team. Meanwhile, the serial rapist continued committing his crimes, with additional cases being linked through the DNA database. In 2020, a senior expert in investigative psychology joined the investigation after 49 cases had been linked, yet no breakthrough was made. A new multidisciplinary task team was established that same year, comprising detectives, criminologists, investigative psychologists, and researchers from the Investigative Psychology Section. Individuals previously involved in the investigation were intentionally excluded to eliminate contextual bias. All the DNA-linked cases were reviewed and visited police stations across the Ekurhuleni District to request all available rape case cases that matched the signature, modus operandi, and psychological profile of the ‘Ekurhuleni serial rapist’. All the victims were interviewed, and both the psychological profile and facial composite of the rapist were updated. The facial composite and interviews provided a detailed description of the rapist’s physical appearance, clothing, and gait. The perpetrator was described as a short African male with a stout build and a medium brown complexion, speaking either isiZulu or Sesotho. He was estimated to be between 30 and 35 years old, with a noticeable gap between his upper teeth. He was consistently neatly dressed, often wearing blue or black jeans, and was known to wear a cap, sometimes white with the letter “N”, or a blue beanie. In none of the rape cases was forced entry into the victims’ homes reported. Psychologically, he was characterized as an individual with low self-esteem and feelings of inadequacy. It was suggested that he may have experienced or witnessed domestic violence during childhood. He was not inclined to use violence or physical aggression. The offender was hypothesized to fit the typology of a power-reassurance rapist 1 . It was believed that he perceived his victims as “special” and that he was a methodical, organized offender who meticulously planned his attacks. Furthermore, it was suggested that he avoided overt physical violence and sought to align his crimes with a fantasy of consensual sexual encounters. He was believed to carefully select his victims, gather information about them, and engage in extensive fantasizing before the assaults, investing significant time in understanding and idealizing them. The investigation team maintained contact with all the victims through a WhatsApp group chat. Regular stakeouts were conducted to possibly identify and apprehend the rapist. Crime scenes were revisited, and victims, suspects and witnesses were continuously re-interviewed to refine the profile of the serial rapist. Patrols were conducted in the suspect’s known operational areas during his typical activity hours (5 to 8:30 a.m.). The investigation conducted by the newly formed task team spanned 11 months before the suspect was ultimately apprehended. A key breakthrough occurred when one of his previous victims recognized him after he attempted to engage her in conversation while she was waiting for transport to school. The victim promptly notified the police about the encounter. In March 2021 the suspect was arrested, following a stakeout conducted early in the morning near the victim’s residence. A forensic DNA profile obtained from the suspect’s buccal sample was subsequently matched to the DNA profiles collected from the Sexual Assault Evidence Collection Kits (SAECK) in the 49 confirmed cases. The initial psychological profile, which hypothesized that the serial rapist fit the typology of a power-reassurance offender, was corroborated in subsequent findings. Faced with the compelling forensic evidence, the suspect pleaded guilty to the charges across 90 cases, encompassing the 49 cases linked through the NFDDZA and additional cases associated with his signature, modus operandi, and psychological profile, The charges included multiple counts of rape, sexual assault, kidnapping, compelling or causing a child to witness a sexual act, and theft. On 4 October 2023, the convicted Ekurhuleni serial rapist was sentenced to 42 life terms, in addition to 791 years and six months of imprisonment, all to be served concurrently. 2.2 Serial Rape Definition 2.3 Case Linkage and Offender Profiling Case linkage and offender profiling are investigative aids that are often used in the investigation of psychologically motivated crimes such as serial rapes (Labuschagne, 2024 ). Case linkage assists law enforcement by linking cases based on similar modus operandi and other case similarities, especially where hard forensic evidence is lacking or still being processed, and has been used in serial rape cases (Woodhams & Labuschagne, 2011; Woodhams et al., 2018 ). Case linkage connect cases based on behavioral similarities at crime scenes, while offender profiling infers characteristics from crime scene behaviors (Alison et al., 2002 , 2010 ). 2.4 Policy for Managing and Investigating Rape According to the authors, the South African Police Service is the on law enforcement agency that has developed a nationally applicable policy on the investigation and management of serial rapes and serial murders (Civilian Secretariat for Police, 2016 ). The policy, which reflects the combined experiences of the police with such investigations over the years, was formally adopted in 2016. It covers issues such as the roles and responsibilities of the different structures of the SAPS in investigating serial cases on the national and provincial levels. The responsibilities of the following organizational structures are set out in the policy document (Civilian Secretariat for Police, 2016 ). Provincial Police Commissioners: These senior officials have to facilitate the identification of serial rape and serial murder offenders, liaise with the Investigative Psychology Section (IPS), ensure that forensic investigative leads are investigated, and form a task team of appropriately trained and experienced detectives. Any existing serial investigations are to be monitored by the Provincial Commissioner, and feedback must be given to the national office. The Detective Service Division of the National Head Office must establish nodal points for the communication of information about serial-rape or murder-related forensic investigative leads. Family Violence, Child Protection and Sexual Offences (FCS) units throughout the country are tasked with the investigation of rape series. FCS detectives involved in the investigation of rape series must have attended the training presented by the IPS. Provincial Task Teams for investigating serial murders must be established once a murder or sexual offence related series has been identified, and priority must be given to detectives trained on the Psychologically Motivated Crimes course. The IPS must assist detectives in the investigation. Provincial Coordinators for Psychologically Motivated Crimes, whose role it is to liaise with the IPS, have to monitor such investigations, and ensure that the day-to-day operations of serial investigations are running smoothly and detectives receive the resources they require. - The Forensic DNA Database Management Section is responsible for communicating DNA investigative leads to the relevant role players, such as detectives. The DNA Serial Team of the Forensic Science Laboratory is responsible for managing and providing forensic DNA reports in serial cases, monitoring the processing of such DNA, and providing forensic DNA findings to detectives. They also prioritize the processing of offender reference samples submitted for analysis. Crime Scene Management units should task crime scene experts who have attended the Psychologically Motivated Crimes course to assist with such incidents. Crime Intelligence Analysis centers at the police station level should analyze the modus operandi of cases in their areas to determine if serial offenders are active and use intelligence screening through a systematic process of collecting, assessing, and filtering information to identify suspects. The policy further outlines the police procedures for identifying serial cases and guides the subsequent investigative steps. These steps include identifying similar cases, revisiting crime scenes, attending both the crime scene and autopsy, and effectively managing forensic exhibits. Additionally, the policy emphasizes the importance of conducting cellphone investigations, maintaining contact with surviving victims, and implementing appropriate measures following an arrest. It also covers the organization of identity parades, preparation for trial, and considerations during the sentencing phase. 2.5 Systematic Approaches to Serial Crime: Reasoning, Evidence, and Collaboration The stakes are high, as unsolved serial cases can have serious consequences. Poor evidence collection and evaluation, and analysis failures must therefore be avoided. To enhance investigative outcomes, detectives should build lasting connections with individuals who can provide valuable information, including existing and potential victims (Eck & Rossmo, 2019 ). The detectives have to possess strong deductive, inductive and abductive reasoning skills to establish probable truths, based on evidence. These cognitive abilities are critical in the context of serial rape and serial murder investigations, where the abilities to recognize patterns, draw inferences, and hypothesize based on limited information are paramount. According to the SAPS Policy on the Management and Investigation of Serial Rape and Serial Murder Casework, the practical application of these reasoning skills enhances the chances of identifying linkages between cases, profiling offenders, and developing investigative strategies that align with forensic evidence (Civilian Secretariat for Police, 2016 ). By combining these skills with systematic investigative practices, detectives can ensure a more cohesive and comprehensive approach to serial crime investigations, ultimately increasing the likelihood of identifying and apprehending perpetrators. 2.6 Investigation Challenges Serial rape cases pose unique investigative challenges because of their complexity and the psychological impact on victims (Mabunda, 2025 ). The clandestine behavior of the perpetrators, the strategic targeting of vulnerable individuals who tend to be strangers, and the lack of immediate physical evidence can complicate detection and apprehension. As seen in this case study, approximately half of the cases did not have a DNA profile. Cold cases often persist owing to an initial lack of forensic evidence or the inability to generate new leads over time. Advances in forensic technology, new witness testimonies, or fresh investigative approaches can aid in their resolution (Toolin et al., 2022 ). 