Sacred Waters, Broken Systems: Community Experiences of Traditional Water Body Renovations in Braj, India

Sacred Waters, Broken Systems: Community Experiences of Traditional Water Body Renovations in Braj, India | Research Square window.SnipcartSettings = { analytics: { enabled: false } }; (function() { var accessVector = localStorage.getItem('access_vector') || ''; window.dataLayer = window.dataLayer || []; if (accessVector) { window.dataLayer.push({ user: { profile: { profileInfo: { snid: accessVector } } } }); } })(); (function(w,d,s,l,i){w[l]=w[l]||[];w[l].push({'gtm.start':new Date().getTime(),event:'gtm.js'});var f=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],j=d.createElement(s),dl=l!='dataLayer'?'&l='+l:'';j.async=true;j.src='https://www.googletagmanager.com/gtm.js?id='+i+dl;f.parentNode.insertBefore(j,f);})(window,document,'script','dataLayer','GTM-K279D39R'); Browse Preprints In Review Journals COVID-19 Preprints AJE Video Bytes Research Tools Research Promotion AJE Professional Editing AJE Rubriq About Preprint Platform In Review Editorial Policies Our Team Advisory Board Help Center Sign In Submit a Preprint Cite Share Download PDF Article Sacred Waters, Broken Systems: Community Experiences of Traditional Water Body Renovations in Braj, India Aman Sharma, Subhashree Mohapatra, Haripriya Narasimhan, Shiva Ji This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-7255433/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Under Revision Version 1 posted 17 You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract Traditional Knowledge Systems and community participation have historically sustained water management practices across the Indian subcontinent for centuries. Communities developed sophisticated methods rooted in cultural practices while addressing practical requirements. However, colonial interventions and post-independence policies have systematically marginalised local knowledge and community participation in water management decisions. Replacing them with centralised technocratic approaches that prioritise technical efficiency over cultural continuity. In the Braj region of India, Traditional Water Bodies (Kunds) serve as both cultural anchors and ecological resources, embodying practical knowledge and spiritual meaning within sacred geography. Today, many of these Kunds are facing degradation due to pollution, encroachment, and state-led renovation interventions. That often destroys their essential socio-ecological qualities. This research investigates how communities remember and value traditional water management systems, navigate tensions between religious significance and physical degradation of transformed water bodies, and reveal unintended consequences of development interventions in culturally significant water systems. This study involves field observation, semi-structured interviews, and thematic analysis across the Braj region. This research documents the lived experiences of communities whose traditional water management systems have been altered by state-led development interventions. Findings reveal a fundamental contradiction between official narratives celebrating renovation success and communities' experiences of environmental and cultural degradation. The water that once embodied purity and reverence has become brackish and undrinkable due to deep boring accessing saline aquifers, yet communities continue performing ritual practices requiring direct water contact. Community memories preserve sophisticated ecological knowledge about natural water purification and adaptive management, but contemporary interventions prioritise standardised technical solutions while systematically excluding local knowledge from decision-making processes. This research contributes to understanding how high modernist development projects encounter and transform complex local systems, revealing gaps between development aspirations and everyday experiences of environmental change. Social science/Environmental studies Scientific community and society/Geography Social science/Geography Scientific community and society/Water resources Adaptation Water Heritage Traditional Knowledge Sacroscape Development Failures Figures Figure 1 Figure 2 Figure 3 Figure 4 Figure 5 Figure 6 Figure 7 Figure 8 Figure 9 1. Introduction During field visits, we met an elderly person at the traditional water body (Kund) situated at the fringes of Govardhan, India. On inquiring about the renovation that happened about a year ago, he runs his fingers through the water, then tastes it with a grimace. "Before the local government body renovated the Kund in 2019-21, this water was sweet," he recalls, gesturing toward the now-concrete-lined Kund. We used it for achaman (religious intake of water), for bathing, and washing. No soap was allowed—the water stayed clean naturally." Originally, it was an unpaved (kaccha) Kund with a single ghat that had been created by simple digging, allowing it to collect and hold rainwater from its previously existing large catchment area, which sustained both daily needs and religious practices for generations. Today, that same water has become brackish and undrinkable. The government's renovation included digging deep into the Kund to reach its aquifers, which are naturally saline. So now, whatever rainwater or otherwise water goes into the Kund is becoming brackish and unhealthy for any type of consumption. On top of that, the government has installed a borewell that reaches 200–250 feet deep to fill the Kund using underground water, as "there is no water at shallower depths" anymore, and not much rainwater from the surrounding area is able to go into the Kund. But due to people's love towards Shree Krishna and its religious significance, they still come to snan (religious bath) during Saadhe Sati (In Vedic astrology, a 7.5 year period when Saturn transits through the zodiac signs) for spiritual relief or during the Saawan (monsoon) fair and are forced to drink the same water. The water that once embodied purity and reverence has become a compromise, religiously significant but physically degraded. Meanwhile, the official project accounts and social media handles (Braj Teerth Vikas Parishad) and websites (MVDA) celebrate the Kunds renovation as a successful heritage conservation initiative. The elder's daily reality confirms this contradiction between renovation success and lived reality, revealing a fundamental paradox in contemporary water governance, especially at the local government level. We came across more than a dozen similar situations in the Braj region. This paper will highlight how development projects are designed to enhance and preserve water resources. Instead, it ends up creating new forms of water insecurity and destroying the very qualities that made those resources valuable to communities in the first place. The popular narrative that development is synonymous with modernisation, urbanisation, technological advancement, and economic growth has long shaped global policies and interventions (Matthews 2010 ; Khan et al. 2016 ; Borie et al. 2019 ). On the other hand, local ecological relationships and Traditional Knowledge Systems (TKS) have sustained communities for generations (Gómez-Baggethun et al. 2013 ). Aswani (Aswani et al. 2018 )reports that 77% of papers confirm the loss of local knowledge driven by globalisation, modernisation, and market integration. Nations worldwide, including India, align their development agendas with international frameworks like the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). These agendas emphasised the need to balance the essential role of local cultures with economic, social, and environmental issues for sustainable development," but consensus has been short-lived, as the conceptual configuration went through numerous reformulations" (Kangas et al. 2024 ). Even if we look at the SDG framework, which has its 17 goals, 169 targets, and 234 indicators, it frequently struggles to capture the nuanced ways communities understand and value their environments (Stoddart et al. 2023 ). According to (Esteva and Escobar 2017 ), global goals often prioritise externally prescribed ‘needs’ over locally defined capacities and ways of living, risking dependency and control rather than fostering autonomy. (Ministry of Finance 2019 ). While the aim is to not criticise SDGs, but to point out the disjuncture between implementation and the lived experiences of the people who interact with that landscape every day. Current literature and field research in Braj conveys the significant influence of such development narratives, diluting locality, especially in the Indian context. Traditional Water Bodies (TWB) reveal tensions between development frameworks and local realities, serving as both ecological resource and cultural anchor, embodying both practical knowledge and spiritual meaning (Borthakur and Singh 2020a ). Throughout history, communities have developed sophisticated methods for managing water resources rooted into cultural practices while simultaneously addressing practical needs (Hein 2019 ). Yet today, such systems increasingly face pressures from rapid urbanisation, climate change, and technocratic planning that prioritise technical efficiency over cultural continuity (Savini and Raco 2019 ). The fate of these water bodies raises critical questions about what constitutes sustainable development and whose knowledge counts in making such determinations. Scott (Scott 2008 ) argues that top-down development approaches standardise the complex, context-specific knowledge communities possess, frequently rendering what he terms "metis" or local practical knowledge invisible. This erasure not only undermines potentially valuable traditional practices but also diminishes the agency of communities in defining their own development pathways. Community memories of Traditional Water Management (TWM), particularly the collective management of TWB in Braj, preserve knowledge about alternative approaches to water security. These memories divulge the achievement of water security through social systems and the prioritisation of adaptive management. Collective responsibility and flexible access during stress, rather than solely focusing on technical efficiency. (Sharma and Ji 2024 ), (Saha et al. 2010 ). The elderly man's understanding of natural water purification processes concurs with embodied knowledge, which is equivalent to “metis” that formal planning often renders invisible. Development projects' approach leans more towards bureaucratic frameworks and prioritises efficiency, standardisation, and formal management structures. Although they achieve specific infrastructure goals, they frequently disrupt the social processes that enabled adaptive management and community resilience (Ostrom 2009 ). Based on the argument, we will exemplify the Kund renovations as how the state sees "degraded water infrastructure", which requires a technical solution, while overlooking the complex socio-ecological arrangements (Strang 2023 ) that sustained these systems. Drawing on empirical fieldwork and stakeholders' interactions across the Braj region, this paper examines (1) How communities remember and value traditional water management systems? (2) How do communities navigate the tensions between the religious significance of transformed water bodies and their practical degradation? and (3) What do these experiences reveal about the unintended consequences of development interventions in culturally significant water systems? Through detailed qualitative analysis, this research contributes to understanding how high modernist development projects encounter and transform complex local systems. Rather than evaluating the success or failure of particular interventions, this research documents the lived realities of communities whose water worlds have been fundamentally altered by state-led modernisation efforts. This reveals the gap between development aspirations and everyday experiences of environmental change. 2. Literature review 2.1. Traditional Knowledge System and Water Management TKS, also referred to as Indigenous Knowledge (IK) or Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK), encompasses the understandings, skills, and philosophies developed by societies with long histories of interaction with their natural surroundings (Gadgil et al. 1993 ). Often used interchangeably, key characteristics of TKS include local and context-specific development through intergenerational transmission. Such developments are holistically integrated in their understanding of ecological structures, practical, empirical, and frequently under collective ownership (Borthakur and Singh 2020b ). For centuries, such Traditional Knowledge (TK) has significantly contributed to sustainable water management practices, especially within indigenous and local communities in the Indian subcontinent. (Agarwal and Narain 1999 ). The importance of TWM in rural India is considered pragmatic, rational, and functional even during contemporary times (Singh 2004 ). TK manifests as an understanding of seasonal patterns, aquifers, the natural flow of water, and local geography. (Murthy et al. 2022 ). Unlike codified scientific knowledge, it is interwoven with stories, songs, cultural values, beliefs, rituals, community laws, local language, and agricultural practices (Agarwal and Narain 1997 ). Across the Indian subcontinent, Traditional Water Systems (TWS) demonstrate this in various forms. Traditional stepwells, called vav or vavadi in the state of Gujarat, or baolis or bavadis in Rajasthan and northern India, were built by the nobility, usually for strategic and/or philanthropic reasons, as secular structures from which everyone could draw water (Sriparvathy and Salahsha 2021 ). In Rajasthan's arid regions, Johads are often surrounded by embankments, with water wells and trees around them. They have stored rainfall during July and August for use throughout the year, as annual rainfall is considerably lower (between 450 and 600 mm) than in other regions of India (Hussain et al. 2014a ). In Braj, TWB hold religious significance and are integral to cultural practices, contributing to sustainable water resources management (Sharma and Ji 2024 ). These water systems served as "cultural anchors" that integrated practical water needs with spiritual practices, community governance, and ecological stewardship (Saha et al. 2010 ). The TWB were not simply excavated pits but carefully designed archetypes incorporating natural water purification processes, seasonal flooding patterns, and community access. These reflected both water engineering and community organisation (Sinha 2014 ). The ecological foundations that supported these traditional systems are experiencing an unprecedented threat to their existence. External pressures from Industrial pollution, urban sprawl, and intensive agriculture have contaminated groundwater aquifers that once sustained such water harvesting structures (Bhaduri and Singh 2012 ). Multiple studies (Hussain et al. 2014b ; Selvaraj et al. 2022 ; Vena and Ram 2024) have evidenced that traditional structures like khadeen , johads , and open wells are contaminated. Further, due to illegal sand mining and gravel extraction, primary rivers are drying up. The impacted river system of Yamuna in Braj exemplifies this crisis, which includes numerous TWB in the region (Sharma et al. 2024 ). The fact that TK is adapted to ecosystems suggests an inherent sustainability, as practices are more likely to be in harmony with the carrying capacity of the local environment (Kosoe et al. 2020 ). However, we can’t negate the fact that their effectiveness was contingent on specific demographic, climatic, and social conditions that may no longer exist. According to Singh (Singh and Shreya 2025 ) TK characteristically emphasises local solutions and self-reliance, challenging dependence on external technologies with the potential to damage the environment. Yet the sustainability often attributed to TK requires critical examination. The challenge lies not in preserving TKS as museum pieces but in understanding why their adaptive capacity has been compromised and how their underlying principles might inform contemporary water governance. Another insight on TK is that it is not static but evolves through adaptive learning processes in specific places over time (Schuh 2005 ). As this is embedded in cultural and spiritual values, which implore respect for nature and ecological systems. It offers alternative ways of engaging with the environment and can be seen as a form of resistance to this unsustainable model (Goyal Tater et al. 2023 ; Asad et al. 2023 ). In the case of TWS, the embedded TK here is what Scott (Scott 2008 ) termed as "metis". It is practical wisdom acquired through lived experience. In the opening vignette, as mentioned earlier, the elderly man's knowledge of seasonal patterns and the relationship between construction methods and water quality represents precisely this embodied knowledge. Which the modern restoration planning often renders invisible. Metis in water management encompasses an understanding of microclimates, soil conditions, aquifer behaviour, and the subtle water quality indicators that cannot be easily codified or standardised. 2.2. The Colonial Rupture and Its Enduring Legacy The decline of TWS has been extensively documented as a consequence of colonial interventions, post-independence modernisation policies, and contemporary development pressures (Agarwal and Narain 1997 ; Bhaduri and Singh 2012 ; Bhattacharya 2015 ; Sarma and Aggarwal 2023 ). Shah (Shah 2018 ) traces the views of British colonisers of the local water systems of India as an inefficient and unhygienic system. To counter the TWS, they suggested a centralised, technically oriented water supply system. The colonial administration's approach to water management embodied what James Scott (Scott 2008 ) calls "high modernist" planning. Such imposed standardisation translated itself into technically rational solutions which rendered complex local systems illegible in the coming years post-independence (onwards 1947). During the 1950s, concrete became the country's primary building material. Millions of tons of concrete were used to construct massive dams, like the 226-metre-high Bhakra-Nangal Dam, the most awesome of them all at that time (Khilnani 2012). The first Prime Minister of India, Nehru, called such mega projects as the Temple of Modern India (BMG 2003 ) that symbolised national and technological progress. This approach was inherited from the colonial period, which Tripathi (Tripathi 1996 ) termed as “colonial syndrome” — an instinctive belief in the superiority of foreign, particularly British, technology over indigenous efforts. According to Mosse (Mosse 2003 ), the Indian state adopted a centralised technocratic approach to manage its water resources, which systematically marginalised the community-based management systems while empowering existing institutions like the Central Ground Water Board. Policy-wise, major water infrastructure development projects started to be included in the first and subsequent Five-Year Plans, beginning in 1951 (Singh and Goyal 2025 ). However, these plans as well often overlook the socio-cultural dimensions of water management and the importance of TKS (Sengupta 1985 ). This resulted not only in the replacement of traditional systems with modern ones but also eroded the social and institutional foundations that had sustained local water management for centuries. Contemporary water policy in India reveals a fundamental tension between rhetorical recognition of TK and actual implementation practices. The Government of India's (GoI) water development policies, starting with the National Water Policy (NWP) of 1987 to its subsequent revisions, have emphasised technological solutions and centralised management systems (Iyer 2011 ). Attempts have been made to recognise the value of Traditional Water Systems (TWS). For instance, the National Water Policy of 1987 introduced Participatory Irrigation Management (PIM) as a transformative approach, emphasising local community involvement through the subsidiarity and decentralisation principles (Naz et al. 2010 ). However, as demonstrated by Cullet (Cullet 2009 ), these policies failed in including TWS and have continued to marginalise community-based water management, treating them as an obstacle to modern development. The gap between policy intentions and ground realities is apparent in large-scale programs, such as the MGNREGA (Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act) program launched by the GoI in 2005 as part of this scheme’s provision of employment opportunities to rural communities. Renovation and desiltation of TWB are included in the budget. Approximately 70% (budget of 5 billion USD per year) of MGNREGA activities focus on water related challenges. The program works in convergence with schemes like the Integrated Watershed Management Programme (IWMP) (Nalgire and Chinnasamy 2022 ). However, such collaboration is predominantly successful in official documents. A study by Pandit (Pandit and Biswas 2019 ) indicates that the NWP and MGNREGA convergence reflected the number of water bodies renovated, new water storage created (in cubic meters) on papers only. Another scheme, Mission Amrit Sarovar (MAS), was launched in April 2022 by the GoI to construct or rejuvenate water bodies, referring to them as Amrit Sarovars, in each district of India (Ministry of Rural Development 2024 ). Official data (Mission Amrit Sarovar) shows 108 water bodies renovated in Mathura district alone, with 94 completed under MGNREGA. Each Amrit Sarovar follows standardised specifications; innovations should include a minimum of 1-acre pondage area, mandatory plantation of trees (specifically Neem, Banyan, Peepal), and standard signage boards detailing construction schemes (Kumar et al. 2025). However, statistics exemplify what Scott (Scott 2008 ) identifies as the state's need to make complex local systems "legible" through standardised measures, often destroying their essential qualities in the process. The transformation of diverse local water systems into standardised "Amrit Sarovar" represents the triumph of administrative categories over ecological and social realities. While the program emphasises ‘Jan Bhagidari’ (people's participation) through 65,285 user groups, formed across completed Sarovars, this approach to community participation must be viewed within the broader context of development interventions, which consistently fail to integrate TKS meaningfully. 2.3. Memory, Place, and Change Community memory plays a crucial role in understanding environmental change and represents a form of resistance to dominant narratives about development and progress. Backing up, Connerton (Connerton 1989 ) argues that social memory is not simply individual recollection, but an embodied practice that maintains community identity and knowledge across generations. Mistry’s work (Mistry et al. 2014 ) demonstrated that the indigenous communities showed that social memory plays an important role in identity formation, self-representation helps to maintain the indigenous relational and multifaceted worldview, reinforcing their sense of community and cooperative spirit. The elderly man's memory of sweet water and the original construction method of the Govardhan TWB represents this form of embodied memory, preserving knowledge about alternative approaches to water management in contrast to the contemporary approach led by government agencies. This knowledge operates through what Ingold (Ingold 2022 ) calls "taskscapes" - environments shaped by human activity, where memory becomes embedded in landscape features and practices. This operates in what can be termed as "knowledge-practice-belief complexes" (Berkes 2018 ), an integrated system where technical knowledge, management practices, and worldviews are transmitted together through participation in community activities. Such tacit knowledge is lodged in social life, which can only be transmitted through participation in daily practices and community rituals, and not through formal education (Pierotti and Wildcat 2000 ). The breakdown of this knowledge in TWM thus represents not only a loss of infrastructure but a disruption of the social processes through which environmental knowledge is transmitted and maintained. Contemporary restoration efforts often fail to recognise this knowledge. The standardised approach of TWB renovations across the Braj region favours the worldview of Escobar (Escobar 2018 ). This approach mainly destroys place-based knowledge, which has evolved to address context-specific challenges. The temporal dimensions of memory and place become critically important while understanding environmental change (Folke et al. 2005 ), similar to our study. TK in TWS operates on temporal scales far beyond the planning horizons of development projects. It requires encompassing knowledge about long-term climate patterns, seasonal variations, and intergenerational sustainability. These are preserved in community memory and can provide crucial contextual information to evaluate contemporary interventions and their long-term consequences. 2.4. Synthesis and Research Gaps The above discussion reveals that existing scholarship has extensively documented the technical failures of top-down water interventions. Three key gaps have emerged from the review above. First, a critical gap in understanding the lived dimensions of TK in these transformations. Most existing research focuses on policy analysis or infrastructure performance, while limited attention is given to how communities interact and experience these interventions that can fundamentally alter their traditional landscapes. Studies have analysed policy frameworks (Cullet 2009 ) and documented ecological changes (Selvaraj et al. 2022 ; Sarma and Aggarwal 2023 ) but the phenomenological aspects of these changes remain under-examined. Secondly, while scholars have examined community memory and TK (Connerton 1989 ; Mistry et al. 2014 ), less is known about their operation when physical infrastructure has been changed, but cultural significance persists. Finally, the temporal dimensions of these transformations are poorly understood. This is observed explicitly in communities that maintain spiritual relationships with water bodies whose properties have been degraded by interventions designed to preserve them. The study needs methods that can capture the complexity of lived experience within transformed environments. The literature suggests that to understand how development interventions are experienced, we need methodologies that can assess what Scott (Scott 2008 ) terms "metis", is the practical, embodied knowledge that formal planning renders invisible. We need to use an approach that can document not only the changes but also how communities understand and navigate these changes over time. This study raises questions on how the community manages traditional waters, navigates the religious significance of water bodies with their degradation, and addresses the unintended consequences of development initiatives. A methodological approach that brings out community voices and lived experience, centred on state-led renovations of culturally significant water bodies, is appropriate for this research. The final aim is to examine the link between the intended outcomes of state interventions and their effect on the communities. Simultaneously, it will reveal gaps between official narratives of success and realities of everyday environmental and cultural change. 3. Methodology This study employed a qualitative methodology, examining the lived experiences of communities whose TWM systems have been transformed by state-led development interventions. Though the qualitative methods are prioritised, quantitative data were also gathered to serve as a supporting role in contextualising and triangulating qualitative findings. 