Navigating systemic exclusion: Social workers’ perspectives on the challenges faced by undocumented immigrant children in Mahikeng, South Africa

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The number of undocumented immigrants in South Africa has increased in recent years. Children of immigrants, especially those without legal status, encounter difficulties that affect their social integration and general well-being. This research aimed to explore the perspectives of social workers on the challenges faced by undocumented immigrant children in Mahikeng, South Africa. This qualitative study was grounded in ecological systems theory. Data were collected using semi-structured interviews with nine purposively sampled social workers from the Mahikeng Department of Social Development service point and were thematically analysed. The results showed complex issues that function at the institutional, structural, and psychological levels. The denial of access to social grants, healthcare, and education because of inadequate documentation; administrative and legal bottlenecks in the Department of Home Affairs; and severe psychological distress brought on by family separation, deportation fears, and xenophobic societal attitudes were among the main obstacles. Social workers deal with difficult moral and practical issues when delivering advocacy, child protection, and psychosocial support. These issues are frequently made worse by institutional flaws, such as the lack of child-friendly facilities, which forces children to be held in police cells together with their parents/guardians. These results suggest that comprehensive policy reform and improved interdepartmental cooperation are urgently needed to protect the rights and welfare of children of undocumented immigrants. Undocumented immigrant children Social workers Challenges Exclusion Ecological systems theory South Africa Introduction The current study explores the current situation of illegal immigrant children living in Mahikeng, in the North-West Province of South Africa. The main goal of this study was to investigate the professional perspectives of social workers on challenges faced by undocumented children in South Africa. The study seeks to develop a thorough grasp of the challenges that characterise these children' everyday lives by focussing on the perspectives of social workers employed by the government through the Department of Social Development. Background to the study The problem of illegal immigration is debatable and complex and is affecting South Africa just as much as many other countries all over the world. Recent research has provided insight into the illegal migration situation in South Africa and its impact on the country's social, economic and political conditions (Moyo & Zanker, 2020). As a regional economic hub, South Africa has long been a destination for migrants from across the continent. According to the most recent available data from Statistics South Africa (Stats SA), there were an estimated 3.96 million undocumented immigrants in South Africa by 2022. Among this population, children without legal status constitute a hidden and severely marginalised group, whose precarious existence is exacerbated by systemic exclusion and socio-political hostility (Mbiyozo, 2019; Vanyoro, 2023). The moral and legal obligation to protect the children in question is unequivocal. Both the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (1990) and the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC, 1989) forbid discrimination against children on the basis of nationality or legal status, and South Africa is a signatory to both. The right to basic nutrition, shelter, health care, and social services is guaranteed for all children in South Africa by Section 28 of the South African Constitution. Legal precedent has supported this, including the seminal Centre for Child Law v. Minister of Home Affairs (2021) decision, which upheld the principle that immigration enforcement cannot infringe upon the rights of children. The economic contradictions and social tensions surrounding migration have created a fertile ground for political movements that frame the issue through a lens of resource scarcity and nationalism. The core of this narrative posits that South Africa's limited resources—jobs, housing, and public services—are a finite pie, and that undocumented migrants are taking slices that rightfully belong to citizens (Nhemachena et al., 2022). Despite a strong legal foundation, there remains a disconnection between the policy's intention and its actual application. Due to stringent bureaucratic requirements that demand proof of legal status, undocumented children encounter significant obstacles when trying to access social security, healthcare, and education (Blessed-Sayah & Griffiths, 2024; South African Human Rights Commission 2020). Additionally, they are more vulnerable to psychological trauma, family separation, and exploitation (UNICEF, 2022). Social workers are at the centre of this dilemma as frontline state agents required by the Children's Act 38 of 2005. Despite the South African government's dedication to protecting undocumented children's rights, its efforts are hampered by a system that unintentionally marginalizes them due to intricate legal requirements and institutional flaws. Due to their conflicting roles in a state system that actively harms children and their obligation to protect them, frontline workers experience severe moral distress as a result of this failure, which also feeds the social unrest that is observed in communities taking matters into their own hands (Warria, 2020; Machaka, 2024). Theoretical Framework An appropriate paradigm for examining the complex issues undocumented immigrant children encounter is ecological systems theory (Bronfenbrenner, 1979), which holds that a nested arrangement of interacting environmental systems influences child development. This is evident across its various tiers: the microsystem, or the child's immediate environments like family and school, is often stressed by parental fear of deportation, economic hardship, and discrimination within schools; the mesosystem, which involves the interconnections between microsystems such as the relationship between family and school, is frequently weak or broken for undocumented families due to language barriers and institutional distrust; the exosystem, comprising external settings that indirectly influence the child like parental workplace and social welfare policies, is where immigration enforcement policies and government delays directly impact the child's well-being; the macrosystem, which is the broader cultural, social, and legal context including national immigration laws and societal xenophobia, creates a pervasive climate of exclusion through hostile attitudes and restrictive policies; and finally, the chronosystem, which encompasses the dimension of time and life-course events such as a child’s migration journey and prolonged legal uncertainty, sees the protracted nature of immigration processes compound trauma and instability. South Africa as a migration magnet The emergence of social movement organizations against illegal migrants like Operation Dudula effectively illustrates South Africa's role as a migration magnet. Being the largest economy on the continent, South Africa has a strong pull-on migrant from other parts of Africa and beyond. Because of this dynamic, the country is now the preferred destination for people looking for political stability, economic opportunity, and safety from persecution and conflict. According to the African Centre for Migration & Society (2022), approximately 3.9 million international migrants resided in South Africa in 2020, a total of approximately 6.5% of the total population. This significant influx, while a testament to the country's relative prosperity, has also engendered complex social, economic, and political