Gendered social ideals and empowerment: investigating the intersection of gender and ethnicity among ethnic minorities in Northern Vietnam

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Nguyen, Marrit van den Berg, TjeerdJan Stomph, Balentine Oinga, and 3 more This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-6917499/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Under Review Version 1 posted 10 You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract Gender equality is a critical theme on the global agenda and has become an envisioned outcome of many rural development projects. Meaningful progress requires a deep understanding of local expectations and norms for both men and women. This study examines the normative gendered social ideals and men’s and women’s empowerment in production and household work, workload division, expenditure and income, and mobility among the H’Mong, Thai, and Dao ethnic minorities in Northern Vietnam. Using data from 36 focus group discussions and 25 key informant interviews collected in August 2022, our findings reveal that both men and women see distinct but parallel roles for men and women within family and community contexts, with harmony as a shared value. However, tensions are reported as well where expectations of mutual support differ, especially when traditional values clash with changing socio-economic demands, and social values are not well-respected by the ‘opposite gender’. We also found that gender intersects with ethnicity to shape empowerment experiences. While Thai men and women are equally empowered, H’Mong and Dao women often face more subordinate roles compared to their male counterparts. Our findings underscore the complexity and dynamic nature of gender norms and relations within communities. Especially for minority groups, revising gender roles and norms while preserving cultural identity is challenging. It is therefore crucial to create inclusive spaces for open dialogue between men and women, allowing communities to identify ongoing debates and challenges while facilitating negotiation on changes in gender roles and expectations. Humanities/Cultural and media studies Social science/Sociology Figures Figure 1 1. Introduction Gender equality remains a cornerstone of the global development agenda. The United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) designate it as a standalone goal and highlight its significance in achieving other objectives (General Assembly, 2015 ). Central to this goal is the empowerment of women and girls, enhancing their decision-making power relative to men, as a means of dismantling systematic barriers, particularly om patriarchal societies. Beyond fostering equality, women’s empowerment is viewed as a catalyst for reducing hunger, improving household food security and nutrition, and boosting agricultural productivity and economic growth (ADB, 2013 ; IMF, 2022 ; Quisumbing et al., 2013 ). Many rural development initiatives seek to empower women by expanding their access to productive resources such as land, livestock, agricultural tools, education, and financial assets. Through this approach, women are encouraged to participate more actively in economic spheres traditionally dominated by men (Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation; World Bank). This access-based strategy promotes a model of the “empowered woman” as self-reliant and entrepreneurial (Pereznieto & and Taylor, 2014). However, this approach has been increasingly critiqued for overlooking the foundational concept of empowerment as a transformative process that challenges unequal power structures (Kabeer, 1999 ). Merely improving access to resources does not inherently lead to meaningful change if the underlying causes of inequality, particularly entrenched patriarchal norms, are not addressed. Many initiatives prioritize women’s financial independence without questioning the broader systems of power and social relations (Garikipati et al., 2017 ; Sara Hlupekile, 1995 ; Shohel et al., 2021 ). Besides, feminist scholars caution that power structures and social expectations often serve vital cultural purposes and are deeply embedded in community identities (Clement et al., 2019 ; Kabeer, 1999 ). In some contexts, individuals may consciously choose to forgo decision-making power in favor of values they deem integral to their identity (Kabeer, 1999 ). Imposing external ideals without careful engagement with local values can provoke community resistance, especially when those ideals conflict with established norms and practices (Buisson et al., 2022 ). Women who meet externally defined criteria of empowerment may still feel unempowered, experiencing internal conflict as they navigate between new expectations and long-standing community values (Cornwall, 2018 ). A sustainable transformation also requires attention to the role of boys and men within existing power systems. Some empowerment programs adopt a reductive, binary narrative that portrays men as oppressors and women as victims (Cornwall, 2014 ; Ganle et al., 2015 ; Khoja-Moolji, 2018 ). This framing can alienate men and trigger backlash (Bulte & Lensink, 2019 ). Moreover, such generalizations often fail to capture local complexities. Men, too, can be disempowered by rigid patriarchal norms that demand they fulfill specific roles, with failure resulting in social stigma or exclusion (Gough & Peace, 2000 ; Silberschmidt, 2001 ). Men face greater barriers to economic participation than women, for example, in the informal vegetable market (Kawarazuka et al., 2017 ). A binary view of gender thus risks obscuring the systemic nature of disempowerment, which can affect all genders (Nguyen et al., 2024 ). Empowerment, therefore, demands a nuanced, culturally grounded approach that considers local gender ideals and social norms. True empowerment enables individuals, regardless of gender, to navigate and negotiate these norms in alignment with their own aspirations. Studying these norms is essential to understanding the roots of disempowerment and designing interventions that resonate locally and avoid failure. In Vietnam, ethnic minorities are often prioritized in women’s empowerment initiatives, as they are frequently identified as zones of high gender inequality in national and international reports. For example, in 2019, child marriage among girls in the Northern Midlands and Mountains—home to many ethnic minorities—was 26%, compared to 8% in the predominantly Kinh Red River Delta (UN Women, 2021 ). Ethnic minority women often have limited decision-making power and rely on male intermediaries for access to resources, with cultural expectations reinforcing domestic roles (UN Women, 2021 ). Gender inequality is considered one of the key drivers for the economic struggle of these minority communities (Thieu et al., 2017 ; World Bank, 2019 ). However, this perspective has been criticized for reflecting a Kinh-majority viewpoint, overlooking alternative gender dynamics among minorities. Some groups perceive men and women as “different but equal” (Long, 2008 ; Vang et al., 2016 ). While recent efforts aim to take cultural context into account, few adopt an intersectional lens or explore empowerment as a multi-dimensional experience. Yet empowerment among ethnic minority women varies substantially across groups, each shaped by unique interactions between patriarchy, poverty, and marginalization (Hiwasaki & Minh, 2022 ; Thi et al., 2022 ). These complexities call for more understanding of gender norms and empowerment experiences through an intersectional and culturally grounded lens. Against this backdrop, our study uses qualitative data to explore social ideals and gender norms among three ethnic minorities – H’Mong, Thai, and Dao – in two mountainous provinces in Northern Vietnam: Lao Cai and Son La. Our research addresses the following questions: How do the three ethnic minority communities define ideal models of men and women? What are the current norms on the within-household decision-making process in various domains, including production, household chores, work balance, and mobility? And how do local men and women perceive them? 2. Conceptual framework In this study, we employ a conceptual framework integrating social ideals, empowerment, and intersectionality to analyze the gender relations and empowerment experiences of men and women within their communities. Each concept offers a distinct but complementary lens to understand how identity is constructed, how agency is exercised, and how power dynamics vary by cultural and social setting. 2.1. Social ideals The concept of an ideal person reflects the traits that a society expects individuals to embody or aspire for (Gilbert et al., 1978 ). These attributes often represent the collective values and aspirations of a community. While no one may fully personify this ideal, individuals can align themselves with parts of it, reinforcing their place within the group. The ideal serves as a social benchmark, guiding how individuals are perceived within the cultural and moral fabric of the community. Conformity often signals belonging and acceptance, while deviation may lead to exclusion or internal conflict. Deviation from the ideal may not result in formal or tangible sanctions, but it can lead to feelings of exclusion or alienation (Grimmell & Stern, 1992 ). Individuals may experience cognitive dissonance, a psychological state where their beliefs and behaviors conflict, leading to discomfort and a potential re-evaluation of personal values or actions (Festinger, 1962 ). This dynamic highlights the powerful role of social ideals in shaping individual behavior and community cohesion. In striving to embody these ideals, individuals contribute not only to personal development but also to group identity and cohesion (Pret & Carter, 2017 ). Ideal attributes are not random. They are shaped by specific discourses integral to the community’s identity. For example, Javanese Muslim women navigate both Islamic teachings, which emphasize female subordination, and Javanese values that promote female independence (Ginting-Carlström, 2024 ). Such dynamics reveal the complex foundations of social ideals. Social ideals are not static. They evolve with broader socio-economic changes. Shifts in discourse can turn previously marginalized traits into valued norms (Tran et al., 2018 ). In Ghana, for instance, women were once seen as central to nation-building through caregiving roles (Soothill, 2007 ), but colonial influence diminished their societal status (Ransford, 2021 ). Today, women’s economic roles, especially in markets, have gained greater recognition due to economic development and better access to trade (Bosak et al., 2017 ). Thus, ideals must be continually re-evaluated in light of changing conditions (Diekman & Eagly, 2000 ). Communities often host multiple, sometimes conflicting, role models shaped by intersecting factors like gender and ethnicity. Perspectives on the ideal woman, for instance, often differ between men and women. Social norms, typically defined by dominant groups, can enforce ideals that serve the interests of some while marginalizing others. When men control the construction of these norms, women may feel constrained or alienated by ideals that do not reflect their lived experiences (Heise et al., 2019 ). In response, women may either resist or negotiate these norms, trading compliance for access to other forms of recognition or empowerment (Kandiyoti, 1988 ). 2.2. Empowerment and its links to social ideals According to Kabeer ( 1999 ), empowerment is ‘ the process by which those who have been denied the ability to make strategic life choices acquire such an ability ’. This ability comprises three interrelated dimensions: resources (access to and future claims on material, human, and social resources), agency (the ability to define one’s goals and act on them, including decision-making, negotiation, and subtle forms of resistance), and achievements (well-being outcomes). While all three dimensions are essential, our study focuses on agency, particularly individual decision-making power. We prioritize this aspect because agency illuminates the everyday ways individuals assert autonomy, navigate social norms, and engage with power. Unlike resources or outcomes, agency reveals the dynamic, negotiated processes through which empowerment unfolds, making it especially relevant to understanding pathways toward social transformation. Empowerment is not static or uniform; it varies across domains. For instance, a person may have decision-making power in agricultural production but lack mobility autonomy (Crookston et al., 2021 ). Agency is also deeply connected to social ideals—it both reflects and reshapes them. Empowerment allows individuals to pursue personal and collective aspirations while redefining their roles within the community (Yogendrarajah, 2013 ). However, it may also reinforce prevailing norms. Among the H’Mong, for example, unmarried girls may have the implicit power to make independent choices, yet many choose to conform to family expectations, prioritizing harmony (Kawarazuka et al., 2019 ). This reflects Kabeer’s notion of 'choosing not to choose’, where individuals consciously decide to uphold existing social ideals despite having the power to diverge from them (Kabeer, 1999 ). In this way, empowerment strengthens social ideals by affirming and perpetuating the values that are important to the community, demonstrating how personal agency can coexist with collective cultural norms. Different studies have noted that empowerment is subjective and context-based (Völker & Doneys, 2021 ). For example, among H’Mong minorities, what is perceived as empowerment, such as contributing to household income through traditional embroidery while managing other domestic responsibilities, can lead to increased workloads for women and girls. In such cases, empowerment is often externally validated by spouses and the community, rather than being defined by the individual’s ability to make meaningful, strategic life choices (Kabeer, 1999 ). Thus, understanding of empowerment at the local level is crucial to avoid reinforcing existing systems of inequality (Meinzen-Dick et al., 2019 ; Zaremba et al., 2024 ). 2.3. Intersectionality Intersectionality refers to the interplay of multiple social identities and the ways they intersect with external structures, norms, and narratives (Yuval-Davis, 2006 ). These identities include, but are not limited to, ethnicity, gender, economic class, and other axes of social power, which often operate simultaneously with significant interactions among them. The interactions among different identities can reduce or intensify vulnerability and marginalization (Haq, 2013 ). This concept provides a multidimensional framework for analyzing power structures, allowing for a deeper understanding of complex layers of discrimination and privilege. An intersectional analysis of ethnicity reveals how belonging to certain ethnic groups can shape one’s opportunities, experiences, and vulnerabilities (Fraga et al., 2008 ). For example, belonging to a dominant ethnic group can mitigate disadvantages brought by gender discrimination. Meanwhile, individuals from marginalized ethnic groups often experience compounded disadvantages when other identities, such as woman or low socioeconomic status, intersect (Tariq & Syed, 2017 ). Intersectionality challenges simplistic narratives that homogenize women as uniformly oppressed, and men as homogeneously powerful oppressors (Shields, 2008 ). Instead, it helps reveal how power is distributed across gender and other identities, highlighting the key dimensions of social influence in each context. This nuanced perspective avoids overgeneralization and emphasizes the importance of context in shaping experiences of privilege and oppression. Together, social ideals, empowerment, and intersectionality form a unified framework for this study. Social ideals reveal the cultural expectations that shape individual aspirations and community norms. Empowerment allows us to assess how individuals negotiate, accept, or challenge these expectations through their decision-making power. Intersectionality ensures that we account for the diversity of experiences shaped by the interplay of social identities and structural inequalities. By combining these three concepts, the framework captures the complex and layered nature of gender relations. 3. Methodology 3.1. Study context The study was conducted in two mountainous districts in Northern Vietnam, Mai Son in Son La province and Sa Pa in Lao Cai province (Fig. 1 ). Our study focuses on three ethnic groups – out of the 54 ethnic groups in Vietnam - the H’Mong, Thai, and Dao. The Thai primarily reside in Mai Son, the Dao exclusively in Sa Pa, while the H’Mong live in both districts. The Kinh ethnicity is the largest in the country, making up 85% of the population, and the non-Kinh groups are referred to as “ethnic minorities” by the Vietnamese government (GSO, 2019 ). These minorities maintain distinct languages and cultures, unlike the well-integrated Hoa (ethnic Chinese). Ethnic minorities face high poverty rates (45%) and limited access to education and healthcare (Dang, 2012 ; Pimhidzai, 2018 ; Tuyen, 2016 ). These difficulties stem from their geographical isolation in mountainous regions with poor infrastructure, in addition to language and cultural differences, systemic social exclusion, and prejudiced government policies (Baulch et al., 2007 ; Imai et al., 2011 ). 3.1.1. Socio-economic conditions The three ethnic minority groups in this study experience varying levels of marginalization. The Thai are relatively well integrated with the Kinh majority due to historical ties and adaptive strategies that have improved their economic standing and reduced prejudice (Hiwasaki & Minh, 2022 ; Luong, 2001). In contrast, the H’Mong and Dao remain more marginalized and are generally associated with lower economic performance (Hiwasaki & Minh, 2022 ; World Bank, 2019 ). Although all groups have access to markets, the Thai benefit from better infrastructure and fertile valley land near main roads, while the H’Mong and Dao reside in more remote, less productive mountainous areas. Although all groups have access to markets, the Thai benefit from better infrastructure and fertile valley land near main roads, while the H’Mong and Dao reside in more remote, less productive mountainous areas. In Sa Pa, livelihoods focus on agriculture and tourism. The Dao and H’Mong sell forest products such as cardamom and vegetables, while tourism, previously driven by international visitors, now increasingly caters to domestic tourists. Infrastructure development and shifting tourism trends have disrupted traditional practices (Nguyen et al., 2022). Seasonal migration within the province and across the border to China is also common. 3.1.2. Dominant discourses on gender norms in Vietnam In Vietnam, like other East Asian countries, gender norms are influenced by patriarchal systems rooted in Confucianism. Such systems confer higher status to men and older generations, placing young women at the lowest hierarchical level. Fathers are typically expected to be breadwinners and decision makers of the family, responsible for providing for the family’s physical needs. In addition to their economic responsibilities, men are expected to be knowledgeable both through formal and traditional education, and socially adept. Family ceremonies and rituals are often men’s responsibility, requiring a deep understanding of traditional customs. Men are expected to embody social qualities, including kindness, decorum, uprightness, wisdom, and trustworthiness (Sue, 1998 ; Thi et al., 2022 ). Women, on the other hand, are traditionally expected to serve their husbands and sons and to manage domestic tasks. Their roles include mastering household chores, nurturing, and caregiving, while maintaining a tasteful appearance, good manners, and practicing loyalty to their men and their marriage. Women’s achievements are often judged by their marital status, and they are expected to remain at home, where their voices are seldom heard. They must obey their fathers, husbands, and sons (Fong, 1997 ). In Vietnam, the Confucian gender discourse is countered by folklore discourse, which celebrates independent women who could be the country's leaders. During the two wars in Vietnam in the 20th century, the government combined the two discourses and promoted a model of a woman who can master agricultural production, household work, and national defense. After the war period ended, the Women’s Union, a state-led organization representing women nationwide, has advocated an image of a strong woman who succeeds in both domestic and public spheres (Schuler et al., 2006 ). This image has been advocated not only among the Kinh but also among other ethnic groups (Hoa et al., 2022 ). 