3.1. Context and Data Collection The research was conducted across the Braj region, located at the junction of Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan and Haryana (see Fig. 1 ), encompassing the 84 kos (252 km) Parikrama path recognised as the core of Braj (Tagare 1950 ). However, the cultural extent of this marking differs depending on the criteria used for inclusion, which may be historical, religious, or administrative boundaries. Mughal records suggest it was extended up to areas closer to present-day Delhi (Habib and Mukhopādhyāẏa 2020). One version of the most revered Bhagwat Purana , a Hindu sacred book, describes the extent as a radius of 20 yojanas (= about 225 Km) (Tagare 1950 ). A study by Singh (Singh and Dubey 1988 ) synthesised it as a mandala (“circle” or “sphere”), which is referred to as sacred territory defined by a ritual and spiritual centre and a surrounding area considered to have religious merit. The same radius has been incorporated in Fig. 1 . The study was conducted in two phases between 2022 and 2024. In the first phase (2022–2023), reconnaissance involved site visits for mapping, architectural documentation, photography, and environmental observation. These activities continued in later fieldwork as they did not involve human subjects. After ethical approval on 22 January 2024 (Protocol No. [REDACTED]/IEC/2024/01/10), interviews were conducted in two rounds: 26 March − 15 April 2024 and 28 November − 5 December 2024. This timeline allowed observation of seasonal variation in water bodies and ensured that all human participation began only after clearance. To capture the narratives and meanings surrounding the Kunds and associated practices, the primary methods include semi-structured interviews, archival research, field observation and surveys. Additionally, GIS mapping validated the findings associated with geography, topography, and water features. During fieldwork, 10 prominent pilgrimage centres- Mathura, Vrindavan, Govardhan, Barsana, Nandgaon, Kaman, Deeg, Baldeo, Bharatpur and Hathras were selected. Along with prominent urban centres in the core region of Braj, extensive site visits were conducted in the rural areas as well. One researcher's native background provided language proficiency and cultural access, supplemented by snowball sampling (Parker et al. 2019 ). We conducted 41 semi-structured interviews until thematic saturation, with participants including temple priests, pilgrims, farmers, local residents, and officials. Face-to-face interviews, communicated in the local language (Braj Bhasha or Hindi, as appropriate), were held at locations convenient for participants, including their homes or by the Kunds. A few interviews were short, lasting for 15 to 20 minutes, but they were insightful. However, most interviews lasted 60–75 minutes. Of the 41 participants (Table 1 ), only 17 consented to be recorded. Fifteen participants declined to get the conversation recorded but agreed to take timely notes. The open-ended questions were designed to elicit local memories, collect water management histories and explore the narratives of transformation. Questions were designed to understand how water bodies have changed alongside the community's perspective on environmental sustainability and development. Interview questions are attached in Annexure 1. Participants were informed about study aims and rights, with identities anonymised using codes (P1, P2, P3… etc.) to enable discussion of sensitive topics like caste dynamics or development project criticisms. Table 1 Respondent categories for interview participants. Category Total Participants Elected Representatives 3 Government Officials 7 NGO and Think Tank Representatives 6 Religious Figures 4 Locals 21 Total 41 Participants Throughout the field visit, photographic evidence of the physical state of the water bodies was recorded. Participant observation spanned multiple visits over 2 years (2022–2024). This extended timeframe allowed us to observe seasonal changes in water body conditions and community usage patterns. Additionally, a comprehensive policy and document analysis was undertaken. This constituted accessing the official project reports, master plans, data portals and policy documents related to water body renovation programs. With the help of NGO representatives of ‘The Braj Foundation’ (founded in 2005) and the ‘Friends of Vrindavan’ (founded in 1997), petition letters and requests for renovation of TWB submitted by villagers were accessed. Notably, both organisations have worked in environmental and heritage conservation since their inception. These documents provide additional insight into community expectations regarding renovation projects. Given the limited academic research on TWB conservation, ecological impact assessments, or formal appraisal reports, we expanded data collection to include alternative sources. We systematically reviewed local newspapers, regional news websites, and YouTube channels documenting TWB renovation activities, community responses, and environmental changes. These media sources provided contemporary accounts of renovation processes, public discourse around water body conservation, and real-time community reactions often absent from official documentation. 3.2. Data Analysis Collected data, including interview transcripts, observational field notes, and open-ended survey responses, were analysed using thematic and narrative analysis techniques. Audio recordings from the interviews conducted in Braj Bhasha and Hindi were transcribed and translated into English. To ensure the integrity of the translation and preserve the meaning, procedures suggested by Nurjannah (Nurjannah et al. 2014 ) were followed. Attention was paid to not only local words and concepts but also the sentence's tone. A lot of times, participants were sarcastic and used satirical phrases to convey distaste and distrust. In such cases, literal translation will not be able to uncover the actual themes. For thematic analysis, the six-step principles from Braun (Braun and Clarke 2006 ) & Naeem (Naeem et al. 2023 ) were drawn from starting with data familiarisation, keyword identification using the 6Rs (realness, richness, repetition, rationale, repartee, regal) (Naeem and Ozuem 2022 ) coding of data segments, theme development through pattern identification, conceptualisation of relationships, and analysis writing. Narrative analysis (Parcell and Baker 2017 ) ensures the preservation of the rich context and structure of the individual stories, ensuring the integrity of personal accounts while complementing the broader thematic analysis. 3.3. Limitations As previously established, one of the researcher's positions as a native of the Braj region requires explicit acknowledgement. This insider position provided significant advantages in accessing community networks and understanding cultural nuances, but also created potential biases in interpretation. Narayan (Narayan 1993 ) pointed out that this position is traditionally perceived as an authentic insider and can provide unique insights while requiring careful attention to power dynamics and representation issues. Throughout this research, regular reflection on these dynamics was maintained through peer debriefing sessions with researchers from outside the region. 4. Context: Water Systems in Braj Scholars have various descriptions of Kunds (Saha et al. 2010 ) as are traditional, small, man-made water bodies, essential sources of freshwater used for various purposes. Sites are often associated with stories and figures from Hindu tradition (Goyal Tater et al. 2023 ). Sinha (Sinha 2014 , 2023 ) describes them as sacred water bodies, often square or polygonal masonry tanks with a series of descending steps (ghats) leading down to the water. These ghats can be of various scales, sometimes creating an enclosure for all water bodies, but mostly having steps only from one or two directions. If one asks a Brajwasi (natives of Braj Region) about Kund, they may point towards sites spanning from a grand architectural marvel, for example, Kusum Sarovar (see Fig. 2 ), to something that merely has water or may even looks like a plot for a residential building, for example, Krishna Kund in Poonchri village (see Fig. 2 ) plighting for existence. In rural areas, small natural or manmade depressions, which are generally called Pokharas , are also sometimes referred to as Kunds; this meaning varies depending on any religious story associated with it or based on its age. People can even direct one to an agricultural land or a housing colony where a Kund used to be, but now it's only in the slowly fading memories. The architectural setting of Kunds varies, influenced by local geography and cultural preferences, with features like a dedicated place for the village's cattle to access water, a platform for the washermen to wash clothes, and segregated ghats for men and women sometimes being present. As one interviewee noted: Each Kund used to have multiple ghats. The Gau (Cow) Ghat was where cows drank water. Then there was the Dhobi Ghat (washermen’s platform), a Janana Ghat (for women), and a Mardana Ghat (for men). Until recently, there also used to be a Peebna Ghat, dedicated for people to drink water. Kunds also feature Burj (ornate tower) and Chattris (domed canopies), further highlighting their architectural complexity and social utility (Sinha 2023 ). Predominant construction materials include red sandstone and locally sourced lakhori bricks, chosen for their durability, acting as a recharge bed and aesthetic harmony with the natural surroundings. Kunds can be understood through their relationship with water sources and functional design. Sharma & Ji (Sharma and Ji 2024 ) describe them based on water sources and water holding capacity. Primarily, two types of water systems emerge in Braj. The first one is rainwater-dependent systems; these Kunds are strategically located to collect and store monsoon rains, often in depressions or low-lying areas that act as natural catchments. These water bodies are connected to natural rainwater streams or sometimes with man-made canals, which supplement their water supply. The second one is the groundwater-dependent systems; Kunds and associated wells percolate into underground aquifers, providing a more consistent water source, especially during dry periods. Kunds also play a crucial role in groundwater recharge, as rainwater gets collected in them. Interviewee P1 noted that “ borewells near Kunds have the highest and good quality of water ” because of groundwater recharge. Rapid urbanisation, increased tourism, and significant infrastructure development pose substantial challenges to the TWS and the delicate ecological balance (SPA Delhi 2021 ). The expansion of settlements and infrastructure often leads to encroachment upon Kunds and their catchment areas, reducing their size and disrupting natural water flow (The Braj Foundation and IL&FS Infrastructure Development Corporation Limited 2008). P25 from Anyor village laments this trend, saying: "People everywhere are plotting in agriculture fields, building houses by occupying Kund areas, so it definitely affects the environment." The current state of many Kunds in Braj, as reflected from field observations and interviews, is concerning. Many are polluted due to sewage inflow and waste dumping. Interviewee P41 vividly describes the polluted state of Jai Kund: " How can it be used? It's full of sewage now" . Encroachment further exacerbates the problem, shrinking the water bodies and disrupting their ecological functions. 4.1. Institutional Approaches to Kund Renovation: Government, NGO, and Private Interventions The deteriorating condition of TWS in Braj has prompted multiple institutional responses, each bringing distinct approaches. Since the Braj region has immense significance for Hindus, it is visited by millions of people every year. According to (TNN 2025 ). Mathura district alone was visited by 90 million pilgrims and tourists. To facilitate them and the local populations, several agencies, including government bodies, NGOs, and sometimes even people in individual capacities, have taken numerous initiatives to preserve and protect the heritage. However, these interventions reveal significant variations in methodology, scope, and community engagement. Initiatives by the central government, like Heritage City Development & Augmentation Yojana (HRIDAY) (Ministry of Urban Development 2015 ), tailored to augment the heritage of historic towns, have been initiated. More significantly, recognising the need for a dedicated regional authority, the Uttar Pradesh government established the Uttar Pradesh Braj Teerth Vikas Parishad (UPBTVP) in 2015. As per the gazette notification (Uttar Pradesh Legislature 2017 ), it appears the board is entrusted as the ultimate authority to take up any development project regarding the protection and preservation of the heritage in the region. The board can suo-moto take up any work and select an implementing agency for the preparation and implementation of any project plan. Despite comprehensive mandates and formal inclusion of various stakeholders in policy coordination, field observations reveal significant gaps between institutional authority and community participation. During the interactions with the stakeholders, everyone mentions the board at least once. This is exemplified in the design process, where architects and engineers receive technical briefs to create standardised renovation plans with minimal community input in conceptualisation phases. A local government elected representative expressed their frustration, stating, They don't ask us anything at all. They just ask us to sign on the No Objection Certificates ( NOCs) , This indicates a disconnection from the local administration, which represents the people. Conversely, some acknowledge a positive aspect of the Parishad's work, even while maintaining reservations about its depth: "As far as the development board is concerned, at least one good thing has happened-that they have started taking possession of the ponds. They're taking possession and also carrying out some development." This indicates a perception that while the Parishad's work might be largely cosmetic and not address core water issues, their action in taking possession of encroached ponds and initiating some form of development is seen as a necessary first step. The emphasis on "conformity with the Braj Culture and Architecture" is asserted in the power given to the UPBTVP (Uttar Pradesh Legislature 2017 ), which raises critical questions about whose interpretation of culture and heritage guides renovation decisions. Recently prepared Braj Development Plan 2041 (Design Associates Inc.) implicitly asserts this mandate through its call for "guidelines for regulated development such that it corresponds to the historic character of the region," effectively delegating the authority to define and enforce cultural conformity to planning institutions rather than local communities. If in the task to regulate the so-called guidelines, the participation of the local knowledge holder is absent, rather the authority has been passed on to architects and engineers, often if not always from outside the region, who are tasked with interpreting local architectural traditions, the result is frequently a commercialised version of traditional resources. Multiple NGOs and private charitable trusts have also been involved in preserving Braj's heritage. Four organisations demonstrate extensive involvement in Kund renovation- Friends of Vrindavan, Yamuna Mission (founded in 2015), Braj Vikas Trust (founded in 2005), and The Braj Foundation. These organisations specifically focus on the Braj region, alongside national organisations such as the Indian National Trust for Art and Cultural Heritage (INTACH), ISKCON, and TATA Trust. NGO approaches typically emphasise community engagement and scientific methods. They frame their work as a sacred duty and point to community engagement and scientific methods (like bio-filters) as indicators of a holistic success beyond just cleaning a pond (Das 2024 ). However, despite rhetoric about community participation, the actual design and implementation process reveals a professionalised approach that mirrors government interventions (SPA Delhi 2018 ). Both government agencies and NGOs consult architects and engineers who produce standardised designs based on technical briefs. These professionals, often unfamiliar with local water management traditions, create what can be characterised as "theme park style" designs that prioritise aesthetic appeal and tourist accessibility over ecological functionality. There is a significant knowledge gap due to the absence of academic reports on social, ecological, and economic assessments of renovation works by either government or NGO agencies. Quantitatively, the government has not published a final tally of Kunds restored under its aegis (Vrindavan Today 2024 ). Local newspapers and websites frequently publish success stories immediately following restoration projects. These accounts lack a systematic evaluation of long-term sustainability. 5. Findings This section presents findings organised according to Braun and Clarke's thematic analysis method (Braun and Clarke 2006 ), addressing the Research Questions RQ) through key themes that emerged from community narratives and experiences. 5.1. RQ1- Community Memories of Traditional Water Management Theme 1. Sacred Geography and Religious Significance Community memories consistently frame Kunds within a sacred cosmology where water bodies are repositories of religious meaning. Participants described how the Kunds here each have some or other Krishna Leela (divine play of Lord Krishna) associated with them. For example, P17 explained: “The Prem Sarovar is situated at the same place where Goddess Radha and Lord Krishna unknowingly met for the first time.” (Supplementary Table 1, Divine Geography) Community members also articulated a spiritual ecology that positioned Kunds within broader divine relationships with nature: As P40 articulated: “Kund is a part of nature, and nature is God. Not just we humans, but all creatures and living beings depend upon it”. (Supplementary Table 1, Spiritual Ecology) The temporal dimension reveals systematic religious use throughout the Hindu calendar, as P17 noted: "Each Kund has a designated festival, like during Kartik, Chaitra, Vaishakh... Each had its day" (Supplementary Table 1, Festival Calendar). This demonstrates how Kunds functioned as integral components of sacred landscape rather than merely utilitarian water sources (see Fig. 3 ). Theme 2. Historical Continuity and Landscape Memory Community narratives preserve detailed accounts of historical water bodies that sustained TWM. Participants recalled the large numbers of water bodies that once existed in their villages and surrounding areas. P02 to remember: “In our Govardhan, there used to be, at one time, 108 Kunds. Today, hardly about 40–50 remain”. (Supplementary Table 1, Scale Memory) Community members retained vivid memories of the scale and ecological richness of historical water systems. P14 described the transformation of a major water body: “And now, understand this—that talab must have been at least one kilometre. The Mansarovar jheel used to be about one kilometre long. When we used to walk around it, we'd get tired—it was that big”. (Supplementary Table 1, Scale Memory) Theme 3. Traditional Water Management and Ecological Knowledge Systems Like the communities across the Indian subcontinent, Braj communities also have a sophisticated understanding of TWM, integrating hydrological knowledge with ecological principles. P15 described natural water purification: "For the purity of water, it's essential for sunlight to fall on the water, to be in contact with soil, and for the water to move." (Supplementary Table 1, Water Purification) P35 described redundant water systems designed to ensure water security during droughts. While further describing the traditional method of und construction: “There used to be talabs, there used to be pokhars (smaller ponds), and in the middle or close to them, a well used to be constructed. And this was done for the reason that, suppose the talab dried up, then water would still be available through the well”. (Supplementary Table 1, Redundant Systems) Figure 4 . Govind Kund in Govardhan showing its key components. The main Kund (A) is surrounded on all four sides by bathing and ritual ghats (C) and includes the Gau Ghat (B) designated for cattle. A nearby well (D) and a culvert (E) connect to the Pokhara (F), which serves as an ancillary water body. The highlighted catchment area indicates the natural drainage feeding into the Kund, with Govardhan Hill visible on the left side, and the Parikrama Marg marking the traditional circumambulatory route around the hill. The detailed structural elements are further illustrated in Fig. 5 , which highlights the specific components of the Govind Kund system including the ghats, culvert systems, and ancillary water bodies. P37 provided detailed taxonomic accounts to classify Kunds according to size and function: “A Kund is small, a sarovar is bigger than a Kund, and a jheel is bigger than a sarovar”. (Supplementary Table 1, Water Body Classification) Theme 4. Complex Social Organisation of Water Access and Community Use Participants (P41) recalled the physical design of Kunds and how it reflects social organisation: “At that time, every Kund had a gau ghat, and another two or three ghats… dhobi ghat (washermen's ghat). One was the janana ghat (women's ghat), and one was the mardana ghat (men's ghat)”. (Supplementary Table 1, Ghat Design) These different functional spaces within Kund complexes are clearly visible in Fig. 6 , which shows the Gau Ghat, wells, and Jannan Ghat at Govind Kund, demonstrating the sophisticated social organization of water access. The multifunctional nature, including economic dimensions, as P70 described: "The dhobis would bring clothes from the village... The Mahar caste people used to cultivate singhada (water chestnuts)" (Supplementary Table 1, Economic Activities). Theme 5. Nostalgic Memory and Contrasts with Present Decline Communities consistently recall the abundance and purity as critical commentary on modernisation approaches. The reliability of Kund is remembered as providing security during extended drought or flood periods. According to P20: “All the water from the entire Chiksauli area...used to come into Bihar Kund...even if it didn't rain for three years, it still wouldn't dry”. (Supplementary Table 1, Drought Security) Health narratives emerge strongly in these nostalgic comparisons, with P18 and P25 attributing better physical health to traditional water sources: “Our bodies also had vigour because of it. Now, after drinking packaged and RO water, there is no strength left in the body”. (Supplementary Table 1, Health Impact) Similarly, P25, P31, and P33 noted that the thermal properties of traditional construction materials are remembered: “Houses made of soil from the Kunds were cool in Jyeshtha (May-June) and warm in winter. And now, in these pakka houses, even the air conditioner doesn't work properly”. (Supplementary Table 1, Construction Quality) These nostalgic memories function not merely as romanticising the past but as a critical commentary on contemporary water governance approaches. They preserve alternative models of human-environment relationships that challenge assumptions underlying current development interventions. 5.2. RQ2- Navigating Sacred Significance versus Physical Degradation Theme 6. Ritual Persistence Despite Physical Degradation Despite widespread recognition of water quality deterioration, community members continue to engage in ritual practices that require direct interaction with contaminated water. As P01 explained: “When we do the Parikrama, we do achaman with the water of the Kunds. We do not check whether the water of the Kund is clean or dirty… We perform achaman with devotion”. (Supplementary Table 2, Devotional Compulsion) This contradiction between spiritual practice and environmental reality is powerfully illustrated in Fig. 7 . The tension between devotional obligation and environmental awareness produces profound emotional responses. P41 described their reaction to witnessing pilgrimage practices: “When Darshanarthi come and do aachman from the water, my eyes fill with tears... ”. (Supplementary Table 2, Emotional Response) Theme 7. Water Crisis and Encroachment of Sacred Space Communities demonstrate acute awareness of how demographic pressure and infrastructure development have compromised the TWS. P01 directly linked population growth to environmental degradation: “When the population keeps increasing, the filth inevitably increases along with it.” (Supplementary Table 2, Population Impact) P04 described a systematic breakdown: "In recent times, they have blocked the channels through which water enters the Kunds... the catchments around the Kunds are also being encroached upon." The physical transformation and encroachment described by participants is clearly documented in Fig. 8 . The severity of water quality deterioration is demonstrated through observations of animal behaviour (P01): “You leave aside human beings—even animals and birds do not drink the water of the Kunds anymore”. (Supplementary Table 2, Animal Behavior) Theme 8. Ritual Pollution and Community Response Religious offerings and practices sometimes contribute to the degradation of water quality. While conducting the interviews on the bank of Paawan Sarovar P22, he pointed toward a pilgrim and said: “This brother here—he threw his mala (rosary) into water. Whoever brings offerings here, putting flowers or such, leaves it right here”. (Supplementary Table 2, Offering Pollution) Community members expressed frustration with public behaviour compromising sacred spaces, as P25 disdainfully said: “People are bathing naked in Govind Kund. Now it's been made dirty. The population has increased so much”. (Supplementary Table 2, Public Behaviour) Theme 9. Alternative Water Sources Communities have developed multiple adaptive strategies to navigate water insecurity while maintaining relationships with TWB. Municipal water supply provides partial solutions with significant limitations. P25 illustrated their daily water fetching as: “Drinking water comes from the Nagar Palika tap installed in the street crossroad... pipeline doesn't reach every house, so people have to go and fetch it from there”. (Supplementary Table 2, Municipal Supply) The commercialisation of water consumption represents a fundamental shift from traditional water access patterns. P41 described the situation of economically deprived people in rural areas as: “What can I tell you now? The situation has become such that out of helplessness, people must buy drinking RO water”. (Supplementary Table 2, Water Commercialisation) Theme 10. Hope for Revival and Cultural Restoration Despite environmental degradation and institutional failures, communities maintain strong aspirations for restoring TWS. People anticipate future recognition of the value of Kunds. P15 very discernibly said: “One day will come when people will cry out–By any means, save our Kunds!'---just as now people are turning back to eating dalia (porridge) after abandoning chowmein and burgers”. (Supplementary Table 2, Future Recognition) Technical solutions are imagined as compatible with religious significance. P14 expressed as: “Water recycling as a solution... 