challenges, creating visible tensions, particularly in urban areas where competition for scarce resources and services intensifies (African Centre for Migration & Society, 2022). These tensions have, in recent years, manifested in movements such as Operation Dudula, which scholars describe as "xenophobic vigilantism... a form of violence disguised as nationalism against foreign nationals. It feeds on lies and fear—lies that foreigners are intent on doing evil and crime in the country" (Nhemachena et al., 2022). In summary, the authors argue that groups like Operation Dudula weaponize nationalist sentiment to justify violence, basing their actions on a foundation of fearmongering and the deliberate propagation of false narratives that scapegoat foreigners for societal problems like crime. The phenomenon of irregular or illegal migration is a central feature of this landscape. Research has documented that Zimbabwean migrants account for nearly 70% of the foreign-born population in South Africa, with a significant proportion entering the country through irregular means because of economic hardship and a scarcity of legal avenues (Chiwaya, 2021). As a result of this reality, social tension has increased, and in certain communities, xenophobic attitude has become institutionalized, as seen by recurring and destructive outbreaks of violence against foreign nationals (Amnesty International, 2019). Historical underpinnings of irregular migration The story of illegal migrations has woven its way into the very fabric of South African social, economic, and political life in such a way that the very name of the country has become synonymous with illegal migration and symbolises a continuous and complex historical trajectory. It spans from colonial, apartheid, and post-apartheid periods, is intricately linked to the country's socioeconomic and political development. Its origins lie in the colonial era and the systematic hiring of low-cost migrant labor for the mining sector. Under frequently exploitative and unequal conditions, workers from neighbouring countries like Zimbabwe, Mozambique, and Lesotho were extensively recruited (Crush & Dodson, 2017). The apartheid era further shaped this trajectory through the implementation of strict, racially motivated border controls designed to manage and segregate the flow of Black Africans. Policies such as pass laws and the establishment of Bantustans were not merely instruments of internal control but also served to constrict legal movement, thereby paradoxically engendering more illicit migration as people sought to escape these confines (Crush & Dodson, 2017). The post-1994 democratic transition marked a new chapter. South Africa’s newfound image as a democratic "rainbow nation" with economic promise became a powerful pull factor for migrants from across the continent. However, as Sader (2024) notes, this period was characterized by weak structural border controls and lax enforcement of immigration laws, which led to a sharp rise in irregular entries. Furthermore, the introduction of tighter immigration controls, including the 2002 Immigration Act, had the paradoxical effect of boosting unauthorised migration by severely restricting legal routes for low-skilled workers (Sader, 2024). One constant factor driving these flows has been regional instability. After Zimbabwe's economy collapsed catastrophically after 2000, a huge influx of people arrived; according to Tshabalala (2025), by 2020, the undocumented population was anticipated to be 2.9 million, the most of whom were from Zimbabwe. A complicated and long-lasting legacy of irregular migration has been left behind by colonial labor systems, apartheid-era limitations, post-apartheid policy gaps, and regional unrest. This heritage still poses difficulties for the country today. The plight of undocumented migrant children Among the most vulnerable groups within the migration landscape are undocumented children. South Africa, a hub country for migration in the Southern African region, experiences daunting challenges in meeting the needs of undocumented migrant children who cross the border- officially or unofficially, fleeing conflict, economic deprivation or political uncertainties in neighbouring countries. They face systemic exclusion, xenophobia, and a critical lack of legal protection. Their journeys are often perilous; research indicates that unaccompanied minors rarely travel independently but are frequently facilitated by smugglers, traffickers, or opportunistic adults who exploit their vulnerability (Songore, 2024). Organizations like Save the Children South Africa (2023) document rising cases of these children being trafficked into the country for forced labour and abuse. Transit-related trauma frequently lasts for a long time after arrival. According to a study by Vearey (2023), 58% of unaccompanied minors in Johannesburg had signs of Post Traumatic Stress Disorder, a condition made worse by the agony of family separation and the ongoing fear of xenophobia. These children's constitutional rights are not upheld in South Africa's detention institutions; overcrowding, poor medical care, and protracted legal uncertainty are frequent complaints (Scalabrini Centre, 2023). A clear picture of this reality was given by the Scalabrini Centre in Cape Town (2023), which discovered that 70% of its child customers were not attending school because of bullying and administrative obstacles, 80% of their clients were undocumented, and 80% of them had dreams about police raids. According to Mahleza and Maake-Malatji (2024), there is a conflict between the humanitarian perspective, which maintains that children's rights to protection, healthcare, and education are inalienable and should not be influenced by their legal status, and the restrictionist perspective, which contends that giving priority to these rights could encourage more illegal migration and put a burden on state resources. There are numerous implementation gaps in spite of a strong legal framework that includes the Children's Act of 2005, the Constitution (Section 28), and international commitments like the UNCRC. Children are trapped in a bureaucratic maze as a result of the 2023 White Paper on Citizenship, Immigration, and Refugee Protection, which prioritizes border enforcement over child-sensitive asylum procedures (Department of Home Affairs, 2023). Lawyers for Human Rights (2023) confirm that undocumented children encounter immense difficulties obtaining birth certificates or asylum permits, which in turn blocks their access to essential services like education and healthcare, despite these rights being constitutionally guaranteed. The legislative and policy framework: gaps and contradictions The regulations governing migration in South Africa are complicated and frequently conflicting. The legislative and policy framework of South Africa's migration protocols are based on a number of important pieces of legislation and principles. These are the measures that are intended for control and management of the entry of foreigners into and within the territory. The country’s policy towards the movement of foreigners across its boundaries is influenced in large measure by immigration policies. International migration is an inevitable world-wide phenomenon which needs to be governed by proper policies and laws. The main laws are the Refugees Act 130 of 1998, which governs refugees and asylum seekers in accordance with international agreements; the Immigration Act 13 of 2002, which governs foreign nationals' entry and residency; and the Children's Act 38 of 2005, which upholds the constitutional rights of all children (Republic of South Africa, 2002; 2006). The ultimate legislation is the Constitution, which protects fundamental rights for "everyone," even illegal immigrants. However, the application of this framework is deeply flawed. Kock (2018) points out that these various laws often overlap and contradict each