3.2. Data collection We collected qualitative data using tools adapted from GENNOVATE (Petesch et al., 2018) and the GAAP2 project (Meinzen-Dick et al., 2019 ), both of which have been validated in multiple African and South Asian contexts. We customized them to reflect local conditions. Specifically, we employed two main methods: focus group discussions (FGDs) and key informant interviews (KIIs) (Table 1 ). Two FGD tools were employed. The first explored gendered social ideals and decision-making power in domains such as food production, household work, income, workload, and mobility. Women's mobility emerged during fieldwork as a critical factor influencing decision-making in other domains, particularly income. Separate FGDs were held for men and women within each ethnic group, with 7–10 participants per group. Each session lasted 2–2.5 hours. The second FGD tool examined gendered division of labor across the agricultural calendar. Mixed-gender groups of 3–4 participants created seasonal calendars over approximately 60 minutes, identifying major crops or livelihood activities, gender roles, and decision-making dynamics. Facilitators prioritized women’s input to ensure balanced participation and mitigate male dominance in discussions (sample output in Appendix 1). KIIs included two types. The first gathered community profile data at village and commune levels—covering infrastructure, access to services, education, child marriage, and migration—through interviews with local management board members. The second involved interviews with female ethnic minority traders on their market experiences and gender-specific challenges. These interviews lasted 60–90 minutes. Each session involved a facilitator/interviewer and a note-taker. Note-takers shared the same language as participants, and most facilitators did as well, except for H’Mong groups, where Kinh facilitators worked with H’Mong translators and note-takers. All KIIs and FGDs were conducted in private, using either Vietnamese or local languages, depending on participant comfort. Most of the field team were women, with one male Dao note-taker and one male Kinh facilitator for H’Mong male groups in Sa Pa. This gender setup may have influenced male participants to offer socially desirable responses, which minimally affects our analysis of gender norms but may underrepresent dissenting male perspectives. The field team received a three-day training in each district, followed by pilot testing and contextual adaptation of the tools. All team members had prior experience in fieldwork, and most either came from the same province as the respondents or shared their ethnic background, facilitating cultural understanding and rapport. 3.3. Sampling We conducted our study in four communes, two in Mai Son and two in Sa Pa, selected based on the high representation of the targeted ethnic minority groups (Table 1 ). Within each commune, we selected two villages for each ethnicity, ensuring they were at varying distances from the commune centers but accessible by motorbike within an hour. In each village, we carried out two focus group discussions (FGDs) on `Social ideals and decision making power’ - one with men and one with women, and one `Village profile’ interview. Discussions on `Gender-based seasonality patterns’ were conducted at the commune level, grouped by ethnicity. However, in Chieng Chan, we organized this discussion in both H’Mong villages separately, as we anticipated differences in their seasonal calendars due to variation in altitude and livelihoods. We aimed to recruit two female market actors per commune for each ethnicity, but did not always succeed, as it proved challenging to recruit H’Mong and Dao market actors. We conducted one `Commune profile’ interview per commune. Participants for the FGDs and market actor interviews were recruited with the assistance of village heads or women’s union leaders. For FGDs on seasonality patterns, we specifically selected participants with in-depth knowledge of village dynamics, such as members of the village management board or well-informed women. In total, the study conducted 36 FGDs and 25 KIIs across 14 villages, spanning 21 days in August 2022 (Table 1 ). Table 1 The number of focus group discussions (FGDs) and Key informant interviews (KIIs) held, disaggregated by district and ethnicity Districts Communes Ethnicities Number of villages Focused group discussions (FGDs) Key Informant interviews (KIIs) Social ideals and decision-making power Gender-based seasonality patterns Village profiles Female market actor Commune profiles Male Female Both genders Mai Son Co Noi H'Mong 2 2 2 1 2 N/A 1 Thai 2 2 2 1 2 3 Chieng Chan H'Mong 2 2 2 2 2 N/A 1 Thai 2 2 2 1 2 2 SaPa Sa Pa H'Mong 2 2 2 1 2 N/A 1 Ngu Chi Son H'Mong 2 2 2 1 2 1 1 Dao 2 2 2 1 2 1 Total 14 14 14 8 14 7 4 We acknowledge the limitations of our methodology, including small sample sizes and reliance on subjective local perceptions. We may also miss some important viewpoints in the community due to the use of convenience sampling. However, this approach fits well to the exploratory nature of our study. 3.3. Data processing and analysis All KIIs and FGDs were recorded with verbal consent and transcribed verbatim in Vietnamese. Translations from ethnic minority languages were integrated during transcription by notetakers, and both Vietnamese and English transcripts were reviewed for accuracy and clarity. Our initial analysis focused on FGDs on ‘Social ideals and decision-making power ’, triangulated with data from FGDs on ‘ Gendered seasonality patterns’ and KIIs with market actors. KIIs from commune and village profiles provided contextual insights into infrastructure, livelihoods, and migration, enriching our interpretation of participant narratives. We developed a coding framework based on the study objectives, combining predefined and emerging themes into a refined codebook. Two researchers independently coded both Vietnamese and English transcripts, with the Vietnamese originals serving as the primary reference in case of discrepancies. The first author, who supervised fieldwork, reviewed all Vietnamese transcripts to preserve cultural nuances that may be lost in translation. Finally, transcripts were organized by ethnicity and gender to highlight similarities and differences across sub-groups. 4. Results 4.1. Ideal role models 4.1.1. Ideal women Participants in all discussions agreed that an ideal woman should excel in traditional roles, including the woman’s part in managing family responsibilities and farm work. These competencies were seen as fundamental for the stability and functioning of the household across the three ethnicities. These roles were not only about practical skills but also about fostering a sense of care within the household and creating a harmonious environment within the family unit. “[A good woman] knows how to do farming, wash clothes, clean the house, genuinely love me, listen and respect me” (H’Mong man, 28 years old, Sa Pa). “[A good woman] knows how to comfort her husband” (Thai man, 45 years old, Mai Son) A good woman should not quarrel and be willing to forgive her husband for his mistakes. “[A good woman] knows how to put up with her husband. My husband used to have an affair, but I did not make it a scandal. We are still together until today” (H’Mong woman, 64 years old, Sa Pa) Furthermore, the ideal woman should promote the communal values within her community. Specifically, she should have strong communication skills, enabling her to nurture positive relationships and resolve conflicts effectively, and be willing to help others. “[A good woman] is very good at managing the situations within their own family and outside of the family, so that everyone is happy and agrees with her, and even helps other women in her extended family” (Thai woman, 46 years old, Mai Son) “[A good woman] knows the right words to say, does everything gracefully, does not yell, does not gossip, is credible anywhere she goes, knows when the right moment to return home, does not just wander around” (Dao man, 31 years old, Sa Pa) In addition to shared views with women, men expressed distinct expectations for an ideal woman. A key trait, especially among H’Mong and Dao participants, was preserving cultural identity through making and wearing traditional clothing. For the Dao and H’Mong in Mai Son, women typically purchase fabric and focus on sewing and embroidery. In contrast, H’Mong women in Sa Pa follow a more labor-intensive process, growing hemp and indigo, extracting fiber, spinning, weaving, dyeing, and sewing, highlighting varying cultural expectations and workloads. Men, particularly the H’Mong, emphasized the physical appearance of women. They believed that women should be 'good looking’, or ‘know how to take good care of her appearance’, or ‘well-dressed’. This highlights the aesthetic component regarded as an integral part of the ideal woman’s attributes. Besides traditional traits, non-traditional traits were also mentioned during the discussions of men and women groups across the three ethnicities. For example, both men and women across all three ethnic groups also acknowledged non-traditional traits, notably a woman’s ability to earn income. While some saw this as potentially conflicting with traditional roles, many women viewed it as essential and even complementary to their traditional responsibilities. “I admire the woman who can make money because she can use this money to hire someone to fulfil the community duties on her behalf” (H’Mong woman, 36 years old, Sa Pa) However, women in all ethnicities did not wish to be the family’s sole breadwinner but rather support their husbands. They believed that being the main breadwinner could negatively impact their husband’s reputation, as other men might perceive him as `coward’, ‘stupid’, or ‘incapable’. The desire to earn money may thus conflict with their traditional role as maintainers of family harmony. While Thai men generally expressed positive feelings about women being earners, H’Mong and Dao male participants displayed more nuances. Many found that making money was a desirable trait of an ideal woman. They even recognized that women can have competitive advantages over men when joining the market: “Women know how to bargain better than men. They can buy at lower prices and sell at higher prices. Men do not like to bargain” (Dao men, 47 years old, Sa Pa) Nevertheless, men admitted that women face numerous barriers to becoming income earners. These included more restricted mobility, limited fluency in Vietnamese, and a higher aversion to taking risks than men. At the same time, there were also concerns that women pursuing income opportunities might neglect their traditional responsibilities. “[An ideal woman] can make money after finishing all the housework, and she must know how to embroider” (Dao man, 32 years old, Sa Pa) They feared that financially independent women might be more prone to engaging in social vices, and might not contribute financially to the household, especially those who migrate for off-farm income. “There is a woman in this village who migrates to work but does not have enough money to go home. [Because she] might spend [all her money] on her secret extramarital affair” (Dao man, 31 years old, Sa Pa) Thus, some men suggested that it would be better if women stayed home and focused on their traditional roles and let men venture out for off-farm cash income. “If the women can arrange the work at home well, the men can concentrate on making money” (H’Mong man, Sa Pa, 28 years old, Sa Pa) Furthermore, both men and women recognized the importance of education and knowledge for women. Although Confucianism mentions a woman’s wisdom, it traditionally does not equate wisdom with formal education. Instead, it sees wisdom as reflected in the positions of a woman’s husband and sons in society. However, participants highlighted the value of women’s formal education and life experience. “I did not go to school,…., now I admire people who went to school, and who can handle a lot of work, I want to be like them” (Thai woman, 43 years old, Co Noi) “[A good woman] must be literate, knowledgeable, able to run a business, and make money” (H’Mong woman, 36 years old, Sa Pa) Generally, we did not observe much concern over this trait across the discussions. This could be because education strengthens women’s communication skills, a quality valued by both men and women. It also directly supports women’s ability to make money, which requires skills like language fluency and negotiating, which could be achieved through education and exposure. “Those who are illiterate can only get the physical jobs around here, but those who are knowledgeable and literate can get the jobs in the hotels downtown” (H’Mong woman, 27 years old,Sa Pa). However, concerns still exist, particularly among H’Mong and Dao men, who feared that extensive travel might divert women from their traditional roles. Thus, wise women are seen as those who strike a balance between time at home and time spent outside of the household. 4.1.2. Ideal men In describing an ideal man, all discussion groups agreed that a good man was viewed as the family's leader, making decisions with the family's welfare in mind. His role as a provider was crucial, emphasizing the importance of earning money, not for personal gain but for the well-being of his family. This leadership role was echoed in comments from the focus groups: “A good man is the head of the family, is someone who dares to think and dares to do, can make money for his family” (H’Mong man, 47 years old, Sa Pa) “[A good man] is someone who loves his wife and his children” (Dao man, 32 years old, Sa Pa) “[A good man] is someone who can make a lot of money so that his wife and his children do not suffer [from poverty]” (Dao man, 31 years old, Sa Pa) Similar to the expectations for women, a good man was expected to contribute to maintaining family harmony. This includes showing respect and refraining from violent behavior toward his spouse. “[A good man] shares work with his wife, does not beat his wife, and does not argue with his wife” (H’Mong men, 52 years old, Mai Son) H’Mong women particularly emphasized the importance of these qualities, highlighting the widespread prevalence of domestic violence in their communities. “In this village, one-third of men have committed to domestic violence” (H’Mong woman, 36 years old, Sa Pa) Beyond avoiding violence, an ideal man was described as someone who respects and listens to his wife, avoids imposing his opinions on her, and demonstrates emotional sensibility. These qualities are particularly valued during cultural festivals, where men lead the ceremonies, while women are relegated to kitchen duties. A universal expectation was that men must avoid social vices, such as consuming alcohol or other drugs, engaging in extramarital affairs, or gambling, as these behaviors disrupt family harmony. H’Mong women noted that modern distractions, like smartphones and video games, now compound traditional temptations. Like ideal women, ideal men should not only focus on personal gain but also be kind, willing to help others in the community. This included sharing business opportunities with others, respecting the elders and supporting juniors, and actively contributing to culture preservation and the progression of their communities in general. To fulfill these roles, men should be educated, sociable, and knowledgeable. Education includes both formal learning and mastery of traditional customs. Among H’Mong and Dao, ritual knowledge is particularly valued, not only for cultural continuity but also because spiritual practices are believed to aid in healing, reflecting deeply held communal values. “ A man who knows how to run spiritual rituals is a good man because when others get sick, he can help them” (Dao woman, 27 years old, Sa Pa) Besides these traditional traits, all discussion groups believed that a good man must do household chores. Both men and women acknowledged that men who help with household tasks are highly valued by women. However, there was consensus that men should not engage too deeply in these duties. Instead, they should assist their wives when possible, without taking on household chores as their primary responsibility. Participants explained that if a man focuses too much on domestic tasks, both he and his wife may face criticism from the community. Men may be labeled as “incapable”, “coward”, or “hiding behind women's skirts”, whereas their wives could be seen as “lazy”, or “manipulative” women. To avoid such judgment, a man’s involvement in household chores is expected to be secondary to his primary role as the family’s provider. 4.2. Men’s and women’s empowerment over specific domains 4.2.1. Decisions on production and household work Our findings indicate that across the three ethnicities, men were typically the primary decision-makers within families, especially for significant matters. These included decisions about the family’s main sources of income or staple crops, as well as major family and community events, such as weddings, funerals, rituals or hosting visitors. In addition, men often consult women for important decisions, especially those made at the household level. It was considered acceptable for men to make decisions at the community level without consulting their wives. However, the degree of consultation varies between families. In some cases, men genuinely seek their wives’ input, while in others, they simply inform their wives of decisions that they have already made. Meanwhile, women are the key decision makers within their traditional domains, such as daily cooking, vegetable cultivation, and small-scale livestock farming. In these areas, they can make decisions independently without consulting their husbands. Depending on ethnicity, we observed varying degrees of tension between men’s and women’s ideas on the current decision-making arrangement. Among the Thai, men generally expressed satisfaction with the existing arrangement. Women also tended to view the arrangement as fair, as they are respected and believe their opinions are valued and reflected in the final decisions. “Husband and wife have equal power” (Thai woman, 30 years old, Mai Son) “Men can make the final decisions, but they have to listen to their wives” (Thai woman, 43 years old, Mai Son) Many Thai women also considered the current arrangement a means of maintaining family harmony. However, some expressed a desire to take on a greater role in final decision-making. These women voiced dissatisfaction with men’s decisions and a wish to demonstrate their capabilities, in some cases to “ prove the husband how wrong he is”. More pronounced tensions were found between H’Mong and Dao men and women than among the Thai. Women in these groups broadly agreed that husbands and wives should discuss important matters together. However, many felt they were not sufficiently informed or heard in decision-making processes. They expressed diverted opinions on the situation. Many accepted the status quo, believing men to be more knowledgeable or educated, and, therefore, considering their own contributions unnecessary. Others expressed dissatisfaction, desiring greater involvement and the opportunity to have their voices heard. Despite their discontent, many hesitated to confront the status quo, fearing that doing so might fail to bring positive change and could even disrupt family harmony. Men from the H’Mong and Dao groups accepted the existing decision-making dynamics. They did so primarily because they believed that it was unnecessary to inform women, arguing that women could not meaningfully contribute to their work. Some men, however, perceived that they carried too much on their shoulders, since their wives passively waited for their instructions, including on household tasks, the work that women are expected to carry out. Thus, they emphasized the need for women to take more initiative and excel in their designated roles. “[The current decision-making balance] is reasonable. But I wish women could contribute a small part to decisions, for example, over small livestock farming” (H’Mong man, 53 years old, Mai Son) “[The current decision-making balance] is reasonable. [I] don’t want to change because [I] think it cannot be changed. My wife can't carry out my work” (Dao man, 31 years old, Sa Pa) Overall, while Thai participants show minimal tension regarding decision-making roles, the H’Mong and Dao participants revealed more complex dynamics. Women expressed a mix of acceptance and frustration, while men remained resistant to change, emphasizing that each gender should excel in their roles. 