'It has nothing to do with religion.' If water recycling is done properly, even Yamuna ji (river) will become pure”. (Supplementary Table 2, Technical Compatibility) Theme 11. Confronting Ineffective Governance and Institutional Failures Community experiences reveal systematic problems with governance approaches that rely heavily on technical solutions while marginalising community knowledge and participation. The dominance of engineering perspectives in government interventions is recognised as problematic. As P14 pointed out: “Actually, what happens is that the government relies entirely on its engineers and contractors”. (Supplementary Table 2, Engineering Dominance) An NGO representative (P12) who has worked extensively in the Kund renovation. On asking about the criticism of his work by the courts and experts, they said: “It will be criticised by environmentalists and heritage conservationists that you're not allowing natural water to get collected, and rather you're sucking water out of the earth to fill the Kund. Another purpose is to make the Kund available for a holy bath. At least it’ll not vanish completely”. (Supplementary Table 2, Conflicting Purposes) Theme 12. Emotional and Spiritual Response to Loss The transformation of sacred water bodies generates profound emotional responses that reveal the depth of community attachment to Kunds. Community members experience aesthetic and cultural loss that extends beyond practical water needs. P18 Tearfully said: “It affects the environment, health, and Braj's culture. The real beauty of Braj lies in its vans, hills, Kunds and wells…they are my Radha and Krishna.” (Supplementary Table 2, Cultural Loss) Fear of retaliation from authorities creates additional stress for community members who attempt to advocate for cultural and environmental protection. P41 explain the politics behind the doors as: “ The one who goes to complain, they say to him, 'Yes, come along. We're coming with the JCB. Come along with us, you lead us.” (Supplementary Table 2, Fear of Retaliation) Essentially, they make the complainant confront the very person they are complaining against. This administrative tactic discourages community members from reporting environmental violations. Theme 13. Loss of Traditional Practices and Knowledge The transformation of water systems has contributed to the broader erosion of TK and practices. Creating cascading cultural losses that extend beyond water management itself. Traditional construction techniques are no longer practised. P29 said: “Now no one builds like that anymore”. (Supplementary Table 2, Construction Knowledge Loss) The shift from community labour to government employment schemes has altered social relationships around water infrastructure. As P31 pointed out: “And nowadays, you see, a hundred people are working to build a pond. And all those people are government labourers... Earlier, the digging of ponds happened without the government spending a single rupee”. (Supplementary Table 2, Changed Labour Relations) The erosion of local cultural diversity is recognised as part of broader homogenisation processes. We discussed how cultural nuances change in the Braj region itself. P37 noted: “Kos Kos par badle paani aur chhar kos pe baani” (Every mile the water changes, and every four miles the language). (Supplementary Table 2, Cultural Homogenisation) 5.3 RQ3- Unintended Consequences of Development Interventions Theme 14. Artificiality and Technology-Driven Displacement of Traditional Systems Development interventions have systematically displaced TWM approaches through technological solutions, undermining ecological foundations. P02 directly linked technological modernisation to the decline of traditional systems: “Ever since artificial works began like the laying of sewers and pipelines, ever since the arrival of modern resources, the Kunds have been vanishing”. (Supplementary Table 3, Modern Resource Impact) Government water management strategies for sacred water bodies increasingly rely on quick technological fixes like the installation of a borewell for filling water in a renovated Kund, which ignores ecological principles. And the ecological degradation resulting from renovation is visible. P02 and P15 demonstrated it by saying: “Kunds that don't have trees along their banks and because of concretisation of ghats—the water there isn't water, it's poison”. (Supplementary Table 3, Concretisation Impact) This technological displacement of natural systems is demonstrated in Fig. 9 . Historical infrastructure development created fundamental disruptions to hydrological systems (P12): “When the British laid the Mathura railway line, they pierced through these catchment lands. They disturbed the slope systems. And then urbanisation completely ruined the channels that used to fill the Kunds.” (Supplementary Table 3, Historical Infrastructure) Theme 15. Institutional Barriers Systematic problems with governance institutions prevent effective water management while creating corruption opportunities. P04 disappointingly outlined how restoration projects divert resources from functional improvements. Large-scale government programs produce visible spending without measurable results. They said: “Even in the name of purification of the Yamuna and Kunds, crores of rupees have already been spent. But can anyone show me if there has been any result except: 'Dhaak ke teen paat.' " (Supplementary Table 3, Resource Misallocation). Land record manipulation enables systematic theft of water body land. P12 pointed out: “By the criminal connivance of the patwaris (land record registrar) of the revenue record department and the encroachers, several Kunds have been converted to urban land”. (Supplementary Table 3, Land Record Manipulation) Theme 16. Cosmetic vs Functional Restoration Restoration approaches prioritise visual appeal over ecological functionality, creating water bodies that appear renovated while losing their essential environmental and social functions. An assistant engineer acknowledged: "Currently, we mostly do Kund restoration, and even within restoration, it's primarily beautification work" (Supplementary Table 3, Beautification Focus). This beautification work often lacks durability. During our conversation with P22 on site, he showed: “Now, these chhatris, what it is, is that they're hollow from inside. Kids come and climb up on them, so they end up breaking. These are made only for show”. (Supplementary Table 3, Poor Construction) Renovation approaches that prioritise construction over conservation destroy existing ecological value. As P16 suggest- “Driven by a hunger for new construction, cut down the precious, mature trees so they can earn hefty commissions from the vendors”. (Supplementary Table 3, Ecological Destruction) Theme 17. Exclusion of Local Knowledge Community members are either completely excluded from renovation decision-making or formal participation is limited to symbolic consultation. P02 described how agencies view Kunds: "They just look at the Kunds as religious places... But if you go and look, there is not even water in the Kunds" (Supplementary Table C4, Reductive Understanding). (Supplementary Table 3, Religious Reductionism) Restoration agencies, including NGOs, prioritise external expertise over local knowledge. P15 said: “Even NGOs don't speak to villagers. They value outsiders more”. (Supplementary Table 3, External Expertise Priority) On inquiring about whether there is any participation in design or implementation decisions, P24 replied: “Perhaps they did get some signatures from us... but they didn't really ask us how they were planning the design”. (Supplementary Table 3, Tokenistic Participation) Theme 18. Systemic Development Critique Communities articulate sophisticated critiques revealing an understanding of how modern methods fundamentally change social-ecological relationships while creating new forms of vulnerability. P02 observed: “We are fixing the early date of destruction through hyper-rapid development. The ultimate end of development is destruction”. (Supplementary Table 3, Development as Destruction) After renovations, some water bodies maintain restrictions on use, which conflict with traditional multiple-use patterns. As P19 suggested: “Kund water cannot be used for bathing or for cattle purposes because a watchman stays there. There is a prohibition on doing anything like that”. (Supplementary Table 3, Access Restrictions) Community members advocate for the integration of traditional and modern approaches. As P18 suggested: “We must preserve nature and tradition. Artificial systems bring illness, environmental damage, and spiritual decay. Even science, if it moves beyond its bounds, will harm nature”. (Supplementary Table 3, Integration Advocacy) Theme 19. Hydrological Disruption and Ecological Crisis Development interventions have created cascading ecological disruptions that extend far beyond individual water bodies to affect regional hydrological systems and ecosystem health. Deforestation associated with development has further escalated the elimination of ecological support systems. As P14 suggested: “That too is bad. Haven't you seen—where are the trees left? The trees that used to be there—pipal, banyan—they all used to be there”. (Supplementary Table 3, Deforestation Impact) Villages experience environmental degradation as suffering. During the discussion on new infrastructural developments in their area, P25 expressed it as: “Narak bhog raha hai gaon” (The village is experiencing hell). (Supplementary Table 3, Environmental Suffering) Animal suffering demonstrates an ecosystem-wide water crisis. As they further added: “The cows are dying of thirst. Humans are dying of thirst. The herons are dying of thirst. The birds are dying of thirst... All paths have been blocked to the Kunds and ponds” (Supplementary Table 3, Ecosystem-wide Crisis) Development approaches are criticised as imitative rather than contextual. As P40 noted: “We are merely copying foreign countries”. (Supplementary Table 3, Imitative Development) Theme 20. Powerlessness Development interventions operate through state power that marginalises community agency while creating new forms of vulnerability and displacement. On asking about what they think should happen. P26 replied: “What happens from anyone wanting or not wanting something? Now, whatever the government decides, that is what will happen”. (Supplementary Table 3, Authoritarian Governance) This statement reveals how development operates through authoritarian rather than participatory governance. Further, when we asked why they don’t convey their disagreements to the authorities. They said: “If you (public) don't want it, then go to hell. If you (interviewer) want to go and tell them... “Pettai Ho jaegi” (You will get beaten up) . (Supplementary Table 3, Fear of Retaliation) Additionally, the debt-driven displacement creates marginal settlements around water bodies. As P41 demonstrated: “The entire settlement built around the Jai Kund consists of people who gave their lands to the landlords due to debt. And the landlords told them about this place here for free, saying, ‘No one will trouble you here’”. (Supplementary Table 3, Debt-driven Displacement) Theme 21. Community Agency and Resistance Despite systematic marginalisation, communities demonstrate persistent agency and demand for restoration approaches that recognise their knowledge and needs. P12, who is a project director in an NGO, told us that the demand for restoration exceeds their institutional capacity. According to them: “Today, we have a waitlist of hundreds of villages wanting us to restore their Kunds”. (Supplementary Table 3, Restoration Demand) They said that people have started stopping them even while travelling on the roads. And requesting with a lot of helplessness and hope in the local dialect: "Bauji hamao Kund aur banwa deo." ("Sir, please renovate our Kund too.") (Supplementary Table 3, Direct Appeals) Frustration with government officials who lack experiential understanding of local conditions produces appeals for direct engagement. P41 described an incident where he questioned a bureaucrat: “What to do? I myself have told the officials. I said to them: 'Sir, you people are educated officers who have come here after studying... All we are requesting is that you come once to Jait. Go there and do aachman (ritual sip) from that Kund. In response, he just smiled and left. (Supplementary Table 3, Direct Demand) 6. Discussion Findings from thematic analysis show how the community maintains its relationships with Kunds even after their physical characteristics are changed. This persistence is similar to what Ingold (Ingold 2022 ) conceptualises as the idea of “Taskscapes," where memory becomes embedded in the landscape through human activities. Despite the water in renovated Kunds becoming brackish, community members continue performing achaman and ritual bathing. It suggests that sacred geography operates through embedded practices rather than purely physical conditions. These findings are also related to Berks' (Berkes 2018 ) idea of “knowledge-practice-belief complexes in how these interconnected systems adapt to the degradation while maintaining cultural continuity. During the interaction with stakeholders, participants' emotions indicate that sacred geographies possess remarkable resilience even when the ecological foundations are compromised. From P41, they express the pain they feel from witnessing pilgrims drinking contaminated water, to P18's imagination of the landscape as Radha and Krishna themselves. However, resilience comes at a cost. Continuing ritual practice using the degraded water resources creates what can be understood as ritual pollution. Where devotional obligation conflicts with the environment's health concerns. This contradiction reveals the fundamental flaw in the development approach that preserves symbolic meanings while destroying functional components. As Escobar (Escobar 2018 )argues, such interventions reflect an "ontology of separation" that fragments the relational systems through which communities understand their environments. Community memories of TWM are more than nostalgic recollections. They constitute what Scott (Scott 2008 ) terms "metis", which is the practical wisdom that challenges the assumptions underlying contemporary interventions. Community narrative embodies the understanding of natural water purification and the sophisticated management of the cascading system of Kunds. Revealing the approach to water security that prioritises adaptive management over technical efficiency. The contrast between the communities' traditional and contemporary water management narratives illuminates what Aswani (Aswani et al. 2018 ) identifies as a systematic loss of local knowledge driven by modern development. However, the study reveals that such knowledge exists in community memory as a form of resistance to dominant development narratives. As P15 describes, we can only have clean and pure water in Kunds if it has “sunlight, soil contact, and movement”, or when communities recall the biodiversity supported by traditional systems on the banks of water bodies, they preserve alternative frameworks to understand human-nature relationships. These are not individual recollections, but a collective narrative of practices maintained across generations. This is what Connerton (Connerton 1989 ) describes as social memory. The taxonomic classifications related to the size and shape of the water bodies are preserved in the local language ( Kund-sarovar-jheel ), and the detailed recollection of social organisation around water access demonstrates how TEK remains embedded in cultural practices, even when its physical features have been transformed. Significantly, these memories also function as implicit critiques of contemporary water governance. When communities contrast the "sweetness" of traditional water with the "poison" of renovated systems, they articulate alternative criteria for evaluating development success that prioritise ecological functionality over visual aesthetics or administrative convenience. Scott (Scott 2008 ) identifies high modernistic planning as an imposition of standardised, technical rational solution that renders complex local systems illegible. The study's findings revealed the systematic exclusion of community knowledge from renovation processes through multiple mechanisms. Starting with the bureaucratic procedures that reduce community participation to signature collection at the beginning of any renovation intervention, technical briefs that prioritise engineering solutions over cultural and ecological understanding, and standardisation requirements driven by the national mandates that transform diverse local systems into uniform "Amrit Sarovars." This analysis extends Scott's framework by showing how modernist planning intersects with the commodification of sacred heritage. Findings suggest the focus of renovation interventions is on beautification instead of functional restoration. As a result, decorative elements like hollow chatteris are installed, and access to water is restricted, either by erecting a wall or a chain fence. This not only limits the access of the local communities, but also the cattle that are traditionally dependent on these water bodies for water requirements. The colonial genealogy of these approaches, traced through the literature, provides crucial historical context to understand these contemporary interventions. The British colonial administration's view of local water systems as "inefficient and unhygienic" (Sarma and Aggarwal 2023 ) persists in current technocratic approaches that prioritise standardisation over socio-ecological adaptation. Despite rhetorical recognition of TK for contextual and sustainable development, post-independence policies have continued this trajectory and neglected the local knowledge and sensitivities in flagship programs like MGNREGA and MAS and imposed uniform specifications across diverse ecological and cultural contexts. The findings suggest that this standardisation can be called “bureaucratic legibility” as the state simplifies the complex local system through administrative categorisation. It is done by transforming water bodies into standardised units with mandatory plantation drives, uniform signage, and concrete ghats clad with red sandstone to create an illusion of traditional construction. It is a prime example of how development interventions sacrifice cultural and ecological specificity for administrative convenience. Paradoxically, interventions designed to enhance water security have created new forms of vulnerability for communities. In places where the groundwater is saline, it has been observed that the Kunds are relatively shallow. It allows the stored rainwater to not mix with the saline underground water. However, since the water in the renovated Kunds is now getting filled by the extracted water using borewells installed at most of them, it transforms a sweet water source into brackish and unfit for consumption. This quick technological fix reflects what can be understood as "solution aversion"—the rejection of traditional approaches in favour of engineering interventions that often exacerbate underlying problems. The findings suggest communities become dependent on external water sources - municipal supply, tankers, bottled water - while losing TWM knowledge. This process represents what Mathur (Mathur 2006 ) identifies as the creation of "development refugees". Here, refugees mean people displaced physically and in their relationship with their native environments. The hydrological disruptions documented in this study demonstrated how modernisation creates systemic environmental degradation that extends beyond the individual water bodies. In one instance, the ground level was raised to accommodate the construction of the railway track piercing through the catchment areas of Kunds. These cumulative impacts suggest that the crisis of TWS cannot be addressed through site-specific interventions but requires recognition of broader development patterns that prioritise infrastructure expansion over socio-ecological integrity. The emotional and spiritual dimensions of these vulnerabilities deserve particular attention. The discontent and grief expressed by community members are proof of that. P25 describes the village's experience and difficulties due to the new infrastructure projects as “Hell” or P18's tearful attachment to threatened landscapes as a threat to divine itself. It reveals forms of suffering that conventional development metrics fail to capture. This emotional dimension suggests that environmental degradation involves not only material losses but also what can be understood as “Sacroscape Trauma”, the disruption of meaning-making systems through which communities understand their place in the world. Governance institutions ostensibly promote community participation while maintaining a top-down decision-making approach. The development board, despite its comprehensive mandate and formal inclusion of various stakeholders, operates through processes that exclude meaningful community participation. This pattern reflects what Mosse (Mosse 2003 ) identifies as the persistence of centralised technocratic approaches that marginalise community-based water management systems. During the interaction, the community members point toward the corporation and irregularities at different scales and levels of renovation projects, from land record manipulation to the systematic exclusion of local organisations in favour of politically connected agencies. In this paper, we cannot conclusively say whether government officials and agencies receive commissions from the vendors and civil work contractors, but stakeholders have pointed this out in several instances. It further strengthens the disconnect and distrust between the administration and the public. This finding supports Cullet's (Cullet 2009 ) analysis of how water policies fail to achieve their stated objectives of promoting participatory management. However, the study also reveals persistent community agency despite systematic marginalisation. The demand for restoration documented by P10 (see Theme 21) suggests that communities maintain strong investment in TWS despite institutional failures. The appeals to officials to "come once to Jait village and do aachman from that Kund" represent sophisticated forms of resistance that challenge bureaucratic distance through embodied experience. The temporal dimensions of TK operate on scales far beyond modern planning horizons, incorporating understanding of long-term climate patterns, seasonal variations, and intergenerational sustainability. P03 anticipated that "20–30 years from now, when the water shortage becomes extreme, people will regret" the current forms of development and encroachments. This forecast demonstrates how communities see contemporary interventions. This temporal perspective enables them to recognise the unsustainability of current approaches even when official narratives celebrate renovation successes. The breakdown of TK transmission represents a critical dimension of the crisis documented in this study. As P29 noted, "Now no one builds like that anymore," referring to traditional construction techniques, or when communities pointed out the shift from collective labour to government employment schemes. They identified disruptions in the social processes through which environmental and cultural resources were maintained. The findings of this study challenge fundamental assumptions underlying contemporary approaches to sustainable development, particularly those embodied in frameworks like the SDGs. While goal 6 emphasises ensuring "availability and sustainable management of water and sanitation for all," the standardised metrics and technical approaches promoted by such frameworks often fail to capture the nuanced ways communities understand and value their water resources. The study reveals how development interventions can achieve statistical success, as happened in the case of Mission Amrit Sarovar. Data portals present the numbers of water bodies renovated, cubic meters of storage created, user groups formed, etc., while fundamentally undermining the ecological and social systems that sustained traditional water security. This pattern suggests that a standardised and metrics-based idea of sustainable development requires not only different conceptual frameworks that prioritise ecological functionality and community agency over administrative legibility and technical efficiency. The persistence of sacred relationships with degraded water bodies documented in this study indicates that sustainability must encompass cultural and emotional dimensions alongside ecological and economic considerations. The continued performance of ritual despite environmental degradation reveals forms of value that cannot be captured through conventional development indicators but remain crucial for community wellbeing. Several principles for alternative approaches to water system restoration emerged that could aid in addressing the failures documented in contemporary interventions. First, genuine participatory approaches must move beyond consultation to collaborative design processes integrating community knowledge with technical expertise. The detailed ecological understanding preserved in community memory provides valuable resources for developing restoration approaches. That can go beyond visual appeal to ecological functionality alongside cultural significance. Second, restoration programs must recognise the interconnected nature of TWS rather than treating individual water bodies as isolated units. The cascade systems and watershed relationships described by community members suggest that effective restoration requires region-scale approaches that address catchment protection, groundwater recharge, and hydrological connectivity. Third, institutions must be developed that can accommodate the adaptive management approaches of TEK. Rather than imposing standardised solutions, restoration programs should enable communities to experiment with hybrid approaches that combine traditional techniques with appropriate modern technologies. Finally, the temporal dimensions of TK suggest that restoration programs must operate on longer time horizons that allow for ecosystem recovery and knowledge reconstruction. The immediate visible results prioritised by current programs often undermine the long-term socio-ecological processes that sustain TWS. 7. Conclusion This study reveals a troubling reality of states’ development interventions designed to preserve and enhance TWS often destroy the very qualities they were envisioned to protect. The story of the elderly man in Govardhan, who watched his Kunds’ sweet water turn brackish after renovation, represents a widespread pattern across the Braj region. While officials celebrate these projects as successful heritage conservation, communities experience them as environmental and cultural loss. The research shows how communities remember when Kunds provided clean water through natural processes. Rainwater used to get collected in Kunds; its touch with the soil and movement kept water pure. These systems worked because they were designed by people who understood local conditions. Each Kund still has different sections for different uses- separate areas for drinking, washing, bathing and cattle. Despite technological advances and changing practices, large community sections remain partially or wholly dependent on these water bodies for their water requirements. These TWB aren't just about water—they are about community life, religious practice, livelihood, and caring for the environment together. With climate change and constant risks of natural calamities, particularly considering Braj's history of severe droughts and floods, it has become more important than ever to talk about the nature of transformation happening to the Kunds. During this study, we found a contradiction between official narratives of Kund renovation success and communities' lived experiences of environmental and cultural degradation during this transformation. Today, Brajwasis face an impossible choice between the unconsumable, poisoned water of the renovated and depleting Kund and the reverent use of it for religious ceremonies because of deep spiritual connections to these places. They watch animals refuse to drink from water bodies that once supported rich wildlife. They see their children growing up without understanding how TWS works. The government's treatment of Kunds reveals broader tensions between high modernist planning approaches and the complex socio-ecological systems of water management. Even after being systematically marginalised in development processes, community knowledge and agency suggest possibilities for alternative development approaches that prioritise ecological functionality and cultural continuity over administrative convenience and technical standardisation. However, these require fundamental changes in institutional processes, planning methodologies, and conceptual approaches to understanding human-environment relationships. The sacred geographies of Braj, maintained through community memory and embodied practice despite severe alteration in physical characteristics and imaginations, demonstrate both the resilience of TK and the costs of development approaches that separate cultural significance from ecological functionality. As water scarcity intensifies and climate change disrupts existing systems, the alternative approaches preserved in community memory may become increasingly valuable for developing sustainable responses. Declarations Data Availability The datasets generated during the study are not publicly available due to privacy and confidentiality commitments made to participants during data collection. Data are however available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request. Ethical Approval This research was conducted as part of a larger approved research project titled "Exploring the Significance of Traditional Knowledge in Localisation of UN SDGs: A Case of Traditional Water System of Braj" for which ethical approval was obtained. All research was performed in accordance with relevant guidelines and regulations applicable to human participants, including the Declaration of Helsinki. This study received ethical clearance from the Institutional Ethics Committee (IEC) of the host institution. Approving Committee: Institutional Ethics Committee (IEC), (institute name Redacted) Approval ID: [REDACTED]/IEC/2024/01/10 (Protocol Version 1.0) Date of Approval: 22 January 2024 Valid Until: 22 January 2025 Fieldwork comprised two distinct phases: preliminary reconnaissance (2022–2023) involving site visits, architectural documentation, and observations that did not require prior ethical approval; and interview data collection with human participants (2024) conducted after receiving ethical approval. All interviews were conducted during two phases: March 26 - April 15, 2024, and November 28 - December 5, 2024, following the receipt of ethical clearance. Informed Consent Oral informed consent was obtained from all 41 interview participants. The Institutional Ethics Committee explicitly reviewed and approved the use of oral consent, including the script and documentation procedures, in Protocol Version 1.0. Oral consent was chosen for cultural and practical reasons: many local residents, priests, and farmers were unfamiliar with or wary of signing documents associated with legal or government processes, so a verbal process was more acceptable and not intimidating. To maintain ethical rigour, a bonafide letter from the institute, printed in English and Hindi, was handed to participants and read aloud (Braj Bhasha or Hindi, as appropriate) in full before seeking consent. The letter outlined the study aims, voluntary nature of involvement, confidentiality assurances, and participants' right to withdraw from the study. Consent was secured before any recording began, during the two field phases (26 March–15 April 2024 and 28 November–5 December 2024), so consent statements do not appear on the audio files. The consent process was documented through contemporaneous field notes recording date, time, location, and participant code. Where audio recording was declined, interviews proceeded with detailed note taking. Consent was obtained from all 41 adult participants across five categories: local residents (21), government officials (7), NGO and think tank representatives (6), religious figures (4), and elected representatives (3). All participants were informed of the academic purpose of the research on traditional water systems in Braj, the intended use of data in publications, confidentiality and anonymisation through coded identifiers, the right to withdraw at any time without consequence, and the option to participate without being recorded. The same core elements were followed across all semi structured interviews, and participation began only after explicit verbal agreement. Consent for Publication All photographs included in this manuscript were taken in public spaces during fieldwork. Where individuals appear in images, they have been anonymised through positioning and digital modification to prevent identification. No individual consent for publication was required as all images were captured in public spaces, and anonymisation measures were applied to protect privacy. The research team ensured that no identifiable features remain visible in any published images. Acknowledgements. This work is carried out under a research project funded by [FUNDING AGENCY REDACTED] under [PROGRAMME NAME REDACTED] ongoing since [DATE REDACTED]. References Agarwal A, Narain S (1997) Dying wisdom: the decline and revival of traditional water harvesting systems in India. Ecologist 27:112–116 Agarwal A, Narain S (1999) Making Water Management Everybody’s Business: Water Harvesting and Rural Development in India Asad R, Vaughan J, Ahmed I (2023) Integrated Traditional Water Knowledge in Urban Design and Planning Practices for Sustainable Development: Challenges and Opportunities. 