other, creating a tortuous bureaucratic process. This complexity is exploited by criminal syndicates, including human traffickers, who manipulate the system. A key criticism is the conflation of economic migrants and asylum seekers, leading to an overwhelmed asylum system and highlighting the pressing need for separate legislative channels for these distinct groups (Kock, 2018). The government has had erratic policy, alternating between humanitarianism and securitization. The 2017 White Paper on International Migration was criticized for ignoring migrant rights while advocating for more stringent law enforcement (Ziegler, 2020). Despite showing a desire to regularize status, programs like as the Lesotho Special Permit (LSP) are only temporary and do not address long-term policy inconsistencies (Sader, 2024). The recent expiration of the Zimbabwe Exemption Permit (ZEP), which represents an ill-prepared and haphazard approach to migrant regularization, threatens to leave millions of people without documentation (Tshabalala, 2025). Additionally, authorities frequently participate in smuggling networks, and corruption within border institutions seriously impairs enforcement (Carciotto, 2021). The Institute for Security Studies (2023) points out that although the Department of Home Affairs' White Paper from 2022 calls for tighter border restrictions, its implementation is still uncertain and compromised. This has created a regime that, while appearing rights-based on paper, perpetuates exclusion and vulnerability. The Migration Policy Institute (2023) warns that without comprehensive reform, the continued erosion of rights through bureaucratic hindrances and securitized protocols risks causing enduring harm to both vulnerable migrant groups and South Africa's democratic institutions. However, migration legislation in South Africa has both merits and demerits. Migration legislation allows for the recruitment of skilled migrants, which can address labour market shortages and contribute to the country’s economic growth. Migrants in South Africa have improved productivity and generate significant revenues through their participation in the formal economy (International Organisation for Migration, 2018). Methodology Research design and approach This study employed a qualitative, exploratory research design. This approach was deemed most appropriate for gaining an in-depth, nuanced understanding of social workers lived experiences and perspectives, which are not easily captured through quantitative methods (Creswell, 2021 ). Study setting and participants The study was conducted in Mahikeng, the capital city of the North West Province, South Africa. Mahikeng is a significant reception point for migrants, including many without legal documentation. The target population was social workers employed at the Mahikeng Service Point of the Department of Social Development. Purposive sampling was used to select participants who met specific criteria: registration with the South African Council for Social Service Professions (SACSSP), a minimum of three years of experience at the service point, and at least six months of direct experience working with undocumented migrant children. A sample of nine participants was selected, at which point data saturation was achieved. Data collection and analysis Data was collected through face-to-face, semi-structured interviews using an interview guide. The interviews were conducted in private settings, audio-recorded with permission, and transcribed verbatim. Thematic analysis, as outlined by Braun and Clarke ( 2006 ) was employed to analyse the data. This involved familiarising oneself with the data, generating initial codes, searching for themes, reviewing themes, defining and naming themes, and producing the report. Rigorous measures to ensure trustworthiness—credibility, transferability, dependability, and confirmability—were adhered to, including member checking and a clear audit trail. Ethical considerations Ethical clearance was obtained from the North-West University Health Research Ethics Committee (HREC) and legal permission was granted by the North West Provincial Department of Social Development. All participants provided written informed consent. Principles of anonymity, confidentiality, and privacy were strictly maintained. Participants were assigned pseudonyms, and data was stored securely on password-protected devices. Results The analysis yielded five central themes, which are summarised and discussed below: Access to education: Despite the constitutional right to basic education, participants reported that schools routinely deny admission or progression to higher grades without documentation. “Children who are undocumented are more likely to be dismissed or chased away... due to a lack of documentation” (Participant 4). Interviews with participants highlight the systemic difficulties these children encounter when attempting to enrol in schools. Participant 1 emphasised the bureaucratic obstacles, stating: “We also experience a problem when these children have to be registered at ECD centres or schools because we will be run up and down”. Additionally, Participant 6 highlighted the limitations on academic progression, explaining: “If they get enrolled in a school, they get enrolled only for lower grades, but they cannot go above grades because they don’t have the documents”. This suggests that even when initial enrollment is permitted, the absence of legal documentation prevents children from advancing to higher grades, effectively truncating their education. This systemic barrier reinforces Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model (1979), where higher-level policies (chronosystem) perpetuate long-term disadvantages by restricting mobility within the education system. Access to healthcare and social grants: The lack of a birth certificate is an absolute barrier to accessing a child support grant from the South African Social Security Agency (SASSA). Similarly, clinics often refuse treatment without documents. “The undocumented children don’t benefit from our services such as social grants. The reason being we usually look for birth certificates, so they don’t have [them]” (Participant 1). This sentiment was echoed by Participant 9, who stated, When a child is undocumented, it’s really a problem because the child won’t be able to access the social grant. These responses highlight how the lack of official documentation, particularly birth certificates, serves as a critical barrier to social assistance, reflecting structural exclusion within the broader societal system. Additionally, Participant 3 pointed out the administrative challenges faced by caregivers, remarking, Each and every child has the right to Social Security. But when an undocumented child goes to SASSA to apply for a child support grant, the parents experience administrative challenges. This suggests that even when attempts are made to secure grants, bureaucratic processes within institutions such as the South African Social Security Agency (SASSA) further hinder access. This creates a cycle of poverty and ill-health that social workers struggle to break. Existing literature indicates that undocumented children frequently encounter obstacles in obtaining healthcare, primarily due to their lack of official identification (Kisa & Kisa, 2024 ). Without proper documentation, these children are often excluded from formal healthcare systems, leaving their medical needs unaddressed (Ackermann, 2017). This aligns with the experiences shared by participants in this study and can be understood through the lens of Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory (1979) highlights how these legal and bureaucratic obstacles operate at the exosystem level, shaping institutional policies that directly affect undocumented children’s access to healthcare. For instance, Participant 6 noted: "We do not know their exact age or health status," Highlighting