4.2.2. Workload division Our study found consistent gender-based divisions of labor across all ethnic groups, especially in agriculture and domestic work. On farms, men and women collaborate but perform distinct roles: men handle heavier tasks and operate machinery (e.g., plowing), while women do lighter tasks like weeding or fertilizing—unless machinery is used, in which case men take over. At home, women manage cooking, cleaning, and gardening, though men may cook for large communal events requiring physical strength. Men generally viewed this division as fair. Among women, opinions varied. Some agreed, noting that while they work longer hours, men’s tasks are more physically demanding. Others, however, expressed frustration with their husbands’ lack of help at home, attributing it to laziness or entrenched habits. These women desired more support but were uncertain how to initiate change. “I want my husband to help me with cooking, but he does not do this because he is too lazy” (Dao woman, 38 years old, Sa Pa) “I want to change, but I cannot change. I want my husband to cook for me because I do it every day” (Dao woman, 27 years old, Sa Pa) Even though some men claimed that they helped with housework when they had free time, women felt these efforts were insufficient. “Husbands help their wives with the housework. But most of them do it just occasionally… Doing a lot of housework sometimes makes me angry. I want my husband and I to do it together”. (Thai woman, 59 years old, Mai Son) “They [the husbands] can only do 20% of housework” (Thai woman, 32 years old, Mai Son) “If we force them [the husbands] to do it [household chores], they will get angry” (Thai woman, 47 years old, Mai Son) 4.2.3. Decisions on expenditure and income Decision-making around expenditures mirrored patterns seen in production and household labor. Across all three ethnic groups, men typically consulted their wives on major expenses but retained the final decision. Both spouses could keep their income for minor spending, while larger purchases came from a shared account—managed by the partner deemed less prone to overspending. Despite these commonalities, financial dynamics varied by group. Among the Thai and Dao, women often managed the shared account and made small purchases independently. Thai women frequently oversaw household finances, earning and spending income from jobs or selling farm goods. Dao women also earned through selling vegetables or embroidery, though their opportunities were more limited due to restricted mobility, limited Vietnamese fluency, and weak market ties. Still, both groups generally expressed satisfaction with their arrangements. In contrast, H’Mong women faced tighter financial restrictions. They rarely controlled the shared account and needed their husbands’ approval for even minor expenses, regardless of who physically held the money. “The wife is the one who keeps the money, but she has to discuss with her husband about anything she wants to buy” (H’Mong woman, 52 years old, Ban Pho) “Even if I want to buy a pair of flip-flops [for myself], I have to ask my husband if he approves of it” (H’Mong woman, 43 years old, Mai Son) Although H’Mong women technically had the right to spend their earnings, their income-generating opportunities were even more limited than those of Dao women, largely due to stricter mobility restrictions and lower fluency in Vietnamese. Even when they reached the market, men often took over transactions, especially when the scale of production increased. This further diminished their financial independence. H’Mong men largely viewed the current arrangement as fair, often citing women’s lack of education and inexperience in trade as justification for controlling finances. Some also saw women as prone to frivolous spending, reinforcing the belief that they were unfit to manage household money. While many H’Mong women accepted this arrangement, acknowledging men as primary earners and valuing traditional submission, other voiced a desire for change. Their concerns centered on men’s overindulgence in alcohol and other vices. They believed that giving women more financial control would lead to better household decisions, such as improved nutrition and meeting personal and family needs more effectively. 4.2.4. Women’s mobility Across all three ethnic groups, women were expected to inform their husbands before traveling beyond their daily routines. Their mobility was shaped by gender norms, cultural expectations, and practical limitations, especially access to motorbikes. Women unable to ride relied on husbands or others for transport. While riding with other women was generally acceptable, traveling with unrelated men, especially for young married women, was discouraged and subject to cultural judgment, though the intensity varied by group. Additionally, spiritual beliefs constrained movement, such as a shared custom barring new mothers from leaving home for a month postpartum. Thai women experienced the greatest freedom of movement. They could travel within and beyond the village, needing only to notify their husbands if they were away for extended periods. Traveling with male relatives was acceptable for short distances. High motorbike ownership further enhanced their independence. However, some cultural and spiritual restrictions persisted—e.g., staying indoors during the annual village founder's ceremony or avoiding funerals during astrologically unlucky years. Dao women faced more restrictions than the Thai. While free to move within their village, leaving required permission from husbands or in-laws. Men often cited domestic duties and potential gossip as reasons to limit women’s movement. Fewer Dao women knew how to ride motorbikes, due to rugged terrain and limited encouragement. Lower motorbike ownership further constrained mobility, and cultural rules prohibited married women from riding with certain male relatives (e.g., brothers-in-law, fathers-in-law). H’Mong women experienced the most severe constraints. Travel, even within the village, required husbands’ permission—except for farm work. Unapproved movement was often seen as disrespectful or unfaithful, potentially triggering domestic conflict or scandal. Motorbike access was critical, yet many women couldn’t ride. Sharing rides with unrelated men was taboo, and even traveling with other women often needed the husband’s consent. For longer trips, husbands typically insisted on accompanying them, citing fears of getting lost. Ultimately, a H’Mong woman’s mobility depended heavily on her husband’s trust and willingness to bend norms. “Facilitator: Is there any place that women cannot travel to? Women 1: No, there is not. Women 2: [Women cannot travel] only when husbands are too jealous to let women travel” (H’Mong women, Mai Son) 5. Discussion 5.1. Social gendered ideals of men and women Our findings indicate that the three studied ethnic groups envision ideal women and men as occupying parallel yet distinct roles within both household and community settings. In the household sphere, men and women are expected to maintain family functionality and harmony through roles that reflect traditional gendered expectations. Women are typically valued as caregivers and household managers, ensuring that the domestic sphere operates smoothly. Men, conversely, are regarded as leaders and providers, tasked with securing the family’s material needs. In the community context, both men and women are seen as responsible for preserving and promoting communal values and fostering a collective identity. Women contribute by making and wearing traditional clothing, thereby reinforcing cultural heritage. Men are expected to possess and transmit knowledge of rituals and traditions, safeguarding these practices across generations. These roles reflect the collectivist culture of the studied groups (Oyserman et al., 2002 ). Within this framework, each community member finds a sense of identity and purpose through their designated roles and understands their place within the community. The emphasis on harmony fosters belonging and mutual respect, as each member fulfills roles that sustain the community’s social fabric. Despite the clarity of these gender roles, mutual support is also expected. A ‘good man’ contributes to household chores, while women are encouraged to engage in income-generating activities. Both are responsible for promoting family harmony through mutual respect, active listening, and conflict resolution. In practice, however, women often prefer to support men rather than take on traditionally male-dominated roles, especially in income generation. This aligns with deeply rooted cultural values that shape their identity and pride. By upholding the male provider role, women reinforce their position as guardians of family harmony, reflecting household loyalty rooted in collectivist values, corresponding with previous studies suggesting that women are more inclined than men to prioritize group welfare (Dabiriyan Tehrani & Yamini, 2022 ; Kashima et al., 1995 ). As a result, individual economic advancement may not be their primary goal, which challenges the assumptions underlying many empowerment projects (Aghazamani et al., 2020 ; Galiè & Farnworth, 2019 ). Women's ideals in this context closely align with the gender norms promoted by the Vietnam Women’s Union (Schuler et al., 2006 ). By validating traditional roles while supporting women’s participation in cash-earning activities, the Union helps women navigate their dual responsibilities without cognitive dissonance. However, this dual role can be burdensome. Critics argue it may inadvertently lead to overwork, and inadequacy feeling, especially when women’s contributions are undervalued or unsupported by spouses (Nguyen & Rydstrom, 2022 ). Nevertheless, not all women are satisfied with the limitations imposed by current gender ideals. Many expressed aspirations for greater autonomy and more equitable sharing of domestic responsibilities. A major source of frustration was the unequal division of household labor. Although norms discourage men from participating extensively in domestic tasks, women believed they could contribute more without undermining traditional roles. This echoes global trends where men’s reluctance to engage in household work contributes to domestic conflict (Brickell, 2011 ; Forste & Fox, 2012 ). Studies across cultures consistently highlight the persistence of deeply ingrained gender norms on household responsibilities, often perpetuating the family’s conflicts (Cerrato & Cifre, 2018 ). At the same time, men face substantial burdens linked to societal expectations of masculinity, expectations that are reinforced by both men and women. Men are expected to lead in public life, exposing them to social pressures and vices. Alcohol consumption, for instance, is a key social practice that signifies masculinity in these communities (Giang et al., 2013 ). However, this cultural norm can lead men to use alcohol excessively, which poses significant health risks (Lincoln, 2016 ), undermines family harmony, and subjects men to social despise, as shown in our study. This situation creates a dilemma for men, as they must navigate the tension between fulfilling social expectations, maintaining their masculine identity, fulfilling their role as family providers, preserving family harmony, and safeguarding their health. Additionally, men may face the dilemma of balancing their traditional roles with the evolving dynamics of gender roles, particularly as women increasingly share responsibilities traditionally held by men alone. In our study context, men are under significant social pressure to fulfill their roles as primary providers. However, challenges faced in the job market due to their minority ethnicity status hinder their ability to earn a sufficient income, making migration a necessary strategy. This could lead to new decision-making power balances between men and women, especially over agricultural production (Bacud et al., 2021 ). Besides, men are socially expected to act as custodians of cultural traditions, particularly among the Dao and H’Mong communities, making them difficult to accept women’s growing involvement in previously male-dominated roles. In turn, this imposes an extra challenge on women to balance both roles. This tension is also found in other cultural settings, illustrating how the pressure to maintain traditional roles amidst changing social dynamics can negatively impact men’s well-being, and provoking intimate partner violence (Adil et al., 2017 ); (James-Hawkins et al., 2016 ). This emphasizes the need to consider men’s well-being as part of the empowerment discourse. Our findings challenge the idea of gender complementarity, which assigns men and women naturally distinct and harmonious roles (Ferrari et al., 2021 ; Karim, 2021 ). While such ideals can help preserve order under stable conditions, changing realities may render these roles inadequate or even harmful. In response, individuals may negotiate or resist traditional expectations. For some, resistance manifests as increased workload or emotional distress; for others, it may lead to outmigration or catalyze the transformation of gender norms over time (Buono et al., 2010 ; Castles, 2010 ). While the predominantly female composition of the field research team raised concerns about potential response bias in men’s discussions, with men avoiding openly criticizing women, our findings indicate that this was not the case. The discussions captured notable tensions and contradictions expressed by both genders. This indicates that participants were willing to express nuanced and critical views, despite the team’s composition. In summary, the challenges faced by men and women in these ethnic minority communities are deeply interlinked. Women navigating dual roles may face emotional and physical strain, while men struggle to reconcile traditional expectations with modern economic and social shifts. These dynamics underscore the need to approach gender roles as a shared societal issue, requiring engagement and transformation at both the individual and community levels. 5.2. Intersectionality of empowerment Our findings indicate that decision-making power between men and women varies across ethnicities. As summarized in Appendix 2, women from all three groups report struggling with work-life balance. Alongside equal participation in farming, they are primarily responsible for household chores and receive limited support from their spouses. Among the groups, Thai households display the most balanced gender dynamics. Both men and women report collaborative decision-making, especially in production and income-related matters, with women’s voices reflected in final outcomes. In contrast, H’Mong and Dao women, particularly the former, often occupy subordinate roles. Yet, perspectives within these groups are nuanced. While some women feel constrained and seek change, others view female submissiveness as integral to their cultural identity, especially in the face of state-led assimilation efforts. These dynamics are further shaped by social and economic exclusion. H’Mong and Dao men face mounting pressure as primary providers, making them more sensitive to shifts in traditional gender roles (World Bank, 2019 ). This creates added tension for women who must balance traditional expectations with new responsibilities. Notably, Dao and H’Mong men do not all hold singular, fixed, or static views on women’s empowerment. While some recognize the advantages of reducing women’s submissiveness, both for individual women and the broader community, others resist change, often being skeptical about women’s ability to succeed in new roles. Interestingly, the perspectives of these men on resistance differ from the reasons women provide, underscoring the complexity of gender relations. 6. Conclusion Using qualitative methods, our study explores local perceptions of social ideals and gender roles among ethnic minorities in Northern Vietnam. Participants commonly described men’s and women’s roles as parallel but distinct, with the shared goal of maintaining harmony in these settings. This corresponds with perceptions about the ideal woman and man. Ideal men are seen as providers, and ideal women as caregivers, but both are expected to support each other. Our findings show that tensions and inequalities arise when the lived experiences of individuals do not align with these normative ideals. Women are frustrated over unequal say in decision making, while men are anxious about changing masculinity norms. Both genders face dilemmas as they attempt to balance traditional values with the demands from changing socio-economic conditions, which increasingly challenge established gender norms. This dynamic leaves women feeling subordinate and dissatisfied with the current arrangements. Simultaneously, men grapple with the pressures of conforming to societal expectations of masculinity. These findings challenge the rigidity of cultural norms, as proposed by Bourdieu’s concept of 'doxa' —the unquestioned cultural norms within communities (Bourdieu, 1977 ). Discussions within communities reveal a desire to both preserve tradition and embrace change. Therefore, development research and projects should focus on understanding the norms’ dynamics rather than assuming a static picture of the local context. Our findings also highlight the intersection between ethnicity and gender in shaping women’s and men’s empowerment experience. Thai men and women report relatively equal decision-making, while H’Mong and Dao women face more barriers. For many, maintaining traditional notions of masculinity and femininity serves as a coping mechanism to preserve cultural identities in the face of state assimilation efforts. At the same time, tensions within these communities reveal the multifaceted and evolving nature of their social structures. To foster meaningful change, it is essential to design interventions that create inclusive spaces for open discussions between men and women. Such spaces should enable community members to collectively reaffirm a shared vision for cultural identities and family and community life, critically evaluate existing gender norms and practices, and identify those that no longer support this shared vision given the changing socio-economic and environmental conditions. These processes facilitate the development of new norms and practices that align with current realities while maintaining community cohesion. Using participatory and intersectional approaches is crucial to ensure that diverse social groups, including those defined by gender, age, ethnicity, and socio-economic class, are fairly represented in these discussions. Furthermore, our study underscores the need to address gender issues as collective societal challenges rather than as problems specific to either men or women. This means recognizing that gender norms are embedded within a broader social ecosystem, spanning from individual experiences to institutional and cultural structures. Therefore, interventions should not only focus on the ethnic minority communities but also consider addressing challenges at the macro level. For example, interventions can incorporate the majority group, as they are an integral part of the minorities’ social ecosystem. Building on our findings, future research should adopt more systemic and intersectional approaches to better understand and address gender norms. This includes examining how gender norms intersect with other social dimensions, such as age, social class, or marital status. Furthermore, considering ethnic minorities in relation to majority groups can help to unpack the oppression faced by the minorities and how these power dynamics shape gendered experiences. Moreover, future work should consider applying a mixed-methods approach to enable triangulation and strengthen analytical rigor. Expansion to other ethnic groups and contexts is necessary to improve the visibility of the minorities in the social and political discussions. This can not only help to break stereotypes but also inform more culturally sensitive interventions, which can catalyze meaningful changes. Declarations Author contributions (To be filled later after the double-anonymized peer review process) Ethics statement The study was part of a research project that was approved by the institutional review board of the Public Health University (Hanoi, Vietnam) according to ID 021-386/DD-YTCC on November 4, 2021. The study was performed in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki. Informed consent All interviewers obtained consent orally from all participants before conducting any interviews or discussions. The consents were obtained from August 2 to 16, 2022. Participants were presented with information about the purpose of the study, confidentiality, participants' rights, interview length, reimbursement, and contact details. They were also informed that they can quit the interview at any time or refuse to answer any question that they find uncomfortable. The interviewers also asked participants for recording permission before proceeding. Only authorized researchers had access to the data. Personal information was removed from all transcripts. Each participant was assigned a code, and a separate list of these codes was maintained away from the data. All records were stored separately from the transcripts on the internal servers of Wageningen University and Research. Fundings This study was part of a project within the seed system development program component of the Netherlands CGIAR research program, project number W.08.240.101, which was funded by the Dutch Research Council (NWO). This work was also carried out under the CGIAR GENDER Impact Platform and the CGIAR Research Initiatives on Sustainable Healthy Diets through Food Systems Transformation (SHiFT). Declaration of generative AI and AI-assisted technologies in the writing process During the preparation of this work, the authors used ChatGPT (Open AI) for language editing and improving the readability of the manuscript. 