Ethnography of Establishing and Maintaining Gendered Roles and Norms in Learning Speaking at Dire Dawa University

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Data were gathered through field notes and unstructured interviews. Using thematic analysis, the findings were organized into four major themes. First, some participants believed that certain traits and behaviors of males and females are innate and biologically determined. Second, males were widely viewed as more capable in specific types of work, reinforcing the misconception that certain jobs are inherently “for men” while others are “for women.” Third, even when women hold leadership roles, the prevailing norm continues to position leadership as primarily male. Finally, in male-dominated fields, men’s achievements are often praised, whereas women’s successes in the same fields are judged negatively. Overall, these misconceptions and assumptions contribute significantly to the formation and continuation of gender bias. Introduction The terms sex and gender carry distinct meanings and should be used accordingly. Bhargava et al. (2021) emphasize that the two terms are not interchangeable. They explain that sex is biological and dichotomous, determined in the fertilized zygote through the expression of sex-chromosomal genes. Gender, in contrast, refers to how individuals perceive themselves (male, female, or other) and how society perceives them. The authors distinguish sex differences, rooted in biology, from gender differences, which arise from a combination of psychological, environmental, cultural and biological factors. Gender identity is therefore understood as an individual’s self-perception. Stoller (1968) similarly defines sex as a biological classification and gender as the result of psychological and social processes. People are born with a biological sex, but gender is socially and culturally constructed and develops through social interaction. Oakley (1972) further explains that gender is learned as individuals form their gendered identities through personal and social experiences. Unger and Crawford (1993) add that sex refers to biological attributes, while gender refers to cultural and social characteristics such as masculinity and femininity. In simple terms, sex denotes biological differences and gender denotes social differences (Rupshraa, 2013). In recent years, social justice has become central to discussions in education. Although its roots lie in the civil rights movement, the concept now encompasses broader issues of equality and opportunity (Bennett, 2001). A key element of social justice in education is ensuring equitable access to quality learning. This requires teachers not only to provide assistance but also to distribute support fairly, avoiding practices that reinforce existing inequalities. By promoting social justice in the classroom, teachers contribute to building a more equitable society. Scholars have examined how gender issues appear in the preparation and practice of English language teaching, including the use of teaching materials and various texts. Both global and local studies are relevant in this regard. For example, Al-Karim Datoo’s (2009) critical ethnography explores how global and local forces shape school curricula and students’ identities, particularly in relation to media influence. Many global studies on gender representation focus on specific regions and do not capture the broader global picture. Their findings often have limited relevance to Ethiopia, where English does not have the same social or political status as in countries where the language dominates public life. A significant local contribution is Molla and Gale’s (2014) study, Inequality in Ethiopian Higher Education , which shows that despite increased female participation, gender inequalities persist. These inequalities intersect with factors such as ethnicity, rural background and socio-economic status. Previous research in Ethiopia has been limited in scope, often confined to Addis Ababa and surrounding areas, or focused on single grade levels, especially in primary education. Many studies relied on a single analytical method and lacked the methodological diversity needed for stronger findings. Existing studies also differ widely in methodological approach, making their results difficult to compare. The present study focuses on gender representation in English language teaching texts for several reasons. Critical analysis of teaching materials can reveal gender biases that may not be easily identified through other research methods. Because critical studies aim to be emancipatory, they offer a meaningful approach for exposing and addressing inequities. English language teaching materials are particularly important because they play a central role in shaping learning interactions and can reinforce gendered patterns. For these reasons, this study examines how gender representation appears in teaching materials used in university-level spoken English courses, where students come from diverse backgrounds. Research Question 1. What assumptions, perceptions and established norms shape student-to-student interactions, both within the same sex and between sexes, during speaking-skills learning at the tertiary level in Ethiopia? Key terms Critical Discourse analysis, Sex, Gender, Gender representation, Gender Responsiveness, Sexism, Text Review of Related Literature Gender bias is rooted in long-standing social roles assigned to women and men. Social role theory argues that these roles shape widely held stereotypes: men have historically been associated with activities requiring speed, physical strength, and extended absence from home, while women have been tied to domestic and caregiving responsibilities (Bussey & Bandura 1999; Eagly et al. 2000). These patterns produce expectations that men should be agentic, independent, and decisive, whereas women should be communal, supportive, and nurturing (Eagly et al. 2000). Over time, both individuals and observers adopt these traits as natural extensions of their respective social positions, creating a self-reinforcing cycle that sustains gender bias (Steffens et al. 2015). Schools play a central role in reproducing these social norms. As Foucault (1972) notes, educational systems operate as mechanisms that regulate access to particular forms of discourse, shaping how knowledge and power circulate. Classrooms therefore become key spaces where social identities and unequal power relations are reinforced. While education is often framed as a pathway to opportunity, it simultaneously serves political functions by maintaining or reshaping dominant discourses. Critical ethnography provides a framework for examining how such structures operate in everyday educational contexts. It relies on qualitative, anthropological methods but is grounded in critical social theory (Masemann 1982). This approach explicitly acknowledges its ideological commitments, aiming to reveal how institutional practices and hegemonic assumptions shape participants’ experiences and limit their perceptions of social structures (Lather 1986; Lutz 1984; Ogbu 1987; Angus 1987). By moving beyond surface descriptions, critical ethnography exposes the broader power relations that influence schooling. Gender in language education has become a major site for such critical inquiry. Research shows that educational actors at all levels influence the transmission of gender-related values, intentionally or not (Ariyanto 2018; Sulaimani & Elyas 2018; Widodo 2018). Schools and universities function as spaces where gendered identities, discourses, and practices are produced and consumed through curricula, classroom interactions, and institutional policies. Textbooks, syllabi, and lesson plans often carry implicit or explicit messages about gender. Teachers shape students’ critical awareness not only through language instruction but also through the moral, cultural, and gender-related values embedded in educational materials (Widodo et al. 2018). The socio-institutional context determines which gender issues receive emphasis, as different countries prioritize concerns such as gender inequality in distinct ways. The expanding field of gender and language education has drawn on both the discourse turn in language studies and the performative turn in gender studies (Menard-Warwick et al. 2014). Current research broadly focuses on three areas: how gender identities shape language learning in educational settings; how gender and sexual identity influence learners’ agency and investment; and how teachers experience gendered dynamics within the language-teaching profession (Rowlett & King 2017). Together, these studies highlight the complex ways gender intersects with language education and underscore the need for continued critical examination. Research Design A research design functions as a strategic map that identifies the purpose of an inquiry and outlines the methods for gathering evidence, analyzing it, and presenting the findings (Kumar, 2002). It guides decisions about which strategies to employ during data collection, how the collected evidence will be analyzed, and which techniques will most effectively communicate the results. This study employs an ethnographic design. Ethnography focuses on