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10:45:33","extension":"xml","order_by":23,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"acdc-reference","size":190017,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"5f625657fffc444fa62779cf8e6f178a1structuring.xml","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7255433/v1/4ab067b95198b21d93b69949.xml"},{"id":94753804,"identity":"aff5edc7-9e70-4cd0-a273-6c4581b30926","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-10-30 10:45:33","extension":"html","order_by":24,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"acdc-reference","size":205673,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"earlyproof.html","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7255433/v1/549b9d65139844add767e17c.html"},{"id":94753772,"identity":"969cd9b6-da2d-4fbb-9b10-80ba0f0f12b2","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-10-30 10:45:32","extension":"png","order_by":1,"title":"Figure 1","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":175306,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eLocation of the Braj region at the junction of Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Haryana. The map highlights the core area encompassed by the 84 kos (252 km) Parikrama path (dashed red line), including major pilgrimage centres such as Mathura, Vrindavan, Govardhan, Barsana, Nandgaon, Kaman, Deeg, Baldeo, Hathras, and Agra. The concept of Braj as a mandala (sacred circle) has been incorporated.\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"floatimage1.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7255433/v1/8d553af5ead4690ac5918af6.png"},{"id":94824186,"identity":"d5a30f55-01b2-4f64-836e-4b442c8c0b57","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-10-31 06:48:37","extension":"png","order_by":2,"title":"Figure 2","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":72767,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eKusum Sarovar, Govardhan (left) and Krishna Kund, Poonchri (right)\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"floatimage2.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7255433/v1/705ded297cf250617b7d860a.png"},{"id":94823332,"identity":"fd94d37d-6537-475c-879e-89bb5ba15b72","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-10-31 06:47:05","extension":"png","order_by":3,"title":"Figure 3","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":628828,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eMontage showing ritual activities at different Kunds - \u003cem\u003eachaman\u003c/em\u003e, festival bathing, and daily worship practices\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"floatimage3.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7255433/v1/9efeb9f2ece284f79e4032ee.png"},{"id":94753777,"identity":"865b287f-9d70-4142-bf9a-fd06cd1fbab2","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-10-30 10:45:32","extension":"png","order_by":4,"title":"Figure 4","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":213260,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eGovind Kund in Govardhan showing its key components. The main Kund (A) is surrounded on all four sides by bathing and ritual ghats (C) and includes the Gau Ghat (B) designated for cattle. A nearby well (D) and a culvert (E) connect to the Pokhara (F), which serves as an ancillary water body. The highlighted catchment area indicates the natural drainage feeding into the Kund, with Govardhan Hill visible on the left side, and the Parikrama Marg marking the traditional circumambulatory route around the hill.\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"floatimage4.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7255433/v1/9007b5d7b38161574189233a.png"},{"id":94753781,"identity":"9f4b0577-fa81-4c1d-a10f-7d906fef5094","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-10-30 10:45:32","extension":"png","order_by":5,"title":"Figure 5","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":233150,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eKey structural components of the Govind Kund system in Govardhan. (1) Ghats surrounding the main Kund, (2) culvert opening discharging into the Kund, (3) culvert outlet on the side of the Pokhara, and (4) the Pokhara acting as an ancillary water body.\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"floatimage5.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7255433/v1/ff99f047da68fc5f8f50b74c.png"},{"id":94753782,"identity":"90abdb93-0d00-47e4-a4c2-ce9ff05d6818","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-10-30 10:45:32","extension":"png","order_by":6,"title":"Figure 6","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":264753,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eStructural elements of Govind Kund in Govardhan. (1a–b) Gau Ghat is shown from different angles: (2a–b) wells located within the Kund complex, and (3a–b) Jannan (women’s) Ghat provides dedicated access for women.\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"floatimage6.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7255433/v1/2e5a4854fd6f90d0cd937bfc.png"},{"id":94753778,"identity":"5ee5203d-d42f-4516-8b9d-5c2e225a3e0a","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-10-30 10:45:32","extension":"png","order_by":7,"title":"Figure 7","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":87379,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eAchman\u003c/em\u003e being performed in a polluted Kund, highlighting the coexistence of spiritual traditions with deteriorating water quality.\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"floatimage7.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7255433/v1/f55390ebc94784d0b2e3c3ab.png"},{"id":94823342,"identity":"1dc52fbf-496f-4d66-a036-e068d09ac72d","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-10-31 06:47:09","extension":"png","order_by":8,"title":"Figure 8","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":153521,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eChandra Kund in Chhata showing changes between 2011 (left) and 2025 (right). The recent renovation has resulted in a reduced water body area and increased built-up surfaces within the catchment, indicating both physical shrinkage of the Kund and encroachment around its periphery.\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"floatimage8.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7255433/v1/750005427a94ec96696a80d2.png"},{"id":94823897,"identity":"450c2a63-9db7-418a-9820-6f825d5791df","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-10-31 06:48:15","extension":"png","order_by":9,"title":"Figure 9","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":238071,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eBorewell-fed underground water being discharged into the Kund\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"floatimage9.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7255433/v1/f89e3f1783fe6a77925cdc78.png"},{"id":94827280,"identity":"00e96ec2-6bbd-4d1f-88ac-9b9d36ed7b50","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-10-31 06:56:43","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":3468297,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7255433/v1/7246b9d7-e8c7-43de-b065-0e33a93c7a77.pdf"},{"id":94753771,"identity":"ff7d2390-d4f6-4775-a2f1-84a6b685f82a","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-10-30 10:45:32","extension":"docx","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"supplement","size":16596,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"Annexure1SemiStructuredInterviewQuestionsbyRepresentativeCategories.docx","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7255433/v1/dfe5b01c8d47b506aabc4d00.docx"},{"id":94753775,"identity":"fcae249b-576b-4d30-9c1e-333dc1d324a0","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-10-30 10:45:32","extension":"docx","order_by":1,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"supplement","size":46477,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"Annexure2ThematicAnalysis.docx","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7255433/v1/d8fd9018e11e8e79620017fe.docx"}],"financialInterests":"No competing interests reported.","formattedTitle":"Sacred Waters, Broken Systems: Community Experiences of Traditional Water Body Renovations in Braj, India","fulltext":[{"header":"1. Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003eDuring field visits, we met an elderly person at the traditional water body (Kund) situated at the fringes of Govardhan, India. On inquiring about the renovation that happened about a year ago, he runs his fingers through the water, then tastes it with a grimace.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"Before the local government body renovated the Kund in 2019-21, this water was sweet,\" he recalls, gesturing toward the now-concrete-lined Kund. We used it for achaman (religious intake of water), for bathing, and washing. No soap was allowed\u0026mdash;the water stayed clean naturally.\" Originally, it was an unpaved (kaccha) Kund with a single ghat that had been created by simple digging, allowing it to collect and hold rainwater from its previously existing large catchment area, which sustained both daily needs and religious practices for generations. Today, that same water has become brackish and undrinkable. The government's renovation included digging deep into the Kund to reach its aquifers, which are naturally saline. So now, whatever rainwater or otherwise water goes into the Kund is becoming brackish and unhealthy for any type of consumption. On top of that, the government has installed a borewell that reaches 200\u0026ndash;250 feet deep to fill the Kund using underground water, as \"there is no water at shallower depths\" anymore, and not much rainwater from the surrounding area is able to go into the Kund.\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eBut due to people's love towards Shree Krishna and its religious significance, they still come to snan (religious bath) during Saadhe Sati (In Vedic astrology, a 7.5 year period when Saturn transits through the zodiac signs) for spiritual relief or during the Saawan (monsoon) fair and are forced to drink the same water.\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe water that once embodied purity and reverence has become a compromise, religiously significant but physically degraded. Meanwhile, the official project accounts and social media handles (Braj Teerth Vikas Parishad) and websites (MVDA) celebrate the Kunds renovation as a successful heritage conservation initiative. The elder's daily reality confirms this contradiction between renovation success and lived reality, revealing a fundamental paradox in contemporary water governance, especially at the local government level. We came across more than a dozen similar situations in the Braj region. This paper will highlight how development projects are designed to enhance and preserve water resources. Instead, it ends up creating new forms of water insecurity and destroying the very qualities that made those resources valuable to communities in the first place.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe popular narrative that development is synonymous with modernisation, urbanisation, technological advancement, and economic growth has long shaped global policies and interventions (Matthews \u003cspan citationid=\"CR35\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e; Khan et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR30\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e; Borie et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). On the other hand, local ecological relationships and Traditional Knowledge Systems (TKS) have sustained communities for generations (G\u0026oacute;mez-Baggethun et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR21\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e). Aswani (Aswani et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e)reports that 77% of papers confirm the loss of local knowledge driven by globalisation, modernisation, and market integration. Nations worldwide, including India, align their development agendas with international frameworks like the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). These agendas emphasised the need to balance the essential role of local cultures with economic, social, and environmental issues for sustainable development,\" but consensus has been short-lived, as the conceptual configuration went through numerous reformulations\" (Kangas et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR29\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). Even if we look at the SDG framework, which has its 17 goals, 169 targets, and 234 indicators, it frequently struggles to capture the nuanced ways communities understand and value their environments (Stoddart et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR74\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). According to (Esteva and Escobar \u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e), global goals often prioritise externally prescribed \u0026lsquo;needs\u0026rsquo; over locally defined capacities and ways of living, risking dependency and control rather than fostering autonomy. (Ministry of Finance \u003cspan citationid=\"CR36\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). While the aim is to not criticise SDGs, but to point out the disjuncture between implementation and the lived experiences of the people who interact with that landscape every day. Current literature and field research in Braj conveys the significant influence of such development narratives, diluting locality, especially in the Indian context.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eTraditional Water Bodies (TWB) reveal tensions between development frameworks and local realities, serving as both ecological resource and cultural anchor, embodying both practical knowledge and spiritual meaning (Borthakur and Singh \u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020a\u003c/span\u003e). Throughout history, communities have developed sophisticated methods for managing water resources rooted into cultural practices while simultaneously addressing practical needs (Hein \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). Yet today, such systems increasingly face pressures from rapid urbanisation, climate change, and technocratic planning that prioritise technical efficiency over cultural continuity (Savini and Raco \u003cspan citationid=\"CR57\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). The fate of these water bodies raises critical questions about what constitutes sustainable development and whose knowledge counts in making such determinations.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eScott (Scott \u003cspan citationid=\"CR59\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e) argues that top-down development approaches standardise the complex, context-specific knowledge communities possess, frequently rendering what he terms \"metis\" or local practical knowledge invisible. This erasure not only undermines potentially valuable traditional practices but also diminishes the agency of communities in defining their own development pathways. Community memories of Traditional Water Management (TWM), particularly the collective management of TWB in Braj, preserve knowledge about alternative approaches to water security. These memories divulge the achievement of water security through social systems and the prioritisation of adaptive management. Collective responsibility and flexible access during stress, rather than solely focusing on technical efficiency. (Sharma and Ji \u003cspan citationid=\"CR63\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e), (Saha et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR55\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e). The elderly man's understanding of natural water purification processes concurs with embodied knowledge, which is equivalent to \u0026ldquo;metis\u0026rdquo; that formal planning often renders invisible. Development projects' approach leans more towards bureaucratic frameworks and prioritises efficiency, standardisation, and formal management structures. Although they achieve specific infrastructure goals, they frequently disrupt the social processes that enabled adaptive management and community resilience (Ostrom \u003cspan citationid=\"CR50\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eBased on the argument, we will exemplify the Kund renovations as how the state sees \"degraded water infrastructure\", which requires a technical solution, while overlooking the complex socio-ecological arrangements (Strang \u003cspan citationid=\"CR75\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e) that sustained these systems.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDrawing on empirical fieldwork and stakeholders' interactions across the Braj region, this paper examines (1) How communities remember and value traditional water management systems? (2) How do communities navigate the tensions between the religious significance of transformed water bodies and their practical degradation? and (3) What do these experiences reveal about the unintended consequences of development interventions in culturally significant water systems?\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e Through detailed qualitative analysis, this research contributes to understanding how high modernist development projects encounter and transform complex local systems. Rather than evaluating the success or failure of particular interventions, this research documents the lived realities of communities whose water worlds have been fundamentally altered by state-led modernisation efforts. This reveals the gap between development aspirations and everyday experiences of environmental change.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"2. Literature review","content":"\u003cdiv id=\"Sec3\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e2.1. Traditional Knowledge System and Water Management\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eTKS, also referred to as Indigenous Knowledge (IK) or Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK), encompasses the understandings, skills, and philosophies developed by societies with long histories of interaction with their natural surroundings (Gadgil et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR20\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1993\u003c/span\u003e). Often used interchangeably, key characteristics of TKS include local and context-specific development through intergenerational transmission. Such developments are holistically integrated in their understanding of ecological structures, practical, empirical, and frequently under collective ownership (Borthakur and Singh \u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020b\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eFor centuries, such Traditional Knowledge (TK) has significantly contributed to sustainable water management practices, especially within indigenous and local communities in the Indian subcontinent. (Agarwal and Narain \u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1999\u003c/span\u003e). The importance of TWM in rural India is considered pragmatic, rational, and functional even during contemporary times (Singh \u003cspan citationid=\"CR65\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2004\u003c/span\u003e). TK manifests as an understanding of seasonal patterns, aquifers, the natural flow of water, and local geography. (Murthy et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR42\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). Unlike codified scientific knowledge, it is interwoven with stories, songs, cultural values, beliefs, rituals, community laws, local language, and agricultural practices (Agarwal and Narain \u003cspan citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1997\u003c/span\u003e). Across the Indian subcontinent, Traditional Water Systems (TWS) demonstrate this in various forms. Traditional stepwells, called \u003cem\u003evav\u003c/em\u003e or \u003cem\u003evavadi\u003c/em\u003e in the state of Gujarat, or \u003cem\u003ebaolis\u003c/em\u003e or \u003cem\u003ebavadis\u003c/em\u003e in Rajasthan and northern India, were built by the nobility, usually for strategic and/or philanthropic reasons, as secular structures from which everyone could draw water (Sriparvathy and Salahsha \u003cspan citationid=\"CR73\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). In Rajasthan's arid regions, \u003cem\u003eJohads\u003c/em\u003e are often surrounded by embankments, with water wells and trees around them. They have stored rainfall during July and August for use throughout the year, as annual rainfall is considerably lower (between 450 and 600 mm) than in other regions of India (Hussain et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR25\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014a\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn Braj, TWB hold religious significance and are integral to cultural practices, contributing to sustainable water resources management (Sharma and Ji \u003cspan citationid=\"CR63\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). These water systems served as \"cultural anchors\" that integrated practical water needs with spiritual practices, community governance, and ecological stewardship (Saha et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR55\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e). The TWB were not simply excavated pits but carefully designed archetypes incorporating natural water purification processes, seasonal flooding patterns, and community access. These reflected both water engineering and community organisation (Sinha \u003cspan citationid=\"CR69\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe ecological foundations that supported these traditional systems are experiencing an unprecedented threat to their existence. External pressures from Industrial pollution, urban sprawl, and intensive agriculture have contaminated groundwater aquifers that once sustained such water harvesting structures (Bhaduri and Singh \u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e). Multiple studies (Hussain et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014b\u003c/span\u003e; Selvaraj et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR60\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Vena and Ram 2024) have evidenced that traditional structures like \u003cem\u003ekhadeen\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003ejohads\u003c/em\u003e, and open wells are contaminated. Further, due to illegal sand mining and gravel extraction, primary rivers are drying up. The impacted river system of Yamuna in Braj exemplifies this crisis, which includes numerous TWB in the region (Sharma et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR64\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe fact that TK is adapted to ecosystems suggests an inherent sustainability, as practices are more likely to be in harmony with the carrying capacity of the local environment (Kosoe et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). However, we can\u0026rsquo;t negate the fact that their effectiveness was contingent on specific demographic, climatic, and social conditions that may no longer exist. According to Singh (Singh and Shreya \u003cspan citationid=\"CR66\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e) TK characteristically emphasises local solutions and self-reliance, challenging dependence on external technologies with the potential to damage the environment. Yet the sustainability often attributed to TK requires critical examination. The challenge lies not in preserving TKS as museum pieces but in understanding why their adaptive capacity has been compromised and how their underlying principles might inform contemporary water governance.