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(2019). “A Bird Locked in a Cage” Hmong young women's lives after marriage in northern Vietnam. In Gender, Agriculture and Agrarian Transformations : Routledge. Khoja-Moolji, S. (2018). Forging the Ideal Educated Girl (Volume 1.0) : University of California Press. Lincoln, M. (2016). Alcohol and drinking cultures in Vietnam: A review. Drug Alcohol Depend, 159 , 1-8. doi:10.1016/j.drugalcdep.2015.10.030 Long, L. A. (2008). Contemporary Women's Roles through Hmong, Vietnamese, and American Eyes. Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies, 29 (1), 1-36. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/40071918 Meinzen-Dick, R. S., Rubin, D., Elias, M., Mulema, A. A., & Myer, E. (2019). Women’s Empowerment in Agriculture: Lessons from Qualitative Research . Retrieved from Washington, D.C: Nguyen, H. T., & Rydstrom, H. (2022). Feminism in Vietnam: Women's Studies, Gender Research and Intersections. In J. D. London (Ed.), Routledge Handbook of Contemporary Vietnam (1st Edition ed., pp. 404-422). London: Routledge. Nguyen, L. T. T., van den Berg, M., Stomph, T., Nabuuma, D., & Kramer, B. (2024). Empowerment unveiled: Gender dynamics and the impact of Nutrition-Sensitive Agricultural Interventions among ethnic minority groups in Northern Vietnam . Development Economics Group. Wageningen University and Research. Oyserman, D., Coon, H. M., & Kemmelmeier, M. (2002). Rethinking individualism and collectivism: Evaluation of theoretical assumptions and meta-analyses. Psychological Bulletin, 128 (1), 3-72. doi:10.1037/0033-2909.128.1.3 Pereznieto, P., & and Taylor, G. (2014). A review of approaches and methods to measure economic empowerment of women and girls. Gender & Development, 22 (2), 233-251. doi:10.1080/13552074.2014.920976 Pimhidzai, O. (2018). Climbing the ladder: poverty reduction and shared prosperity in Vietnam (English) . Retrieved from Washington, DC: https://documents.worldbank.org/en/publication/documents-reports/documentdetail/206981522843253122/climbing-the-ladder-poverty-reduction-and-shared-prosperity-in-vietnam Pret, T., & Carter, S. (2017). The importance of ‘fitting in’: collaboration and social value creation in response to community norms and expectations. Entrepreneurship & Regional Development, 29 (7-8), 639-667. doi:10.1080/08985626.2017.1328903 Quisumbing, A. R., Roy, S., Njuki, J., Tanvin, K., & Waithanji, E. (2013). Can dairy value-chain projects change gender norms in rural Bangladesh? Impacts on assets, gender norms, and time use. Ransford, T. D. (2021). Women in Review: The Role of Women on the History of Ghana, 1874-1992. International Journal of Research Publication and Reviews, 2 (12), 151-154. Sara Hlupekile, L. (1995). Opposition to Gender-Sensitive Development: Learning to Answer Back. Gender and Development, 3 (1), 47-50. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org.ezproxy.library.wur.nl/stable/4030426 Schuler, S. R., Hoang tu, A., Vu Song, H., Tran Hung, M., Bui Thi Thanh, M., & Pham vu, T. (2006). Constructions of Gender in Vietnam: In Pursuit of the 'Three Criteria'. Culture, Health & Sexuality, 8 (5), 383-394. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/4005524 Shields, S. A. (2008). Gender: An intersectionality perspective. Sex Roles, 59 , 301-311. Shohel, T. A., Niner, S., & Gunawardana, S. (2021). How the persistence of patriarchy undermines the financial empowerment of women microfinance borrowers? Evidence from a southern sub-district of Bangladesh. PLOS ONE, 16 (4), e0250000. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0250000 Silberschmidt, M. (2001). Disempowerment of Men in Rural and Urban East Africa: Implications for Male Identity and Sexual Behavior. World Development, 29 (4), 657-671. doi:https://doi.org/10.1016/S0305-750X(00)00122-4 Soothill, J. (2007). Gender, Social Change and Spiritual Power . Boston, MA: Brill. Sue, D. (1998). The interplay of sociocultural factors on the psychological development of Asians in America. In Counseling American minorities, 5th ed. (pp. 205-213). New York, NY, US: McGraw-Hill. Tariq, M., & Syed, J. (2017). Intersectionality at work: South Asian Muslim women’s experiences of employment and leadership in the United Kingdom. Sex Roles, 77 , 510-522. Thi, H. D., Huong, T. B. T., Tuyet, M. N. T., & Van, H. M. (2022). Socio-cultural Norms and Gender Equality of Ethnic Minorities in Vietnam. Journal of Racial and Ethnic Health Disparities . doi:10.1007/s40615-022-01393-5 Thieu, Q., Das, A., & Nguyen, Q. (2017). A review of challenges in women's entrepreneurship: A context of ethnic minority in Vietnam. Paper presented at the United States Association for Small Business and Entrepreneurship. Conference Proceedings. Tran, T. K. V., Elahi, E., Zhang, L., Abid, M., Pham, Q. T., & Tran, T. D. (2018). Gender differences in formal credit approaches: rural households in Vietnam. Asian-Pacific Economic Literature, 32 (1), 131-138. doi:https://doi.org/10.1111/apel.12220 Tuyen, T. Q. (2016). Income sources and inequality among ethnic minorities in the Northwest region, Vietnam. Environment, Development and Sustainability, 18 (4), 1239-1254. doi:10.1007/s10668-015-9700-8 UN Women. (2021). Policy Brief: Gender issues of ethnic minority groups in Vietnam . Retrieved from Hanoi, Vietnam: https://vietnam.un.org/sites/default/files/2021-08/Tom%20Tat%20Chinh%20Sach%2020x20cm%20ENG%200106.pdf Vang, C. Y., Nibbs, F., & Vang, M. (2016). Claiming Place: On the Agency of Hmong Women : University of Minnesota Press. Völker, M., & Doneys, P. (2021). Empowerment as one sees it: assessment of empowerment by women participants of development projects. Development in Practice, 31 (1), 125-138. doi:10.1080/09614524.2020.1828284 World Bank. Women's and Girl's Empowerment. Retrieved from https://www.worldbank.org/en/topic/gender/brief/womens-girls-empowerment World Bank. (2019). Drivers of Socio-Economic Development Among Ethnic Minority Groups in Vietnam . Retrieved from DC: Yogendrarajah, R. (2013). Women empowerment through decision making. Yogendrarajah, Rathiranee,(2013), Women Empowerment through Decision Making, The International Journal of Economics and Business Management, 3 (1). Yuval-Davis, N. (2006). Intersectionality and Feminist Politics. . European Journal of Women’s Studies, 13 (3), 193-209. Zaremba, H., Nchanji, E. B., Guettou Djurfeldt, N., North, H., Slavchevska, V., & Macchioni Giaquinto, A. (2024). Emic definitions of empowerment for just development: learnings from Kenya. CABI Agriculture and Bioscience, 5 (1), 33. doi:10.1186/s43170-024-00238-x Additional Declarations No competing interests reported. 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Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003eGender equality remains a cornerstone of the global development agenda. The United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) designate it as a standalone goal and highlight its significance in achieving other objectives (General Assembly, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR30\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e). Central to this goal is the empowerment of women and girls, enhancing their decision-making power relative to men, as a means of dismantling systematic barriers, particularly om patriarchal societies. Beyond fostering equality, women\u0026rsquo;s empowerment is viewed as a catalyst for reducing hunger, improving household food security and nutrition, and boosting agricultural productivity and economic growth (ADB, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e; IMF, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR42\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Quisumbing et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR60\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eMany rural development initiatives seek to empower women by expanding their access to productive resources such as land, livestock, agricultural tools, education, and financial assets. Through this approach, women are encouraged to participate more actively in economic spheres traditionally dominated by men (Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation; World Bank). This access-based strategy promotes a model of the \u0026ldquo;empowered woman\u0026rdquo; as self-reliant and entrepreneurial (Pereznieto \u0026amp; and Taylor, 2014).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eHowever, this approach has been increasingly critiqued for overlooking the foundational concept of empowerment as a transformative process that challenges unequal power structures (Kabeer, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR44\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1999\u003c/span\u003e). Merely improving access to resources does not inherently lead to meaningful change if the underlying causes of inequality, particularly entrenched patriarchal norms, are not addressed. Many initiatives prioritize women\u0026rsquo;s financial independence without questioning the broader systems of power and social relations (Garikipati et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR29\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e; Sara Hlupekile, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR62\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1995\u003c/span\u003e; Shohel et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR65\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). Besides, feminist scholars caution that power structures and social expectations often serve vital cultural purposes and are deeply embedded in community identities (Clement et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR15\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e; Kabeer, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR44\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1999\u003c/span\u003e). In some contexts, individuals may consciously choose to forgo decision-making power in favor of values they deem integral to their identity (Kabeer, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR44\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1999\u003c/span\u003e). Imposing external ideals without careful engagement with local values can provoke community resistance, especially when those ideals conflict with established norms and practices (Buisson et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). Women who meet externally defined criteria of empowerment may still feel unempowered, experiencing internal conflict as they navigate between new expectations and long-standing community values (Cornwall, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR17\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eA sustainable transformation also requires attention to the role of boys and men within existing power systems. Some empowerment programs adopt a reductive, binary narrative that portrays men as oppressors and women as victims (Cornwall, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e; Ganle et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e; Khoja-Moolji, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR50\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). This framing can alienate men and trigger backlash (Bulte \u0026amp; Lensink, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). Moreover, such generalizations often fail to capture local complexities. Men, too, can be disempowered by rigid patriarchal norms that demand they fulfill specific roles, with failure resulting in social stigma or exclusion (Gough \u0026amp; Peace, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR34\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2000\u003c/span\u003e; Silberschmidt, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR66\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2001\u003c/span\u003e). Men face greater barriers to economic participation than women, for example, in the informal vegetable market (Kawarazuka et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR48\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e). A binary view of gender thus risks obscuring the systemic nature of disempowerment, which can affect all genders (Nguyen et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR55\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eEmpowerment, therefore, demands a nuanced, culturally grounded approach that considers local gender ideals and social norms. True empowerment enables individuals, regardless of gender, to navigate and negotiate these norms in alignment with their own aspirations. Studying these norms is essential to understanding the roots of disempowerment and designing interventions that resonate locally and avoid failure.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn Vietnam, ethnic minorities are often prioritized in women\u0026rsquo;s empowerment initiatives, as they are frequently identified as zones of high gender inequality in national and international reports. For example, in 2019, child marriage among girls in the Northern Midlands and Mountains\u0026mdash;home to many ethnic minorities\u0026mdash;was 26%, compared to 8% in the predominantly Kinh Red River Delta (UN Women, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR74\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). Ethnic minority women often have limited decision-making power and rely on male intermediaries for access to resources, with cultural expectations reinforcing domestic roles (UN Women, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR74\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). Gender inequality is considered one of the key drivers for the economic struggle of these minority communities (Thieu et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR71\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e; World Bank, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR78\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eHowever, this perspective has been criticized for reflecting a Kinh-majority viewpoint, overlooking alternative gender dynamics among minorities. Some groups perceive men and women as \u0026ldquo;different but equal\u0026rdquo; (Long, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR52\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e; Vang et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR75\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e). While recent efforts aim to take cultural context into account, few adopt an intersectional lens or explore empowerment as a multi-dimensional experience. Yet empowerment among ethnic minority women varies substantially across groups, each shaped by unique interactions between patriarchy, poverty, and marginalization (Hiwasaki \u0026amp; Minh, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR39\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Thi et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR70\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). These complexities call for more understanding of gender norms and empowerment experiences through an intersectional and culturally grounded lens.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAgainst this backdrop, our study uses qualitative data to explore social ideals and gender norms among three ethnic minorities \u0026ndash; H\u0026rsquo;Mong, Thai, and Dao \u0026ndash; in two mountainous provinces in Northern Vietnam: Lao Cai and Son La. Our research addresses the following questions: How do the three ethnic minority communities define ideal models of men and women? What are the current norms on the within-household decision-making process in various domains, including production, household chores, work balance, and mobility? And how do local men and women perceive them?\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"2. Conceptual framework","content":"\u003cp\u003eIn this study, we employ a conceptual framework integrating social ideals, empowerment, and intersectionality to analyze the gender relations and empowerment experiences of men and women within their communities. Each concept offers a distinct but complementary lens to understand how identity is constructed, how agency is exercised, and how power dynamics vary by cultural and social setting.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec3\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e2.1. Social ideals\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe concept of an ideal person reflects the traits that a society expects individuals to embody or aspire for (Gilbert et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1978\u003c/span\u003e). These attributes often represent the collective values and aspirations of a community. While no one may fully personify this ideal, individuals can align themselves with parts of it, reinforcing their place within the group.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe ideal serves as a social benchmark, guiding how individuals are perceived within the cultural and moral fabric of the community. Conformity often signals belonging and acceptance, while deviation may lead to exclusion or internal conflict. Deviation from the ideal may not result in formal or tangible sanctions, but it can lead to feelings of exclusion or alienation (Grimmell \u0026amp; Stern, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR35\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1992\u003c/span\u003e). Individuals may experience cognitive dissonance, a psychological state where their beliefs and behaviors conflict, leading to discomfort and a potential re-evaluation of personal values or actions (Festinger, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1962\u003c/span\u003e). This dynamic highlights the powerful role of social ideals in shaping individual behavior and community cohesion. In striving to embody these ideals, individuals contribute not only to personal development but also to group identity and cohesion (Pret \u0026amp; Carter, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR59\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIdeal attributes are not random. They are shaped by specific discourses integral to the community\u0026rsquo;s identity. For example, Javanese Muslim women navigate both Islamic teachings, which emphasize female subordination, and Javanese values that promote female independence (Ginting-Carlstr\u0026ouml;m, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). Such dynamics reveal the complex foundations of social ideals.