collecting and analyzing data about cultural groups (May, 2002), involving an effort to understand how actions within one social world make sense from the standpoint of another. Richards (2005) further describes ethnography as a systematic approach to observing, describing, documenting, and analyzing cultural patterns to understand people’s ways of life within their natural settings. Such research requires close contact with the group being studied, including interviews with notable or influential members of that group. In this study, the researcher interviewed students who played active roles in their academic community, including class representatives, group leaders, and students showing strong engagement in Communicative English Skills (FLEn 1012). These key informants were interviewed or observed to provide insight into how their cultural backgrounds align or contrast with the cultural representations found in classroom practices, campus communicative situations, and instructional texts used in teaching spoken language at universities. Although unstructured interviews and field notes were initially planned, this paper draws only on field notes, while other methods address additional research questions in the full dissertation. This approach extends ongoing critical inquiry into gender and language education, aligning with broader scholarly efforts in the field (Rowlett & King, 2017). Methods This study used ethnographic methods, which rely on close, sustained engagement with participants and the systematic collection of qualitative data. Key data-gathering tools included unstructured interviews, observation, and detailed field notes. Field notes are central to ethnographic research because they capture not only what people say but also cultural practices, non-verbal communication, and the researcher’s interpretations of social life. Following Sanjek (1990) and Russell (2005), the field notes for this study were organized into four types: jottings, a diary, a log, and full field-note narratives. Interview transcripts complemented these notes by documenting spoken interactions. Ethnographic work traditionally requires extended immersion, often a year or more, to allow the researcher to build rapport, understand local norms, and learn how to ask meaningful questions. However, Russell (2006) emphasizes that what matters is not the exact length of time spent in the field but whether the researcher has reached a level of cultural familiarity that enables effective observation and data collection. In some cases, productive participant observation can be conducted within weeks or even days. In this study, the student researcher conducted fieldwork at Dire Dawa University, where he had long-standing experience teaching students from diverse regions of Ethiopia. His familiarity with the institutional culture and the students’ backgrounds meant that he already possessed the cultural grounding and rapport typically gained through prolonged immersion. As a result, the necessary fieldwork could be completed within a shorter period, since establishing trust and understanding did not present major difficulties. The primary goal of the study was to critically examine how gender is represented and reinforced in Communicative English Skills (Flen 1012) classes and related teaching materials used for spoken-language instruction at Dire Dawa University. Unstructured interviews served as a key method because they allow participants to speak freely while enabling the researcher to observe language use, recall details, and generate rich descriptions. Building rapport before questioning was essential to avoid superficial or misleading responses. Observation further supplemented the interviews by providing direct insight into classroom interactions and the everyday practices through which gendered meanings are produced. Selection of Setting This study was conducted at Dire Dawa University, one of Ethiopia’s second-generation universities established to meet the country’s growing demand for skilled professionals. Located in the industrial and commercial city of Dire Dawa, about 515 km east of Addis Ababa, the university began its teaching and learning activities in the 2007 academic year. Its establishment reflects the government’s commitment to expanding equitable access to higher education and producing competent graduates and research outputs that support national development goals. Dire Dawa University lies at the center of the Dire Dawa Administration. It is bordered by the East Hararge Zone of the Oromiya Regional State to the south and southeast, and by the Shinile Zone of the Somali Regional State to the north, east, and west. It is also situated approximately 311 km west of the Djibouti ports (DDPACC 2006; IDP 2006; Daniel 2007, cited in Ephrem 2021). In relation to the topic of this study, the university is currently led by a female president. This leadership choice reflects the university board’s commitment to motivating women to take on academic and administrative roles and offers a visible example to the surrounding community that girls can aspire to leadership at any level. It also models gender-responsive governance for other universities across the country and highlights the unique strengths women bring to academic institutions and to the broader social, economic, and cultural development of the nation. Such representation is particularly significant in higher education settings that bring together female learners from diverse regions, as it sends a powerful message of possibility to both female and male students. The curriculum of Ethiopian higher education institutions consists of a range of courses that vary by college and department, along with several compulsory courses required of all first-year students. Communicative English Skills is one such compulsory course at Dire Dawa University. Designed to help students use English effectively for real communication, the course includes materials that support the development of listening, speaking, reading, and writing skills, with particular emphasis on speaking. The module (Flen 1012) covers topics such as national economic issues, expected civic behaviors, man-made and natural disasters, globalization, energy, sustainable resource use, and information technology. These topics are not taught for their content alone; rather, they serve as contexts through which students practice and develop their language skills. The units also include vocabulary- and grammar-building exercises that support the students’ ability to use English both inside and outside the classroom. Within qualitative research, the aim is to understand and describe human experiences in depth rather than to identify representative patterns or generalizable trends. Samples are selected based on their potential to provide rich and varied insights into the phenomenon under investigation. Because language and culture are inseparable, it is important to acknowledge that instructional materials designed as described above may not fully reflect the cultural nuances of native English use. This can make it challenging for learners to develop native-like communicative competence, particularly when interacting with speakers from the target culture. Selection of Participants Identifying the target population is a fundamental step in survey design. The target population is the group to be investigated and the group to which the survey findings will apply. Its elements may include individuals, households, or institutions, since a population does not necessarily consist only of people (Bethlehem, 2009). Before determining the sample size, the sampling frame must be established. A sampling frame is a complete list of all elements in the target population, each accompanied by contact information such as names, addresses, phone numbers, or email details. These lists may exist in paper form or as computer databases. When such lists are unavailable, detailed geographical maps may be used. In this study, however, the target population is sufficiently limited, minimizing complications in framing. The study focuses solely on the Communicative English Course. Purposive sampling was used to select participants from the existing freshman social science classes. Since these classes are relatively homogeneous, the specific section chosen does not affect the integrity of the sample. A key requirement is that study participants represent the target population as accurately as possible. Failure to ensure representativeness compromises the applicability of the findings. To investigate gender representation, the communicative English texts, classroom speaking practices, and course modules were examined using the analytical framework established at the outset of the study. All materials were reviewed in full, without excluding sections due to length or workload. The study focused on freshman students at Dire Dawa University enrolled in Communicative English Skills (Flen 1012) and on the teaching practices associated with the course. During the academic year, 44 sections were assigned to both natural and social science streams, with 28 sections in natural sciences and 15 in social sciences. Students were randomly assigned to sections and represented all regional states, though in varying proportions based on university admissions patterns. Freshmen were selected because all first-year students are required to take Communicative English Skills I and II. These courses aim to develop students’ speaking abilities not only within the course itself but also across their university studies. Skills gained from these courses support students in listening to extended lectures, taking effective notes, and improving their broader social and academic communication. Data Analysis The study employed thematic analysis as the primary analytical method. Although the stages of thematic analysis follow a generally sequential structure, the process is flexible and often cyclical, allowing the researcher to move back and forth across steps as needed. The procedure involved familiarizing oneself with the data, generating codes, organizing these codes into initial themes, and then refining, merging, dividing, or discarding themes. In the final stage, themes were defined, named, and analyzed in depth, followed by integrating the analytic narrative with relevant literature. Through close examination of the transcripts, four major themes emerged. These themes developed from initial, narrowly focused categories that were gradually consolidated into broader conceptual patterns capable of capturing the underlying issues. 