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAnother insight on TK is that it is not static but evolves through adaptive learning processes in specific places over time (Schuh \u003cspan citationid=\"CR58\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2005\u003c/span\u003e). As this is embedded in cultural and spiritual values, which implore respect for nature and ecological systems. It offers alternative ways of engaging with the environment and can be seen as a form of resistance to this unsustainable model (Goyal Tater et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e; Asad et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR3\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn the case of TWS, the embedded TK here is what Scott (Scott \u003cspan citationid=\"CR59\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e) termed as \"metis\". It is practical wisdom acquired through lived experience. In the opening vignette, as mentioned earlier, the elderly man's knowledge of seasonal patterns and the relationship between construction methods and water quality represents precisely this embodied knowledge. Which the modern restoration planning often renders invisible. Metis in water management encompasses an understanding of microclimates, soil conditions, aquifer behaviour, and the subtle water quality indicators that cannot be easily codified or standardised.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec4\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e2.2. The Colonial Rupture and Its Enduring Legacy\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe decline of TWS has been extensively documented as a consequence of colonial interventions, post-independence modernisation policies, and contemporary development pressures (Agarwal and Narain \u003cspan citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1997\u003c/span\u003e; Bhaduri and Singh \u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e; Bhattacharya \u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e; Sarma and Aggarwal \u003cspan citationid=\"CR56\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). Shah (Shah \u003cspan citationid=\"CR62\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e) traces the views of British colonisers of the local water systems of India as an inefficient and unhygienic system. To counter the TWS, they suggested a centralised, technically oriented water supply system. The colonial administration's approach to water management embodied what James Scott (Scott \u003cspan citationid=\"CR59\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e) calls \"high modernist\" planning. Such imposed standardisation translated itself into technically rational solutions which rendered complex local systems illegible in the coming years post-independence (onwards 1947).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDuring the 1950s, concrete became the country's primary building material. Millions of tons of concrete were used to construct massive dams, like the 226-metre-high Bhakra-Nangal Dam, the most awesome of them all at that time (Khilnani 2012). The first Prime Minister of India, Nehru, called such mega projects as the Temple of Modern India (BMG \u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003\u003c/span\u003e) that symbolised national and technological progress. This approach was inherited from the colonial period, which Tripathi (Tripathi \u003cspan citationid=\"CR79\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1996\u003c/span\u003e) termed as \u0026ldquo;colonial syndrome\u0026rdquo; \u0026mdash; an instinctive belief in the superiority of foreign, particularly British, technology over indigenous efforts. According to Mosse (Mosse \u003cspan citationid=\"CR41\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003\u003c/span\u003e), the Indian state adopted a centralised technocratic approach to manage its water resources, which systematically marginalised the community-based management systems while empowering existing institutions like the Central Ground Water Board. Policy-wise, major water infrastructure development projects started to be included in the first and subsequent Five-Year Plans, beginning in 1951 (Singh and Goyal \u003cspan citationid=\"CR68\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e). However, these plans as well often overlook the socio-cultural dimensions of water management and the importance of TKS (Sengupta \u003cspan citationid=\"CR61\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1985\u003c/span\u003e). This resulted not only in the replacement of traditional systems with modern ones but also eroded the social and institutional foundations that had sustained local water management for centuries.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eContemporary water policy in India reveals a fundamental tension between rhetorical recognition of TK and actual implementation practices. The Government of India's (GoI) water development policies, starting with the National Water Policy (NWP) of 1987 to its subsequent revisions, have emphasised technological solutions and centralised management systems (Iyer \u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e). Attempts have been made to recognise the value of Traditional Water Systems (TWS). For instance, the National Water Policy of 1987 introduced Participatory Irrigation Management (PIM) as a transformative approach, emphasising local community involvement through the subsidiarity and decentralisation principles (Naz et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR48\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e). However, as demonstrated by Cullet (Cullet \u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e), these policies failed in including TWS and have continued to marginalise community-based water management, treating them as an obstacle to modern development.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe gap between policy intentions and ground realities is apparent in large-scale programs, such as the MGNREGA (Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act) program launched by the GoI in 2005 as part of this scheme\u0026rsquo;s provision of employment opportunities to rural communities. Renovation and desiltation of TWB are included in the budget. Approximately 70% (budget of 5\u0026nbsp;billion USD per year) of MGNREGA activities focus on water related challenges. The program works in convergence with schemes like the Integrated Watershed Management Programme (IWMP) (Nalgire and Chinnasamy \u003cspan citationid=\"CR46\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). However, such collaboration is predominantly successful in official documents. A study by Pandit (Pandit and Biswas \u003cspan citationid=\"CR51\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e) indicates that the NWP and MGNREGA convergence reflected the number of water bodies renovated, new water storage created (in cubic meters) on papers only.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAnother scheme, Mission Amrit Sarovar (MAS), was launched in April 2022 by the GoI to construct or rejuvenate water bodies, referring to them as Amrit Sarovars, in each district of India (Ministry of Rural Development \u003cspan citationid=\"CR37\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). Official data (Mission Amrit Sarovar) shows 108 water bodies renovated in Mathura district alone, with 94 completed under MGNREGA. Each Amrit Sarovar follows standardised specifications; innovations should include a minimum of 1-acre pondage area, mandatory plantation of trees (specifically Neem, Banyan, Peepal), and standard signage boards detailing construction schemes (Kumar et al. 2025). However, statistics exemplify what Scott (Scott \u003cspan citationid=\"CR59\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e) identifies as the state's need to make complex local systems \"legible\" through standardised measures, often destroying their essential qualities in the process. The transformation of diverse local water systems into standardised \"Amrit Sarovar\" represents the triumph of administrative categories over ecological and social realities. While the program emphasises \u0026lsquo;Jan Bhagidari\u0026rsquo; (people's participation) through 65,285 user groups, formed across completed Sarovars, this approach to community participation must be viewed within the broader context of development interventions, which consistently fail to integrate TKS meaningfully.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec5\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e2.3. Memory, Place, and Change\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eCommunity memory plays a crucial role in understanding environmental change and represents a form of resistance to dominant narratives about development and progress. Backing up, Connerton (Connerton \u003cspan citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1989\u003c/span\u003e) argues that social memory is not simply individual recollection, but an embodied practice that maintains community identity and knowledge across generations. Mistry\u0026rsquo;s work (Mistry et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR40\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e) demonstrated that the indigenous communities showed that social memory plays an important role in identity formation, self-representation helps to maintain the indigenous relational and multifaceted worldview, reinforcing their sense of community and cooperative spirit. The elderly man's memory of sweet water and the original construction method of the Govardhan TWB represents this form of embodied memory, preserving knowledge about alternative approaches to water management in contrast to the contemporary approach led by government agencies.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis knowledge operates through what Ingold (Ingold \u003cspan citationid=\"CR27\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e) calls \"taskscapes\" - environments shaped by human activity, where memory becomes embedded in landscape features and practices. This operates in what can be termed as \"knowledge-practice-belief complexes\" (Berkes \u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e), an integrated system where technical knowledge, management practices, and worldviews are transmitted together through participation in community activities.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSuch tacit knowledge is lodged in social life, which can only be transmitted through participation in daily practices and community rituals, and not through formal education (Pierotti and Wildcat \u003cspan citationid=\"CR54\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2000\u003c/span\u003e). The breakdown of this knowledge in TWM thus represents not only a loss of infrastructure but a disruption of the social processes through which environmental knowledge is transmitted and maintained.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eContemporary restoration efforts often fail to recognise this knowledge. The standardised approach of TWB renovations across the Braj region favours the worldview of Escobar (Escobar \u003cspan citationid=\"CR17\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). This approach mainly destroys place-based knowledge, which has evolved to address context-specific challenges. The temporal dimensions of memory and place become critically important while understanding environmental change (Folke et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR19\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2005\u003c/span\u003e), similar to our study.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eTK in TWS operates on temporal scales far beyond the planning horizons of development projects. It requires encompassing knowledge about long-term climate patterns, seasonal variations, and intergenerational sustainability. These are preserved in community memory and can provide crucial contextual information to evaluate contemporary interventions and their long-term consequences.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec6\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e2.4. Synthesis and Research Gaps\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe above discussion reveals that existing scholarship has extensively documented the technical failures of top-down water interventions. Three key gaps have emerged from the review above. First, a critical gap in understanding the lived dimensions of TK in these transformations. Most existing research focuses on policy analysis or infrastructure performance, while limited attention is given to how communities interact and experience these interventions that can fundamentally alter their traditional landscapes. Studies have analysed policy frameworks (Cullet \u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e) and documented ecological changes (Selvaraj et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR60\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Sarma and Aggarwal \u003cspan citationid=\"CR56\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e) but the phenomenological aspects of these changes remain under-examined. Secondly, while scholars have examined community memory and TK (Connerton \u003cspan citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1989\u003c/span\u003e; Mistry et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR40\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e), less is known about their operation when physical infrastructure has been changed, but cultural significance persists. Finally, the temporal dimensions of these transformations are poorly understood. This is observed explicitly in communities that maintain spiritual relationships with water bodies whose properties have been degraded by interventions designed to preserve them.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe study needs methods that can capture the complexity of lived experience within transformed environments. The literature suggests that to understand how development interventions are experienced, we need methodologies that can assess what Scott (Scott \u003cspan citationid=\"CR59\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e) terms \"metis\", is the practical, embodied knowledge that formal planning renders invisible. We need to use an approach that can document not only the changes but also how communities understand and navigate these changes over time.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis study raises questions on how the community manages traditional waters, navigates the religious significance of water bodies with their degradation, and addresses the unintended consequences of development initiatives. A methodological approach that brings out community voices and lived experience, centred on state-led renovations of culturally significant water bodies, is appropriate for this research. The final aim is to examine the link between the intended outcomes of state interventions and their effect on the communities. Simultaneously, it will reveal gaps between official narratives of success and realities of everyday environmental and cultural change.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"3. Methodology","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis study employed a qualitative methodology, examining the lived experiences of communities whose TWM systems have been transformed by state-led development interventions. Though the qualitative methods are prioritised, quantitative data were also gathered to serve as a supporting role in contextualising and triangulating qualitative findings.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec8\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e3.1. Context and Data Collection\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe research was conducted across the Braj region, located at the junction of Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan and Haryana (see Fig.\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Fig1\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e1\u003c/span\u003e), encompassing the 84 \u003cem\u003ekos\u003c/em\u003e (252 km) \u003cem\u003eParikrama\u003c/em\u003e path recognised as the core of Braj (Tagare \u003cspan citationid=\"CR76\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1950\u003c/span\u003e). However, the cultural extent of this marking differs depending on the criteria used for inclusion, which may be historical, religious, or administrative boundaries. Mughal records suggest it was extended up to areas closer to present-day Delhi (Habib and Mukhopādhyāẏa 2020). One version of the most revered \u003cem\u003eBhagwat Purana\u003c/em\u003e, a Hindu sacred book, describes the extent as a radius of 20 \u003cem\u003eyojanas\u003c/em\u003e (=\u0026thinsp;about 225 Km) (Tagare \u003cspan citationid=\"CR76\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1950\u003c/span\u003e). A study by Singh (Singh and Dubey \u003cspan citationid=\"CR67\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1988\u003c/span\u003e) synthesised it as a \u003cem\u003emandala\u003c/em\u003e (\u0026ldquo;circle\u0026rdquo; or \u0026ldquo;sphere\u0026rdquo;), which is referred to as sacred territory defined by a ritual and spiritual centre and a surrounding area considered to have religious merit. The same radius has been incorporated in Fig.\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Fig1\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e1\u003c/span\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe study was conducted in two phases between 2022 and 2024. In the first phase (2022\u0026ndash;2023), reconnaissance involved site visits for mapping, architectural documentation, photography, and environmental observation. These activities continued in later fieldwork as they did not involve human subjects. After ethical approval on 22 January 2024 (Protocol No. [REDACTED]/IEC/2024/01/10), interviews were conducted in two rounds: 26 March \u0026minus;\u0026thinsp;15 April 2024 and 28 November \u0026minus;\u0026thinsp;5 December 2024. This timeline allowed observation of seasonal variation in water bodies and ensured that all human participation began only after clearance.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eTo capture the narratives and meanings surrounding the Kunds and associated practices, the primary methods include semi-structured interviews, archival research, field observation and surveys. Additionally, GIS mapping validated the findings associated with geography, topography, and water features. During fieldwork, 10 prominent pilgrimage centres- Mathura, Vrindavan, Govardhan, Barsana, Nandgaon, Kaman, Deeg, Baldeo, Bharatpur and Hathras were selected. Along with prominent urban centres in the core region of Braj, extensive site visits were conducted in the rural areas as well. One researcher's native background provided language proficiency and cultural access, supplemented by snowball sampling (Parker et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR53\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). We conducted 41 semi-structured interviews until thematic saturation, with participants including temple priests, pilgrims, farmers, local residents, and officials.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e Face-to-face interviews, communicated in the local language (Braj Bhasha or Hindi, as appropriate), were held at locations convenient for participants, including their homes or by the Kunds. A few interviews were short, lasting for 15 to 20 minutes, but they were insightful. However, most interviews lasted 60\u0026ndash;75 minutes. Of the 41 participants (Table\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Tab1\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e1\u003c/span\u003e), only 17 consented to be recorded. Fifteen participants declined to get the conversation recorded but agreed to take timely notes. The open-ended questions were designed to elicit local memories, collect water management histories and explore the narratives of transformation. Questions were designed to understand how water bodies have changed alongside the community's perspective on environmental sustainability and development. Interview questions are attached in Annexure 1. Participants were informed about study aims and rights, with identities anonymised using codes (P1, P2, P3\u0026hellip; etc.) to enable discussion of sensitive topics like caste dynamics or development project criticisms.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"gridtable\"\u003e\u003ctable float=\"Yes\" id=\"Tab1\" border=\"1\"\u003e\u003ccaption language=\"En\"\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"CaptionNumber\"\u003eTable 1\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"CaptionContent\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eRespondent categories for interview participants.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/caption\u003e\u003ccolgroup cols=\"2\"\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c1\" colnum=\"1\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c2\" colnum=\"2\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cthead\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eCategory\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/th\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eTotal Participants\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/th\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003c/thead\u003e\u003ctbody\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eElected Representatives\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e3\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eGovernment Officials\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e7\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eNGO and Think Tank Representatives\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e6\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eReligious Figures\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e4\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eLocals\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e21\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eTotal\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003e41 Participants\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003c/tbody\u003e\u003c/colgroup\u003e\u003c/table\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThroughout the field visit, photographic evidence of the physical state of the water bodies was recorded. Participant observation spanned multiple visits over 2 years (2022\u0026ndash;2024). This extended timeframe allowed us to observe seasonal changes in water body conditions and community usage patterns. Additionally, a comprehensive policy and document analysis was undertaken. This constituted accessing the official project reports, master plans, data portals and policy documents related to water body renovation programs. With the help of NGO representatives of \u0026lsquo;The Braj Foundation\u0026rsquo; (founded in 2005) and the \u0026lsquo;Friends of Vrindavan\u0026rsquo; (founded in 1997), petition letters and requests for renovation of TWB submitted by villagers were accessed. Notably, both organisations have worked in environmental and heritage conservation since their inception. These documents provide additional insight into community expectations regarding renovation projects.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eGiven the limited academic research on TWB conservation, ecological impact assessments, or formal appraisal reports, we expanded data collection to include alternative sources. We systematically reviewed local newspapers, regional news websites, and YouTube channels documenting TWB renovation activities, community responses, and environmental changes. These media sources provided contemporary accounts of renovation processes, public discourse around water body conservation, and real-time community reactions often absent from official documentation.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec9\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e3.2. Data Analysis\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eCollected data, including interview transcripts, observational field notes, and open-ended survey responses, were analysed using thematic and narrative analysis techniques. Audio recordings from the interviews conducted in Braj Bhasha and Hindi were transcribed and translated into English. To ensure the integrity of the translation and preserve the meaning, procedures suggested by Nurjannah (Nurjannah et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR49\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e) were followed. Attention was paid to not only local words and concepts but also the sentence's tone. A lot of times, participants were sarcastic and used satirical phrases to convey distaste and distrust. In such cases, literal translation will not be able to uncover the actual themes.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eFor thematic analysis, the six-step principles from Braun (Braun and Clarke \u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e) \u0026amp; Naeem (Naeem et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR45\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e) were drawn from starting with data familiarisation, keyword identification using the 6Rs (realness, richness, repetition, rationale, repartee, regal) (Naeem and Ozuem \u003cspan citationid=\"CR44\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e) coding of data segments, theme development through pattern identification, conceptualisation of relationships, and analysis writing. Narrative analysis (Parcell and Baker \u003cspan citationid=\"CR52\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e) ensures the preservation of the rich context and structure of the individual stories, ensuring the integrity of personal accounts while complementing the broader thematic analysis.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec10\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e3.3. Limitations\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eAs previously established, one of the researcher's positions as a native of the Braj region requires explicit acknowledgement. This insider position provided significant advantages in accessing community networks and understanding cultural nuances, but also created potential biases in interpretation. Narayan (Narayan \u003cspan citationid=\"CR47\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1993\u003c/span\u003e) pointed out that this position is traditionally perceived as an authentic insider and can provide unique insights while requiring careful attention to power dynamics and representation issues. Throughout this research, regular reflection on these dynamics was maintained through peer debriefing sessions with researchers from outside the region.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"4. Context: Water Systems in Braj","content":"\u003cp\u003eScholars have various descriptions of Kunds (Saha et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR55\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e) as are traditional, small, man-made water bodies, essential sources of freshwater used for various purposes. Sites are often associated with stories and figures from Hindu tradition (Goyal Tater et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). Sinha (Sinha \u003cspan citationid=\"CR69\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR70\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e) describes them as sacred water bodies, often square or polygonal masonry tanks with a series of descending steps (ghats) leading down to the water. These ghats can be of various scales, sometimes creating an enclosure for all water bodies, but mostly having steps only from one or two directions.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIf one asks a \u003cem\u003eBrajwasi\u003c/em\u003e (natives of Braj Region) about Kund, they may point towards sites spanning from a grand architectural marvel, for example, Kusum Sarovar (see Fig.\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Fig2\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e2\u003c/span\u003e), to something that merely has water or may even looks like a plot for a residential building, for example, Krishna Kund in Poonchri village (see Fig.\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Fig2\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e2\u003c/span\u003e) plighting for existence. In rural areas, small natural or manmade depressions, which are generally called \u003cem\u003ePokharas\u003c/em\u003e, are also sometimes referred to as Kunds; this meaning varies depending on any religious story associated with it or based on its age. People can even direct one to an agricultural land or a housing colony where a Kund used to be, but now it's only in the slowly fading memories.