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSocial ideals are not static. They evolve with broader socio-economic changes. Shifts in discourse can turn previously marginalized traits into valued norms (Tran et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR72\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). In Ghana, for instance, women were once seen as central to nation-building through caregiving roles (Soothill, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR67\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2007\u003c/span\u003e), but colonial influence diminished their societal status (Ransford, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR61\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). Today, women\u0026rsquo;s economic roles, especially in markets, have gained greater recognition due to economic development and better access to trade (Bosak et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e). Thus, ideals must be continually re-evaluated in light of changing conditions (Diekman \u0026amp; Eagly, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR21\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2000\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eCommunities often host multiple, sometimes conflicting, role models shaped by intersecting factors like gender and ethnicity. Perspectives on the ideal woman, for instance, often differ between men and women. Social norms, typically defined by dominant groups, can enforce ideals that serve the interests of some while marginalizing others. When men control the construction of these norms, women may feel constrained or alienated by ideals that do not reflect their lived experiences (Heise et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR38\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). In response, women may either resist or negotiate these norms, trading compliance for access to other forms of recognition or empowerment (Kandiyoti, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR45\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1988\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec4\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e2.2. Empowerment and its links to social ideals\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eAccording to Kabeer (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR44\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1999\u003c/span\u003e), empowerment is \u0026lsquo;\u003cem\u003ethe process by which those who have been denied the ability to make strategic life choices acquire such an ability\u003c/em\u003e\u0026rsquo;. This ability comprises three interrelated dimensions: resources (access to and future claims on material, human, and social resources), agency (the ability to define one\u0026rsquo;s goals and act on them, including decision-making, negotiation, and subtle forms of resistance), and achievements (well-being outcomes).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eWhile all three dimensions are essential, our study focuses on agency, particularly individual decision-making power. We prioritize this aspect because agency illuminates the everyday ways individuals assert autonomy, navigate social norms, and engage with power. Unlike resources or outcomes, agency reveals the dynamic, negotiated processes through which empowerment unfolds, making it especially relevant to understanding pathways toward social transformation. Empowerment is not static or uniform; it varies across domains. For instance, a person may have decision-making power in agricultural production but lack mobility autonomy (Crookston et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAgency is also deeply connected to social ideals\u0026mdash;it both reflects and reshapes them. Empowerment allows individuals to pursue personal and collective aspirations while redefining their roles within the community (Yogendrarajah, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR79\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e). However, it may also reinforce prevailing norms. Among the H\u0026rsquo;Mong, for example, unmarried girls may have the implicit power to make independent choices, yet many choose to conform to family expectations, prioritizing harmony (Kawarazuka et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR49\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). This reflects Kabeer\u0026rsquo;s notion of 'choosing not to choose\u0026rsquo;, where individuals consciously decide to uphold existing social ideals despite having the power to diverge from them (Kabeer, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR44\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1999\u003c/span\u003e). In this way, empowerment strengthens social ideals by affirming and perpetuating the values that are important to the community, demonstrating how personal agency can coexist with collective cultural norms.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDifferent studies have noted that empowerment is subjective and context-based (V\u0026ouml;lker \u0026amp; Doneys, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR76\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). For example, among H\u0026rsquo;Mong minorities, what is perceived as empowerment, such as contributing to household income through traditional embroidery while managing other domestic responsibilities, can lead to increased workloads for women and girls. In such cases, empowerment is often externally validated by spouses and the community, rather than being defined by the individual\u0026rsquo;s ability to make meaningful, strategic life choices (Kabeer, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR44\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1999\u003c/span\u003e). Thus, understanding of empowerment at the local level is crucial to avoid reinforcing existing systems of inequality (Meinzen-Dick et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR53\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e; Zaremba et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR81\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec5\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e2.3. Intersectionality\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eIntersectionality refers to the interplay of multiple social identities and the ways they intersect with external structures, norms, and narratives (Yuval-Davis, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR80\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e). These identities include, but are not limited to, ethnicity, gender, economic class, and other axes of social power, which often operate simultaneously with significant interactions among them. The interactions among different identities can reduce or intensify vulnerability and marginalization (Haq, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR37\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e). This concept provides a multidimensional framework for analyzing power structures, allowing for a deeper understanding of complex layers of discrimination and privilege.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAn intersectional analysis of ethnicity reveals how belonging to certain ethnic groups can shape one\u0026rsquo;s opportunities, experiences, and vulnerabilities (Fraga et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e). For example, belonging to a dominant ethnic group can mitigate disadvantages brought by gender discrimination. Meanwhile, individuals from marginalized ethnic groups often experience compounded disadvantages when other identities, such as woman or low socioeconomic status, intersect (Tariq \u0026amp; Syed, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR69\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIntersectionality challenges simplistic narratives that homogenize women as uniformly oppressed, and men as homogeneously powerful oppressors (Shields, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR64\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e). Instead, it helps reveal how power is distributed across gender and other identities, highlighting the key dimensions of social influence in each context. This nuanced perspective avoids overgeneralization and emphasizes the importance of context in shaping experiences of privilege and oppression.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eTogether, social ideals, empowerment, and intersectionality form a unified framework for this study. Social ideals reveal the cultural expectations that shape individual aspirations and community norms. Empowerment allows us to assess how individuals negotiate, accept, or challenge these expectations through their decision-making power. Intersectionality ensures that we account for the diversity of experiences shaped by the interplay of social identities and structural inequalities. By combining these three concepts, the framework captures the complex and layered nature of gender relations.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"3. Methodology","content":"\u003cdiv id=\"Sec7\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e3.1. Study context\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe study was conducted in two mountainous districts in Northern Vietnam, Mai Son in Son La province and Sa Pa in Lao Cai province (Fig.\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Fig1\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e1\u003c/span\u003e). Our study focuses on three ethnic groups \u0026ndash; out of the 54 ethnic groups in Vietnam - the H\u0026rsquo;Mong, Thai, and Dao. The Thai primarily reside in Mai Son, the Dao exclusively in Sa Pa, while the H\u0026rsquo;Mong live in both districts.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe Kinh ethnicity is the largest in the country, making up 85% of the population, and the non-Kinh groups are referred to as \u0026ldquo;ethnic minorities\u0026rdquo; by the Vietnamese government (GSO, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR36\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). These minorities maintain distinct languages and cultures, unlike the well-integrated Hoa (ethnic Chinese). Ethnic minorities face high poverty rates (45%) and limited access to education and healthcare (Dang, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR20\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e; Pimhidzai, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR58\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; Tuyen, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR73\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e). These difficulties stem from their geographical isolation in mountainous regions with poor infrastructure, in addition to language and cultural differences, systemic social exclusion, and prejudiced government policies (Baulch et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2007\u003c/span\u003e; Imai et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR41\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec8\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e3.1.1. Socio-economic conditions\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe three ethnic minority groups in this study experience varying levels of marginalization. The Thai are relatively well integrated with the Kinh majority due to historical ties and adaptive strategies that have improved their economic standing and reduced prejudice (Hiwasaki \u0026amp; Minh, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR39\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Luong, 2001). In contrast, the H\u0026rsquo;Mong and Dao remain more marginalized and are generally associated with lower economic performance (Hiwasaki \u0026amp; Minh, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR39\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; World Bank, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR78\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). Although all groups have access to markets, the Thai benefit from better infrastructure and fertile valley land near main roads, while the H\u0026rsquo;Mong and Dao reside in more remote, less productive mountainous areas.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAlthough all groups have access to markets, the Thai benefit from better infrastructure and fertile valley land near main roads, while the H\u0026rsquo;Mong and Dao reside in more remote, less productive mountainous areas. In Sa Pa, livelihoods focus on agriculture and tourism. The Dao and H\u0026rsquo;Mong sell forest products such as cardamom and vegetables, while tourism, previously driven by international visitors, now increasingly caters to domestic tourists. Infrastructure development and shifting tourism trends have disrupted traditional practices (Nguyen et al., 2022). Seasonal migration within the province and across the border to China is also common.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec9\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e3.1.2. Dominant discourses on gender norms in Vietnam\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn Vietnam, like other East Asian countries, gender norms are influenced by patriarchal systems rooted in Confucianism. Such systems confer higher status to men and older generations, placing young women at the lowest hierarchical level. Fathers are typically expected to be breadwinners and decision makers of the family, responsible for providing for the family\u0026rsquo;s physical needs. In addition to their economic responsibilities, men are expected to be knowledgeable both through formal and traditional education, and socially adept. Family ceremonies and rituals are often men\u0026rsquo;s responsibility, requiring a deep understanding of traditional customs. Men are expected to embody social qualities, including kindness, decorum, uprightness, wisdom, and trustworthiness (Sue, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR68\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1998\u003c/span\u003e; Thi et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR70\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eWomen, on the other hand, are traditionally expected to serve their husbands and sons and to manage domestic tasks. Their roles include mastering household chores, nurturing, and caregiving, while maintaining a tasteful appearance, good manners, and practicing loyalty to their men and their marriage. Women\u0026rsquo;s achievements are often judged by their marital status, and they are expected to remain at home, where their voices are seldom heard. They must obey their fathers, husbands, and sons (Fong, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1997\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn Vietnam, the Confucian gender discourse is countered by folklore discourse, which celebrates independent women who could be the country's leaders. During the two wars in Vietnam in the 20th century, the government combined the two discourses and promoted a model of a woman who can master agricultural production, household work, and national defense. After the war period ended, the Women\u0026rsquo;s Union, a state-led organization representing women nationwide, has advocated an image of a strong woman who succeeds in both domestic and public spheres (Schuler et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR63\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e). This image has been advocated not only among the Kinh but also among other ethnic groups (Hoa et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR40\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec10\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e3.2. Data collection\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eWe collected qualitative data using tools adapted from GENNOVATE (Petesch et al., 2018) and the GAAP2 project (Meinzen-Dick et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR53\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e), both of which have been validated in multiple African and South Asian contexts. We customized them to reflect local conditions.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSpecifically, we employed two main methods: focus group discussions (FGDs) and key informant interviews (KIIs) (Table\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Tab1\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e1\u003c/span\u003e). Two FGD tools were employed. The first explored gendered social ideals and decision-making power in domains such as food production, household work, income, workload, and mobility. Women's mobility emerged during fieldwork as a critical factor influencing decision-making in other domains, particularly income. Separate FGDs were held for men and women within each ethnic group, with 7\u0026ndash;10 participants per group. Each session lasted 2\u0026ndash;2.5 hours.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe second FGD tool examined gendered division of labor across the agricultural calendar. Mixed-gender groups of 3\u0026ndash;4 participants created seasonal calendars over approximately 60 minutes, identifying major crops or livelihood activities, gender roles, and decision-making dynamics. Facilitators prioritized women\u0026rsquo;s input to ensure balanced participation and mitigate male dominance in discussions (sample output in Appendix 1).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eKIIs included two types. The first gathered community profile data at village and commune levels\u0026mdash;covering infrastructure, access to services, education, child marriage, and migration\u0026mdash;through interviews with local management board members. The second involved interviews with female ethnic minority traders on their market experiences and gender-specific challenges. These interviews lasted 60\u0026ndash;90 minutes.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eEach session involved a facilitator/interviewer and a note-taker. Note-takers shared the same language as participants, and most facilitators did as well, except for H\u0026rsquo;Mong groups, where Kinh facilitators worked with H\u0026rsquo;Mong translators and note-takers. All KIIs and FGDs were conducted in private, using either Vietnamese or local languages, depending on participant comfort. Most of the field team were women, with one male Dao note-taker and one male Kinh facilitator for H\u0026rsquo;Mong male groups in Sa Pa. This gender setup may have influenced male participants to offer socially desirable responses, which minimally affects our analysis of gender norms but may underrepresent dissenting male perspectives.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e The field team received a three-day training in each district, followed by pilot testing and contextual adaptation of the tools. All team members had prior experience in fieldwork, and most either came from the same province as the respondents or shared their ethnic background, facilitating cultural understanding and rapport.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec11\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e3.3. Sampling\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eWe conducted our study in four communes, two in Mai Son and two in Sa Pa, selected based on the high representation of the targeted ethnic minority groups (Table\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Tab1\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e1\u003c/span\u003e). Within each commune, we selected two villages for each ethnicity, ensuring they were at varying distances from the commune centers but accessible by motorbike within an hour. In each village, we carried out two focus group discussions (FGDs) on `Social ideals and decision making power\u0026rsquo; - one with men and one with women, and one `Village profile\u0026rsquo; interview. Discussions on `Gender-based seasonality patterns\u0026rsquo; were conducted at the commune level, grouped by ethnicity. However, in Chieng Chan, we organized this discussion in both H\u0026rsquo;Mong villages separately, as we anticipated differences in their seasonal calendars due to variation in altitude and livelihoods. We aimed to recruit two female market actors per commune for each ethnicity, but did not always succeed, as it proved challenging to recruit H\u0026rsquo;Mong and Dao market actors. We conducted one `Commune profile\u0026rsquo; interview per commune.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eParticipants for the FGDs and market actor interviews were recruited with the assistance of village heads or women\u0026rsquo;s union leaders. For FGDs on seasonality patterns, we specifically selected participants with in-depth knowledge of village dynamics, such as members of the village management board or well-informed women. In total, the study conducted 36 FGDs and 25 KIIs across 14 villages, spanning 21 days in August 2022 (Table\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Tab1\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e1\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"gridtable\"\u003e\u003ctable float=\"Yes\" id=\"Tab1\" border=\"1\"\u003e\u003ccaption language=\"En\"\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"CaptionNumber\"\u003eTable 1\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"CaptionContent\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe number of focus group discussions (FGDs) and Key informant interviews (KIIs) held, disaggregated by district and ethnicity\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/caption\u003e\u003ccolgroup cols=\"10\"\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c1\" colnum=\"1\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c2\" colnum=\"2\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c3\" colnum=\"3\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"char\" char=\".