1. Assumptions About Innate, Binary Traits The most prominent theme reflects students’ assumptions that gendered traits are biologically determined. Many participants attributed specific skills to men or women as inherent qualities. Women were frequently described as naturally better at listening, empathy, flexibility, and teamwork due to their perceived nurturing and emotional dispositions. Conversely, men were viewed as inherently more capable in motivation, leadership, risk-taking, and problem solving, often justified through claims that men are assertive and action-oriented. Such ideas were expressed in statements like S2’s comment that “women are good at teamwork because they feel… they are responsible,” which reinforces the notion of gendered, essentialized traits and suggests that men are naturally more calculating and skilled in team situations. These beliefs suggest that both men and women internalize and reproduce gendered expectations rather than challenge them, even though such assumptions often disadvantage women. Existing research strongly contradicts the idea that these traits are biologically fixed. Eagly (1987) argues that perceived gender differences in behavior arise from the social roles individuals occupy rather than from innate characteristics. Since men are disproportionately represented in competitive, income-generating roles, they have more opportunities to practice leadership, decisiveness, and problem-solving. This repeated practice produces the illusion that these abilities are biologically masculine. Similarly, women’s frequent involvement in caregiving roles enables them to develop nurturing behaviors, which are then misinterpreted as biologically feminine traits. Over time, these assumptions solidify into stereotypes that restrict certain roles to one gender, reinforcing imbalances in social power and contributing to patriarchal structures. Supporting this social perspective, Bem (1981) explains that children learn cultural schemas of masculinity and femininity that shape how they process information and guide their behavior. These schemas reinforce societal expectations and encourage children to align their behavior with culturally defined gender norms. A more balanced view acknowledges that biological differences between men and women exist but emphasizes that these differences interact with social roles. Individuals’ behaviors and characteristics thus emerge from the combined influence of biological factors and the social expectations embedded in their environments, rather than from either factor alone. 2. The Perception of “Separate Spheres” and Social Role Justification Learners’ belief systems suggest a persistent assumption that certain social roles naturally belong to men while others are reserved for women. For example, students who support this view argue that financial provision, leadership, and primary breadwinning are male responsibilities (S11). In contrast, S9 and S10 maintain that childcare, household management, and maintaining group harmony are roles meant for women. This reflects the broader notion that men and women are inherently suited to different spheres of activity: women are expected to care for children, manage the home, and preserve relational harmony, while men are expected to secure the family’s income and assume leadership positions. Empirical research reinforces this ideology of separate spheres. Barbara (1985) notes that higher education historically favored men, while women’s participation was mostly confined to fields linked to domestic roles, such as teaching, nursing, and home economics. Even in the 20th century, university enrollment continued to show large gender disparities. Similarly, Pippa (1997) attributes the global underrepresentation of women in government and parliament to the enduring influence of separate-sphere beliefs. Arlie (1997) further demonstrates that employed women often shoulder a “double burden,” combining paid work with childcare and household duties. Although these patterns have begun to shift as more women enter modern paid employment, the transformation remains limited. Men have increasingly taken on caregiving roles due to various social and economic pressures; the COVID-19 pandemic notably accelerated this shift by disrupting traditional breadwinning arrangements. Still, these changes remain modest and are far from fully overturning the long-standing ideology of separate spheres. 3. The Norm of Male Leadership and Female Support A widely entrenched norm in society positions leadership as primarily a male domain, often perceived as more "natural" or effective for men, while women are expected to play supportive or collaborative roles. Although some men verbally acknowledge that women can lead, in practice, men overwhelmingly occupy leadership positions. Participants S2 and S11 observed that men are generally considered more efficient and effective leaders. S11 further noted that men disproportionately hold positions involving high risk or physical danger, reinforcing systemic biases that devalue women in leadership roles. In essence, men are more likely to be seen as fit for leadership, especially in demanding or risky contexts that require careful decision-making. This male-leadership norm is a deeply rooted social phenomenon sustained by stereotypical gender biases and reinforced by psychological and social factors. These include prejudice against women, perceived incongruity between female gender roles and leadership roles, biased performance evaluations, and motherhood stereotypes. Research consistently supports these patterns. For instance, Frank and Cameron (1968) and the Heidi/Howard study (2003) found that even when male and female leaders are equally competent, female leaders are often underestimated. Alice H. and Steven J. (2002) attribute this prejudice to the perceived mismatch between women’s traditionally supportive roles and the expectations of leadership. Because women are culturally associated with supportive and communal roles, their leadership competence is often questioned, and their leadership behavior is judged more harshly than men’s. Overall, the norm of male leadership coupled with female support reflects a persistent gender bias that systematically undervalues women’s capabilities, perpetuating inequality in leadership positions. 4. Performance Evaluation Bias Performance evaluation bias arises when men and women are assessed differently for the same achievements. Men are often given constructive feedback that reinforces their success, whereas women’s leadership accomplishments are frequently judged based on personality traits and communication style, positioning them in stark contrast to their male counterparts (Madeline & Taylor, 2007; Erin, 2015). In male-dominated professions, for instance, women leaders are often labeled as abrasive or aggressive, while men exhibiting similar behaviors are described as passionate and decisive. A related form of bias is the motherhood stereotype. Research by Shelly et al. (2004, 2007) shows that mothers are less likely than non-mothers or men to be recommended for hiring, promotion, or higher salaries. They are also expected to perform at near-perfect levels and maintain strict punctuality. This bias stems from the assumption that a mother’s family responsibilities reduce her career commitment. In the context of teaching communicative English skills, speaking components offer distinct advantages for data collection compared to other skills such as reading, listening, vocabulary, or grammar. Each unit in the course module organizes speaking activities into clearly defined sections, which makes them stand out from other macro- and micro-skills. Repeated observation and analysis of these speaking activities generated a wide range of data, which was subsequently synthesized into major thematic categories. Summary of Key Findings This study critically examined how gender is represented, established, and maintained in tertiary-level speaking classes, with a focus on Dire Dawa University. Using data from unstructured interviews, the research explored learners’ perceptions and the assumptions and norms that shape interactions between students of the same and different sexes during speaking activities. Data were specifically collected through structured interviews with freshman students enrolled in the Communicative English Skills (FLEN 1012) course, section two of the Social Science stream, which consisted of twenty-eight sections. Multiple interactions with participants allowed the researcher to refine and clarify responses, minimizing unintended misinterpretations. Audiotaped interviews were transcribed and analyzed thematically through repeated readings, resulting in the identification of four major themes: 1. Assumptions Regarding Innate Biological Traits: Participants expressed the belief that certain skills and behaviors are biologically inherent in males but absent in females, and vice versa. 