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe architectural setting of Kunds varies, influenced by local geography and cultural preferences, with features like a dedicated place for the village's cattle to access water, a platform for the washermen to wash clothes, and segregated ghats for men and women sometimes being present.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAs one interviewee noted:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eEach Kund used to have multiple ghats. The Gau (Cow) Ghat was where cows drank water. Then there was the Dhobi Ghat (washermen\u0026rsquo;s platform), a Janana Ghat (for women), and a Mardana Ghat (for men). Until recently, there also used to be a Peebna Ghat, dedicated for people to drink water.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eKunds also feature \u003cem\u003eBurj\u003c/em\u003e (ornate tower) and \u003cem\u003eChattris\u003c/em\u003e (domed canopies), further highlighting their architectural complexity and social utility (Sinha \u003cspan citationid=\"CR70\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). Predominant construction materials include red sandstone and locally sourced lakhori bricks, chosen for their durability, acting as a recharge bed and aesthetic harmony with the natural surroundings.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eKunds can be understood through their relationship with water sources and functional design. Sharma \u0026amp; Ji (Sharma and Ji \u003cspan citationid=\"CR63\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e) describe them based on water sources and water holding capacity. Primarily, two types of water systems emerge in Braj.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cul\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe first one is rainwater-dependent systems; these Kunds are strategically located to collect and store monsoon rains, often in depressions or low-lying areas that act as natural catchments. These water bodies are connected to natural rainwater streams or sometimes with man-made canals, which supplement their water supply.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe second one is the groundwater-dependent systems; Kunds and associated wells percolate into underground aquifers, providing a more consistent water source, especially during dry periods.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/ul\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eKunds also play a crucial role in groundwater recharge, as rainwater gets collected in them. Interviewee P1 noted that \u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003eborewells near Kunds have the highest and good quality of water\u003c/em\u003e\u0026rdquo; because of groundwater recharge.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eRapid urbanisation, increased tourism, and significant infrastructure development pose substantial challenges to the TWS and the delicate ecological balance (SPA Delhi \u003cspan citationid=\"CR71\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). The expansion of settlements and infrastructure often leads to encroachment upon Kunds and their catchment areas, reducing their size and disrupting natural water flow (The Braj Foundation and IL\u0026amp;FS Infrastructure Development Corporation Limited 2008). P25 from Anyor village laments this trend, saying:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"People everywhere are plotting in agriculture fields, building houses by occupying Kund areas, so it definitely affects the environment.\"\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe current state of many Kunds in Braj, as reflected from field observations and interviews, is concerning. Many are polluted due to sewage inflow and waste dumping. Interviewee P41 vividly describes the polluted state of Jai Kund: \"\u003cem\u003eHow can it be used? It's full of sewage now\"\u003c/em\u003e. Encroachment further exacerbates the problem, shrinking the water bodies and disrupting their ecological functions.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec12\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e4.1. Institutional Approaches to Kund Renovation: Government, NGO, and Private Interventions\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe deteriorating condition of TWS in Braj has prompted multiple institutional responses, each bringing distinct approaches. Since the Braj region has immense significance for Hindus, it is visited by millions of people every year. According to (TNN \u003cspan citationid=\"CR78\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e). Mathura district alone was visited by 90\u0026nbsp;million pilgrims and tourists. To facilitate them and the local populations, several agencies, including government bodies, NGOs, and sometimes even people in individual capacities, have taken numerous initiatives to preserve and protect the heritage. However, these interventions reveal significant variations in methodology, scope, and community engagement.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eInitiatives by the central government, like Heritage City Development \u0026amp; Augmentation Yojana (HRIDAY) (Ministry of Urban Development \u003cspan citationid=\"CR38\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e), tailored to augment the heritage of historic towns, have been initiated. More significantly, recognising the need for a dedicated regional authority, the Uttar Pradesh government established the Uttar Pradesh Braj Teerth Vikas Parishad (UPBTVP) in 2015. As per the gazette notification (Uttar Pradesh Legislature \u003cspan citationid=\"CR81\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e), it appears the board is entrusted as the ultimate authority to take up any development project regarding the protection and preservation of the heritage in the region. The board can suo-moto take up any work and select an implementing agency for the preparation and implementation of any project plan. Despite comprehensive mandates and formal inclusion of various stakeholders in policy coordination, field observations reveal significant gaps between institutional authority and community participation. During the interactions with the stakeholders, everyone mentions the board at least once. This is exemplified in the design process, where architects and engineers receive technical briefs to create standardised renovation plans with minimal community input in conceptualisation phases.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eA local government elected representative expressed their frustration, stating,\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eThey don't ask us anything at all. They just ask us to sign on the No Objection Certificates\u003c/em\u003e (\u003cem\u003eNOCs)\u003c/em\u003e,\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis indicates a disconnection from the local administration, which represents the people.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eConversely, some acknowledge a positive aspect of the Parishad's work, even while maintaining reservations about its depth:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"As far as the development board is concerned, at least one good thing has happened-that they have started taking possession of the ponds. They're taking possession and also carrying out some development.\"\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis indicates a perception that while the Parishad's work might be largely cosmetic and not address core water issues, their action in taking possession of encroached ponds and initiating some form of development is seen as a necessary first step.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe emphasis on \"conformity with the Braj Culture and Architecture\" is asserted in the power given to the UPBTVP (Uttar Pradesh Legislature \u003cspan citationid=\"CR81\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e), which raises critical questions about whose interpretation of culture and heritage guides renovation decisions. Recently prepared Braj Development Plan 2041 (Design Associates Inc.) implicitly asserts this mandate through its call for \u003cem\u003e\"guidelines for regulated development such that it corresponds to the historic character of the region,\"\u003c/em\u003e effectively delegating the authority to define and enforce cultural conformity to planning institutions rather than local communities. If in the task to regulate the so-called guidelines, the participation of the local knowledge holder is absent, rather the authority has been passed on to architects and engineers, often if not always from outside the region, who are tasked with interpreting local architectural traditions, the result is frequently a commercialised version of traditional resources.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eMultiple NGOs and private charitable trusts have also been involved in preserving Braj's heritage. Four organisations demonstrate extensive involvement in Kund renovation- Friends of Vrindavan, Yamuna Mission (founded in 2015), Braj Vikas Trust (founded in 2005), and The Braj Foundation. These organisations specifically focus on the Braj region, alongside national organisations such as the Indian National Trust for Art and Cultural Heritage (INTACH), ISKCON, and TATA Trust.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eNGO approaches typically emphasise community engagement and scientific methods. They frame their work as a sacred duty and point to community engagement and scientific methods (like bio-filters) as indicators of a holistic success beyond just cleaning a pond (Das \u003cspan citationid=\"CR15\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eHowever, despite rhetoric about community participation, the actual design and implementation process reveals a professionalised approach that mirrors government interventions (SPA Delhi \u003cspan citationid=\"CR72\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). Both government agencies and NGOs consult architects and engineers who produce standardised designs based on technical briefs. These professionals, often unfamiliar with local water management traditions, create what can be characterised as \"theme park style\" designs that prioritise aesthetic appeal and tourist accessibility over ecological functionality.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThere is a significant knowledge gap due to the absence of academic reports on social, ecological, and economic assessments of renovation works by either government or NGO agencies. Quantitatively, the government has not published a final tally of Kunds restored under its aegis (Vrindavan Today \u003cspan citationid=\"CR83\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). Local newspapers and websites frequently publish success stories immediately following restoration projects. These accounts lack a systematic evaluation of long-term sustainability.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"5. Findings","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis section presents findings organised according to Braun and Clarke's thematic analysis method (Braun and Clarke \u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e), addressing the Research Questions RQ) through key themes that emerged from community narratives and experiences.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec14\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e5.1. RQ1- Community Memories of Traditional Water Management\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eTheme 1. Sacred Geography and Religious Significance\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eCommunity memories consistently frame Kunds within a sacred cosmology where water bodies are repositories of religious meaning. Participants described how the Kunds here each have some or other Krishna Leela (divine play of Lord Krishna) associated with them. For example, P17 explained:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;The Prem Sarovar is situated at the same place where Goddess Radha and Lord Krishna unknowingly met for the first time.\u0026rdquo; (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;1, Divine Geography)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eCommunity members also articulated a spiritual ecology that positioned Kunds within broader divine relationships with nature: As P40 articulated:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Kund is a part of nature, and nature is God. Not just we humans, but all creatures and living beings depend upon it\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;1, Spiritual Ecology)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe temporal dimension reveals systematic religious use throughout the Hindu calendar, as P17 noted:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"Each Kund has a designated festival, like during Kartik, Chaitra, Vaishakh... Each had its day\"\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;1, Festival Calendar).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis demonstrates how Kunds functioned as integral components of sacred landscape rather than merely utilitarian water sources (see Fig.\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Fig3\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e3\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eTheme 2. Historical Continuity and Landscape Memory\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eCommunity narratives preserve detailed accounts of historical water bodies that sustained TWM. Participants recalled the large numbers of water bodies that once existed in their villages and surrounding areas. P02 to remember:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;In our Govardhan, there used to be, at one time, 108 Kunds. Today, hardly about 40\u0026ndash;50 remain\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;1, Scale Memory)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eCommunity members retained vivid memories of the scale and ecological richness of historical water systems. P14 described the transformation of a major water body:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;And now, understand this\u0026mdash;that talab must have been at least one kilometre. The Mansarovar jheel used to be about one kilometre long. When we used to walk around it, we'd get tired\u0026mdash;it was that big\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;1, Scale Memory)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eTheme 3. Traditional Water Management and Ecological Knowledge Systems\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eLike the communities across the Indian subcontinent, Braj communities also have a sophisticated understanding of TWM, integrating hydrological knowledge with ecological principles. P15 described natural water purification:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"For the purity of water, it's essential for sunlight to fall on the water, to be in contact with soil, and for the water to move.\"\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;1, Water Purification)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eP35 described redundant water systems designed to ensure water security during droughts. While further describing the traditional method of und construction:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;There used to be talabs, there used to be pokhars (smaller ponds), and in the middle or close to them, a well used to be constructed. And this was done for the reason that, suppose the talab dried up, then water would still be available through the well\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;1, Redundant Systems)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eFigure\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Fig4\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e4\u003c/span\u003e. Govind Kund in Govardhan showing its key components. The main Kund (A) is surrounded on all four sides by bathing and ritual ghats (C) and includes the Gau Ghat (B) designated for cattle. A nearby well (D) and a culvert (E) connect to the Pokhara (F), which serves as an ancillary water body. The highlighted catchment area indicates the natural drainage feeding into the Kund, with Govardhan Hill visible on the left side, and the Parikrama Marg marking the traditional circumambulatory route around the hill.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe detailed structural elements are further illustrated in Fig.\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Fig5\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e5\u003c/span\u003e, which highlights the specific components of the Govind Kund system including the ghats, culvert systems, and ancillary water bodies.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eP37 provided detailed taxonomic accounts to classify Kunds according to size and function:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;A Kund is small, a sarovar is bigger than a Kund, and a jheel is bigger than a sarovar\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;1, Water Body Classification)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eTheme 4. Complex Social Organisation of Water Access and Community Use\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eParticipants (P41) recalled the physical design of Kunds and how it reflects social organisation:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;At that time, every Kund had a gau ghat, and another two or three ghats\u0026hellip; dhobi ghat (washermen's ghat). One was the janana ghat (women's ghat), and one was the mardana ghat (men's ghat)\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;1, Ghat Design)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThese different functional spaces within Kund complexes are clearly visible in Fig.\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Fig6\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e6\u003c/span\u003e, which shows the Gau Ghat, wells, and Jannan Ghat at Govind Kund, demonstrating the sophisticated social organization of water access.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe multifunctional nature, including economic dimensions, as P70 described:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"The dhobis would bring clothes from the village... The Mahar caste people used to cultivate singhada (water chestnuts)\"\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;1, Economic Activities).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eTheme 5. Nostalgic Memory and Contrasts with Present Decline\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eCommunities consistently recall the abundance and purity as critical commentary on modernisation approaches. The reliability of Kund is remembered as providing security during extended drought or flood periods. According to P20:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;All the water from the entire Chiksauli area...used to come into Bihar Kund...even if it didn't rain for three years, it still wouldn't dry\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;1, Drought Security)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eHealth narratives emerge strongly in these nostalgic comparisons, with P18 and P25 attributing better physical health to traditional water sources:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Our bodies also had vigour because of it. Now, after drinking packaged and RO water, there is no strength left in the body\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;1, Health Impact)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSimilarly, P25, P31, and P33 noted that the thermal properties of traditional construction materials are remembered:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Houses made of soil from the Kunds were cool in Jyeshtha (May-June) and warm in winter. And now, in these pakka houses, even the air conditioner doesn't work properly\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;1, Construction Quality)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThese nostalgic memories function not merely as romanticising the past but as a critical commentary on contemporary water governance approaches. They preserve alternative models of human-environment relationships that challenge assumptions underlying current development interventions.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec15\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e5.2. RQ2- Navigating Sacred Significance versus Physical Degradation\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eTheme 6. Ritual Persistence Despite Physical Degradation\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDespite widespread recognition of water quality deterioration, community members continue to engage in ritual practices that require direct interaction with contaminated water. As P01 explained:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;When we do the Parikrama, we do achaman with the water of the Kunds. We do not check whether the water of the Kund is clean or dirty\u0026hellip; We perform achaman with devotion\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;2, Devotional Compulsion)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis contradiction between spiritual practice and environmental reality is powerfully illustrated in Fig.\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Fig7\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e7\u003c/span\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe tension between devotional obligation and environmental awareness produces profound emotional responses. P41 described their reaction to witnessing pilgrimage practices:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;When Darshanarthi come and do aachman from the water, my eyes fill with tears... \u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;2, Emotional Response)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eTheme 7. Water Crisis and Encroachment of Sacred Space\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eCommunities demonstrate acute awareness of how demographic pressure and infrastructure development have compromised the TWS. P01 directly linked population growth to environmental degradation:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;When the population keeps increasing, the filth inevitably increases along with it.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;2, Population Impact)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eP04 described a systematic breakdown:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"In recent times, they have blocked the channels through which water enters the Kunds... the catchments around the Kunds are also being encroached upon.\"\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe physical transformation and encroachment described by participants is clearly documented in Fig.\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Fig8\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e8\u003c/span\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe severity of water quality deterioration is demonstrated through observations of animal behaviour (P01):\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;You leave aside human beings\u0026mdash;even animals and birds do not drink the water of the Kunds anymore\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;2, Animal Behavior)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eTheme 8. Ritual Pollution and Community Response\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eReligious offerings and practices sometimes contribute to the degradation of water quality. While conducting the interviews on the bank of Paawan Sarovar P22, he pointed toward a pilgrim and said:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;This brother here\u0026mdash;he threw his mala (rosary) into water. Whoever brings offerings here, putting flowers or such, leaves it right here\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;2, Offering Pollution)\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eCommunity members expressed frustration with public behaviour compromising sacred spaces, as P25 disdainfully said:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;People are bathing naked in Govind Kund. Now it's been made dirty. The population has increased so much\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;2, Public Behaviour)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eTheme 9. Alternative Water Sources\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eCommunities have developed multiple adaptive strategies to navigate water insecurity while maintaining relationships with TWB. Municipal water supply provides partial solutions with significant limitations. P25 illustrated their daily water fetching as:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Drinking water comes from the Nagar Palika tap installed in the street crossroad... pipeline doesn't reach every house, so people have to go and fetch it from there\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;2, Municipal Supply)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe commercialisation of water consumption represents a fundamental shift from traditional water access patterns. P41 described the situation of economically deprived people in rural areas as:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;What can I tell you now? The situation has become such that out of helplessness, people must buy drinking RO water\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;2, Water Commercialisation)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eTheme 10. Hope for Revival and Cultural Restoration\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDespite environmental degradation and institutional failures, communities maintain strong aspirations for restoring TWS. People anticipate future recognition of the value of Kunds. P15 very discernibly said:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;One day will come when people will cry out\u0026ndash;By any means, save our Kunds!'---just as now people are turning back to eating dalia (porridge) after abandoning chowmein and burgers\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e(Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;2, Future Recognition)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eTechnical solutions are imagined as compatible with religious significance. P14 expressed as:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Water recycling as a solution... 'It has nothing to do with religion.' If water recycling is done properly, even Yamuna ji (river) will become pure\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;2, Technical Compatibility)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eTheme 11. Confronting Ineffective Governance and Institutional Failures\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eCommunity experiences reveal systematic problems with governance approaches that rely heavily on technical solutions while marginalising community knowledge and participation. The dominance of engineering perspectives in government interventions is recognised as problematic. As P14 pointed out:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Actually, what happens is that the government relies entirely on its engineers and contractors\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e(Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;2, Engineering Dominance)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAn NGO representative (P12) who has worked extensively in the Kund renovation. On asking about the criticism of his work by the courts and experts, they said:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;It will be criticised by environmentalists and heritage conservationists that you're not allowing natural water to get collected, and rather you're sucking water out of the earth to fill the Kund. Another purpose is to make the Kund available for a holy bath. At least it\u0026rsquo;ll not vanish completely\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e(Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;2, Conflicting Purposes)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eTheme 12. Emotional and Spiritual Response to Loss\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe transformation of sacred water bodies generates profound emotional responses that reveal the depth of community attachment to Kunds. Community members experience aesthetic and cultural loss that extends beyond practical water needs. P18 Tearfully said:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;It affects the environment, health, and Braj's culture. The real beauty of Braj lies in its vans, hills, Kunds and wells\u0026hellip;they are my Radha and Krishna.