\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c4\" colnum=\"4\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"char\" char=\".\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c5\" colnum=\"5\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"char\" char=\".\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c6\" colnum=\"6\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"char\" char=\".\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c7\" colnum=\"7\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"char\" char=\".\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c8\" colnum=\"8\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c9\" colnum=\"9\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"char\" char=\".\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c10\" colnum=\"10\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cthead\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\" morerows=\"2\" rowspan=\"3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eDistricts\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/th\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\" morerows=\"2\" rowspan=\"3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eCommunes\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/th\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\" morerows=\"2\" rowspan=\"3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eEthnicities\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/th\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\" morerows=\"2\" rowspan=\"3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eNumber of villages\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/th\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\" colspan=\"3\" nameend=\"c7\" namest=\"c5\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eFocused group discussions\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e(FGDs)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/th\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\" colspan=\"3\" nameend=\"c10\" namest=\"c8\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eKey Informant interviews (KIIs)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/th\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\" colspan=\"2\" nameend=\"c6\" namest=\"c5\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eSocial ideals and decision-making power\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/th\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eGender-based seasonality patterns\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/th\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c8\" morerows=\"1\" rowspan=\"2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eVillage profiles\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/th\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c9\" morerows=\"1\" rowspan=\"2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eFemale market actor\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/th\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c10\" morerows=\"1\" rowspan=\"2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eCommune profiles\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/th\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eMale\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/th\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eFemale\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/th\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eBoth genders\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/th\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003c/thead\u003e\u003ctbody\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\" morerows=\"3\" rowspan=\"4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eMai Son\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\" morerows=\"1\" rowspan=\"2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eCo Noi\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eH'Mong\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e1\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c9\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eN/A\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c10\" morerows=\"1\" rowspan=\"2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e1\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eThai\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e1\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c9\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e3\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\" morerows=\"1\" rowspan=\"2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eChieng Chan\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eH'Mong\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c9\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eN/A\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c10\" morerows=\"1\" rowspan=\"2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e1\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eThai\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e1\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c9\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\" morerows=\"2\" rowspan=\"3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eSaPa\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eSa Pa\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eH'Mong\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e1\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c9\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eN/A\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c10\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e1\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\" morerows=\"1\" rowspan=\"2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eNgu Chi Son\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eH'Mong\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e1\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c9\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e1\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c10\" morerows=\"1\" rowspan=\"2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e1\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eDao\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e1\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c9\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e1\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eTotal\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003e14\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003e14\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003e14\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003e8\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003e14\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c9\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003e7\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c10\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003e4\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003c/tbody\u003e\u003c/colgroup\u003e\u003c/table\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eWe acknowledge the limitations of our methodology, including small sample sizes and reliance on subjective local perceptions. We may also miss some important viewpoints in the community due to the use of convenience sampling. However, this approach fits well to the exploratory nature of our study.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec12\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e3.3. Data processing and analysis\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003e All KIIs and FGDs were recorded with verbal consent and transcribed verbatim in Vietnamese. Translations from ethnic minority languages were integrated during transcription by notetakers, and both Vietnamese and English transcripts were reviewed for accuracy and clarity.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eOur initial analysis focused on FGDs on \u003cem\u003e\u0026lsquo;Social ideals and decision-making power\u003c/em\u003e\u0026rsquo;, triangulated with data from FGDs on \u0026lsquo;\u003cem\u003eGendered seasonality patterns\u0026rsquo;\u003c/em\u003e and KIIs with market actors. KIIs from commune and village profiles provided contextual insights into infrastructure, livelihoods, and migration, enriching our interpretation of participant narratives.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eWe developed a coding framework based on the study objectives, combining predefined and emerging themes into a refined codebook. Two researchers independently coded both Vietnamese and English transcripts, with the Vietnamese originals serving as the primary reference in case of discrepancies. The first author, who supervised fieldwork, reviewed all Vietnamese transcripts to preserve cultural nuances that may be lost in translation. Finally, transcripts were organized by ethnicity and gender to highlight similarities and differences across sub-groups.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"4. Results","content":"\u003cdiv id=\"Sec14\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e4.1. Ideal role models\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec15\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e4.1.1. Ideal women\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eParticipants in all discussions agreed that an ideal woman should excel in traditional roles, including the woman\u0026rsquo;s part in managing family responsibilities and farm work. These competencies were seen as fundamental for the stability and functioning of the household across the three ethnicities. These roles were not only about practical skills but also about fostering a sense of care within the household and creating a harmonious environment within the family unit.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;[A good woman] knows how to do farming, wash clothes, clean the house, genuinely love me, listen and respect me\u0026rdquo; (H\u0026rsquo;Mong man, 28 years old, Sa Pa).\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;[A good woman] knows how to comfort her husband\u0026rdquo; (Thai man, 45 years old, Mai Son)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eA good woman should not quarrel and be willing to forgive her husband for his mistakes.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;[A good woman] knows how to put up with her husband. My husband used to have an affair, but I did not make it a scandal. We are still together until today\u0026rdquo; (H\u0026rsquo;Mong woman, 64 years old, Sa Pa)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eFurthermore, the ideal woman should promote the communal values within her community. Specifically, she should have strong communication skills, enabling her to nurture positive relationships and resolve conflicts effectively, and be willing to help others.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;[A good woman] is very good at managing the situations within their own family and outside of the family, so that everyone is happy and agrees with her, and even helps other women in her extended family\u0026rdquo; (Thai woman, 46 years old, Mai Son)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;[A good woman] knows the right words to say, does everything gracefully, does not yell, does not gossip, is credible anywhere she goes, knows when the right moment to return home, does not just wander around\u0026rdquo; (Dao man, 31 years old, Sa Pa)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn addition to shared views with women, men expressed distinct expectations for an ideal woman. A key trait, especially among H\u0026rsquo;Mong and Dao participants, was preserving cultural identity through making and wearing traditional clothing. For the Dao and H\u0026rsquo;Mong in Mai Son, women typically purchase fabric and focus on sewing and embroidery. In contrast, H\u0026rsquo;Mong women in Sa Pa follow a more labor-intensive process, growing hemp and indigo, extracting fiber, spinning, weaving, dyeing, and sewing, highlighting varying cultural expectations and workloads.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eMen, particularly the H\u0026rsquo;Mong, emphasized the physical appearance of women. They believed that women should be 'good looking\u0026rsquo;, or \u0026lsquo;know how to take good care of her appearance\u0026rsquo;, or \u0026lsquo;well-dressed\u0026rsquo;. This highlights the aesthetic component regarded as an integral part of the ideal woman\u0026rsquo;s attributes.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eBesides traditional traits, non-traditional traits were also mentioned during the discussions of men and women groups across the three ethnicities. For example, both men and women across all three ethnic groups also acknowledged non-traditional traits, notably a woman\u0026rsquo;s ability to earn income. While some saw this as potentially conflicting with traditional roles, many women viewed it as essential and even complementary to their traditional responsibilities.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;I admire the woman who can make money because she can use this money to hire someone to fulfil the community duties on her behalf\u0026rdquo; (H\u0026rsquo;Mong woman, 36 years old, Sa Pa)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eHowever, women in all ethnicities did not wish to be the family\u0026rsquo;s sole breadwinner but rather support their husbands. They believed that being the main breadwinner could negatively impact their husband\u0026rsquo;s reputation, as other men might perceive him as `coward\u0026rsquo;, \u0026lsquo;stupid\u0026rsquo;, or \u0026lsquo;incapable\u0026rsquo;. The desire to earn money may thus conflict with their traditional role as maintainers of family harmony.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e While Thai men generally expressed positive feelings about women being earners, H\u0026rsquo;Mong and Dao male participants displayed more nuances. Many found that making money was a desirable trait of an ideal woman. They even recognized that women can have competitive advantages over men when joining the market:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Women know how to bargain better than men. They can buy at lower prices and sell at higher prices. Men do not like to bargain\u0026rdquo; (Dao men, 47 years old, Sa Pa)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eNevertheless, men admitted that women face numerous barriers to becoming income earners. These included more restricted mobility, limited fluency in Vietnamese, and a higher aversion to taking risks than men. At the same time, there were also concerns that women pursuing income opportunities might neglect their traditional responsibilities.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;[An ideal woman] can make money after finishing all the housework, and she must know how to embroider\u0026rdquo; (Dao man, 32 years old, Sa Pa)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThey feared that financially independent women might be more prone to engaging in social vices, and might not contribute financially to the household, especially those who migrate for off-farm income.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;There is a woman in this village who migrates to work but does not have enough money to go home. [Because she] might spend [all her money] on her secret extramarital affair\u0026rdquo; (Dao man, 31 years old, Sa Pa)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThus, some men suggested that it would be better if women stayed home and focused on their traditional roles and let men venture out for off-farm cash income.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;If the women can arrange the work at home well, the men can concentrate on making money\u0026rdquo; (H\u0026rsquo;Mong man, Sa Pa, 28 years old, Sa Pa)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eFurthermore, both men and women recognized the importance of education and knowledge for women. Although Confucianism mentions a woman\u0026rsquo;s wisdom, it traditionally does not equate wisdom with formal education. Instead, it sees wisdom as reflected in the positions of a woman\u0026rsquo;s husband and sons in society. However, participants highlighted the value of women\u0026rsquo;s formal education and life experience.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;I did not go to school,\u0026hellip;., now I admire people who went to school, and who can handle a lot of work, I want to be like them\u0026rdquo; (Thai woman, 43 years old, Co Noi)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;[A good woman] must be literate, knowledgeable, able to run a business, and make money\u0026rdquo; (H\u0026rsquo;Mong woman, 36 years old, Sa Pa)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eGenerally, we did not observe much concern over this trait across the discussions. This could be because education strengthens women\u0026rsquo;s communication skills, a quality valued by both men and women. It also directly supports women\u0026rsquo;s ability to make money, which requires skills like language fluency and negotiating, which could be achieved through education and exposure.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Those who are illiterate can only get the physical jobs around here, but those who are knowledgeable and literate can get the jobs in the hotels downtown\u0026rdquo; (H\u0026rsquo;Mong woman, 27 years old,Sa Pa).\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eHowever, concerns still exist, particularly among H\u0026rsquo;Mong and Dao men, who feared that extensive travel might divert women from their traditional roles. Thus, wise women are seen as those who strike a balance between time at home and time spent outside of the household.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec16\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e4.1.2. Ideal men\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn describing an ideal man, all discussion groups agreed that a good man was viewed as the family's leader, making decisions with the family's welfare in mind. His role as a provider was crucial, emphasizing the importance of earning money, not for personal gain but for the well-being of his family. This leadership role was echoed in comments from the focus groups:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;A good man is the head of the family, is someone who dares to think and dares to do, can make money for his family\u0026rdquo; (H\u0026rsquo;Mong man, 47 years old, Sa Pa)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;[A good man] is someone who loves his wife and his children\u0026rdquo; (Dao man, 32 years old, Sa Pa)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;[A good man] is someone who can make a lot of money so that his wife and his children do not suffer [from poverty]\u0026rdquo; (Dao man, 31 years old, Sa Pa)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSimilar to the expectations for women, a good man was expected to contribute to maintaining family harmony. This includes showing respect and refraining from violent behavior toward his spouse.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;[A good man] shares work with his wife, does not beat his wife, and does not argue with his wife\u0026rdquo; (H\u0026rsquo;Mong men, 52 years old, Mai Son)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eH\u0026rsquo;Mong women particularly emphasized the importance of these qualities, highlighting the widespread prevalence of domestic violence in their communities.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;In this village, one-third of men have committed to domestic violence\u0026rdquo; (H\u0026rsquo;Mong woman, 36 years old, Sa Pa)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eBeyond avoiding violence, an ideal man was described as someone who respects and listens to his wife, avoids imposing his opinions on her, and demonstrates emotional sensibility. These qualities are particularly valued during cultural festivals, where men lead the ceremonies, while women are relegated to kitchen duties.