2. Separation of Spheres and Social Role Justification: There was a perception that males and females are naturally suited to different tasks. Upon closer examination, however, such differences often stemmed from socially assigned roles, which give males greater opportunities to develop certain skills and females others. 3. Norm of Male Leadership and Female Support: Although participants partially acknowledged that women can lead, prevailing norms positioned males as leaders and females primarily as supporters, reinforcing gendered stereotypes. 4. Performance Evaluation Bias: In male-dominated contexts, males were more likely to receive recognition for success, whereas female achievements were often undervalued or criticized. Overall, the findings reveal that deeply rooted gender norms and assumptions continue to shape classroom interactions, influence leadership expectations, and perpetuate biases in performance evaluation, thereby sustaining gendered roles and stereotypes in tertiary education. Declarations Funding Declaration The author of the study received no funding for the project Ethical Issues As a researcher, it is essential to minimize intrusion into participants’ lives and avoid causing unnecessary anxiety or false expectations. Any distress experienced by participants should be carefully examined to prevent its recurrence. Gender-related topics are particularly sensitive. While using field notes posed minimal risk to participants’ feelings, reporting ideas from unstructured interviews required extra caution. I ensured that all responses were reported anonymously and kept strictly confidential, confirming this with participants before conducting focus group discussions. This approach aligns with the right to privacy, as participants may not wish for their views or personal information to be publicly identified (Brown, 1993). Respecting control over personal information not only protects participants’ vulnerability and identity but also upholds their autonomy. Throughout the study, I maintained strict anonymity and confidentiality in handling all information collected from participants. Ethics Approval and Consent to Participation i. Ethics Approval To ensure the study upholds ethical standards, the study received ethical clearance from the Department Graduate Council of the Postgraduate Council, Haramaya University, which serves as an authorized ethics body, on September 20, 2025. ii. Accordance/ Ethical guidelines The study involved data about human subjects that was solely done on the basis of the standards set by the Department Council of the Post Graduate at Haramaya University. iii. 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Critical Discourse Research. In Hornberger, N. H. and Corson, D. (Eds.), Encyclopedia of Language and Education. Vol 8: Research Methods in Language and Education. 207-216. The Netherlands: Kluwer Academic Publishers. Okaley, A. (1972). Sex, Gender, and Society. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. Patti Lather, (2003). Foundations for Research. Imprint Routledge. 1st Edition: eBook ISBN 9781410609373. Pierre Bourdieu and Loïc J. D. Wacquant, (1992). An Invitation to Reflexive Sociology. Polkinghorne, D.E. (2005).’Language and meaning: Data Collection in Qualitative Research. Journal of Counselling Psychology 52/3: 137-45 Potter , J., & Wetherell , M. ( 1987 ). Discourse and social psychology: Beyond attitudes and behaviour. Sage Publications, Inc. Reeves H, Baden S (2000). Gender and development: concepts and definitions. Institute of development studies, Brighton. R.F. Ellen, (ed.). (1984) "Ethnographic Research: A Guide to General Conduct" (Book Review) ; Sydney, Vol. 17, Iss. 3, Roger S. (1990). The Makings of Anthropology. https:// Roger S. and Victor J. (2006). Data Collection and Analysis: Second edition. SAGE Publications, India Pvt Ltd: New Delhi. Rupashree Niraula. (2014). The Understanding of Difference between Sex and Gender among Secondary Level Students in Nepal National Human Rights Commission of Nepal, Lalitpur, Nepal. DOI: 10.4236/jss.2021.911024. Sheyholislami, Jaffer (2001). Critical Discourse Analysis, Excerpts from the MA Thesis, September 2001, Carleton University, Ottawa, Canada: Yesterday’s “separatists” are today’s “resistance fighters”: A Critical Discourse Analysis of the representation of Iraqi Kurds in The Globe and Mail and the New York Times. S. Laws, C. Harper, R. Marcus, (2003). Research for Development: A Practical Guide Shelley J. Correll, Stephen Benard, and In Paik (2007), "Getting a Job: Is There a Motherhood Penalty?" Silverman, D. (2005). Doing Qualitative Research (2 nd ed.). London: Sage. Steffens MC, Jonas KJ, Denger L. (2015). Male role endorsement explains negative attitudes towards lesbians and gay men among students in Mexico more than in Germany. Journal of Sex Research.. pmid:25369554 Stoller, R. J. (1968). Sex and Gender. Science House. Tebeje Molla & Trevor Gale (2015). Inequality in Ethiopian higher education: reframing the problem as capability deprivation, Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education, 36:3, 383-397, DOI: 10.1080/01596306.2013.871447 Unger, R. K., & Crawford, M. (1993). Sex and Gender—The Troubled Relationship between Terms and Concepts. Psychological Science, 4, 122-124. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9280.1993.tb00473. Wanjiku , M.K., & Masheti, M . ( 1997 ). ABC of Gender Analysis. Forum for African. Womenucationists (FAWE), Nairobi, Kenya, 14, 31–33. Y.K. Kumar, (2002). Fundamentals of Research Methodology and Statistics. India: New Age International (P) Limited, Publishers. Vandana D. and R. B. Potter (2006). Doing Development Research. SAGE Publications: London. Vandra Lea Masemann.(1982). Critical Ethnography in the Study of Comparative Education. By the comparative and international education society Additional Declarations No competing interests reported. Cite Share Download PDF Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Research Square lets you share your work early, gain feedback from the community, and start making changes to your manuscript prior to peer review in a journal. As a division of Research Square Company, we’re committed to making research communication faster, fairer, and more useful. We do this by developing innovative software and high quality services for the global research community. Our growing team is made up of researchers and industry professionals working together to solve the most critical problems facing scientific publishing. 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\u003cem\u003esex\u003c/em\u003e and \u003cem\u003egender\u003c/em\u003e carry distinct meanings and should be used accordingly. Bhargava et al. (2021) emphasize that the two terms are not interchangeable. They explain that sex is biological and dichotomous, determined in the fertilized zygote through the expression of sex-chromosomal genes. Gender, in contrast, refers to how individuals perceive themselves (male, female, or other) and how society perceives them. The authors distinguish sex differences, rooted in biology, from gender differences, which arise from a combination of psychological, environmental, cultural and biological factors. Gender identity is therefore understood as an individual’s self-perception.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eStoller (1968) similarly defines sex as a biological classification and gender as the result of psychological and social processes. People are born with a biological sex, but gender is socially and culturally constructed and develops through social interaction. Oakley (1972) further explains that gender is learned as individuals form their gendered identities through personal and social experiences. Unger and Crawford (1993) add that sex refers to biological attributes, while gender refers to cultural and social characteristics such as masculinity and femininity. In simple terms, sex denotes biological differences and gender denotes social differences (Rupshraa, 2013).