2.7 Witness Testimony and Interviewing Witness testimony is crucial, but time-sensitive. Psychological research highlights memory decay over time, making recollection increasingly unreliable (Horry et al., 2014 ). External influences, such as media exposure or social interactions, further distort memories (Gabbert & Hope, 2018 ). Emotional distress can also increase susceptibility to false memories (Kaplan et al., 2016 ). Psychological research has improved interviewing and suspect identification protocols, and promoted scientifically informed training that enhances key investigative skills. This underscores the importance of proper investigative interviewing techniques (Lamb et al., 2007 ). 2.8 Investigation Hindrances Inadequate investigations hinder arrests and the prosecution of sex crimes. Inadequate adherence to approved policies, poor quality, investigations with incomplete witness statements and the underutilization of forensic resources undermine case outcomes in South Africa (Mabunda, 2025 ; Machisa et al., 2022 ; Van der Watt et al., 2015 ). Operational challenges, including forensic laboratory backlogs and delayed forensic evidence processing, further affect case resolutions. DNA analysis plays a crucial role in identifying perpetrators, particularly since serial rapists re-offend and may engage in other criminal activities (Da Silva et al., 2015 ; Harkins & Dixon, 2013 ; Jewkes, Nduna, et al., 2012 ; Jewkes, Vetten, et al., 2012 ; Jewkes et al., 2006 , 2010 , 2013 ; Mabunda, 2025 ). The absence of a reported DNA profile from the laboratory may be attributed to several factors, including (but not limited to) the offender not ejaculating during intercourse, aspermia (the complete absence of semen), azoospermia (the absence of sperm in the ejaculate), no penetration, or late reporting by the victim. Additionally, failure to obtain a DNA profile or the presence of mixed DNA profiles in post-coital samples may result from inefficiencies in the DNA extraction or analysis methods used by the testing laboratory (Bazinet et al., 2020 ; Burg et al., 2011 ; Pal et al., 2023 ; Van Oorschot, 2012 ). 2.9 Teen Victims and the Reporting Gap Scholars have indicated that the majority of rapes in South Africa involve teenagers and young women (Ngubane et al., 2022 ; Ward et al., 2018 ; Woodhams & Labuschagne, 2012a , 2012b ). Consistent with this finding, the case study revealed that most victims were teenagers. A significant barrier to addressing rape is underreporting by victims (Basdeo, 2018 ). Various factors contribute to this reluctance, including fear of not being believed, self-blame and guilt, privacy concerns, perceived futility, and a low rate of successful prosecutions. Victims often fear skepticism from authorities and society, which leads to feelings of shame and isolation. Studies indicate that negative responses on the part of law enforcement can exacerbate trauma and deter reporting (Basdeo, 2018 ). 3. Discussion Inadequate witness statements significantly compromise behavioral case linkage, particularly without forensic evidence (Van der Watt et al., 2015 ). In South Africa, sworn statements are written by a member of the SAPS during an interview with the victim or witness. With 12 official languages there are often challenges, as statements are taken down in English, which is most often not the first language of either party. Similarly, statements often do not include the rich behavioral information required for case linkage or offender profiling purposes. In the case study, victims were re-interviewed, and in instances where complaints had initially been withdrawn, the willingness of other victims to testify encouraged reconsideration. As a result, some victims proceeded with their cases. These follow-up tasks performed during investigations underscore the essential role investigators play in gathering evidence. It is incumbent upon them to make victims feel confident and trust in their investigative capabilities, so that victims will be willing to follow through to the trial phase. Weapons are used in 40–50% of rape cases in South Africa, with knives and firearms being the most common (Jewkes & Abrahams, 2002 ; Vetten & Haffejee, 2005 ). The case study aligns with previous findings that offenders use weapons to intimidate victims (Park et al., 2008 ). Although the ‘Ekurhuleni serial rapist’ did not engage in physical violence, he used a weapon – typically a wooden object, knife or a firearm – for coercion. Unlike most stranger rapes, which occur in open spaces (Machisa et al., 2017 ), the perpetrator in this case engaged in pre-rape surveillance by observing and following the victims to their homes the day before the rape, which suggests a high degree of premeditation. The perpetrator would deceive the victim by claiming to be a municipal employee or an electrician, to gain access to the home under the pretense of attending to a utility, or an electrical or appliance issue. This aligns with previous studies on offenders who employ deception to access victims. The ‘con-approach’ involves an offender manipulating or concealing their true intent (Chopin et al., 2022 ; Dale et al., 1997 ; Woodhams & Labuschagne, 2012a ). In South Africa, cultural norms contribute to victims’ vulnerability, as young individuals may trust and assist older perpetrators (Da Silva et al., 2015 ; Sikweyiya & Jewkes, 2009 ; Woodhams & Labuschagne, 2012b ). In this case study, the rapist posed as a municipal worker to gain access to the victims’ homes, which differs from previous research suggesting that most stranger rapes occur in open spaces. Verbal behavior patterns among serial rapists vary significantly across studies (Woodhams & Labuschagne, 2012a , 2012b ). In the case of the Ekurhuleni serial rapist, further analysis of the perpetrator’s communication strategies, intimidation tactics, and victim interactions provided additional insights into his behavior patterns, which were then integrated into the psychological profile. Scholars have indicated that the majority of rapes in South Africa involve teenagers and young women (Ngubane et al., 2022 ; Ward et al., 2018 ; Woodhams & Labuschagne, 2012a , 2012b ). This was borne out by the case study, in which most victims were teenagers. Underreporting by victims is a significant barrier to countering rape (Basdeo, 2018 ). Various factors contribute to this reluctance, including fear of not being believed, self-blame and guilt, privacy concerns, perceived futility, and the low rate of successful prosecutions. Victims often fear skepticism from authorities and society, which leads to feelings of shame and isolation. Studies indicate that negative responses on the part of law enforcement can exacerbate trauma and deter reporting (Basdeo, 2018 ). It is not known if any other victims of the Ekurhuleni serial rapist did not report their rape. However, given that only one in twenty victims report their rape, it is likely that there were even more victims. The presence of forensic DNA evidence can significantly influence victims’ decisions to report rape. This powerful tool can objectively support their claims, empowering them to come forward, knowing that the perpetrator can be accurately identified and prosecuted. In serial cases, the awareness that multiple victims are reporting similar incidents can create a supportive environment, motivating others to report their experiences. Forensic DNA analysis clearly serves as a pivotal tool in investigating and prosecuting rape cases. DNA databases enable law enforcement to connect multiple crimes committed by the same individual, facilitating the identification and apprehension of serial offenders. Additionally, wrongfully accused or convicted individuals can be cleared through DNA testing, as demonstrated in cases where new DNA evidence has led to exonerations after decades of imprisonment. Consistent with previous research, attempted and completed vaginal rape was common in the case study (Park et al., 2008 ; Santtila et al., 2005 ). However, only 49 of the 90 serial cases yielded a forensic DNA profile that was loaded onto the NFDDZA. Several factors may explain why forensic DNA profiles are not uploaded to the NFDDZA. These include the absence of detectable DNA in post-coital samples; laboratory triage policies that prioritize casework, where, in the absence of an arrested suspect, only the two most probative exhibits are submitted for DNA analysis; delays in DNA analysis exceeding prescribed time frames; and the generation of DNA mixture profiles that contain more than one individual’s DNA profile DNA mixture profiles remain a significant challenge, necessitating further research and development, as only single-source profiles are currently eligible for upload to the NFDDZA (Ballantyne et al., 2013 ; Lopez-Jauffret, 2022 ; Lovell et al., 2022 ; Magalhães et al., 2015 ; Wang et al., 2020 ). Effective police agencies recognize that crime follows distinct patterns, which provide opportunities for targeted interventions. Crime is not randomly distributed, but tends to cluster in specific locations and peak at certain times. By analyzing these patterns, law enforcement can implement strategic measures to prevent and reduce criminal activity (Eck & Rossmo, 2019 ). Research indicates that sexual offenders exhibit a wide range of variability in their behavior frequency, types of sexual acts, and personal characteristics (Bartol & Bartol, 2005 ; Wojcik & Fisher, 2019 ; Woodworth et al., 2013 ). This variability accounts for the absence of a universal behavioral profile for all offenders, as their crimes differ in respect of timing, location, victim demographics, level of planning, and degree of violence (Bartol & Bartol, 2005 ; Wojcik & Fisher, 2019 ; Woodworth et al., 2013 ). Investigators must develop a profile of a serial rapist, as was done in the case of the Ekurhuleni serial rapist. The components of a typical serial rapist’s profile consist of the forensic profile, behavioral and psychological profile, victimology, demographic and social profile, residence and work habits, criminal history, and geographic profile (see Fig. 1 ). When assessing a serial rapist’s modus operandi (MO), it is crucial to recognize that it is not fixed and may fluctuate in response to situational factors related to both the offender and the victims, in order to facilitate continued offending (Anisha, 2024 ). The MO reflects the offender’s practical behaviors and is influenced by their fantasies, emotions, and intentions. Internal motivations play a significant role in shaping an offender’s behavior, including their MO, in a complex interaction with external opportunities and environmental factors. In South Africa, regarding precautionary behaviors, it was uncommon for rapists to take measures to conceal their identity from