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eA universal expectation was that men must avoid social vices, such as consuming alcohol or other drugs, engaging in extramarital affairs, or gambling, as these behaviors disrupt family harmony. H\u0026rsquo;Mong women noted that modern distractions, like smartphones and video games, now compound traditional temptations.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eLike ideal women, ideal men should not only focus on personal gain but also be kind, willing to help others in the community. This included sharing business opportunities with others, respecting the elders and supporting juniors, and actively contributing to culture preservation and the progression of their communities in general.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eTo fulfill these roles, men should be educated, sociable, and knowledgeable. Education includes both formal learning and mastery of traditional customs. Among H\u0026rsquo;Mong and Dao, ritual knowledge is particularly valued, not only for cultural continuity but also because spiritual practices are believed to aid in healing, reflecting deeply held communal values.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003eA man who knows how to run spiritual rituals is a good man because when others get sick, he can help them\u0026rdquo; (Dao woman, 27 years old, Sa Pa)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eBesides these traditional traits, all discussion groups believed that a good man must do household chores. Both men and women acknowledged that men who help with household tasks are highly valued by women. However, there was consensus that men should not engage too deeply in these duties. Instead, they should assist their wives when possible, without taking on household chores as their primary responsibility. Participants explained that if a man focuses too much on domestic tasks, both he and his wife may face criticism from the community. Men may be labeled as \u0026ldquo;incapable\u0026rdquo;, \u0026ldquo;coward\u0026rdquo;, or \u0026ldquo;hiding behind women's skirts\u0026rdquo;, whereas their wives could be seen as \u0026ldquo;lazy\u0026rdquo;, or \u0026ldquo;manipulative\u0026rdquo; women. To avoid such judgment, a man\u0026rsquo;s involvement in household chores is expected to be secondary to his primary role as the family\u0026rsquo;s provider.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec17\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e4.2. Men\u0026rsquo;s and women\u0026rsquo;s empowerment over specific domains\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec18\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e4.2.1. Decisions on production and household work\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eOur findings indicate that across the three ethnicities, men were typically the primary decision-makers within families, especially for significant matters. These included decisions about the family\u0026rsquo;s main sources of income or staple crops, as well as major family and community events, such as weddings, funerals, rituals or hosting visitors. In addition, men often consult women for important decisions, especially those made at the household level. It was considered acceptable for men to make decisions at the community level without consulting their wives. However, the degree of consultation varies between families. In some cases, men genuinely seek their wives\u0026rsquo; input, while in others, they simply inform their wives of decisions that they have already made. Meanwhile, women are the key decision makers within their traditional domains, such as daily cooking, vegetable cultivation, and small-scale livestock farming. In these areas, they can make decisions independently without consulting their husbands.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDepending on ethnicity, we observed varying degrees of tension between men\u0026rsquo;s and women\u0026rsquo;s ideas on the current decision-making arrangement. Among the Thai, men generally expressed satisfaction with the existing arrangement. Women also tended to view the arrangement as fair, as they are respected and believe their opinions are valued and reflected in the final decisions.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Husband and wife have equal power\u0026rdquo; (Thai woman, 30 years old, Mai Son)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Men can make the final decisions, but they have to listen to their wives\u0026rdquo; (Thai woman, 43 years old, Mai Son)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eMany Thai women also considered the current arrangement a means of maintaining family harmony. However, some expressed a desire to take on a greater role in final decision-making. These women voiced dissatisfaction with men\u0026rsquo;s decisions and a wish to demonstrate their capabilities, in some cases to \u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003eprove the husband how wrong he is\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eMore pronounced tensions were found between H\u0026rsquo;Mong and Dao men and women than among the Thai. Women in these groups broadly agreed that husbands and wives should discuss important matters together. However, many felt they were not sufficiently informed or heard in decision-making processes. They expressed diverted opinions on the situation. Many accepted the status quo, believing men to be more knowledgeable or educated, and, therefore, considering their own contributions unnecessary. Others expressed dissatisfaction, desiring greater involvement and the opportunity to have their voices heard. Despite their discontent, many hesitated to confront the status quo, fearing that doing so might fail to bring positive change and could even disrupt family harmony.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eMen from the H\u0026rsquo;Mong and Dao groups accepted the existing decision-making dynamics. They did so primarily because they believed that it was unnecessary to inform women, arguing that women could not meaningfully contribute to their work. Some men, however, perceived that they carried too much on their shoulders, since their wives passively waited for their instructions, including on household tasks, the work that women are expected to carry out. Thus, they emphasized the need for women to take more initiative and excel in their designated roles.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;[The current decision-making balance] is reasonable. But I wish women could contribute a small part to decisions, for example, over small livestock farming\u0026rdquo; (H\u0026rsquo;Mong man, 53 years old, Mai Son)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;[The current decision-making balance] is reasonable. [I] don\u0026rsquo;t want to change because [I] think it cannot be changed. My wife can't carry out my work\u0026rdquo; (Dao man, 31 years old, Sa Pa)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e Overall, while Thai participants show minimal tension regarding decision-making roles, the H\u0026rsquo;Mong and Dao participants revealed more complex dynamics. Women expressed a mix of acceptance and frustration, while men remained resistant to change, emphasizing that each gender should excel in their roles.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec19\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e4.2.2. Workload division\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eOur study found consistent gender-based divisions of labor across all ethnic groups, especially in agriculture and domestic work. On farms, men and women collaborate but perform distinct roles: men handle heavier tasks and operate machinery (e.g., plowing), while women do lighter tasks like weeding or fertilizing\u0026mdash;unless machinery is used, in which case men take over. At home, women manage cooking, cleaning, and gardening, though men may cook for large communal events requiring physical strength.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eMen generally viewed this division as fair. Among women, opinions varied. Some agreed, noting that while they work longer hours, men\u0026rsquo;s tasks are more physically demanding. Others, however, expressed frustration with their husbands\u0026rsquo; lack of help at home, attributing it to laziness or entrenched habits. These women desired more support but were uncertain how to initiate change.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;I want my husband to help me with cooking, but he does not do this because he is too lazy\u0026rdquo; (Dao woman, 38 years old, Sa Pa)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;I want to change, but I cannot change. I want my husband to cook for me because I do it every day\u0026rdquo; (Dao woman, 27 years old, Sa Pa)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eEven though some men claimed that they helped with housework when they had free time, women felt these efforts were insufficient.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Husbands help their wives with the housework. But most of them do it just occasionally\u0026hellip; Doing a lot of housework sometimes makes me angry. I want my husband and I to do it together\u0026rdquo;. (Thai woman, 59 years old, Mai Son)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;They [the husbands] can only do 20% of housework\u0026rdquo; (Thai woman, 32 years old, Mai Son)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;If we force them [the husbands] to do it [household chores], they will get angry\u0026rdquo; (Thai woman, 47 years old, Mai Son)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec20\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e4.2.3. Decisions on expenditure and income\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eDecision-making around expenditures mirrored patterns seen in production and household labor. Across all three ethnic groups, men typically consulted their wives on major expenses but retained the final decision. Both spouses could keep their income for minor spending, while larger purchases came from a shared account\u0026mdash;managed by the partner deemed less prone to overspending.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDespite these commonalities, financial dynamics varied by group. Among the Thai and Dao, women often managed the shared account and made small purchases independently. Thai women frequently oversaw household finances, earning and spending income from jobs or selling farm goods. Dao women also earned through selling vegetables or embroidery, though their opportunities were more limited due to restricted mobility, limited Vietnamese fluency, and weak market ties. Still, both groups generally expressed satisfaction with their arrangements.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn contrast, H\u0026rsquo;Mong women faced tighter financial restrictions. They rarely controlled the shared account and needed their husbands\u0026rsquo; approval for even minor expenses, regardless of who physically held the money.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;The wife is the one who keeps the money, but she has to discuss with her husband about anything she wants to buy\u0026rdquo; (H\u0026rsquo;Mong woman, 52 years old, Ban Pho)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Even if I want to buy a pair of flip-flops [for myself], I have to ask my husband if he approves of it\u0026rdquo; (H\u0026rsquo;Mong woman, 43 years old, Mai Son)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAlthough H\u0026rsquo;Mong women technically had the right to spend their earnings, their income-generating opportunities were even more limited than those of Dao women, largely due to stricter mobility restrictions and lower fluency in Vietnamese. Even when they reached the market, men often took over transactions, especially when the scale of production increased. This further diminished their financial independence.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eH\u0026rsquo;Mong men largely viewed the current arrangement as fair, often citing women\u0026rsquo;s lack of education and inexperience in trade as justification for controlling finances. Some also saw women as prone to frivolous spending, reinforcing the belief that they were unfit to manage household money. While many H\u0026rsquo;Mong women accepted this arrangement, acknowledging men as primary earners and valuing traditional submission, other voiced a desire for change. Their concerns centered on men\u0026rsquo;s overindulgence in alcohol and other vices. They believed that giving women more financial control would lead to better household decisions, such as improved nutrition and meeting personal and family needs more effectively.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec21\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e4.2.4. Women\u0026rsquo;s mobility\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eAcross all three ethnic groups, women were expected to inform their husbands before traveling beyond their daily routines. Their mobility was shaped by gender norms, cultural expectations, and practical limitations, especially access to motorbikes. Women unable to ride relied on husbands or others for transport. While riding with other women was generally acceptable, traveling with unrelated men, especially for young married women, was discouraged and subject to cultural judgment, though the intensity varied by group. Additionally, spiritual beliefs constrained movement, such as a shared custom barring new mothers from leaving home for a month postpartum.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThai women experienced the greatest freedom of movement. They could travel within and beyond the village, needing only to notify their husbands if they were away for extended periods. Traveling with male relatives was acceptable for short distances. High motorbike ownership further enhanced their independence. However, some cultural and spiritual restrictions persisted\u0026mdash;e.g., staying indoors during the annual village founder's ceremony or avoiding funerals during astrologically unlucky years.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDao women faced more restrictions than the Thai. While free to move within their village, leaving required permission from husbands or in-laws. Men often cited domestic duties and potential gossip as reasons to limit women\u0026rsquo;s movement. Fewer Dao women knew how to ride motorbikes, due to rugged terrain and limited encouragement. Lower motorbike ownership further constrained mobility, and cultural rules prohibited married women from riding with certain male relatives (e.g., brothers-in-law, fathers-in-law).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eH\u0026rsquo;Mong women experienced the most severe constraints. Travel, even within the village, required husbands\u0026rsquo; permission\u0026mdash;except for farm work. Unapproved movement was often seen as disrespectful or unfaithful, potentially triggering domestic conflict or scandal. Motorbike access was critical, yet many women couldn\u0026rsquo;t ride. Sharing rides with unrelated men was taboo, and even traveling with other women often needed the husband\u0026rsquo;s consent. For longer trips, husbands typically insisted on accompanying them, citing fears of getting lost. Ultimately, a H\u0026rsquo;Mong woman\u0026rsquo;s mobility depended heavily on her husband\u0026rsquo;s trust and willingness to bend norms.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Facilitator: Is there any place that women cannot travel to?\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eWomen 1: No, there is not.\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eWomen 2: [Women cannot travel] only when husbands are too jealous to let women travel\u0026rdquo; (H\u0026rsquo;Mong women, Mai Son)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"5. Discussion","content":"\u003cdiv id=\"Sec23\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e5.1. Social gendered ideals of men and women\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eOur findings indicate that the three studied ethnic groups envision ideal women and men as occupying parallel yet distinct roles within both household and community settings. In the household sphere, men and women are expected to maintain family functionality and harmony through roles that reflect traditional gendered expectations. Women are typically valued as caregivers and household managers, ensuring that the domestic sphere operates smoothly. Men, conversely, are regarded as leaders and providers, tasked with securing the family\u0026rsquo;s material needs. In the community context, both men and women are seen as responsible for preserving and promoting communal values and fostering a collective identity. Women contribute by making and wearing traditional clothing, thereby reinforcing cultural heritage. Men are expected to possess and transmit knowledge of rituals and traditions, safeguarding these practices across generations.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThese roles reflect the collectivist culture of the studied groups (Oyserman et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR56\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2002\u003c/span\u003e). Within this framework, each community member finds a sense of identity and purpose through their designated roles and understands their place within the community. The emphasis on harmony fosters belonging and mutual respect, as each member fulfills roles that sustain the community\u0026rsquo;s social fabric. Despite the clarity of these gender roles, mutual support is also expected. A \u0026lsquo;good man\u0026rsquo; contributes to household chores, while women are encouraged to engage in income-generating activities. Both are responsible for promoting family harmony through mutual respect, active listening, and conflict resolution.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn practice, however, women often prefer to support men rather than take on traditionally male-dominated roles, especially in income generation. This aligns with deeply rooted cultural values that shape their identity and pride. By upholding the male provider role, women reinforce their position as guardians of family harmony, reflecting household loyalty rooted in collectivist values, corresponding with previous studies suggesting that women are more inclined than men to prioritize group welfare (Dabiriyan Tehrani \u0026amp; Yamini, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR19\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Kashima et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR47\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1995\u003c/span\u003e). As a result, individual economic advancement may not be their primary goal, which challenges the assumptions underlying many empowerment projects (Aghazamani et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR3\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e; Gali\u0026egrave; \u0026amp; Farnworth, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR27\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eWomen's ideals in this context closely align with the gender norms promoted by the Vietnam Women\u0026rsquo;s Union (Schuler et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR63\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e). By validating traditional roles while supporting women\u0026rsquo;s participation in cash-earning activities, the Union helps women navigate their dual responsibilities without cognitive dissonance. However, this dual role can be burdensome. Critics argue it may inadvertently lead to overwork, and inadequacy feeling, especially when women\u0026rsquo;s contributions are undervalued or unsupported by spouses (Nguyen \u0026amp; Rydstrom, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR54\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eNevertheless, not all women are satisfied with the limitations imposed by current gender ideals. Many expressed aspirations for greater autonomy and more equitable sharing of domestic responsibilities. A major source of frustration was the unequal division of household labor. Although norms discourage men from participating extensively in domestic tasks, women believed they could contribute more without undermining traditional roles. This echoes global trends where men\u0026rsquo;s reluctance to engage in household work contributes to domestic conflict (Brickell, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e; Forste \u0026amp; Fox, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR25\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e). Studies across cultures consistently highlight the persistence of deeply ingrained gender norms on household responsibilities, often perpetuating the family\u0026rsquo;s conflicts (Cerrato \u0026amp; Cifre, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAt the same time, men face substantial burdens linked to societal expectations of masculinity, expectations that are reinforced by both men and women. Men are expected to lead in public life, exposing them to social pressures and vices. Alcohol consumption, for instance, is a key social practice that signifies masculinity in these communities (Giang et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e). However, this cultural norm can lead men to use alcohol excessively, which poses significant health risks (Lincoln, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR51\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e), undermines family harmony, and subjects men to social despise, as shown in our study. This situation creates a dilemma for men, as they must navigate the tension between fulfilling social expectations, maintaining their masculine identity, fulfilling their role as family providers, preserving family harmony, and safeguarding their health.