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn recent years, social justice has become central to discussions in education. Although its roots lie in the civil rights movement, the concept now encompasses broader issues of equality and opportunity (Bennett, 2001). A key element of social justice in education is ensuring equitable access to quality learning. This requires teachers not only to provide assistance but also to distribute support fairly, avoiding practices that reinforce existing inequalities. By promoting social justice in the classroom, teachers contribute to building a more equitable society.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eScholars have examined how gender issues appear in the preparation and practice of English language teaching, including the use of teaching materials and various texts. Both global and local studies are relevant in this regard. For example, Al-Karim Datoo’s (2009) critical ethnography explores how global and local forces shape school curricula and students’ identities, particularly in relation to media influence.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMany global studies on gender representation focus on specific regions and do not capture the broader global picture. Their findings often have limited relevance to Ethiopia, where English does not have the same social or political status as in countries where the language dominates public life.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eA significant local contribution is Molla and Gale’s (2014) study, \u003cem\u003eInequality in Ethiopian Higher Education\u003c/em\u003e, which shows that despite increased female participation, gender inequalities persist. These inequalities intersect with factors such as ethnicity, rural background and socio-economic status.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ePrevious research in Ethiopia has been limited in scope, often confined to Addis Ababa and surrounding areas, or focused on single grade levels, especially in primary education. Many studies relied on a single analytical method and lacked the methodological diversity needed for stronger findings. Existing studies also differ widely in methodological approach, making their results difficult to compare.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe present study focuses on gender representation in English language teaching texts for several reasons. Critical analysis of teaching materials can reveal gender biases that may not be easily identified through other research methods. Because critical studies aim to be emancipatory, they offer a meaningful approach for exposing and addressing inequities. English language teaching materials are particularly important because they play a central role in shaping learning interactions and can reinforce gendered patterns. For these reasons, this study examines how gender representation appears in teaching materials used in university-level spoken English courses, where students come from diverse backgrounds.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eResearch Question\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e1.\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;What assumptions, perceptions and established norms shape student-to-student interactions, both within the same sex and between sexes, during speaking-skills learning at the tertiary level in Ethiopia?\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eKey terms\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eCritical Discourse analysis,\u0026nbsp;Sex,\u0026nbsp;Gender, Gender representation, Gender Responsiveness, Sexism,\u0026nbsp;Text\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eReview of Related Literature\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eGender bias is rooted in long-standing social roles assigned to women and men. Social role theory argues that these roles shape widely held stereotypes: men have historically been associated with activities requiring speed, physical strength, and extended absence from home, while women have been tied to domestic and caregiving responsibilities (Bussey \u0026amp; Bandura 1999; Eagly et al. 2000). These patterns produce expectations that men should be agentic, independent, and decisive, whereas women should be communal, supportive, and nurturing (Eagly et al. 2000). Over time, both individuals and observers adopt these traits as natural extensions of their respective social positions, creating a self-reinforcing cycle that sustains gender bias (Steffens et al. 2015).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSchools play a central role in reproducing these social norms. As Foucault (1972) notes, educational systems operate as mechanisms that regulate access to particular forms of discourse, shaping how knowledge and power circulate. Classrooms therefore become key spaces where social identities and unequal power relations are reinforced. While education is often framed as a pathway to opportunity, it simultaneously serves political functions by maintaining or reshaping dominant discourses.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eCritical ethnography provides a framework for examining how such structures operate in everyday educational contexts. It relies on qualitative, anthropological methods but is grounded in critical social theory (Masemann 1982). This approach explicitly acknowledges its ideological commitments, aiming to reveal how institutional practices and hegemonic assumptions shape participants’ experiences and limit their perceptions of social structures (Lather 1986; Lutz 1984; Ogbu 1987; Angus 1987). By moving beyond surface descriptions, critical ethnography exposes the broader power relations that influence schooling.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eGender in language education has become a major site for such critical inquiry. Research shows that educational actors at all levels influence the transmission of gender-related values, intentionally or not (Ariyanto 2018; Sulaimani \u0026amp; Elyas 2018; Widodo 2018). Schools and universities function as spaces where gendered identities, discourses, and practices are produced and consumed through curricula, classroom interactions, and institutional policies. Textbooks, syllabi, and lesson plans often carry implicit or explicit messages about gender. Teachers shape students’ critical awareness not only through language instruction but also through the moral, cultural, and gender-related values embedded in educational materials (Widodo et al. 2018).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe socio-institutional context determines which gender issues receive emphasis, as different countries prioritize concerns such as gender inequality in distinct ways. The expanding field of gender and language education has drawn on both the discourse turn in language studies and the performative turn in gender studies (Menard-Warwick et al. 2014). Current research broadly focuses on three areas: how gender identities shape language learning in educational settings; how gender and sexual identity influence learners’ agency and investment; and how teachers experience gendered dynamics within the language-teaching profession (Rowlett \u0026amp; King 2017). Together, these studies highlight the complex ways gender intersects with language education and underscore the need for continued critical examination.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eResearch Design\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eA research design functions as a strategic map that identifies the purpose of an inquiry and outlines the methods for gathering evidence, analyzing it, and presenting the findings (Kumar, 2002). It guides decisions about which strategies to employ during data collection, how the collected evidence will be analyzed, and which techniques will most effectively communicate the results.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis study employs an ethnographic design. Ethnography focuses on collecting and analyzing data about cultural groups (May, 2002), involving an effort to understand how actions within one social world make sense from the standpoint of another. Richards (2005) further describes ethnography as a systematic approach to observing, describing, documenting, and analyzing cultural patterns to understand people’s ways of life within their natural settings. Such research requires close contact with the group being studied, including interviews with notable or influential members of that group.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn this study, the researcher interviewed students who played active roles in their academic community, including class representatives, group leaders, and students showing strong engagement in Communicative English Skills (FLEn 1012). These key informants were interviewed or observed to provide insight into how their cultural backgrounds align or contrast with the cultural representations found in classroom practices, campus communicative situations, and instructional texts used in teaching spoken language at universities. Although unstructured interviews and field notes were initially planned, this paper draws only on field notes, while other methods address additional research questions in the full dissertation.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis approach extends ongoing critical inquiry into gender and language education, aligning with broader scholarly efforts in the field (Rowlett \u0026amp; King, 2017).