victims (Woodhams & Labuschagne, 2012a , 2012b ). Similarly, the Ekurhuleni serial rapist did not attempt to disguise himself, allowing his victims to provide details that aided in the creation of an identikit. Media can play a crucial role in aiding memory retrieval and uncovering potential new witnesses in cold cases. It is a powerful tool for eliciting information in active investigations and long-term unsolved cases. By raising public awareness and prompting recollection, media campaigns can generate fresh leads and encourage individuals with relevant knowledge to come forward. Research suggests that seemingly motiveless crimes are often linked to fantasy enactment (Woodworth et al., 2013 ). Predatory sexual offenders, those who commit multiple premeditated and organized offences, tend to have more structured sexual fantasies than opportunistic offenders, whose crimes are unplanned and isolated (DeLisi et al., 2016 ; Woodworth et al., 2013 ). This indicates that predatory and organized offenders may use sexual fantasies as a tool for planning their crimes. In contrast, opportunistic and disorganized offenders may engage in fantasy primarily for wish fulfilment or sexual gratification. The Ekurhuleni serial rapist premeditated and meticulously planned his attacks. By the serial rapist’s own admission, his rapes were driven by elaborate sexual fantasies. A substantial number of rapists are likely to continue committing sexual offences both before they are apprehended and, in many cases, even after their release from incarceration. This ongoing pattern of re-offending underscores the critical need for effective law enforcement strategies, monitoring programs and, most importantly, comprehensive rehabilitation efforts to prevent further victimization (Lovell et al., 2022 ). For this reason, victims and the Ekurhuleni community were engaged, and a WhatsApp group was created to maintain open communication and provide regular updates on the investigation’s progress. This proactive engagement with the community is not just a strategy, but a shared responsibility in preventing future crimes. Fostering trust within communities is essential for gathering intelligence and preventing future crimes. Forensic investigative DNA testing has become a valuable tool for solving both active and cold cases (Lovell et al., 2022 ). Even when rape cases are reported, arrests and convictions remain infrequent (Machisa et al., 2023 ). Contributing factors include insufficient evidence, delayed reporting, challenges in victim testimony, and procedural limitations within the criminal justice system (Machisa et al., 2023 ; Mulder et al., 2021 ; Parti & Robinson, 2021 ). In the present case study, initial investigative efforts were unsuccessful and further complicated by the arrest and charging of an individual erroneously identified by the victim and a witness during an identification parade, as DNA analysis later excluded the individual from involvement. Despite the NFDDZA linking an unidentified serial rapist to multiple rapes in the Ekurhuleni District in Gauteng, South Africa, the cases had remained unresolved until a senior forensic psychology official from Investigate Psychology intervened. Research indicates that cases where investigators re-interview witnesses or pursue overlooked leads have higher clearance rates (Davis et al.). Investigative forensic DNA leads also play a central role in the reopening of unresolved cases (Smith & Horne, 2023 , 2024 ; Wickenheiser, 2021 ). 4. Conclusion Addressing serial rape requires a multifaceted strategy that integrates forensic science, victim support, and legal reforms. Enhancing the accuracy and accessibility of forensic DNA analysis can bolster victim confidence in the justice system, and lead to increased reporting and the successful prosecution of offenders. Simultaneously, safeguarding ethical standards and privacy rights is essential to maintaining public trust and upholding justice. Declarations Ethical Approval Approval for this study was granted by the University of South Africa’s Ethics Committee. The study was conducted in accordance with this approval. Conflict of interest The authors declare no competing interests. Funding Not applicable Availability of data and materials Not applicable. Author Contribution JHS: Writing- Conceptualisation, Writing-original draft, review & editing; GL: Writing-review & editing; RJ &BCB: Review; JS: Writing-original draft, review. Acknowledgement We appreciate the contributions of the diverse investigation team, which were crucial to the advancement of the case. 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Forensic Science International: Synergy , 5 , 100294. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.fsisyn.2022.100294 Van der Watt, M., Benson, B., & Labuschagne, G. (2015). From stranger to serial: (re)emphasising the value of docket analysis as a linkage tool in serial rape identification. Acta Criminologica: African Journal of Criminology & Victimology , 28 (2), 62–77. https://umkn-dsp01.unisa.ac.za/handle/10500/6684 Van Oorschot, R. (2012). Assessing DNA profiling success rates: Need for more and better collection of relevant data. Forensic Science Policy Management: An International Journal , 3 (1), 37–41. https://doi.org/10.1080/19409044.2012.704560 Vetten, L., & Haffejee, S. (2005). Gang rape: A study in inner-city Johannesburg. South Africa Crime Quarterly , 12 , 31–36. https://doi.org/10.17159/2413-3108/2005/i12a1017 Vetten, L., Jewkes, R., Sigsworth, R., Christofides, N., Loots, L., & Dunseith, O. (2008). Tracking justice: The attrition of rape cases through the criminal justice system in Gauteng . Johannesburg: Tshwaranang Legal Advocacy Centre, the South African Medical Research Council and the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2413-3108/2020/i69a6380 Wang, Z., MacMillan, K., Powell, M., & Wein, L. (2020). A cost-effectiveness analysis of the number of samples to collect and test from a sexual assault. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences , 117 (24), 13421–13427. https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1918253117 Ward, C., Artz, L., Leoschut, L., Kassanjee, R., & Burton, P. (2018). Sexual violence against children in South Africa: A nationally representative cross-sectional study of prevalence and correlates. The Lancet Global Health , 6 (4), e460–e468. https://doi.org/10.1016/S2214-109X(18)30060-3 Wickenheiser, R. (2021). The value of forensic DNA leads in preventing crime and eliminating the innocent. Forensic Science International: Synergy , 3 , 100201. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.fsisyn.2021.100201 Wojcik, M. L., & Fisher, B. S. (2019). Overview of adult sexual offender typologies. In L. A. Brecklin & S. E. U. Bloom (Eds.), Handbook of sexual assault and sexual assault prevention (pp. 241–256). Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-23645-8_13 Woodhams, J., & Labuschagne, G. (2012a). A test of case linkage principles with solved and unsolved serial rapes. Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology , 27 , 85–98. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11896-011-9096-2 Woodhams, J., & Labuschagne, G. (2012b). South African serial rapists: The offenders, their victims, and their offenses. Sexual Abuse , 24 (6), 544–574. https://doi.org/10.1177/1079063212445573 Woodhams, J., Tonkin, M., Burrell, A., Imre, H., Winter, J., Lam, E. K. M, Ten Brinke, G. J., Webb, M., Labuschagne, G. N., et al. (2018). Linking sexual offences: Moving towards an ecologically valid test of the principles of crime linkage. Legal and Criminological Psychology, 18(10), 123–140 . https://research.birmingham.ac.uk/files/56027529/Woodhams_et_al._C_LINK_2018.pdf Woodworth, M., Freimuth, T., Hutton, E. L., Carpenter, T., Agar, A. D., & Logan, M. (2013). High-risk sexual offenders: An examination of sexual fantasy, sexual paraphilia, psychopathy, and offence characteristics. International Journal of Law and Psychiatry , 36 (2), 144–156. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijlp.2013.01.008 Footnotes ‘Power-reassurance rapist’ refers to a classification within rape typologies, describing offenders who commit sexual assaults to compensate for feelings of inadequacy and to affirm their masculinity. These individuals often harbor fantasies of consensual relationships with their victims, leading them to use minimal force during the assault and, in some cases, to apologize afterwards. Their actions are typically driven by a desire to bolster self-esteem, rather than to inflict harm (Alison et al., 2010 ). Additional Declarations No competing interests reported. Cite Share Download PDF Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Research Square lets you share your work early, gain feedback from the community, and start making changes to your manuscript prior to peer review in a journal. As a division of Research Square Company, we’re committed to making research communication faster, fairer, and more useful. We do this by developing innovative software and high quality services for the global research community. Our growing team is made up of researchers and industry professionals working together to solve the most critical problems facing scientific publishing. Also discoverable on Platform About Our Team In Review Editorial Policies Advisory Board Help Center Resources Author Services Accessibility API Access RSS feed Manage Cookie Preferences © Research Square 2026 | ISSN 2693-5015 (online) Privacy Policy Terms of Service Do Not Sell My Personal Information {"props":{"pageProps":{"initialData":{"identity":"rs-7139043","acceptedTermsAndConditions":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"archivedVersions":[],"articleType":"Case Report","associatedPublications":[],"authors":[{"id":495303980,"identity":"ac960610-c990-48a7-9d96-292d90b6cdf3","order_by":0,"name":"JH Smith","email":"data:image/png;base64,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","orcid":"","institution":"University of South Africa","correspondingAuthor":true,"prefix":"","firstName":"JH","middleName":"","lastName":"Smith","suffix":""},{"id":495303982,"identity":"1ef82142-7d3d-41f4-8db1-7075f7c58b0d","order_by":1,"name":"G Labuschagne","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"University of the Witwatersrand","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"G","middleName":"","lastName":"Labuschagne","suffix":""},{"id":495303984,"identity":"695fb0a5-51b5-4820-8478-3d732c1a0b33","order_by":2,"name":"R Jewkes","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"University of the Witwatersrand","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"R","middleName":"","lastName":"Jewkes","suffix":""},{"id":495303986,"identity":"49f28017-b74a-4050-aff7-e465c50fcd0e","order_by":3,"name":"B.C. Benson","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"University of South Africa","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"B.C.","middleName":"","lastName":"Benson","suffix":""},{"id":495303987,"identity":"2a1a6548-898d-44ca-9dea-02b3578f1495","order_by":4,"name":"J. S. Horne","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"University of South Africa","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"J.","middleName":"S.","lastName":"Horne","suffix":""}],"badges":[],"createdAt":"2025-07-16 10:38:18","currentVersionCode":1,"declarations":"","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7139043/v1","doiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-7139043/v1","draftVersion":[],"editorialEvents":[],"editorialNote":"","failedWorkflow":false,"files":[{"id":88534188,"identity":"2c2a640e-3119-4a79-9d63-ee0736984be1","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-08-07 12:11:17","extension":"png","order_by":1,"title":"Figure 1","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":135666,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eComponents of a Typical Serial Rapist’s Profile\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e(Source: De Wet, Labuschagne \u0026amp; Chiroro, 2009; Hazelwood \u0026amp; Warren, 2003; Wojcik \u0026amp; Fisher, 2019).