the difficulties in assessing and treating undocumented children due to insufficient records. Similarly, reinforcing the systemic exclusion faced by this group, Participant 3 emphasised: "They can't access health care services because of identification issues." These accounts underscore how legal and bureaucratic barriers, situated within broader structural systems, perpetuate health disparities among undocumented minors. Administrative and legal barriers: The process of obtaining documentation was described as Kafkaesque. For children born in South Africa to undocumented parents, officials often demand the parent return to their country of origin to “make a linkage” between their documents and the child’s proof of birth, an impossible task for many. “The system needs to clean itself first” (Participant 2) , one social worker remarked, criticising the inefficiency of the Department of Home Affairs. A key issue is the restrictive and often impractical documentation requirements imposed on undocumented families. One participant explained: “If the mother goes to the Department of Health to give birth, the only document they issue is proof of birth. That particular mother is supposed to go back to her country of origin to make a linkage between her document and that of the child.” (Participant 1) This expectation places an undue burden on undocumented mothers, many of whom cannot feasibly return to their home countries to complete registration. Consequently, their children remain without legal recognition, barring them from accessing basic services. Another participant noted: “For an undocumented child and unaccompanied child, they can’t access services. You need the assistance of an adult for you to get those services.” (Participant 3) This highlights the additional vulnerability of unaccompanied minors, who lack the necessary adult support to navigate bureaucratic systems. Research supports these findings, confirming that rigid administrative procedures prevent undocumented children from obtaining legal identity, thereby excluding them from healthcare, education, and social protection (Hunter, 2019). These barriers align with acculturation stress (Berry, 1997 ), where institutional exclusion exacerbates the challenges of integration, while ecological systems theory (Bronfenbrenner, 1979 ) underscores how the absence of supportive intermediaries (mesosystem) isolates children from essential services. Despite legal protections for children, undocumented minors in Mahikeng face systemic exclusion due to inconsistent policy implementation. One participant stated: “Despite legal provisions, undocumented children struggle to access services due to administrative hurdles.” (Participant 3) Another participant emphasised the challenges posed by age verification requirements: “Accessing the right services at times would be the main challenge because for certain services your age has to be validated, so if you are undocumented that becomes a bit of a challenge.” (Participant 7) These testimonies reveal a disconnect between policy and practice, where legal entitlements are undermined by procedural barriers. Existing studies affirm this gap, demonstrating that while undocumented children are theoretically entitled to services, they are frequently denied access due to inflexible administrative demands (Ngwenya, 2023). From an ecological systems perspective (Bronfenbrenner, 1979 ), this inconsistency reflects a breakdown between the exosystem (laws) and the microsystem (service providers). Psychological and emotional distress: The constant fear of deportation, actual family separation during immigration processing, and the trauma of their migration journeys leave deep psychological scars. “That separation causes trauma between the kids and their parents... The minute you separate them; it’s a serious challenge to the kids” (Participant 5). Unaccompanied minors were described as showing pronounced signs of anxiety and fear. As noted by Participant 8: Coming into contact with children who are undocumented, who show signs of anxiety and fear, because they are the first time coming here, and they are not even accompanied by adults. This statement underscores the traumatic nature of migration for unaccompanied minors, who must navigate an unfamiliar environment without the stability of familial presence. Compounding this distress is the language barrier, which impedes effective communication between social workers and the children (Maiter et al., 2017). The inability to convey critical information not only hinders immediate assistance but also prolongs the children’s psychological turmoil. Participant 8 further highlights this challenge: Our languages in order for us to assist was a barrier to them and us, because we could not compile comprehensive information in order for us that should be able to intervene or service them appropriately. This communication barrier reflects a microsystem-level challenge within Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory, where direct interactions between children and service providers are disrupted, exacerbating their vulnerability (Bronfenbrenner, 1979 ). Without accurate and detailed accounts of the children’s circumstances, social workers struggle to implement appropriate interventions, leaving the children in prolonged states of vulnerability. Moreover, the precariousness of their legal status perpetuates a persistent sense of instability, further deteriorating their emotional well-being (Mahleza & Maake-Malatji, 2024 ). The protracted and uncertain nature of legal processes exacerbates their psychological distress, as they remain in limbo regarding their future. Participant 3’s remark illustrates the lingering uncertainty that these children endure: It was a long process… we are not sure or certain whether they arrived at their respective families or whatnot. Societal attitudes of xenophobia and discrimination Academic research consistently demonstrates that undocumented immigrants frequently encounter systemic discrimination, often exacerbated by negative stereotypes that unjustly associate them with criminal behaviour (Umeh et al., 2024). Empirical evidence from participant interviews corroborates these findings. Participant 2 observes a recurring pattern of scapegoating, wherein migrants are disproportionately blamed for local crimes: "Every time when there is a case of robbery, murder, or rape, they blame them. So, the society does not accept them… The society does not accept them even the perspective it's on another level. They don't want them in their country because they bring crime." (Participant 2) This statement reflects how deeply ingrained stereotypes foster collective suspicion, further marginalising undocumented individuals regardless of their actual involvement in illicit activities. From an ecological systems perspective (Bronfenbrenner, 1979 ), these dynamics operate at the macrosystem level, where societal norms and media narratives perpetuate exclusionary attitudes, reinforcing structural barriers. Additionally, Participant 4 identifies intersecting forms of discrimination rooted in racial, linguistic, and cultural differences: "They have the tendency to discriminate against, maybe through race, colour, and the language area and culture". Social workers identified societal xenophobia as a major exacerbating factor. Participants reported that negative stereotypes, often fueled by media portrayals, lead to discrimination and violence. “Every time when there is a case of robbery, murder, or rape, they blame them. So, the society does not accept them” (Participant 2). This environment of hostility reinforces the social exclusion of undocumented children and their families, making integration and access to community support impossible. Discussion The findings powerfully illustrate the utility of the theoretical framework. From an ecological systems perspective, the challenges are embedded at