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e(Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;2, Cultural Loss)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eFear of retaliation from authorities creates additional stress for community members who attempt to advocate for cultural and environmental protection. P41 explain the politics behind the doors as:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo; The one who goes to complain, they say to him, 'Yes, come along. We're coming with the JCB. Come along with us, you lead us.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;2, Fear of Retaliation)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eEssentially, they make the complainant confront the very person they are complaining against. This administrative tactic discourages community members from reporting environmental violations.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eTheme 13. Loss of Traditional Practices and Knowledge\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe transformation of water systems has contributed to the broader erosion of TK and practices. Creating cascading cultural losses that extend beyond water management itself. Traditional construction techniques are no longer practised. P29 said:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Now no one builds like that anymore\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;2, Construction Knowledge Loss)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe shift from community labour to government employment schemes has altered social relationships around water infrastructure. As P31 pointed out:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;And nowadays, you see, a hundred people are working to build a pond. And all those people are government labourers... Earlier, the digging of ponds happened without the government spending a single rupee\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;2, Changed Labour Relations)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe erosion of local cultural diversity is recognised as part of broader homogenisation processes. We discussed how cultural nuances change in the Braj region itself. P37 noted:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Kos Kos par badle paani aur chhar kos pe baani\u0026rdquo; (Every mile the water changes, and every four miles the language).\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;2, Cultural Homogenisation)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec16\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e5.3 RQ3- Unintended Consequences of Development Interventions\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eTheme 14. Artificiality and Technology-Driven Displacement of Traditional Systems\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDevelopment interventions have systematically displaced TWM approaches through technological solutions, undermining ecological foundations. P02 directly linked technological modernisation to the decline of traditional systems:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Ever since artificial works began like the laying of sewers and pipelines, ever since the arrival of modern resources, the Kunds have been vanishing\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;3, Modern Resource Impact)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eGovernment water management strategies for sacred water bodies increasingly rely on quick technological fixes like the installation of a borewell for filling water in a renovated Kund, which ignores ecological principles. And the ecological degradation resulting from renovation is visible. P02 and P15 demonstrated it by saying:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Kunds that don't have trees along their banks and because of concretisation of ghats\u0026mdash;the water there isn't water, it's poison\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;3, Concretisation Impact)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis technological displacement of natural systems is demonstrated in Fig.\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Fig9\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e9\u003c/span\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eHistorical infrastructure development created fundamental disruptions to hydrological systems (P12):\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;When the British laid the Mathura railway line, they pierced through these catchment lands. They disturbed the slope systems. And then urbanisation completely ruined the channels that used to fill the Kunds.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;3, Historical Infrastructure)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eTheme 15. Institutional Barriers\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSystematic problems with governance institutions prevent effective water management while creating corruption opportunities. P04 disappointingly outlined how restoration projects divert resources from functional improvements. Large-scale government programs produce visible spending without measurable results. They said:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Even in the name of purification of the Yamuna and Kunds, crores of rupees have already been spent. But can anyone show me if there has been any result except: 'Dhaak ke teen paat.' \"\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;3, Resource Misallocation).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eLand record manipulation enables systematic theft of water body land. P12 pointed out:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;By the criminal connivance of the patwaris (land record registrar) of the revenue record department and the encroachers, several Kunds have been converted to urban land\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;3, Land Record Manipulation)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eTheme 16. Cosmetic vs Functional Restoration\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eRestoration approaches prioritise visual appeal over ecological functionality, creating water bodies that appear renovated while losing their essential environmental and social functions. An assistant engineer acknowledged:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"Currently, we mostly do Kund restoration, and even within restoration, it's primarily beautification work\"\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;3, Beautification Focus).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis beautification work often lacks durability. During our conversation with P22 on site, he showed:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Now, these chhatris, what it is, is that they're hollow from inside. Kids come and climb up on them, so they end up breaking. These are made only for show\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;3, Poor Construction)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eRenovation approaches that prioritise construction over conservation destroy existing ecological value. As P16 suggest-\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Driven by a hunger for new construction, cut down the precious, mature trees so they can earn hefty commissions from the vendors\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;3, Ecological Destruction)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eTheme 17. Exclusion of Local Knowledge\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eCommunity members are either completely excluded from renovation decision-making or formal participation is limited to symbolic consultation. P02 described how agencies view Kunds:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"They just look at the Kunds as religious places... But if you go and look, there is not even water in the Kunds\" (Supplementary Table C4, Reductive Understanding).\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;3, Religious Reductionism)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eRestoration agencies, including NGOs, prioritise external expertise over local knowledge. P15 said:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Even NGOs don't speak to villagers. They value outsiders more\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;3, External Expertise Priority)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eOn inquiring about whether there is any participation in design or implementation decisions, P24 replied:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Perhaps they did get some signatures from us... but they didn't really ask us how they were planning the design\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;3, Tokenistic Participation)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eTheme 18. Systemic Development Critique\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eCommunities articulate sophisticated critiques revealing an understanding of how modern methods fundamentally change social-ecological relationships while creating new forms of vulnerability. P02 observed:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;We are fixing the early date of destruction through hyper-rapid development. The ultimate end of development is destruction\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;3, Development as Destruction)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAfter renovations, some water bodies maintain restrictions on use, which conflict with traditional multiple-use patterns. As P19 suggested:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Kund water cannot be used for bathing or for cattle purposes because a watchman stays there. There is a prohibition on doing anything like that\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;3, Access Restrictions)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eCommunity members advocate for the integration of traditional and modern approaches. As P18 suggested:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;We must preserve nature and tradition. Artificial systems bring illness, environmental damage, and spiritual decay. Even science, if it moves beyond its bounds, will harm nature\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;3, Integration Advocacy)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eTheme 19. Hydrological Disruption and Ecological Crisis\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDevelopment interventions have created cascading ecological disruptions that extend far beyond individual water bodies to affect regional hydrological systems and ecosystem health. Deforestation associated with development has further escalated the elimination of ecological support systems. As P14 suggested:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;That too is bad. Haven't you seen\u0026mdash;where are the trees left? The trees that used to be there\u0026mdash;pipal, banyan\u0026mdash;they all used to be there\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;3, Deforestation Impact)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eVillages experience environmental degradation as suffering. During the discussion on new infrastructural developments in their area, P25 expressed it as:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Narak bhog raha hai gaon\u0026rdquo; (The village is experiencing hell).\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;3, Environmental Suffering)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAnimal suffering demonstrates an ecosystem-wide water crisis. As they further added:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;The cows are dying of thirst. Humans are dying of thirst. The herons are dying of thirst. The birds are dying of thirst... All paths have been blocked to the Kunds and ponds\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;3, Ecosystem-wide Crisis)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDevelopment approaches are criticised as imitative rather than contextual. As P40 noted:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;We are merely copying foreign countries\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;3, Imitative Development)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eTheme 20. Powerlessness\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDevelopment interventions operate through state power that marginalises community agency while creating new forms of vulnerability and displacement. On asking about what they think should happen. P26 replied:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;What happens from anyone wanting or not wanting something? Now, whatever the government decides, that is what will happen\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;3, Authoritarian Governance)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis statement reveals how development operates through authoritarian rather than participatory governance.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eFurther, when we asked why they don\u0026rsquo;t convey their disagreements to the authorities. They said:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;If you (public) don't want it, then go to hell. If you (interviewer) want to go and tell them... \u0026ldquo;Pettai Ho jaegi\u0026rdquo; (You will get beaten up)\u003c/em\u003e. (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;3, Fear of Retaliation)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAdditionally, the debt-driven displacement creates marginal settlements around water bodies. As P41 demonstrated:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;The entire settlement built around the Jai Kund consists of people who gave their lands to the landlords due to debt. And the landlords told them about this place here for free, saying, \u0026lsquo;No one will trouble you here\u0026rsquo;\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;3, Debt-driven Displacement)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eTheme 21. Community Agency and Resistance\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDespite systematic marginalisation, communities demonstrate persistent agency and demand for restoration approaches that recognise their knowledge and needs. P12, who is a project director in an NGO, told us that the demand for restoration exceeds their institutional capacity. According to them:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Today, we have a waitlist of hundreds of villages wanting us to restore their Kunds\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;3, Restoration Demand)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThey said that people have started stopping them even while travelling on the roads. And requesting with a lot of helplessness and hope in the local dialect:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"Bauji hamao Kund aur banwa deo.\" (\"Sir, please renovate our Kund too.\")\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;3, Direct Appeals)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eFrustration with government officials who lack experiential understanding of local conditions produces appeals for direct engagement. P41 described an incident where he questioned a bureaucrat:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;What to do? I myself have told the officials. I said to them: 'Sir, you people are educated officers who have come here after studying... All we are requesting is that you come once to Jait. Go there and do aachman (ritual sip) from that Kund. In response, he just smiled and left.\u003c/em\u003e (Supplementary Table\u0026nbsp;3, Direct Demand)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"6. Discussion","content":"\u003cp\u003eFindings from thematic analysis show how the community maintains its relationships with Kunds even after their physical characteristics are changed. This persistence is similar to what Ingold (Ingold \u003cspan citationid=\"CR27\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e) conceptualises as the idea of \u0026ldquo;Taskscapes,\" where memory becomes embedded in the landscape through human activities. Despite the water in renovated Kunds becoming brackish, community members continue performing achaman and ritual bathing. It suggests that sacred geography operates through embedded practices rather than purely physical conditions. These findings are also related to Berks' (Berkes \u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e) idea of \u0026ldquo;knowledge-practice-belief complexes in how these interconnected systems adapt to the degradation while maintaining cultural continuity.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDuring the interaction with stakeholders, participants' emotions indicate that sacred geographies possess remarkable resilience even when the ecological foundations are compromised. From P41, they express the pain they feel from witnessing pilgrims drinking contaminated water, to P18's imagination of the landscape as Radha and Krishna themselves. However, resilience comes at a cost. Continuing ritual practice using the degraded water resources creates what can be understood as ritual pollution. Where devotional obligation conflicts with the environment's health concerns. This contradiction reveals the fundamental flaw in the development approach that preserves symbolic meanings while destroying functional components. As Escobar (Escobar \u003cspan citationid=\"CR17\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e)argues, such interventions reflect an \"ontology of separation\" that fragments the relational systems through which communities understand their environments.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eCommunity memories of TWM are more than nostalgic recollections. They constitute what Scott (Scott \u003cspan citationid=\"CR59\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e) terms \"metis\", which is the practical wisdom that challenges the assumptions underlying contemporary interventions. Community narrative embodies the understanding of natural water purification and the sophisticated management of the cascading system of Kunds. Revealing the approach to water security that prioritises adaptive management over technical efficiency. The contrast between the communities' traditional and contemporary water management narratives illuminates what Aswani (Aswani et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e) identifies as a systematic loss of local knowledge driven by modern development. However, the study reveals that such knowledge exists in community memory as a form of resistance to dominant development narratives. As P15 describes, we can only have clean and pure water in Kunds if it has \u0026ldquo;sunlight, soil contact, and movement\u0026rdquo;, or when communities recall the biodiversity supported by traditional systems on the banks of water bodies, they preserve alternative frameworks to understand human-nature relationships.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThese are not individual recollections, but a collective narrative of practices maintained across generations. This is what Connerton (Connerton \u003cspan citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1989\u003c/span\u003e) describes as social memory. The taxonomic classifications related to the size and shape of the water bodies are preserved in the local language (\u003cem\u003eKund-sarovar-jheel\u003c/em\u003e), and the detailed recollection of social organisation around water access demonstrates how TEK remains embedded in cultural practices, even when its physical features have been transformed. Significantly, these memories also function as implicit critiques of contemporary water governance. When communities contrast the \"sweetness\" of traditional water with the \"poison\" of renovated systems, they articulate alternative criteria for evaluating development success that prioritise ecological functionality over visual aesthetics or administrative convenience.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eScott (Scott \u003cspan citationid=\"CR59\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e) identifies high modernistic planning as an imposition of standardised, technical rational solution that renders complex local systems illegible. The study's findings revealed the systematic exclusion of community knowledge from renovation processes through multiple mechanisms. Starting with the bureaucratic procedures that reduce community participation to signature collection at the beginning of any renovation intervention, technical briefs that prioritise engineering solutions over cultural and ecological understanding, and standardisation requirements driven by the national mandates that transform diverse local systems into uniform \"Amrit Sarovars.\" This analysis extends Scott's framework by showing how modernist planning intersects with the commodification of sacred heritage. Findings suggest the focus of renovation interventions is on beautification instead of functional restoration. As a result, decorative elements like hollow chatteris are installed, and access to water is restricted, either by erecting a wall or a chain fence. This not only limits the access of the local communities, but also the cattle that are traditionally dependent on these water bodies for water requirements.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe colonial genealogy of these approaches, traced through the literature, provides crucial historical context to understand these contemporary interventions. The British colonial administration's view of local water systems as \"inefficient and unhygienic\" (Sarma and Aggarwal \u003cspan citationid=\"CR56\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e) persists in current technocratic approaches that prioritise standardisation over socio-ecological adaptation. Despite rhetorical recognition of TK for contextual and sustainable development, post-independence policies have continued this trajectory and neglected the local knowledge and sensitivities in flagship programs like MGNREGA and MAS and imposed uniform specifications across diverse ecological and cultural contexts. The findings suggest that this standardisation can be called \u0026ldquo;bureaucratic legibility\u0026rdquo; as the state simplifies the complex local system through administrative categorisation. It is done by transforming water bodies into standardised units with mandatory plantation drives, uniform signage, and concrete ghats clad with red sandstone to create an illusion of traditional construction. It is a prime example of how development interventions sacrifice cultural and ecological specificity for administrative convenience.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eParadoxically, interventions designed to enhance water security have created new forms of vulnerability for communities. In places where the groundwater is saline, it has been observed that the Kunds are relatively shallow. It allows the stored rainwater to not mix with the saline underground water. However, since the water in the renovated Kunds is now getting filled by the extracted water using borewells installed at most of them, it transforms a sweet water source into brackish and unfit for consumption. This quick technological fix reflects what can be understood as \"solution aversion\"\u0026mdash;the rejection of traditional approaches in favour of engineering interventions that often exacerbate underlying problems. The findings suggest communities become dependent on external water sources - municipal supply, tankers, bottled water - while losing TWM knowledge. This process represents what Mathur (Mathur \u003cspan citationid=\"CR34\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e) identifies as the creation of \"development refugees\". Here, refugees mean people displaced physically and in their relationship with their native environments.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe hydrological disruptions documented in this study demonstrated how modernisation creates systemic environmental degradation that extends beyond the individual water bodies. In one instance, the ground level was raised to accommodate the construction of the railway track piercing through the catchment areas of Kunds. These cumulative impacts suggest that the crisis of TWS cannot be addressed through site-specific interventions but requires recognition of broader development patterns that prioritise infrastructure expansion over socio-ecological integrity. The emotional and spiritual dimensions of these vulnerabilities deserve particular attention. The discontent and grief expressed by community members are proof of that. P25 describes the village's experience and difficulties due to the new infrastructure projects as \u0026ldquo;Hell\u0026rdquo; or P18's tearful attachment to threatened landscapes as a threat to divine itself. It reveals forms of suffering that conventional development metrics fail to capture. This emotional dimension suggests that environmental degradation involves not only material losses but also what can be understood as \u0026ldquo;Sacroscape Trauma\u0026rdquo;, the disruption of meaning-making systems through which communities understand their place in the world.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eGovernance institutions ostensibly promote community participation while maintaining a top-down decision-making approach. The development board, despite its comprehensive mandate and formal inclusion of various stakeholders, operates through processes that exclude meaningful community participation. This pattern reflects what Mosse (Mosse \u003cspan citationid=\"CR41\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003\u003c/span\u003e) identifies as the persistence of centralised technocratic approaches that marginalise community-based water management systems. During the interaction, the community members point toward the corporation and irregularities at different scales and levels of renovation projects, from land record manipulation to the systematic exclusion of local organisations in favour of politically connected agencies. In this paper, we cannot conclusively say whether government officials and agencies receive commissions from the vendors and civil work contractors, but stakeholders have pointed this out in several instances. It further strengthens the disconnect and distrust between the administration and the public. This finding supports Cullet's (Cullet \u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e) analysis of how water policies fail to achieve their stated objectives of promoting participatory management. However, the study also reveals persistent community agency despite systematic marginalisation. The demand for restoration documented by P10 (see Theme 21) suggests that communities maintain strong investment in TWS despite institutional failures. The appeals to officials to \"come once to Jait village and do \u003cem\u003eaachman\u003c/em\u003e from that Kund\" represent sophisticated forms of resistance that challenge bureaucratic distance through embodied experience.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe temporal dimensions of TK operate on scales far beyond modern planning horizons, incorporating understanding of long-term climate patterns, seasonal variations, and intergenerational sustainability. P03 anticipated that \u003cem\u003e\"20\u0026ndash;30 years from now, when the water shortage becomes extreme, people will regret\"\u003c/em\u003e the current forms of development and encroachments. This forecast demonstrates how communities see contemporary interventions. This temporal perspective enables them to recognise the unsustainability of current approaches even when official narratives celebrate renovation successes. The breakdown of TK transmission represents a critical dimension of the crisis documented in this study. As P29 noted, \u003cem\u003e\"Now no one builds like that anymore,\"\u003c/em\u003e referring to traditional construction techniques, or when communities pointed out the shift from collective labour to government employment schemes. They identified disruptions in the social processes through which environmental and cultural resources were maintained.