\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"1.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7139043/v1/b0bc998d1c314fdc5e03b534.png"},{"id":88535622,"identity":"3fb309be-8c9a-4210-a4c9-3ce01f5e89d3","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-08-07 12:27:17","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":845273,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7139043/v1/0a2d58fe-a515-49fe-83ba-206f575886a5.pdf"}],"financialInterests":"No competing interests reported.","formattedTitle":"Investigating Unresolved Serial Rape Cases in South Africa: The Ekurhuleni Serial Rape Case ","fulltext":[{"header":"1. Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003eRape, a deeply entrenched and gendered issue in South Africa, necessitates a comprehensive, multifaceted approach to address its complexity (Mabunda, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR56\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e). The country grapples with one of the highest rape prevalence rates globally, a result of historical political violence, structural inequalities, and entrenched gender disparities (Machisa et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR60\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e). Women and girls, the majority of the victims, and men, the primary perpetrators (Jewkes et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR44\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e; Machisa et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR60\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e; Smythe, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR76\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e), must be part of the solution. Studies reveal that up to one-third of men admit to committing rape, with nearly one-fifth reporting repeated offences (Jewkes, Nduna, et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR43\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e; Jewkes, Vetten, et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR46\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e; Jewkes et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR44\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR45\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e; Machisa et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR57\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eA rape that is not reported cannot be investigated. In 2010 in the Gauteng province only 1 in 20 rapes were reported to the South African Police Service (SAPS) (Machisa et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR57\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e). Even if reported, a significant number of rape case investigations remain unresolved, mainly when the perpetrators are strangers \u0026ndash; as is often the case in serial rape scenarios. These cases remain unsolved because of law enforcement\u0026rsquo;s failure to identify suspects (Artz \u0026amp; Smythe, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2007\u003c/span\u003e; Jewkes, Nduna, et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR43\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e; Jewkes, Vetten, et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR46\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e; Jewkes et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR40\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e; Smythe, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR76\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e; Vetten et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR82\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAdditionally, the criminal justice system exhibits high attrition rates, with most reported rape cases failing to reach prosecution (Campbell et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR19\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e; Machisa et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR61\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; Smythe, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR76\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e). Prosecutors decline nearly half of the referred cases, often owing to early victim withdrawal or insufficient investigative evidence (Basdeo, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; Smythe, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR76\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e). Even when cases are enrolled, nearly half are withdrawn before trial, influenced by factors such as: i) the strength of evidence in case dockets; ii) perceptions of complainant credibility; iii) operational constraints within court systems; and iv) resource limitations affecting prosecutorial decision-making (Basdeo, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; Machisa et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR61\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). Court congestion further exacerbates delays, hindering the efficient prosecution of rape cases. At the onset of the trials, approximately 20% of the accused perpetrators, whether strangers or victims\u0026rsquo; relatives, plead guilty (Machisa et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR60\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e). This paper will examine a case study involving one of South Africa\u0026rsquo;s most prolific serial rapists, who was responsible for 90 rapes over four years, highlighting systemic challenges in forensic investigations and criminal prosecutions.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"2. Literature Review","content":"\u003cdiv id=\"Sec3\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e2.1 The Case Study\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe National Forensic Deoxyribonucleic Acid (DNA) Database of South Africa (NFDDZA) of the Forensic Services Division of the SAPS was created in 2015 (Republic of South Africa, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR69\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e). The database aims to identify DNA associations between cases, and notifications are sent out to detectives. With the creation of this database, and the change in the SAPS policy for the processing of all DNA exhibits and not only those with a suspect reference sample, the number of rape series identified have increased dramatically. This in part also led to the development of a policy for the investigation of serial murder and serial rape cases by the SAPS, approved by the Minister of Police in 2016 (Civilian Secretariat for Police, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e). These policies, together with the establishment of the SAPS equivalent of the FBI\u0026rsquo;s Behavioral Analysis Unit (BAU) and the Investigative Psychology Section in 1996, represent three key pillars in the police\u0026rsquo;s fight against serial sexual offenders and serial murderers (Geldenhuys, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eWith the aid of DNA and information about the modus operandi, an unknown serial rapist was linked to 97 rape incidents between 2016 and 2020, using the NFDDZA. The rapes involved African victims in the areas of Crystal Park, Daveyton, Etwatwa and Putfontein in the Ekurhuleni District, South Africa. The rapist primarily targeted children, following them from school to their homes or streets and observing their parents\u0026rsquo; behaviors. The rapist typically conducted surveillance the day before and attacked his victims the following morning, usually between 5:00 and 8:30. If a victim resisted, he attempted to negotiate or compromise, giving the impression that he disliked what he was doing, and sometimes even asked for forgiveness. He claimed to have a weapon (a knife or a firearm) and would show part of it to his victims (Luvhengo, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR55\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe \u0026lsquo;Ekurhuleni serial rapist\u0026rsquo; was associated with 49 cases through DNA comparison on the NFDDZA. Using modus operandi information, he was associated with an additional 41 cases. In 2017, forensic DNA crime-to-crime forensic investigative leads (FILs) identified an unknown serial rapist operating in the Ekurhuleni District, with 27 cases initially linked. A task team was formed to investigate these leads, and a profile of the rapist was compiled. A suspect was arrested after being identified by a victim and witnesses during an identification parade. However, his forensic DNA profile did not match the DNA profiles from the rape cases, and he was excluded as the perpetrator. Unfortunately, the arrested suspect initiated civil litigation against the SAPS for wrongful arrest, and the resulting negative publicity led to the dissolution of this task team.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eMeanwhile, the serial rapist continued committing his crimes, with additional cases being linked through the DNA database. In 2020, a senior expert in investigative psychology joined the investigation after 49 cases had been linked, yet no breakthrough was made. A new multidisciplinary task team was established that same year, comprising detectives, criminologists, investigative psychologists, and researchers from the Investigative Psychology Section. Individuals previously involved in the investigation were intentionally excluded to eliminate contextual bias. All the DNA-linked cases were reviewed and visited police stations across the Ekurhuleni District to request all available rape case cases that matched the signature, modus operandi, and psychological profile of the \u0026lsquo;Ekurhuleni serial rapist\u0026rsquo;.