every level: the child’s profound psychological and emotional distress (microsystem); the broken links between family, school, and social services (mesosystem), severely impacted by poor access to education and limited access to healthcare and social grants; the inefficient, exclusionary, and obstructive policies of the DHA and SASSA, which create immense administrative and legal barriers (exosystem); and the overarching societal attitudes of xenophobia and discrimination and contradictory legislation (macrosystem). A central conflict identified is the role confusion and moral distress experienced by social workers. They are mandated by the Children’s Act to be “custodians” of child rights, yet they are employed by a state apparatus whose immigration policies, rife with administrative and legal barriers, often violate those very rights. This places them in an impossible position, constantly mediating between their ethical duty and systemic constraints, a struggle exacerbated when trying to secure basic rights like healthcare and social grants for their clients. This finding contributes to the broader discourse on street-level bureaucracy and the ways in which frontline practitioners navigate, and sometimes resist, policies they perceive as unjust (Lipsky, 2010 ). The denial of access to education transcends a mere bureaucratic oversight; it signifies a profound and catastrophic breach of the state's most fundamental promise. When schools, as instruments of the state, "chase away" children due to a lack of documentation, they are not merely adhering to a policy but actively orchestrating the creation of a perpetual underclass. Education is the quintessential mechanism for social integration, critical cognitive development, and crucial future economic participation. By slamming shut this door, the system guarantees that these children are banished to the fringes of society, their boundless potential irrevocably truncated. This engenders a chilling and inescapable paradox: a state that constitutionally asserts the guarantee of education simultaneously perpetuates a subsystem that obliterates this right, insidiously punishing the child for the administrative circumstances of their parents. The long-term consequence is not only a devastating personal tragedy for each excluded child but a monumental societal loss, cultivating a generation barred from the knowledge economy and increasingly susceptible to exploitation. This educational exclusion, a tragedy in its own right, is exacerbated by the grim and equally pressing issue of access to healthcare and social benefits. In this dire context, the absence of a birth certificate morphs from a simple bureaucratic impediment into a relentless tool of deprivation and suffering. The state's social safety net, ostensibly crafted to combat poverty and safeguard health, is paradoxically rendered inaccessible by the very eligibility criteria that hinge on such documentation. This initiates a cruel and self-perpetuating cycle: without a social grant, a family falls ever deeper into the abyss of poverty, intensifying cycles of poor health and malnutrition; deprived of clinic access, diseases that could be easily treated escalate to chronic conditions, crippling a child's potential to learn and thrive in educational settings even if they were present in school. The narrative must highlight that social workers, frontline witnesses of this heart-wrenching cycle, are incapacitated by a bureaucratic machinery that elevates paperwork above human welfare. Consequently, the state, through entities like SASSA, becomes an inadvertent yet contributing architect in magnifying the very poverty and ill-health it pledges to alleviate, thus spotlighting a profound and unsettling contradiction at the core of its social responsibility to the most vulnerable citizens. The very foundation of this systemic collapse can be directly attributed to the formidable administrative and legal barriers deeply entrenched in the convoluted process of obtaining vital documentation. Labelling this process as "Kafkaesque" is anything but an exaggeration; it is the clearest, most poignant depiction of a system that is bewilderingly illogical, maddeningly opaque, and ultimately harshly punitive (Lipsky, 2010 ). The insistence that undocumented parents must return to their country of origin to "make a linkage" often stands as a colossal impossibility, whether due to prohibitive costs, life-threatening dangers, or non-existent functioning civil registries within their home countries. This demand thrusts families into a chilling state of legal limbo—an abyss, a bureaucratic black hole where, tragically, children born on South African soil are left unrecognised by any state. Participant 2's unapologetic assertion that "the system needs to clean itself first" cuts through the fog, offering a piercing critique that lays bare the reality: the nightmare is not a result of scarce resources but a product of flawed, inefficient design at its very core. In this context, the Department of Home Affairs, rather than operating as a benevolent service provider, is cast as an implacable gatekeeper whose lumbering inefficiency operates alarmingly as a de facto immigration control mechanism—leaving in its wake children as its unintentional and heartbreaking casualties. Beyond the tangible deprivations of school and clinic access, the research reveals a deep undercurrent of psychological and emotional turmoil that pervades every aspect of life. The relentless and ever-present fear of deportation, coupled with the harrowing trauma of familial separation, inflicts invisible, yet profoundly incapacitating wounds no less severe than the grips of material poverty. The psychological literature is unequivocal: the toxic stress endured by children in such unpredictable and menacing environments has the power to fundamentally alter brain development, precipitating ongoing struggles with anxiety, securing attachment, and regulating emotions. The initial trauma endured during the arduous migration journey is exacerbated by the perpetual trauma of living in the shadows, compounded by the overwhelming anguish of parental separation. For unaccompanied minors, this intensifies tenfold as they chart this frightening landscape devoid of their primary sources of safety and comfort. Consequently, the system not only neglects to provide essential services, but actively operates as an engine of profound and relentless psychological harm. Ultimately, these deep-rooted institutional failures are magnified and made apparent by the overwhelming societal undertones of xenophobia and discrimination. This society-wide animosity is not an isolated problem, but rather an expansive social backdrop against which legal and administrative injustices prominently stand out. When media narratives and public conversations consistently brand migrants as criminals and easy targets for blame, they foster an environment that not only permits but actively encourages their exclusion. This pernicious xenophobia offers a convenient rationale for the clinic worker who callously denies a sick child necessary care or the school administrator who unjustly refuses a child's enrolment. It assures them they are not infringing upon a right but instead safeguarding a resource from an "undeserving" outsider. In this atmosphere of hostility, the notion of "integration," a proclaimed objective of countless social policies, becomes a distant, unattainable illusion. Stripped of the protective layer of community support and acceptance, these families find themselves completely isolated, with their vulnerability not merely reinforced by law but deeply entrenched by the prejudices of those around them. The research thus unveils a harrowing collaboration: a malfunctioning state system and a hostile civil society conspiring in a concerted effort to obliterate any chance of a dignified existence for undocumented children. This research