\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Methods","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis study used ethnographic methods, which rely on close, sustained engagement with participants and the systematic collection of qualitative data. Key data-gathering tools included unstructured interviews, observation, and detailed field notes. Field notes are central to ethnographic research because they capture not only what people say but also cultural practices, non-verbal communication, and the researcher’s interpretations of social life. Following Sanjek (1990) and Russell (2005), the field notes for this study were organized into four types: jottings, a diary, a log, and full field-note narratives. Interview transcripts complemented these notes by documenting spoken interactions.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eEthnographic work traditionally requires extended immersion, often a year or more, to allow the researcher to build rapport, understand local norms, and learn how to ask meaningful questions. However, Russell (2006) emphasizes that what matters is not the exact length of time spent in the field but whether the researcher has reached a level of cultural familiarity that enables effective observation and data collection. In some cases, productive participant observation can be conducted within weeks or even days.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn this study, the student researcher conducted fieldwork at Dire Dawa University, where he had long-standing experience teaching students from diverse regions of Ethiopia. His familiarity with the institutional culture and the students’ backgrounds meant that he already possessed the cultural grounding and rapport typically gained through prolonged immersion. As a result, the necessary fieldwork could be completed within a shorter period, since establishing trust and understanding did not present major difficulties.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe primary goal of the study was to critically examine how gender is represented and reinforced in Communicative English Skills (Flen 1012) classes and related teaching materials used for spoken-language instruction at Dire Dawa University. Unstructured interviews served as a key method because they allow participants to speak freely while enabling the researcher to observe language use, recall details, and generate rich descriptions. Building rapport before questioning was essential to avoid superficial or misleading responses. Observation further supplemented the interviews by providing direct insight into classroom interactions and the everyday practices through which gendered meanings are produced.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp id=\"_Toc84922248\"\u003eSelection of Setting\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis study was conducted at Dire Dawa University, one of Ethiopia’s second-generation universities established to meet the country’s growing demand for skilled professionals. Located in the industrial and commercial city of Dire Dawa, about 515 km east of Addis Ababa, the university began its teaching and learning activities in the 2007 academic year. Its establishment reflects the government’s commitment to expanding equitable access to higher education and producing competent graduates and research outputs that support national development goals.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDire Dawa University lies at the center of the Dire Dawa Administration. It is bordered by the East Hararge Zone of the Oromiya Regional State to the south and southeast, and by the Shinile Zone of the Somali Regional State to the north, east, and west. It is also situated approximately 311 km west of the Djibouti ports (DDPACC 2006; IDP 2006; Daniel 2007, cited in Ephrem 2021).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn relation to the topic of this study, the university is currently led by a female president. This leadership choice reflects the university board’s commitment to motivating women to take on academic and administrative roles and offers a visible example to the surrounding community that girls can aspire to leadership at any level. It also models gender-responsive governance for other universities across the country and highlights the unique strengths women bring to academic institutions and to the broader social, economic, and cultural development of the nation. Such representation is particularly significant in higher education settings that bring together female learners from diverse regions, as it sends a powerful message of possibility to both female and male students.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe curriculum of Ethiopian higher education institutions consists of a range of courses that vary by college and department, along with several compulsory courses required of all first-year students. Communicative English Skills is one such compulsory course at Dire Dawa University. Designed to help students use English effectively for real communication, the course includes materials that support the development of listening, speaking, reading, and writing skills, with particular emphasis on speaking. The module (Flen 1012) covers topics such as national economic issues, expected civic behaviors, man-made and natural disasters, globalization, energy, sustainable resource use, and information technology. These topics are not taught for their content alone; rather, they serve as contexts through which students practice and develop their language skills. The units also include vocabulary- and grammar-building exercises that support the students’ ability to use English both inside and outside the classroom.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWithin qualitative research, the aim is to understand and describe human experiences in depth rather than to identify representative patterns or generalizable trends. Samples are selected based on their potential to provide rich and varied insights into the phenomenon under investigation. Because language and culture are inseparable, it is important to acknowledge that instructional materials designed as described above may not fully reflect the cultural nuances of native English use. This can make it challenging for learners to develop native-like communicative competence, particularly when interacting with speakers from the target culture.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eSelection of Participants\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIdentifying the target population is a fundamental step in survey design. The target population is the group to be investigated and the group to which the survey findings will apply. Its elements may include individuals, households, or institutions, since a population does not necessarily consist only of people (Bethlehem, 2009).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBefore determining the sample size, the sampling frame must be established. A sampling frame is a complete list of all elements in the target population, each accompanied by contact information such as names, addresses, phone numbers, or email details. These lists may exist in paper form or as computer databases. When such lists are unavailable, detailed geographical maps may be used. In this study, however, the target population is sufficiently limited, minimizing complications in framing. The study focuses solely on the Communicative English Course. Purposive sampling was used to select participants from the existing freshman social science classes. Since these classes are relatively homogeneous, the specific section chosen does not affect the integrity of the sample.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eA key requirement is that study participants represent the target population as accurately as possible. Failure to ensure representativeness compromises the applicability of the findings. To investigate gender representation, the communicative English texts, classroom speaking practices, and course modules were examined using the analytical framework established at the outset of the study. All materials were reviewed in full, without excluding sections due to length or workload.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe study focused on freshman students at Dire Dawa University enrolled in Communicative English Skills (Flen 1012) and on the teaching practices associated with the course. During the academic year, 44 sections were assigned to both natural and social science streams, with 28 sections in natural sciences and 15 in social sciences. Students were randomly assigned to sections and represented all regional states, though in varying proportions based on university admissions patterns.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFreshmen were selected because all first-year students are required to take Communicative English Skills I and II. These courses aim to develop students’ speaking abilities not only within the course itself but also across their university studies. Skills gained from these courses support students in listening to extended lectures, taking effective notes, and improving their broader social and academic communication.