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAll the victims were interviewed, and both the psychological profile and facial composite of the rapist were updated. The facial composite and interviews provided a detailed description of the rapist\u0026rsquo;s physical appearance, clothing, and gait. The perpetrator was described as a short African male with a stout build and a medium brown complexion, speaking either isiZulu or Sesotho. He was estimated to be between 30 and 35 years old, with a noticeable gap between his upper teeth. He was consistently neatly dressed, often wearing blue or black jeans, and was known to wear a cap, sometimes white with the letter \u0026ldquo;N\u0026rdquo;, or a blue beanie.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn none of the rape cases was forced entry into the victims\u0026rsquo; homes reported. Psychologically, he was characterized as an individual with low self-esteem and feelings of inadequacy. It was suggested that he may have experienced or witnessed domestic violence during childhood. He was not inclined to use violence or physical aggression.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe offender was hypothesized to fit the typology of a power-reassurance rapist\u003csup\u003e1\u003c/sup\u003e. It was believed that he perceived his victims as \u0026ldquo;special\u0026rdquo; and that he was a methodical, organized offender who meticulously planned his attacks. Furthermore, it was suggested that he avoided overt physical violence and sought to align his crimes with a fantasy of consensual sexual encounters. He was believed to carefully select his victims, gather information about them, and engage in extensive fantasizing before the assaults, investing significant time in understanding and idealizing them.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe investigation team maintained contact with all the victims through a WhatsApp group chat. Regular stakeouts were conducted to possibly identify and apprehend the rapist. Crime scenes were revisited, and victims, suspects and witnesses were continuously re-interviewed to refine the profile of the serial rapist. Patrols were conducted in the suspect\u0026rsquo;s known operational areas during his typical activity hours (5 to 8:30 a.m.).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe investigation conducted by the newly formed task team spanned 11 months before the suspect was ultimately apprehended. A key breakthrough occurred when one of his previous victims recognized him after he attempted to engage her in conversation while she was waiting for transport to school. The victim promptly notified the police about the encounter. In March 2021 the suspect was arrested, following a stakeout conducted early in the morning near the victim\u0026rsquo;s residence. A forensic DNA profile obtained from the suspect\u0026rsquo;s buccal sample was subsequently matched to the DNA profiles collected from the Sexual Assault Evidence Collection Kits (SAECK) in the 49 confirmed cases. The initial psychological profile, which hypothesized that the serial rapist fit the typology of a power-reassurance offender, was corroborated in subsequent findings. Faced with the compelling forensic evidence, the suspect pleaded guilty to the charges across 90 cases, encompassing the 49 cases linked through the NFDDZA and additional cases associated with his signature, modus operandi, and psychological profile, The charges included multiple counts of rape, sexual assault, kidnapping, compelling or causing a child to witness a sexual act, and theft. On 4 October 2023, the convicted Ekurhuleni serial rapist was sentenced to 42 life terms, in addition to 791 years and six months of imprisonment, all to be served concurrently.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec4\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e2.2 Serial Rape Definition\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec5\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e2.3 Case Linkage and Offender Profiling\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eCase linkage and offender profiling are investigative aids that are often used in the investigation of psychologically motivated crimes such as serial rapes (Labuschagne, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR50\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). Case linkage assists law enforcement by linking cases based on similar modus operandi and other case similarities, especially where hard forensic evidence is lacking or still being processed, and has been used in serial rape cases (Woodhams \u0026amp; Labuschagne, 2011; Woodhams et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR90\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). Case linkage connect cases based on behavioral similarities at crime scenes, while offender profiling infers characteristics from crime scene behaviors (Alison et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2002\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec6\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e2.4 Policy for Managing and Investigating Rape\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eAccording to the authors, the South African Police Service is the on law enforcement agency that has developed a nationally applicable policy on the investigation and management of serial rapes and serial murders (Civilian Secretariat for Police, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e). The policy, which reflects the combined experiences of the police with such investigations over the years, was formally adopted in 2016. It covers issues such as the roles and responsibilities of the different structures of the SAPS in investigating serial cases on the national and provincial levels. The responsibilities of the following organizational structures are set out in the policy document (Civilian Secretariat for Police, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cul\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eProvincial Police Commissioners: These senior officials have to facilitate the identification of serial rape and serial murder offenders, liaise with the Investigative Psychology Section (IPS), ensure that forensic investigative leads are investigated, and form a task team of appropriately trained and experienced detectives. Any existing serial investigations are to be monitored by the Provincial Commissioner, and feedback must be given to the national office.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe Detective Service Division of the National Head Office must establish nodal points for the communication of information about serial-rape or murder-related forensic investigative leads.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eFamily Violence, Child Protection and Sexual Offences (FCS) units throughout the country are tasked with the investigation of rape series. FCS detectives involved in the investigation of rape series must have attended the training presented by the IPS.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eProvincial Task Teams for investigating serial murders must be established once a murder or sexual offence related series has been identified, and priority must be given to detectives trained on the Psychologically Motivated Crimes course.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe IPS must assist detectives in the investigation.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eProvincial Coordinators for Psychologically Motivated Crimes, whose role it is to liaise with the IPS, have to monitor such investigations, and ensure that the day-to-day operations of serial investigations are running smoothly and detectives receive the resources they require.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003e- The Forensic DNA Database Management Section is responsible for communicating DNA investigative leads to the relevant role players, such as detectives.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe DNA Serial Team of the Forensic Science Laboratory is responsible for managing and providing forensic DNA reports in serial cases, monitoring the processing of such DNA, and providing forensic DNA findings to detectives. They also prioritize the processing of offender reference samples submitted for analysis.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eCrime Scene Management units should task crime scene experts who have attended the Psychologically Motivated Crimes course to assist with such incidents.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eCrime Intelligence Analysis centers at the police station level should analyze the modus operandi of cases in their areas to determine if serial offenders are active and use intelligence screening through a systematic process of collecting, assessing, and filtering information to identify suspects.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/ul\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe policy further outlines the police procedures for identifying serial cases and guides the subsequent investigative steps. These steps include identifying similar cases, revisiting crime scenes, attending both the crime scene and autopsy, and effectively managing forensic exhibits. Additionally, the policy emphasizes the importance of conducting cellphone investigations, maintaining contact with surviving victims, and implementing appropriate measures following an arrest. It also covers the organization of identity parades, preparation for trial, and considerations during the sentencing phase.