underscores that the plight of undocumented children is not an isolated issue but a symptom of a broader systemic malaise. It reflects a securitised approach to migration that prioritises border control over human rights and the best interests of the child. The interconnected themes of poor access to education, limited healthcare and social grants, administrative and legal barriers, psychological distress, and societal xenophobia form a complex web of exclusion. Addressing this requires a fundamental rethinking of policy and practice, moving from exclusion to inclusion, and from enforcement to protection. Recommendations Based on this conclusion, the following actions are urgently recommended: Guarantee children's rights unconditionally: Align the Children’s Act with the constitution and international law to explicitly protect all children, regardless of immigration status, and abolish documentation requirements for essential services like education and healthcare. Formalize interdepartmental collaboration: Establish a streamlined protocol between the Department of Social Development, Home Affairs, SAPS, and Basic Education to expedite processes and prevent children from being detained or falling through administrative cracks. Invest in child protection infrastructure: Build and fund adequate child and youth care centers in the Northwest Province to ensure no child is detained in a police cell due to their immigration status. Launch anti-xenophobia initiatives: Government and civil society must lead targeted campaigns to combat misinformation and xenophobia, promoting social cohesion and the universal rights of children. Support frontline social workers: Provide ongoing training on migrant rights and trauma-informed care, alongside institutional support to help them manage the ethical dilemmas and psychological burdens of their work. Recommendations for future research This study opens several avenues for further inquiry: Longitudinal research: Tracking the long-term outcomes of undocumented children who interact with the child protection system to understand the lifelong impact of early legal precarity and institutional intervention. Child-centred research: Employing participatory and child-friendly methodologies to directly capture the experiences, voices, and perspectives of undocumented children themselves, rather than relying solely on adult proxies. Comparative regional analysis: Investigating whether the challenges identified in Mahikeng are consistent across other provinces in South Africa, or if certain regions have developed more effective models of inter-departmental collaboration and child protection. Effectiveness of interventions: Research focused on evaluating specific intervention models, such as alternative care arrangements for unaccompanied minors or the impact of community-based advocacy programs on improving service access. Social worker well-being: A dedicated study on the moral distress, burnout, and coping mechanisms of social workers who specialise in migration and child protection, to inform better support structures for these essential frontline staff. Conclusion In conclusion, protecting illegal migrant children is a crucial litmus test for the meaningful fulfilment of South Africa's founding constitutional goal. The prevalent political and administrative discourse, which primarily views migration through a prism of securitization and criminality, is not only analytically narrow but also fundamentally at odds with the country's jurisprudential ethos, as the previous research has explained. Protecting this extremely vulnerable group is not equivalent to endorsing illegal migration routes; rather, it is a clear duty to respect the fundamental, unalienable human rights principles—such as equality, dignity, and the importance of the child's best interests—that serve as the cornerstone of the post-apartheid legal system. Therefore, a radical and systematic paradigm change is desperately needed, moving away from a security-focused, restrictionist approach to immigration management and toward a strictly enforced child-rights-based framework. A threefold justification drives this critical transition. First of all, it is a legally obligatory duty that is outlined in Section 28 of the Republic of South Africa's Constitution and further developed in the Children's Act 38 of 2005, which expressly grants safeguards to all children under the republic's authority. Second, it is a moral requirement that cannot be compromised, requiring the protection of the most vulnerable and exploited. Third, since the systematic exclusion of children from protection and services results in long-term deficiencies in social stability and human capital, it is a practical necessity for fostering a socially cohesive, equitable, and affluent society. Consequently, the state's fiduciary obligations and normative principles are betrayed whenever strong preventive measures are not implemented. The welfare of undocumented children is ultimately intertwined with the overall welfare of the South African political system; their exclusion jeopardizes the country's future social and economic structure, while their integration is essential to the democratic development of the country. Declarations Acknowledgments Our appreciation extends to the staff at the DSD Mahikeng Unit 2 Service Point for their cooperation and support. Furthermore, we acknowledge with thanks the financial support provided by the North-West University through a postgraduate bursary. Conflict of interest: The authors declare that there is no conflict of interest pertaining to this study. Ethical approval: This study followed ethical compliance, as set out by the North-West University, Health Research Ethics Committee, and was approved with an ethical reference number: NWU-00171-24-S1 References Africa Check. (2023). Are there 15 million undocumented immigrants living in South Africa? 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The main goal of this study was to investigate the professional perspectives of social workers on challenges faced by undocumented children in South Africa. The study seeks to develop a thorough grasp of the challenges that characterise these children' everyday lives by focussing on the perspectives of social workers employed by the government through the Department of Social Development.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eBackground to the study\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe problem of illegal immigration is debatable and complex and is affecting South Africa just as much as many other countries all over the world. Recent research has provided insight into the illegal migration situation in South Africa and its impact on the country's social, economic and political conditions (Moyo \u0026amp; Zanker, 2020). As a regional economic hub, South Africa has long been a destination for migrants from across the continent. According to the most recent available data from Statistics South Africa (Stats SA), there were an estimated 3.96 million undocumented immigrants in South Africa by 2022. Among this population, children without legal status constitute a hidden and severely marginalised group, whose precarious existence is exacerbated by systemic exclusion and socio-political hostility (Mbiyozo, 2019; Vanyoro, 2023). The moral and legal obligation to protect the children in question is unequivocal. Both the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (1990) and the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC, 1989) forbid discrimination against children on the basis of nationality or legal status, and South Africa is a signatory to both. \u0026nbsp;The right to basic nutrition, shelter, health care, and social services is guaranteed for all children in South Africa by Section 28 of the South African Constitution. \u0026nbsp;Legal precedent has supported this, including the seminal Centre for Child Law v. Minister of Home Affairs (2021) decision, which upheld the principle that immigration enforcement cannot infringe upon the rights of children.