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAdditionally, men may face the dilemma of balancing their traditional roles with the evolving dynamics of gender roles, particularly as women increasingly share responsibilities traditionally held by men alone. In our study context, men are under significant social pressure to fulfill their roles as primary providers. However, challenges faced in the job market due to their minority ethnicity status hinder their ability to earn a sufficient income, making migration a necessary strategy. This could lead to new decision-making power balances between men and women, especially over agricultural production (Bacud et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). Besides, men are socially expected to act as custodians of cultural traditions, particularly among the Dao and H\u0026rsquo;Mong communities, making them difficult to accept women\u0026rsquo;s growing involvement in previously male-dominated roles. In turn, this imposes an extra challenge on women to balance both roles. This tension is also found in other cultural settings, illustrating how the pressure to maintain traditional roles amidst changing social dynamics can negatively impact men\u0026rsquo;s well-being, and provoking intimate partner violence (Adil et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e); (James-Hawkins et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR43\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e). This emphasizes the need to consider men\u0026rsquo;s well-being as part of the empowerment discourse.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eOur findings challenge the idea of gender complementarity, which assigns men and women naturally distinct and harmonious roles (Ferrari et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e; Karim, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR46\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). While such ideals can help preserve order under stable conditions, changing realities may render these roles inadequate or even harmful. In response, individuals may negotiate or resist traditional expectations. For some, resistance manifests as increased workload or emotional distress; for others, it may lead to outmigration or catalyze the transformation of gender norms over time (Buono et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e; Castles, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eWhile the predominantly female composition of the field research team raised concerns about potential response bias in men\u0026rsquo;s discussions, with men avoiding openly criticizing women, our findings indicate that this was not the case. The discussions captured notable tensions and contradictions expressed by both genders. This indicates that participants were willing to express nuanced and critical views, despite the team\u0026rsquo;s composition.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn summary, the challenges faced by men and women in these ethnic minority communities are deeply interlinked. Women navigating dual roles may face emotional and physical strain, while men struggle to reconcile traditional expectations with modern economic and social shifts. These dynamics underscore the need to approach gender roles as a shared societal issue, requiring engagement and transformation at both the individual and community levels.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec24\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e5.2. Intersectionality of empowerment\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eOur findings indicate that decision-making power between men and women varies across ethnicities. As summarized in Appendix 2, women from all three groups report struggling with work-life balance. Alongside equal participation in farming, they are primarily responsible for household chores and receive limited support from their spouses.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAmong the groups, Thai households display the most balanced gender dynamics. Both men and women report collaborative decision-making, especially in production and income-related matters, with women\u0026rsquo;s voices reflected in final outcomes. In contrast, H\u0026rsquo;Mong and Dao women, particularly the former, often occupy subordinate roles. Yet, perspectives within these groups are nuanced. While some women feel constrained and seek change, others view female submissiveness as integral to their cultural identity, especially in the face of state-led assimilation efforts.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThese dynamics are further shaped by social and economic exclusion. H\u0026rsquo;Mong and Dao men face mounting pressure as primary providers, making them more sensitive to shifts in traditional gender roles (World Bank, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR78\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). This creates added tension for women who must balance traditional expectations with new responsibilities.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eNotably, Dao and H\u0026rsquo;Mong men do not all hold singular, fixed, or static views on women\u0026rsquo;s empowerment. While some recognize the advantages of reducing women\u0026rsquo;s submissiveness, both for individual women and the broader community, others resist change, often being skeptical about women\u0026rsquo;s ability to succeed in new roles. Interestingly, the perspectives of these men on resistance differ from the reasons women provide, underscoring the complexity of gender relations.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"6. Conclusion","content":"\u003cp\u003eUsing qualitative methods, our study explores local perceptions of social ideals and gender roles among ethnic minorities in Northern Vietnam. Participants commonly described men\u0026rsquo;s and women\u0026rsquo;s roles as parallel but distinct, with the shared goal of maintaining harmony in these settings. This corresponds with perceptions about the ideal woman and man. Ideal men are seen as providers, and ideal women as caregivers, but both are expected to support each other.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eOur findings show that tensions and inequalities arise when the lived experiences of individuals do not align with these normative ideals. Women are frustrated over unequal say in decision making, while men are anxious about changing masculinity norms. Both genders face dilemmas as they attempt to balance traditional values with the demands from changing socio-economic conditions, which increasingly challenge established gender norms. This dynamic leaves women feeling subordinate and dissatisfied with the current arrangements. Simultaneously, men grapple with the pressures of conforming to societal expectations of masculinity.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThese findings challenge the rigidity of cultural norms, as proposed by Bourdieu\u0026rsquo;s concept of 'doxa' \u0026mdash;the unquestioned cultural norms within communities (Bourdieu, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1977\u003c/span\u003e). Discussions within communities reveal a desire to both preserve tradition and embrace change. Therefore, development research and projects should focus on understanding the norms\u0026rsquo; dynamics rather than assuming a static picture of the local context.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eOur findings also highlight the intersection between ethnicity and gender in shaping women\u0026rsquo;s and men\u0026rsquo;s empowerment experience. Thai men and women report relatively equal decision-making, while H\u0026rsquo;Mong and Dao women face more barriers. For many, maintaining traditional notions of masculinity and femininity serves as a coping mechanism to preserve cultural identities in the face of state assimilation efforts. At the same time, tensions within these communities reveal the multifaceted and evolving nature of their social structures.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eTo foster meaningful change, it is essential to design interventions that create inclusive spaces for open discussions between men and women. Such spaces should enable community members to collectively reaffirm a shared vision for cultural identities and family and community life, critically evaluate existing gender norms and practices, and identify those that no longer support this shared vision given the changing socio-economic and environmental conditions. These processes facilitate the development of new norms and practices that align with current realities while maintaining community cohesion. Using participatory and intersectional approaches is crucial to ensure that diverse social groups, including those defined by gender, age, ethnicity, and socio-economic class, are fairly represented in these discussions.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eFurthermore, our study underscores the need to address gender issues as collective societal challenges rather than as problems specific to either men or women. This means recognizing that gender norms are embedded within a broader social ecosystem, spanning from individual experiences to institutional and cultural structures. Therefore, interventions should not only focus on the ethnic minority communities but also consider addressing challenges at the macro level. For example, interventions can incorporate the majority group, as they are an integral part of the minorities\u0026rsquo; social ecosystem.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eBuilding on our findings, future research should adopt more systemic and intersectional approaches to better understand and address gender norms. This includes examining how gender norms intersect with other social dimensions, such as age, social class, or marital status. Furthermore, considering ethnic minorities in relation to majority groups can help to unpack the oppression faced by the minorities and how these power dynamics shape gendered experiences. Moreover, future work should consider applying a mixed-methods approach to enable triangulation and strengthen analytical rigor. Expansion to other ethnic groups and contexts is necessary to improve the visibility of the minorities in the social and political discussions. This can not only help to break stereotypes but also inform more culturally sensitive interventions, which can catalyze meaningful changes.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAuthor contributions\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e(To be filled later after the double-anonymized peer review process)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eEthics statement\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe study was part of a research project that was approved by the institutional review board of the Public Health University (Hanoi, Vietnam) according to ID 021-386/DD-YTCC on November 4, 2021. The study was performed in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eInformed consent\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAll interviewers obtained consent orally from all participants before conducting any interviews or discussions. The consents were obtained from August 2 to 16, \u0026nbsp;2022. Participants were presented with information about the purpose of the study, confidentiality, participants' rights, interview length, reimbursement, and contact details. They were also informed that they can quit the interview at any time or refuse to answer any question that they find uncomfortable. The interviewers also asked participants for recording permission before proceeding. Only authorized researchers had access to the data. Personal information was removed from all transcripts. Each participant was assigned a code, and a separate list of these codes was maintained away from the data. All records were stored separately from the transcripts on the internal servers of Wageningen University and Research.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eFundings\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis study was part of a project within the seed system development program component of the Netherlands CGIAR research program, project number W.08.240.101, which was funded by the Dutch Research Council (NWO). This work was also carried out under the CGIAR GENDER Impact Platform and the CGIAR Research Initiatives on Sustainable Healthy Diets through Food Systems Transformation (SHiFT).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eDeclaration of generative AI and AI-assisted technologies in the writing process\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDuring the preparation of this work, the authors used ChatGPT (Open AI) for language editing and improving the readability of the manuscript. After using this tool/service, the authors reviewed and edited the content as needed and take full responsibility for the content of the published article.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eADB. (2013). \u003cem\u003eGender Equality and Food security: Women\u0026apos;s Empowerment as a tool against hunger\u003c/em\u003e. Retrieved from Manila, The Philippines:\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eAdil, F., Shahed, S., \u0026amp; Arshad, H. (2017). The burden of being a man in a patriarchal society. \u003cem\u003eJournal of Arts and Social Sciences, 4\u003c/em\u003e(2), 57-70.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eAghazamani, Y., Kerstetter, D., \u0026amp; Allison, P. (2020). Women\u0026apos;s perceptions of empowerment in Ramsar, a tourism destination in northern Iran. \u003cem\u003eWomen\u0026apos;s Studies International Forum, 79\u003c/em\u003e, 102340. doi:https://doi.org/10.1016/j.wsif.2020.102340\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eBacud, E. 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Emic definitions of empowerment for just development: learnings from Kenya. \u003cem\u003eCABI Agriculture and Bioscience, 5\u003c/em\u003e(1), 33. doi:10.1186/s43170-024-00238-x\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":true,"hideJournal":false,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"humanities-and-social-sciences-communications","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"palcomms","sideBox":"Learn more about [Humanities \u0026 Social Sciences Communications](http://www.nature.com/palcomms/)","snPcode":"41599","submissionUrl":"https://submission.springernature.com/new-submission/41599/3","title":"Humanities and Social Sciences Communications","twitterHandle":"","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":true,"editorialSystem":"stoa","reportingPortfolio":"Nature AJ","inReviewEnabled":true,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":false},"keywords":"","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-6917499/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-6917499/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"Gender equality is a critical theme on the global agenda and has become an envisioned outcome of many rural development projects. Meaningful progress requires a deep understanding of local expectations and norms for both men and women. This study examines the normative gendered social ideals and men’s and women’s empowerment in production and household work, workload division, expenditure and income, and mobility among the H’Mong, Thai, and Dao ethnic minorities in Northern Vietnam. Using data from 36 focus group discussions and 25 key informant interviews collected in August 2022, our findings reveal that both men and women see distinct but parallel roles for men and women within family and community contexts, with harmony as a shared value. However, tensions are reported as well where expectations of mutual support differ, especially when traditional values clash with changing socio-economic demands, and social values are not well-respected by the ‘opposite gender’. We also found that gender intersects with ethnicity to shape empowerment experiences. While Thai men and women are equally empowered, H’Mong and Dao women often face more subordinate roles compared to their male counterparts. Our findings underscore the complexity and dynamic nature of gender norms and relations within communities. Especially for minority groups, revising gender roles and norms while preserving cultural identity is challenging. It is therefore crucial to create inclusive spaces for open dialogue between men and women, allowing communities to identify ongoing debates and challenges while facilitating negotiation on changes in gender roles and expectations.","manuscriptTitle":"Gendered social ideals and empowerment: investigating the intersection of gender and ethnicity among ethnic minorities in Northern Vietnam","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2025-08-18 14:46:34","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-6917499/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":1},{"type":"decision","content":"Revision requested","date":"2025-11-06T09:28:50+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorInvitedReview","content":"","date":"2025-09-12T06:15:58+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"153346737288641701598746264774371573768","date":"2025-09-06T10:31:38+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorInvitedReview","content":"","date":"2025-09-05T14:39:03+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"228823443895616414037693948310335532437","date":"2025-09-05T13:32:02+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewersInvited","content":"","date":"2025-09-05T10:56:44+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorInvited","content":"","date":"2025-08-20T10:25:18+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorAssigned","content":"","date":"2025-08-06T08:55:57+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"checksComplete","content":"","date":"2025-07-26T23:33:10+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"submitted","content":"Humanities and Social Sciences Communications","date":"2025-07-26T21:45:22+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"humanities-and-social-sciences-communications","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"palcomms","sideBox":"Learn more about [Humanities \u0026 Social Sciences Communications](http://www.nature.com/palcomms/)","snPcode":"41599","submissionUrl":"https://submission.springernature.com/new-submission/41599/3","title":"Humanities and Social Sciences Communications","twitterHandle":"","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":true,"editorialSystem":"stoa","reportingPortfolio":"Nature AJ","inReviewEnabled":true,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":false}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"622e8e3e-527e-41eb-8f54-2cea2e4ced08","owner":[],"postedDate":"August 18th, 2025","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"under-review","subjectAreas":[{"id":52738586,"name":"Humanities/Cultural and media studies"},{"id":52738587,"name":"Social science/Sociology"}],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2026-03-17T15:39:46+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2025-08-18 14:46:34","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-6917499","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-6917499","identity":"rs-6917499","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"8U1c8b4HqxoKbykW_rLl7","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}