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec7\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e2.5 Systematic Approaches to Serial Crime: Reasoning, Evidence, and Collaboration\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe stakes are high, as unsolved serial cases can have serious consequences. Poor evidence collection and evaluation, and analysis failures must therefore be avoided. To enhance investigative outcomes, detectives should build lasting connections with individuals who can provide valuable information, including existing and potential victims (Eck \u0026amp; Rossmo, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR30\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). The detectives have to possess strong deductive, inductive and abductive reasoning skills to establish probable truths, based on evidence. These cognitive abilities are critical in the context of serial rape and serial murder investigations, where the abilities to recognize patterns, draw inferences, and hypothesize based on limited information are paramount. According to the SAPS Policy on the Management and Investigation of Serial Rape and Serial Murder Casework, the practical application of these reasoning skills enhances the chances of identifying linkages between cases, profiling offenders, and developing investigative strategies that align with forensic evidence (Civilian Secretariat for Police, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e). By combining these skills with systematic investigative practices, detectives can ensure a more cohesive and comprehensive approach to serial crime investigations, ultimately increasing the likelihood of identifying and apprehending perpetrators.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec8\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e2.6 Investigation Challenges\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eSerial rape cases pose unique investigative challenges because of their complexity and the psychological impact on victims (Mabunda, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR56\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e). The clandestine behavior of the perpetrators, the strategic targeting of vulnerable individuals who tend to be strangers, and the lack of immediate physical evidence can complicate detection and apprehension. As seen in this case study, approximately half of the cases did not have a DNA profile. Cold cases often persist owing to an initial lack of forensic evidence or the inability to generate new leads over time. Advances in forensic technology, new witness testimonies, or fresh investigative approaches can aid in their resolution (Toolin et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR78\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec9\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e2.7 Witness Testimony and Interviewing\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eWitness testimony is crucial, but time-sensitive. Psychological research highlights memory decay over time, making recollection increasingly unreliable (Horry et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR38\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e). External influences, such as media exposure or social interactions, further distort memories (Gabbert \u0026amp; Hope, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). Emotional distress can also increase susceptibility to false memories (Kaplan et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR47\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e). Psychological research has improved interviewing and suspect identification protocols, and promoted scientifically informed training that enhances key investigative skills. This underscores the importance of proper investigative interviewing techniques (Lamb et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR52\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2007\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec10\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e2.8 Investigation Hindrances\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eInadequate investigations hinder arrests and the prosecution of sex crimes. Inadequate adherence to approved policies, poor quality, investigations with incomplete witness statements and the underutilization of forensic resources undermine case outcomes in South Africa (Mabunda, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR56\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e; Machisa et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR58\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Van der Watt et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR79\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eOperational challenges, including forensic laboratory backlogs and delayed forensic evidence processing, further affect case resolutions. DNA analysis plays a crucial role in identifying perpetrators, particularly since serial rapists re-offend and may engage in other criminal activities (Da Silva et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e; Harkins \u0026amp; Dixon, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR37\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e; Jewkes, Nduna, et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR43\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e; Jewkes, Vetten, et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR46\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e; Jewkes et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR41\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR44\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR42\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e; Mabunda, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR56\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe absence of a reported DNA profile from the laboratory may be attributed to several factors, including (but not limited to) the offender not ejaculating during intercourse, aspermia (the complete absence of semen), azoospermia (the absence of sperm in the ejaculate), no penetration, or late reporting by the victim. Additionally, failure to obtain a DNA profile or the presence of mixed DNA profiles in post-coital samples may result from inefficiencies in the DNA extraction or analysis methods used by the testing laboratory (Bazinet et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e; Burg et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e; Pal et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR66\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e; Van Oorschot, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR80\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec11\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e2.9 Teen Victims and the Reporting Gap\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eScholars have indicated that the majority of rapes in South Africa involve teenagers and young women (Ngubane et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR65\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Ward et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR84\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; Woodhams \u0026amp; Labuschagne, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR88\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012a\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR89\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012b\u003c/span\u003e). Consistent with this finding, the case study revealed that most victims were teenagers. A significant barrier to addressing rape is underreporting by victims (Basdeo, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). Various factors contribute to this reluctance, including fear of not being believed, self-blame and guilt, privacy concerns, perceived futility, and a low rate of successful prosecutions. Victims often fear skepticism from authorities and society, which leads to feelings of shame and isolation. Studies indicate that negative responses on the part of law enforcement can exacerbate trauma and deter reporting (Basdeo, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"3. Discussion","content":"\u003cp\u003eInadequate witness statements significantly compromise behavioral case linkage, particularly without forensic evidence (Van der Watt et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR79\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e). In South Africa, sworn statements are written by a member of the SAPS during an interview with the victim or witness. With 12 official languages there are often challenges, as statements are taken down in English, which is most often not the first language of either party. Similarly, statements often do not include the rich behavioral information required for case linkage or offender profiling purposes.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn the case study, victims were re-interviewed, and in instances where complaints had initially been withdrawn, the willingness of other victims to testify encouraged reconsideration. As a result, some victims proceeded with their cases. These follow-up tasks performed during investigations underscore the essential role investigators play in gathering evidence. It is incumbent upon them to make victims feel confident and trust in their investigative capabilities, so that victims will be willing to follow through to the trial phase.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eWeapons are used in 40\u0026ndash;50% of rape cases in South Africa, with knives and firearms being the most common (Jewkes \u0026amp; Abrahams, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR39\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2002\u003c/span\u003e; Vetten \u0026amp; Haffejee, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR81\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2005\u003c/span\u003e). The case study aligns with previous findings that offenders use weapons to intimidate victims (Park et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR67\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e). Although the \u0026lsquo;Ekurhuleni serial rapist\u0026rsquo; did not engage in physical violence, he used a weapon \u0026ndash; typically a wooden object, knife or a firearm \u0026ndash; for coercion.