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe economic contradictions and social tensions surrounding migration have created a fertile ground for political movements that frame the issue through a lens of resource scarcity and nationalism. The core of this narrative posits that South Africa's limited resources—jobs, housing, and public services—are a finite pie, and that undocumented migrants are taking slices that rightfully belong to citizens (Nhemachena et al., 2022).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDespite a strong legal foundation, there remains a disconnection between the policy's intention and its actual application. \u0026nbsp;Due to stringent bureaucratic requirements that demand proof of legal status, undocumented children encounter significant obstacles when trying to access social security, healthcare, and education (Blessed-Sayah \u0026amp; Griffiths, 2024; South African Human Rights Commission 2020). \u0026nbsp; Additionally, they are more vulnerable to psychological trauma, family separation, and exploitation (UNICEF, 2022). Social workers are at the centre of this dilemma as frontline state agents required by the Children's Act 38 of 2005. \u0026nbsp;Despite the South African government's dedication to protecting undocumented children's rights, its efforts are hampered by a system that unintentionally marginalizes them due to intricate legal requirements and institutional flaws. \u0026nbsp;Due to their conflicting roles in a state system that actively harms children and their obligation to protect them, frontline workers experience severe moral distress as a result of this failure, which also feeds the social unrest that is observed in communities taking matters into their own hands (Warria, 2020; Machaka, 2024).\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Theoretical Framework","content":"\u003cp\u003eAn appropriate paradigm for examining the complex issues undocumented immigrant\u0026nbsp;children encounter is ecological systems theory (Bronfenbrenner, 1979), which holds that a nested arrangement of interacting environmental systems influences child development.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis is evident across its various tiers: the microsystem, or the child\u0026apos;s immediate environments like family and school, is often stressed by parental fear of deportation, economic hardship, and discrimination within schools; the mesosystem, which involves the interconnections between microsystems such as the relationship between family and school, is frequently weak or broken for undocumented families due to language barriers and institutional distrust; the exosystem, comprising external settings that indirectly influence the child like parental workplace and social welfare policies, is where immigration enforcement policies and government delays directly impact the child\u0026apos;s well-being; the macrosystem, which is the broader cultural, social, and legal context including national immigration laws and societal xenophobia, creates a pervasive climate of exclusion through hostile attitudes and restrictive policies; and finally, the chronosystem, which encompasses the dimension of time and life-course events such as a child\u0026rsquo;s migration journey and prolonged legal uncertainty, sees the protracted nature of immigration processes compound trauma and instability.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eSouth Africa as a migration magnet\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe emergence of social movement organizations against illegal migrants like Operation Dudula effectively illustrates South Africa\u0026apos;s role as a migration magnet. \u0026nbsp;Being the largest economy on the continent, South Africa has a strong pull-on migrant from other parts of Africa and beyond. \u0026nbsp;Because of this dynamic, the country is now the preferred destination for people looking for political stability, economic opportunity, and safety from persecution and conflict. According to the African Centre for Migration \u0026amp; Society (2022), approximately 3.9 million international migrants resided in South Africa in 2020, a total of approximately 6.5% of the total population. This significant influx, while a testament to the country\u0026apos;s relative prosperity, has also engendered complex social, economic, and political challenges, creating visible tensions, particularly in urban areas where competition for scarce resources and services intensifies (African Centre for Migration \u0026amp; Society, 2022). These tensions have, in recent years, manifested in movements such as Operation Dudula, which scholars describe as \u0026quot;xenophobic vigilantism... a form of violence disguised as nationalism against foreign nationals. It feeds on lies and fear\u0026mdash;lies that foreigners are intent on doing evil and crime in the country\u0026quot; (Nhemachena et al., 2022). \u0026nbsp;In summary, the authors argue that groups like Operation Dudula weaponize nationalist sentiment to justify violence, basing their actions on a foundation of fearmongering and the deliberate propagation of false narratives that scapegoat foreigners for societal problems like crime.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe phenomenon of irregular or illegal migration is a central feature of this landscape. Research has documented that Zimbabwean migrants account for nearly 70% of the foreign-born population in South Africa, with a significant proportion entering the country through irregular means because of economic hardship and a scarcity of legal avenues (Chiwaya, 2021). As a result of this reality, social tension has increased, and in certain communities, xenophobic attitude has become institutionalized, as seen by recurring and destructive outbreaks of violence against foreign nationals (Amnesty International, 2019). \u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eHistorical underpinnings of irregular migration\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe story of illegal migrations has\u0026ensp;woven its way into the very fabric of South African social, economic, and political life in such a way that the very name of the country has become synonymous with illegal migration and symbolises a continuous and complex historical trajectory. It spans from colonial, apartheid, and post-apartheid periods, is intricately linked to the country\u0026apos;s socioeconomic and political development. \u0026nbsp;Its origins lie in the colonial era and the systematic hiring of low-cost migrant labor for the mining sector. \u0026nbsp;Under frequently exploitative and unequal conditions, workers from neighbouring countries like Zimbabwe, Mozambique, and Lesotho were extensively recruited (Crush \u0026amp; Dodson, 2017).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe apartheid era further shaped this trajectory through the implementation of strict, racially motivated border controls designed to manage and segregate the flow of Black Africans. Policies such as pass laws and the establishment of Bantustans were not merely instruments of internal control but also served to constrict legal movement, thereby paradoxically engendering more illicit migration as people sought to escape these confines (Crush \u0026amp; Dodson, 2017). The post-1994 democratic transition marked a new chapter. South Africa\u0026rsquo;s newfound image as a democratic \u0026quot;rainbow nation\u0026quot; with economic promise became a powerful pull factor for migrants from across the continent. However, as Sader (2024) notes, this period was characterized by weak structural border controls and lax enforcement of immigration laws, which led to a sharp rise in irregular entries. Furthermore, the introduction of tighter immigration controls, including the 2002 Immigration Act, had the paradoxical effect of boosting unauthorised migration by severely restricting legal routes for low-skilled workers (Sader, 2024).