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eData Analysis\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe study employed thematic analysis as the primary analytical method. Although the stages of thematic analysis follow a generally sequential structure, the process is flexible and often cyclical, allowing the researcher to move back and forth across steps as needed. The procedure involved familiarizing oneself with the data, generating codes, organizing these codes into initial themes, and then refining, merging, dividing, or discarding themes. In the final stage, themes were defined, named, and analyzed in depth, followed by integrating the analytic narrative with relevant literature.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThrough close examination of the transcripts, four major themes emerged. These themes developed from initial, narrowly focused categories that were gradually consolidated into broader conceptual patterns capable of capturing the underlying issues.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch4\u003e1. Assumptions About Innate, Binary Traits\u003c/h4\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe most prominent theme reflects students’ assumptions that gendered traits are biologically determined. Many participants attributed specific skills to men or women as inherent qualities. Women were frequently described as naturally better at listening, empathy, flexibility, and teamwork due to their perceived nurturing and emotional dispositions. Conversely, men were viewed as inherently more capable in motivation, leadership, risk-taking, and problem solving, often justified through claims that men are assertive and action-oriented. Such ideas were expressed in statements like S2’s comment that “women are good at teamwork because they feel… they are responsible,” which reinforces the notion of gendered, essentialized traits and suggests that men are naturally more calculating and skilled in team situations.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThese beliefs suggest that both men and women internalize and reproduce gendered expectations rather than challenge them, even though such assumptions often disadvantage women.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eExisting research strongly contradicts the idea that these traits are biologically fixed. Eagly (1987) argues that perceived gender differences in behavior arise from the social roles individuals occupy rather than from innate characteristics. Since men are disproportionately represented in competitive, income-generating roles, they have more opportunities to practice leadership, decisiveness, and problem-solving. This repeated practice produces the illusion that these abilities are biologically masculine. Similarly, women’s frequent involvement in caregiving roles enables them to develop nurturing behaviors, which are then misinterpreted as biologically feminine traits. Over time, these assumptions solidify into stereotypes that restrict certain roles to one gender, reinforcing imbalances in social power and contributing to patriarchal structures.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSupporting this social perspective, Bem (1981) explains that children learn cultural schemas of masculinity and femininity that shape how they process information and guide their behavior. These schemas reinforce societal expectations and encourage children to align their behavior with culturally defined gender norms.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eA more balanced view acknowledges that biological differences between men and women exist but emphasizes that these differences interact with social roles. Individuals’ behaviors and characteristics thus emerge from the combined influence of biological factors and the social expectations embedded in their environments, rather than from either factor alone.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e2.\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;\u003cstrong\u003eThe Perception of “Separate Spheres” and Social Role Justification\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eLearners’ belief systems suggest a persistent assumption that certain social roles naturally belong to men while others are reserved for women. For example, students who support this view argue that financial provision, leadership, and primary breadwinning are male responsibilities (S11). In contrast, S9 and S10 maintain that childcare, household management, and maintaining group harmony are roles meant for women. This reflects the broader notion that men and women are inherently suited to different spheres of activity: women are expected to care for children, manage the home, and preserve relational harmony, while men are expected to secure the family’s income and assume leadership positions.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eEmpirical research reinforces this ideology of separate spheres. Barbara (1985) notes that higher education historically favored men, while women’s participation was mostly confined to fields linked to domestic roles, such as teaching, nursing, and home economics. Even in the 20th century, university enrollment continued to show large gender disparities. Similarly, Pippa (1997) attributes the global underrepresentation of women in government and parliament to the enduring influence of separate-sphere beliefs. Arlie (1997) further demonstrates that employed women often shoulder a “double burden,” combining paid work with childcare and household duties.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAlthough these patterns have begun to shift as more women enter modern paid employment, the transformation remains limited. Men have increasingly taken on caregiving roles due to various social and economic pressures; the COVID-19 pandemic notably accelerated this shift by disrupting traditional breadwinning arrangements. Still, these changes remain modest and are far from fully overturning the long-standing ideology of separate spheres.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e3. The Norm of Male Leadership and Female Support\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eA widely entrenched norm in society positions leadership as primarily a male domain, often perceived as more \"natural\" or effective for men, while women are expected to play supportive or collaborative roles. Although some men verbally acknowledge that women can lead, in practice, men overwhelmingly occupy leadership positions. Participants S2 and S11 observed that men are generally considered more efficient and effective leaders. S11 further noted that men disproportionately hold positions involving high risk or physical danger, reinforcing systemic biases that devalue women in leadership roles. In essence, men are more likely to be seen as fit for leadership, especially in demanding or risky contexts that require careful decision-making.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis male-leadership norm is a deeply rooted social phenomenon sustained by stereotypical gender biases and reinforced by psychological and social factors. These include prejudice against women, perceived incongruity between female gender roles and leadership roles, biased performance evaluations, and motherhood stereotypes. Research consistently supports these patterns. For instance, Frank and Cameron (1968) and the Heidi/Howard study (2003) found that even when male and female leaders are equally competent, female leaders are often underestimated. Alice H. and Steven J. (2002) attribute this prejudice to the perceived mismatch between women’s traditionally supportive roles and the expectations of leadership. Because women are culturally associated with supportive and communal roles, their leadership competence is often questioned, and their leadership behavior is judged more harshly than men’s.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eOverall, the norm of male leadership coupled with female support reflects a persistent gender bias that systematically undervalues women’s capabilities, perpetuating inequality in leadership positions.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e4. Performance Evaluation Bias\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ePerformance evaluation bias arises when men and women are assessed differently for the same achievements. Men are often given constructive feedback that reinforces their success, whereas women’s leadership accomplishments are frequently judged based on personality traits and communication style, positioning them in stark contrast to their male counterparts (Madeline \u0026amp; Taylor, 2007; Erin, 2015). In male-dominated professions, for instance, women leaders are often labeled as abrasive or aggressive, while men exhibiting similar behaviors are described as passionate and decisive.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eA related form of bias is the motherhood stereotype. Research by Shelly et al. (2004, 2007) shows that mothers are less likely than non-mothers or men to be recommended for hiring, promotion, or higher salaries. They are also expected to perform at near-perfect levels and maintain strict punctuality. This bias stems from the assumption that a mother’s family responsibilities reduce her career commitment.