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eUnlike most stranger rapes, which occur in open spaces (Machisa et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR60\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e), the perpetrator in this case engaged in pre-rape surveillance by observing and following the victims to their homes the day before the rape, which suggests a high degree of premeditation. The perpetrator would deceive the victim by claiming to be a municipal employee or an electrician, to gain access to the home under the pretense of attending to a utility, or an electrical or appliance issue. This aligns with previous studies on offenders who employ deception to access victims. The \u0026lsquo;con-approach\u0026rsquo; involves an offender manipulating or concealing their true intent (Chopin et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR21\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Dale et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1997\u003c/span\u003e; Woodhams \u0026amp; Labuschagne, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR88\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012a\u003c/span\u003e). In South Africa, cultural norms contribute to victims\u0026rsquo; vulnerability, as young individuals may trust and assist older perpetrators (Da Silva et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e; Sikweyiya \u0026amp; Jewkes, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR71\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e; Woodhams \u0026amp; Labuschagne, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR89\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012b\u003c/span\u003e). In this case study, the rapist posed as a municipal worker to gain access to the victims\u0026rsquo; homes, which differs from previous research suggesting that most stranger rapes occur in open spaces. Verbal behavior patterns among serial rapists vary significantly across studies (Woodhams \u0026amp; Labuschagne, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR88\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012a\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR89\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012b\u003c/span\u003e). In the case of the Ekurhuleni serial rapist, further analysis of the perpetrator\u0026rsquo;s communication strategies, intimidation tactics, and victim interactions provided additional insights into his behavior patterns, which were then integrated into the psychological profile.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eScholars have indicated that the majority of rapes in South Africa involve teenagers and young women (Ngubane et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR65\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Ward et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR84\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; Woodhams \u0026amp; Labuschagne, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR88\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012a\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR89\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012b\u003c/span\u003e). This was borne out by the case study, in which most victims were teenagers. Underreporting by victims is a significant barrier to countering rape (Basdeo, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). Various factors contribute to this reluctance, including fear of not being believed, self-blame and guilt, privacy concerns, perceived futility, and the low rate of successful prosecutions. Victims often fear skepticism from authorities and society, which leads to feelings of shame and isolation. Studies indicate that negative responses on the part of law enforcement can exacerbate trauma and deter reporting (Basdeo, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIt is not known if any other victims of the Ekurhuleni serial rapist did not report their rape. However, given that only one in twenty victims report their rape, it is likely that there were even more victims. The presence of forensic DNA evidence can significantly influence victims\u0026rsquo; decisions to report rape. This powerful tool can objectively support their claims, empowering them to come forward, knowing that the perpetrator can be accurately identified and prosecuted. In serial cases, the awareness that multiple victims are reporting similar incidents can create a supportive environment, motivating others to report their experiences. Forensic DNA analysis clearly serves as a pivotal tool in investigating and prosecuting rape cases. DNA databases enable law enforcement to connect multiple crimes committed by the same individual, facilitating the identification and apprehension of serial offenders. Additionally, wrongfully accused or convicted individuals can be cleared through DNA testing, as demonstrated in cases where new DNA evidence has led to exonerations after decades of imprisonment.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eConsistent with previous research, attempted and completed vaginal rape was common in the case study (Park et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR67\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e; Santtila et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR70\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2005\u003c/span\u003e). However, only 49 of the 90 serial cases yielded a forensic DNA profile that was loaded onto the NFDDZA. Several factors may explain why forensic DNA profiles are not uploaded to the NFDDZA. These include the absence of detectable DNA in post-coital samples; laboratory triage policies that prioritize casework, where, in the absence of an arrested suspect, only the two most probative exhibits are submitted for DNA analysis; delays in DNA analysis exceeding prescribed time frames; and the generation of DNA mixture profiles that contain more than one individual\u0026rsquo;s DNA profile DNA mixture profiles remain a significant challenge, necessitating further research and development, as only single-source profiles are currently eligible for upload to the NFDDZA (Ballantyne et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e; Lopez-Jauffret, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR53\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Lovell et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR54\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Magalh\u0026atilde;es et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR62\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e; Wang et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR83\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eEffective police agencies recognize that crime follows distinct patterns, which provide opportunities for targeted interventions. Crime is not randomly distributed, but tends to cluster in specific locations and peak at certain times. By analyzing these patterns, law enforcement can implement strategic measures to prevent and reduce criminal activity (Eck \u0026amp; Rossmo, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR30\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). Research indicates that sexual offenders exhibit a wide range of variability in their behavior frequency, types of sexual acts, and personal characteristics (Bartol \u0026amp; Bartol, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2005\u003c/span\u003e; Wojcik \u0026amp; Fisher, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR86\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e; Woodworth et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR91\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e). This variability accounts for the absence of a universal behavioral profile for all offenders, as their crimes differ in respect of timing, location, victim demographics, level of planning, and degree of violence (Bartol \u0026amp; Bartol, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2005\u003c/span\u003e; Wojcik \u0026amp; Fisher, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR86\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e; Woodworth et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR91\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eInvestigators must develop a profile of a serial rapist, as was done in the case of the Ekurhuleni serial rapist. The components of a typical serial rapist\u0026rsquo;s profile consist of the forensic profile, behavioral and psychological profile, victimology, demographic and social profile, residence and work habits, criminal history, and geographic profile (see Fig.\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Fig1\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e1\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eWhen assessing a serial rapist\u0026rsquo;s modus operandi (MO), it is crucial to recognize that it is not fixed and may fluctuate in response to situational factors related to both the offender and the victims, in order to facilitate continued offending (Anisha, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR3\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). The MO reflects the offender\u0026rsquo;s practical behaviors and is influenced by their fantasies, emotions, and intentions. Internal motivations play a significant role in shaping an offender\u0026rsquo;s behavior, including their MO, in a complex interaction with external opportunities and environmental factors. In South Africa, regarding precautionary behaviors, it was uncommon for rapists to take measures to conceal their identity from victims (Woodhams \u0026amp; Labuschagne, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR88\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012a\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR89\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012b\u003c/span\u003e). Similarly, the Ekurhuleni serial rapist did not attempt to disguise himself, allowing his victims to provide details that aided in the creation of an identikit. Media can play a crucial role in aiding memory retrieval and uncovering potential new witnesses in cold cases. It is a powerful tool for eliciting information in active investigations and long-term unsolved cases. By raising public awareness and prompting recollection, media campaigns can generate fresh leads and encourage individuals with relevant knowledge to come forward.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eResearch suggests that seemingly motiveless crimes are often linked to fantasy enactment (Woodworth et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR91\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e). Predatory sexual offenders, those who commit multiple premeditated and organized offences, tend to have more structured sexual fantasies than opportunistic offenders, whose crimes are unplanned and isolated (DeLisi et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR29\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e; Woodworth et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR91\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e). This indicates that predatory and organized offenders may use sexual fantasies as a tool for planning their crimes. In contrast, opportunistic and disorganized offenders may engage in fantasy primarily for wish fulfilment or sexual gratification. The Ekurhuleni serial rapist premeditated and meticulously planned his attacks. By the serial rapist\u0026rsquo;s own admission, his rapes were driven by elaborate sexual fantasies.