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe findings of this study challenge fundamental assumptions underlying contemporary approaches to sustainable development, particularly those embodied in frameworks like the SDGs. While goal 6 emphasises ensuring \"availability and sustainable management of water and sanitation for all,\" the standardised metrics and technical approaches promoted by such frameworks often fail to capture the nuanced ways communities understand and value their water resources. The study reveals how development interventions can achieve statistical success, as happened in the case of Mission Amrit Sarovar. Data portals present the numbers of water bodies renovated, cubic meters of storage created, user groups formed, etc., while fundamentally undermining the ecological and social systems that sustained traditional water security. This pattern suggests that a standardised and metrics-based idea of sustainable development requires not only different conceptual frameworks that prioritise ecological functionality and community agency over administrative legibility and technical efficiency.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe persistence of sacred relationships with degraded water bodies documented in this study indicates that sustainability must encompass cultural and emotional dimensions alongside ecological and economic considerations. The continued performance of ritual despite environmental degradation reveals forms of value that cannot be captured through conventional development indicators but remain crucial for community wellbeing. Several principles for alternative approaches to water system restoration emerged that could aid in addressing the failures documented in contemporary interventions. First, genuine participatory approaches must move beyond consultation to collaborative design processes integrating community knowledge with technical expertise. The detailed ecological understanding preserved in community memory provides valuable resources for developing restoration approaches. That can go beyond visual appeal to ecological functionality alongside cultural significance. Second, restoration programs must recognise the interconnected nature of TWS rather than treating individual water bodies as isolated units. The cascade systems and watershed relationships described by community members suggest that effective restoration requires region-scale approaches that address catchment protection, groundwater recharge, and hydrological connectivity. Third, institutions must be developed that can accommodate the adaptive management approaches of TEK. Rather than imposing standardised solutions, restoration programs should enable communities to experiment with hybrid approaches that combine traditional techniques with appropriate modern technologies. Finally, the temporal dimensions of TK suggest that restoration programs must operate on longer time horizons that allow for ecosystem recovery and knowledge reconstruction. The immediate visible results prioritised by current programs often undermine the long-term socio-ecological processes that sustain TWS.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"7. Conclusion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis study reveals a troubling reality of states\u0026rsquo; development interventions designed to preserve and enhance TWS often destroy the very qualities they were envisioned to protect. The story of the elderly man in Govardhan, who watched his Kunds\u0026rsquo; sweet water turn brackish after renovation, represents a widespread pattern across the Braj region. While officials celebrate these projects as successful heritage conservation, communities experience them as environmental and cultural loss.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe research shows how communities remember when Kunds provided clean water through natural processes. Rainwater used to get collected in Kunds; its touch with the soil and movement kept water pure. These systems worked because they were designed by people who understood local conditions. Each Kund still has different sections for different uses- separate areas for drinking, washing, bathing and cattle. Despite technological advances and changing practices, large community sections remain partially or wholly dependent on these water bodies for their water requirements. These TWB aren't just about water\u0026mdash;they are about community life, religious practice, livelihood, and caring for the environment together. With climate change and constant risks of natural calamities, particularly considering Braj's history of severe droughts and floods, it has become more important than ever to talk about the nature of transformation happening to the Kunds.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDuring this study, we found a contradiction between official narratives of Kund renovation success and communities' lived experiences of environmental and cultural degradation during this transformation. Today, \u003cem\u003eBrajwasis\u003c/em\u003e face an impossible choice between the unconsumable, poisoned water of the renovated and depleting Kund and the reverent use of it for religious ceremonies because of deep spiritual connections to these places. They watch animals refuse to drink from water bodies that once supported rich wildlife. They see their children growing up without understanding how TWS works. The government's treatment of Kunds reveals broader tensions between high modernist planning approaches and the complex socio-ecological systems of water management. Even after being systematically marginalised in development processes, community knowledge and agency suggest possibilities for alternative development approaches that prioritise ecological functionality and cultural continuity over administrative convenience and technical standardisation. However, these require fundamental changes in institutional processes, planning methodologies, and conceptual approaches to understanding human-environment relationships.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe sacred geographies of Braj, maintained through community memory and embodied practice despite severe alteration in physical characteristics and imaginations, demonstrate both the resilience of TK and the costs of development approaches that separate cultural significance from ecological functionality. As water scarcity intensifies and climate change disrupts existing systems, the alternative approaches preserved in community memory may become increasingly valuable for developing sustainable responses.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eData Availability\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe datasets generated during the study are not publicly available due to privacy and confidentiality commitments made to participants during data collection. Data are however available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eEthical Approval\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis research was conducted as part of a larger approved research project titled \u0026quot;Exploring the Significance of Traditional Knowledge in Localisation of UN SDGs: A Case of Traditional Water System of Braj\u0026quot; for which ethical approval was obtained. All research was performed in accordance with relevant guidelines and regulations applicable to human participants, including the Declaration of Helsinki. This study received ethical clearance from the Institutional Ethics Committee (IEC) of the host institution.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cul class=\"decimal_type\"\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eApproving Committee: Institutional Ethics Committee (IEC),\u0026nbsp;(institute name Redacted)\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eApproval ID: [REDACTED]/IEC/2024/01/10 (Protocol Version 1.0)\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eDate of Approval: 22 January 2024\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eValid Until: 22 January 2025\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ul\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFieldwork comprised two distinct phases: preliminary reconnaissance (2022\u0026ndash;2023) involving site visits, architectural documentation, and observations that did not require prior ethical approval; and interview data collection with human participants (2024) conducted after receiving ethical approval. All interviews were conducted during two phases: March 26 - April 15, 2024, and November 28 - December 5, 2024, following the receipt of ethical clearance.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eInformed Consent\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eOral informed consent was obtained from all 41 interview participants. The Institutional Ethics Committee explicitly reviewed and approved the use of oral consent, including the script and documentation procedures, in Protocol Version 1.0. Oral consent was chosen for cultural and practical reasons: many local residents, priests, and farmers were unfamiliar with or wary of signing documents associated with legal or government processes, so a verbal process was more acceptable and not intimidating. To maintain ethical rigour, a bonafide letter from the institute, printed in English and Hindi, was handed to participants and read aloud (Braj Bhasha or Hindi, as appropriate) in full before seeking consent. The letter outlined the study aims, voluntary nature of involvement, confidentiality assurances, and participants\u0026apos; right to withdraw from the study. Consent was secured before any recording began, during the two field phases (26 March\u0026ndash;15 April 2024 and 28 November\u0026ndash;5 December 2024), so consent statements do not appear on the audio files.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe consent process was documented through contemporaneous field notes recording date, time, location, and participant code. Where audio recording was declined, interviews proceeded with detailed note taking. Consent was obtained from all 41 adult participants across five categories: local residents (21), government officials (7), NGO and think tank representatives (6), religious figures (4), and elected representatives (3). All participants were informed of the academic purpose of the research on traditional water systems in Braj, the intended use of data in publications, confidentiality and anonymisation through coded identifiers, the right to withdraw at any time without consequence, and the option to participate without being recorded. The same core elements were followed across all semi structured interviews, and participation began only after explicit verbal agreement.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eConsent for Publication\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAll photographs included in this manuscript were taken in public spaces during fieldwork. Where individuals appear in images, they have been anonymised through positioning and digital modification to prevent identification. No individual consent for publication was required as all images were captured in public spaces, and anonymisation measures were applied to protect privacy. The research team ensured that no identifiable features remain visible in any published images.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAcknowledgements.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003eThis work is carried out under a research project funded by [FUNDING AGENCY REDACTED] under [PROGRAMME NAME REDACTED] ongoing since [DATE REDACTED].\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eAgarwal A, Narain S (1997) Dying wisdom: the decline and revival of traditional water harvesting systems in India. Ecologist 27:112\u0026ndash;116\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eAgarwal A, Narain S (1999) Making Water Management Everybody\u0026rsquo;s Business: Water Harvesting and Rural Development in India\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eAsad R, Vaughan J, Ahmed I (2023) Integrated Traditional Water Knowledge in Urban Design and Planning Practices for Sustainable Development: Challenges and Opportunities. Sustainability 2023, Vol 15, Page 12434 15:12434. https://doi.org/10.3390/SU151612434\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eAswani S, Lemahieu A, Sauer WHH (2018) Global trends of local ecological knowledge and future implications. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0195440\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eBerkes F (2018) Traditional Knowledge Systems in Practice. In: Sacred Ecology, 4th edn. Routledge, New York, pp 81\u0026ndash;108\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eBhaduri S, Singh A (2012) Decline of traditional water harvesting systems during British India: Exploring the issues of \u0026ldquo;knowledge incompatibility\u0026rdquo;, \u0026ldquo;breaking down of commons\u0026rdquo; and \u0026ldquo;free ridership.\u0026rdquo; International Society for Ecological Economics\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eBhattacharya S (2015) Traditional Water Harvesting Structures and Sustainable Water Management in India: A Socio-Hydrological Review. International Letters of Natural Sciences 37:30\u0026ndash;38. https://doi.org/10.56431/p-a84p4z\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eBMG (2003) Jawaharlal Nehru (1889 - 1964): Architect of India\u0026rsquo;s modern temples. The Hindu\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eBorie M, Pelling M, Ziervogel G, Hyams K (2019) Mapping narratives of urban resilience in the global south. Global Environmental Change 54:203\u0026ndash;213. https://doi.org/10.1016/J.GLOENVCHA.2019.01.001\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eBorthakur A, Singh P (2020a) Indigenous knowledge systems in sustainable water conservation and management. Water Conservation and Wastewater Treatment in BRICS Nations 321\u0026ndash;328. https://doi.org/10.1016/B978-0-12-818339-7.00016-3\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eBorthakur A, Singh P (2020b) Indigenous knowledge systems in sustainable water conservation and management. In: Water Conservation and Wastewater Treatment in BRICS Nations: Technologies, Challenges, Strategies and Policies. Elsevier, pp 321\u0026ndash;328\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eBraun V, Clarke V (2006) Using thematic analysis in psychology. Qual Res Psychol 3:77\u0026ndash;101. https://doi.org/10.1191/1478088706qp063oa\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eConnerton P (1989) Social memory. In: How Societies Remember. Cambridge University Press, pp 6\u0026ndash;40\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eCullet P (2009) Evolution of Water Law. In: Water Law, Poverty, and Development. Oxford University Press, pp 33\u0026ndash;62\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eDas AT (2024) Braj Kund Restoration Project Unites Sustainability and Sacred Space | ISKCON News. ISKCON News\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eDesign Associates Inc. The Vision Statement: Braj Development Plan Volume IV: Proposals, Strategy and Action Plan. In: Braj Development Plan 2041 for The Braj Region, Mathura District, Uttar Pradesh. pp 15\u0026ndash;19\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eEscobar A (2018) The Ontological Reorientation of Design. 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Ambio 22:151\u0026ndash;156\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eG\u0026oacute;mez-Baggethun E, Corbera E, Reyes-Garc\u0026iacute;a V (2013) Traditional Ecological Knowledge and Global Environmental Change: Research findings and policy implications. Ecol Soc 18:72. https://doi.org/10.5751/ES-06288-180472\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eGoyal Tater N, Toor G, Surana R, Chandra T (2023) Role of the Places of Sacred Eco Heritage in Conserving Traditional Knowledge Systems: The Case of the Braj Region in India. ISVS e-journal 10:\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eHabib Irfan, Mukhopādhyāẏa T (2020) Braj Bhūm in Mughal times : the state, peasants and Gosā\u0026rsquo;ins. 286\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eHein C (2019) Adaptive strategies for water heritage: Past, present and future\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eHussain J, Husain I, Arif \u0026amp; M (2014a) Water resources management: traditional technology and communities as part of the solution. In: A. Castellarin S, Ceola ET, A. 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Science 325:419\u0026ndash;422. https://doi.org/10.1126/SCIENCE.1172133\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003ePandit C, Biswas AK (2019) India\u0026rsquo;s National Water Policy: \u0026lsquo;feel good\u0026rsquo; document, nothing more. Int J Water Resour Dev 35:1015\u0026ndash;1028. https://doi.org/10.1080/07900627.2019.1576509;PAGE:STRING:ARTICLE/CHAPTER\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eParcell ES, Baker BMA (2017) Narrative Analysis. The SAGE Encyclopedia of Communication Research Methods 1069\u0026ndash;1072. https://doi.org/10.4135/9781483381411\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eParker C, Scott S, Geddes A (2019) Snowball Sampling. SAGE Research Methods Foundations. https://doi.org/10.4135/9781526421036831710\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003ePierotti R, Wildcat D (2000) Traditional Ecological Knowledge: The third alternative. Ecological Applications 10:1333\u0026ndash;1340. https://doi.org/10.1890/1051-0761(2000)010[1333:TEKTTA]2.0.CO;2\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eSaha A, Kansal ML, Mishra GC, Gupta RP (2010) Restoration of the Traditional Small Water Bodies in Braj. South Asian Journal of Tourism and Heritage 3:19\u0026ndash;29\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eSarma SP, Aggarwal H (2023) Traditional Water Conservation: Reasons for decline and need for revival\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eSavini F, Raco M (2019) The rise of a new urban technocracy. Planning and Knowledge 3\u0026ndash;18. https://doi.org/10.1332/POLICYPRESS/9781447345244.003.0001\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eSchuh R (2005) Developing Guidelines for Incorporating Traditional Knowledge into the Environmental Impact Assessment Process. Yellowknife\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eScott JC. (2008) Seeing Like a State . Yale University Press, New Haven and London\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eSelvaraj T, Devadas P, Perumal JL, et al (2022) A Comprehensive Review of the Potential of Stepwells as Sustainable Water Management Structures. Water 2022, Vol 14, Page 2665 14:2665. https://doi.org/10.3390/W14172665\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eSengupta N (1985) Irrigation: Traditional vs Modern. Econ Polit Wkly 20:1919\u0026ndash;1938\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eShah T (2018) Taming the Anarchy: Groundwater Governance in South Asia - 1st Edition, 1st edn.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eSharma A, Ji S (2024) Linkages between Traditional Water Systems (TWS) and Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs): A case of Govardhan, India. Social Sciences and Humanities Open 9:. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ssaho.2024.100816\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eSharma M, Rawat S, Kumar D, et al (2024) The state of the Yamuna River: a detailed review of water quality assessment across the entire course in India. 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ATHENS JOURNAL OF ARCHITECTURE 7:275\u0026ndash;304. https://doi.org/10.30958/AJA.7-2-3\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eStoddart MCJ, Yang Y, Atlin C (2023) Regionalizing the sustainable development goals: interpretations of priorities and key actors for creating sustainable island futures. Ecology and Society, Published online: 2023-04-01 | doi:105751/ES-13728-280204 28:. https://doi.org/10.5751/ES-13728-280204\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eStrang V (2023) A Process of Engagement. Gardening the World 28\u0026ndash;53. https://doi.org/10.2307/J.CTT9QDBQK.6\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eTagare GV (1950) Bhāgavata Purāṇa. Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Pvt Ltd, Delhi\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eThe Braj Foundation, IL\u0026amp;FS Infrastructure Development Corporation Limited (2008) Tourism Master Plan of Braj Region\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eTNN (2025) UP sees 65 crore tourists in 2024, over 17 crore more from 2023 | Lucknow News - The Times of India. 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UNESCO Chair Water, Ports and Historic Cities\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eVrindavan Today (2024) Tata, Iskcon to restore kunds in Braj - Vrindavan Today\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":false,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"humanities-and-social-sciences-communications","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"palcomms","sideBox":"Learn more about [Humanities \u0026 Social Sciences Communications](http://www.nature.com/palcomms/)","snPcode":"41599","submissionUrl":"https://submission.springernature.com/new-submission/41599/3","title":"Humanities and Social Sciences Communications","twitterHandle":"","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":true,"editorialSystem":"stoa","reportingPortfolio":"Nature AJ","inReviewEnabled":true,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":false},"keywords":"Adaptation, Water Heritage, Traditional Knowledge, Sacroscape, Development Failures","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7255433/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-7255433/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eTraditional Knowledge Systems and community participation have historically sustained water management practices across the Indian subcontinent for centuries. Communities developed sophisticated methods rooted in cultural practices while addressing practical requirements. However, colonial interventions and post-independence policies have systematically marginalised local knowledge and community participation in water management decisions. Replacing them with centralised technocratic approaches that prioritise technical efficiency over cultural continuity. In the Braj region of India, Traditional Water Bodies (Kunds) serve as both cultural anchors and ecological resources, embodying practical knowledge and spiritual meaning within sacred geography. Today, many of these Kunds are facing degradation due to pollution, encroachment, and state-led renovation interventions. That often destroys their essential socio-ecological qualities. This research investigates how communities remember and value traditional water management systems, navigate tensions between religious significance and physical degradation of transformed water bodies, and reveal unintended consequences of development interventions in culturally significant water systems. This study involves field observation, semi-structured interviews, and thematic analysis across the Braj region. This research documents the lived experiences of communities whose traditional water management systems have been altered by state-led development interventions. Findings reveal a fundamental contradiction between official narratives celebrating renovation success and communities' experiences of environmental and cultural degradation. The water that once embodied purity and reverence has become brackish and undrinkable due to deep boring accessing saline aquifers, yet communities continue performing ritual practices requiring direct water contact. Community memories preserve sophisticated ecological knowledge about natural water purification and adaptive management, but contemporary interventions prioritise standardised technical solutions while systematically excluding local knowledge from decision-making processes. This research contributes to understanding how high modernist development projects encounter and transform complex local systems, revealing gaps between development aspirations and everyday experiences of environmental change.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"Sacred Waters, Broken Systems: Community Experiences of Traditional Water Body Renovations in Braj, India","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2025-10-30 10:45:27","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7255433/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0},{"type":"decision","content":"Revision requested","date":"2026-04-24T09:46:29+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorInvitedReview","content":"","date":"2026-04-06T10:24:30+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"214120230458561961223958388092629705756","date":"2026-03-31T11:28:43+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"156156835592218132783407057786772600172","date":"2026-03-31T10:33:16+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"50415909021230767004110360697370610217","date":"2026-03-30T11:10:52+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"34791817719513024980540041355390576979","date":"2026-03-29T12:33:29+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorInvitedReview","content":"","date":"2026-02-06T21:37:19+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"305343229972094265424888888818538719001","date":"2026-01-23T06:25:40+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"655572885760935923454216375070700000","date":"2026-01-23T00:04:49+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"214120230458561961223958388092629705756","date":"2026-01-22T16:54:17+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"156156835592218132783407057786772600172","date":"2025-10-19T16:26:35+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorInvitedReview","content":"","date":"2025-10-18T01:16:52+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"183430334503774346121075178843403995839","date":"2025-10-17T17:40:21+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewersInvited","content":"","date":"2025-10-17T15:00:51+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorAssigned","content":"","date":"2025-10-03T09:48:51+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"checksComplete","content":"","date":"2025-09-29T16:47:52+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"submitted","content":"Humanities and Social Sciences Communications","date":"2025-09-29T16:43:42+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"humanities-and-social-sciences-communications","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"palcomms","sideBox":"Learn more about [Humanities \u0026 Social Sciences Communications](http://www.nature.com/palcomms/)","snPcode":"41599","submissionUrl":"https://submission.springernature.com/new-submission/41599/3","title":"Humanities and Social Sciences Communications","twitterHandle":"","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":true,"editorialSystem":"stoa","reportingPortfolio":"Nature AJ","inReviewEnabled":true,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":false}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"c971fc98-ab76-42f1-8154-e5c30e4eab66","owner":[],"postedDate":"October 30th, 2025","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"in-revision","subjectAreas":[{"id":56963461,"name":"Social science/Environmental studies"},{"id":56963462,"name":"Scientific community and society/Geography"},{"id":56963463,"name":"Social science/Geography"},{"id":56963464,"name":"Scientific community and society/Water resources"}],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2026-04-24T10:02:17+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2025-10-30 10:45:27","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-7255433","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-7255433","identity":"rs-7255433","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"8U1c8b4HqxoKbykW_rLl7","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}