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn the context of teaching communicative English skills, speaking components offer distinct advantages for data collection compared to other skills such as reading, listening, vocabulary, or grammar. Each unit in the course module organizes speaking activities into clearly defined sections, which makes them stand out from other macro- and micro-skills. Repeated observation and analysis of these speaking activities generated a wide range of data, which was subsequently synthesized into major thematic categories.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Summary of Key Findings","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis study critically examined how gender is represented, established, and maintained in tertiary-level speaking classes, with a focus on Dire Dawa University. Using data from unstructured interviews, the research explored learners’ perceptions and the assumptions and norms that shape interactions between students of the same and different sexes during speaking activities. Data were specifically collected through structured interviews with freshman students enrolled in the Communicative English Skills (FLEN 1012) course, section two of the Social Science stream, which consisted of twenty-eight sections. Multiple interactions with participants allowed the researcher to refine and clarify responses, minimizing unintended misinterpretations.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAudiotaped interviews were transcribed and analyzed thematically through repeated readings, resulting in the identification of four major themes:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e1.\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;\u003cstrong\u003eAssumptions Regarding Innate Biological Traits:\u003c/strong\u003e Participants expressed the belief that certain skills and behaviors are biologically inherent in males but absent in females, and vice versa.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e2.\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;\u003cstrong\u003eSeparation of Spheres and Social Role Justification:\u003c/strong\u003e There was a perception that males and females are naturally suited to different tasks. Upon closer examination, however, such differences often stemmed from socially assigned roles, which give males greater opportunities to develop certain skills and females others.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e3.\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;\u003cstrong\u003eNorm of Male Leadership and Female Support:\u003c/strong\u003e Although participants partially acknowledged that women can lead, prevailing norms positioned males as leaders and females primarily as supporters, reinforcing gendered stereotypes.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e4.\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;\u003cstrong\u003ePerformance Evaluation Bias:\u003c/strong\u003e In male-dominated contexts, males were more likely to receive recognition for success, whereas female achievements were often undervalued or criticized.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eOverall, the findings reveal that deeply rooted gender norms and assumptions continue to shape classroom interactions, influence leadership expectations, and perpetuate biases in performance evaluation, thereby sustaining gendered roles and stereotypes in tertiary education.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eFunding Declaration\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe author of the study received no funding for the project\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eEthical Issues\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAs a researcher, it is essential to minimize intrusion into participants’ lives and avoid causing unnecessary anxiety or false expectations. Any distress experienced by participants should be carefully examined to prevent its recurrence.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eGender-related topics are particularly sensitive. While using field notes posed minimal risk to participants’ feelings, reporting ideas from unstructured interviews required extra caution. I ensured that all responses were reported anonymously and kept strictly confidential, confirming this with participants before conducting focus group discussions. This approach aligns with the right to privacy, as participants may not wish for their views or personal information to be publicly identified (Brown, 1993). Respecting control over personal information not only protects participants’ vulnerability and identity but also upholds their autonomy.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThroughout the study, I maintained strict anonymity and confidentiality in handling all information collected from participants.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eEthics Approval and Consent to Participation\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ei.\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;Ethics Approval\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTo ensure the study upholds ethical standards, the study received ethical clearance from the Department\u0026nbsp;Graduate Council of the Postgraduate Council, Haramaya University, which serves as an authorized ethics body, on September 20, 2025.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eii.\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;Accordance/ Ethical guidelines\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe study involved data about human subjects that was solely done on the basis of the standards set by the Department Council of the Post Graduate at Haramaya University. \u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eiii.\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;Informed consent\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eInformed consent was obtained from all study participants because the researcher needed to use data directly related to them.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eiv.\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;Consent to Publish Identifying Information/ Image\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe participants consented to any disclosure and publication of the information they provided to be accessed online, since they have the legal right to do so themselves.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDeclaration DAS (Data Availability Statement)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe data sets generated during and/ or analyzed during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ePublication Declaration\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe corresponding author has consented to the publication of the manuscript following all necessary amendments made by him.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eEagly, W. 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Psychological Science, 4, 122-124. \u003cbr /\u003e https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9280.1993.tb00473.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003e\u003cem\u003eWanjiku\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003eM.K., \u0026amp;\u003c/em\u003e Masheti, \u003cem\u003eM\u003c/em\u003e. (\u003cem\u003e1997\u003c/em\u003e). ABC of Gender Analysis. Forum for African. Womenucationists (FAWE), Nairobi, Kenya, 14, 31\u0026ndash;33.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eY.K. Kumar, (2002). Fundamentals of Research Methodology and Statistics. India: New Age International (P) Limited, Publishers.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eVandana D. and R. B. Potter (2006). Doing Development Research. SAGE Publications: London.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eVandra Lea Masemann.(1982). Critical Ethnography in the Study of Comparative Education. By the comparative and international education society\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":true,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-8129673/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-8129673/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eThis study examined the assumptions, perceptions, and established norms that shape peer interaction in spoken-language classes at Dire Dawa University. Data were gathered through field notes and unstructured interviews. Using thematic analysis, the findings were organized into four major themes. First, some participants believed that certain traits and behaviors of males and females are innate and biologically determined. Second, males were widely viewed as more capable in specific types of work, reinforcing the misconception that certain jobs are inherently \u0026ldquo;for men\u0026rdquo; while others are \u0026ldquo;for women.\u0026rdquo; Third, even when women hold leadership roles, the prevailing norm continues to position leadership as primarily male. Finally, in male-dominated fields, men\u0026rsquo;s achievements are often praised, whereas women\u0026rsquo;s successes in the same fields are judged negatively. 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