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eA substantial number of rapists are likely to continue committing sexual offences both before they are apprehended and, in many cases, even after their release from incarceration. This ongoing pattern of re-offending underscores the critical need for effective law enforcement strategies, monitoring programs and, most importantly, comprehensive rehabilitation efforts to prevent further victimization (Lovell et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR54\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). For this reason, victims and the Ekurhuleni community were engaged, and a WhatsApp group was created to maintain open communication and provide regular updates on the investigation\u0026rsquo;s progress. This proactive engagement with the community is not just a strategy, but a shared responsibility in preventing future crimes. Fostering trust within communities is essential for gathering intelligence and preventing future crimes. Forensic investigative DNA testing has become a valuable tool for solving both active and cold cases (Lovell et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR54\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eEven when rape cases are reported, arrests and convictions remain infrequent (Machisa et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR59\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). Contributing factors include insufficient evidence, delayed reporting, challenges in victim testimony, and procedural limitations within the criminal justice system (Machisa et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR59\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e; Mulder et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR63\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e; Parti \u0026amp; Robinson, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR68\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). In the present case study, initial investigative efforts were unsuccessful and further complicated by the arrest and charging of an individual erroneously identified by the victim and a witness during an identification parade, as DNA analysis later excluded the individual from involvement. Despite the NFDDZA linking an unidentified serial rapist to multiple rapes in the Ekurhuleni District in Gauteng, South Africa, the cases had remained unresolved until a senior forensic psychology official from Investigate Psychology intervened. Research indicates that cases where investigators re-interview witnesses or pursue overlooked leads have higher clearance rates (Davis et al.). Investigative forensic DNA leads also play a central role in the reopening of unresolved cases (Smith \u0026amp; Horne, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR73\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR75\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e; Wickenheiser, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR85\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"4. Conclusion","content":"\u003cp\u003eAddressing serial rape requires a multifaceted strategy that integrates forensic science, victim support, and legal reforms. Enhancing the accuracy and accessibility of forensic DNA analysis can bolster victim confidence in the justice system, and lead to increased reporting and the successful prosecution of offenders. Simultaneously, safeguarding ethical standards and privacy rights is essential to maintaining public trust and upholding justice.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eEthical Approval\u003c/strong\u003e \u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eApproval for this study was granted by the University of South Africa\u0026rsquo;s Ethics Committee. The study was conducted in accordance with this approval.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eConflict of interest\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe authors declare no competing interests.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eFunding\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003eNot applicable\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAvailability of data and materials\u003c/strong\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003eNot applicable.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAuthor Contribution\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eJHS: Writing- Conceptualisation, Writing-original draft, review \u0026amp; editing; GL: Writing-review \u0026amp; editing; RJ \u0026amp;BCB: Review; JS: Writing-original draft, review.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAcknowledgement\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWe appreciate the contributions of the diverse investigation team, which were crucial to the advancement of the case. Members of the Investigative Psychology Section, forensic analysts in charge of DNA profiling, the lead investigator, and forensic practitioners who performed comparison searches on the National Forensic DNA Database, all contributed to a positive impact in resolving this case.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eAlison, L. J., Bennell, C., Mokros, A., \u0026amp; Ormerod, D. (2002). The personality paradox in offender profiling: A theoretical review of the processes involved in deriving background characteristics from crime scene actions. \u003cem\u003ePsychology, Public Policy and Law\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e8\u003c/em\u003e, 115\u0026ndash;135. https://psycnet.apa.org/doi/10.1037/1076-8971.8.1.115\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eAlison, L. J., Goodwill, A., Almond, L., Van den Heuvel, C., \u0026amp; Winter, J. (2010). 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Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-23645-8_13\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eWoodhams, J., \u0026amp; Labuschagne, G. (2012a). A test of case linkage principles with solved and unsolved serial rapes. \u003cem\u003eJournal of Police and Criminal Psychology\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e27\u003c/em\u003e, 85\u0026ndash;98. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11896-011-9096-2\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eWoodhams, J., \u0026amp; Labuschagne, G. (2012b). South African serial rapists: The offenders, their victims, and their offenses. \u003cem\u003eSexual Abuse\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e24\u003c/em\u003e(6), 544\u0026ndash;574. https://doi.org/10.1177/1079063212445573\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eWoodhams, J., Tonkin, M., Burrell, A., Imre, H., Winter, J., Lam, E. K. M, Ten Brinke, G. J., Webb, M., Labuschagne, G. N., et al. (2018). Linking sexual offences: Moving towards an ecologically valid test of the principles of crime linkage. \u003cem\u003eLegal and Criminological Psychology, 18(10),\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e123\u0026ndash;140\u003cem\u003e.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e https://research.birmingham.ac.uk/files/56027529/Woodhams_et_al._C_LINK_2018.pdf\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eWoodworth, M., Freimuth, T., Hutton, E. L., Carpenter, T., Agar, A. D., \u0026amp; Logan, M. (2013). High-risk sexual offenders: An examination of sexual fantasy, sexual paraphilia, psychopathy, and offence characteristics. \u003cem\u003eInternational Journal of Law and Psychiatry\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e36\u003c/em\u003e(2), 144\u0026ndash;156. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijlp.2013.01.008\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"},{"header":"Footnotes","content":"\u003col\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e \u0026lsquo;Power-reassurance rapist\u0026rsquo; refers to a classification within rape typologies, describing offenders who commit sexual assaults to compensate for feelings of inadequacy and to affirm their masculinity. These individuals often harbor fantasies of consensual relationships with their victims, leading them to use minimal force during the assault and, in some cases, to apologize afterwards. Their actions are typically driven by a desire to bolster self-esteem, rather than to inflict harm (Alison et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":true,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"
[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"case linkage, cold case, DNA analysis, perpetrator, rape, serial rape, the criminal justice system, unresolved rape cases","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7139043/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-7139043/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eThe rape crisis in South Africa remains a deeply complex and persistent challenge, marked by high incidence rates, numerous unresolved cases, and consistently low conviction outcomes. These realities are compounded by structural weaknesses within the criminal justice system, particularly in the identification of suspects and the coordination of effective investigations. This article examines a significant case study involving a serial rapist who was linked through multiple forensic methods to 90 rape cases committed over nearly a decade in the Ekurhuleni District. While most of the offenders\u0026rsquo; victims were adolescent girls, the overall age range spanned from 12 to 44 years. The offender demonstrated a calculated and methodical approach, often conducting surveillance of potential victims prior to the attacks. A pivotal breakthrough in the investigation came through the National Forensic Deoxyribonucleic Acid Database, which connected 49 cases via deoxyribonucleic acid evidence. However, a misdirected arrest in 2017 led to the premature dissolution of the task team and allowed the offender to continue his crimes undetected. In 2020, a renewed and multidisciplinary investigation, free from prior investigative bias, reassessed dockets, collected updated victim statements, and refined the offender profile, ultimately resulting in his arrest and prosecution. The offender was convicted on 90 counts of rape, five counts of attempted rape, eight counts of compelled rape involving children, 43 counts of kidnapping, and several other charges, including assault, theft and firearm-related offences. The presiding judge, Judge Makolomakwe, described the offender as a dangerous predator beyond rehabilitation. This case underscores the critical importance of forensic intelligence, inter-agency collaboration, and investigative resilience in addressing serial sexual violence in South Africa.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"Investigating Unresolved Serial Rape Cases in South Africa: The Ekurhuleni Serial Rape Case","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2025-08-07 12:11:12","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7139043/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"
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