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eOne constant factor driving these flows has been regional instability. \u0026nbsp; After Zimbabwe\u0026apos;s economy collapsed catastrophically after 2000, a huge influx of people arrived; according to Tshabalala (2025), by 2020, the undocumented population was anticipated to be 2.9 million, the most of whom were from Zimbabwe. \u0026nbsp;A complicated and long-lasting legacy of irregular migration has been left behind by colonial labor systems, apartheid-era limitations, post-apartheid policy gaps, and regional unrest. This heritage still poses difficulties for the country today.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eThe plight of undocumented migrant children\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAmong the most vulnerable groups within the migration landscape are undocumented children. South Africa, a hub country for migration in the Southern African region,\u0026ensp;experiences daunting challenges in meeting the needs of undocumented migrant children who cross the border- officially or unofficially, fleeing conflict, economic deprivation or political uncertainties in neighbouring countries. They face systemic exclusion, xenophobia, and a critical lack of legal protection. Their journeys are often perilous; research indicates that unaccompanied minors rarely travel independently but are frequently facilitated by smugglers, traffickers, or opportunistic adults who exploit their vulnerability (Songore, 2024). Organizations like Save the Children South Africa (2023) document rising cases of these children being trafficked into the country for forced labour and abuse.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTransit-related trauma frequently lasts for a long time after arrival. \u0026nbsp; According to a study by Vearey (2023), 58% of unaccompanied minors in Johannesburg had signs of\u0026nbsp;Post Traumatic Stress Disorder, a condition made worse by the agony of family separation and the ongoing fear of xenophobia. \u0026nbsp;These children\u0026apos;s constitutional rights are not upheld in South Africa\u0026apos;s detention institutions; overcrowding, poor medical care, and protracted legal uncertainty are frequent complaints (Scalabrini Centre, 2023). \u0026nbsp;A clear picture of this reality was given by the Scalabrini Centre in Cape Town (2023), which discovered that 70% of its child customers were not attending school because of bullying and administrative obstacles, 80% of their clients were undocumented, and 80% of them had dreams about police raids.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAccording to Mahleza and Maake-Malatji (2024), there is a conflict between the humanitarian perspective, which maintains that children\u0026apos;s rights to protection, healthcare, and education are inalienable and should not be influenced by their legal status, and the restrictionist perspective, which contends that giving priority to these rights could encourage more illegal migration and put a burden on state resources. \u0026nbsp;There are numerous implementation gaps in spite of a strong legal framework that includes the Children\u0026apos;s Act of 2005, the Constitution (Section 28), and international commitments like the UNCRC. \u0026nbsp;Children are trapped in a bureaucratic maze as a result of the 2023 White Paper on Citizenship, Immigration, and Refugee Protection, which prioritizes border enforcement over child-sensitive asylum procedures (Department of Home Affairs, 2023). Lawyers for Human Rights (2023) confirm that undocumented children encounter immense difficulties obtaining birth certificates or asylum permits, which in turn blocks their access to essential services like education and healthcare, despite these rights being constitutionally guaranteed.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eThe legislative and policy framework: gaps and contradictions\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe regulations governing migration in South Africa are complicated and frequently conflicting. The legislative and policy framework of South Africa\u0026apos;s migration protocols are based on a number\u0026ensp;of important pieces of legislation and principles. These are the measures that are intended for control\u0026ensp;and management of the entry of foreigners into and within the territory. The country\u0026rsquo;s policy towards the movement of foreigners\u0026ensp;across its boundaries is influenced in large measure by immigration policies. International migration is\u0026ensp;an inevitable world-wide phenomenon which needs to be governed\u0026ensp;by proper policies and laws. \u0026nbsp;The main laws are the Refugees Act 130 of 1998, which governs refugees and asylum seekers in accordance with international agreements; the Immigration Act 13 of 2002, which governs foreign nationals\u0026apos; entry and residency; and the Children\u0026apos;s Act 38 of 2005, which upholds the constitutional rights of all children (Republic of South Africa, 2002; 2006). \u0026nbsp;The ultimate legislation is the Constitution, which protects fundamental rights for \u0026quot;everyone,\u0026quot; even illegal immigrants.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eHowever, the application of this framework is deeply flawed. Kock (2018) points out that these various laws often overlap and contradict each other, creating a tortuous bureaucratic process. This complexity is exploited by criminal syndicates, including human traffickers, who manipulate the system. A key criticism is the conflation of economic migrants and asylum seekers, leading to an overwhelmed asylum system and highlighting the pressing need for separate legislative channels for these distinct groups (Kock, 2018).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe government has had erratic policy, alternating between humanitarianism and securitization. \u0026nbsp;The 2017 White Paper on International Migration was criticized for ignoring migrant rights while advocating for more stringent law enforcement (Ziegler, 2020). \u0026nbsp; Despite showing a desire to regularize status, programs like as the Lesotho Special Permit (LSP) are only temporary and do not address long-term policy inconsistencies (Sader, 2024). \u0026nbsp; The recent expiration of the Zimbabwe Exemption Permit (ZEP), which represents an ill-prepared and haphazard approach to migrant regularization, threatens to leave millions of people without documentation (Tshabalala, 2025). Additionally, authorities frequently participate in smuggling networks, and corruption within border institutions seriously impairs enforcement (Carciotto, 2021). The Institute for Security Studies (2023) points out that although the Department of Home Affairs\u0026apos; White Paper from 2022 calls for tighter border restrictions, its implementation is still uncertain and compromised.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis has created a regime that, while appearing rights-based on paper, perpetuates exclusion and vulnerability. The Migration Policy Institute (2023) warns that without comprehensive reform, the continued erosion of rights through bureaucratic hindrances and securitized protocols risks causing enduring harm to both vulnerable migrant groups and South Africa\u0026apos;s democratic institutions. However, migration legislation in South Africa has both merits and demerits. Migration legislation allows for the recruitment of skilled migrants, which can address labour market shortages and contribute to the country\u0026rsquo;s economic growth. Migrants in South Africa have improved productivity and generate significant revenues through their participation in the formal economy (International Organisation for Migration, 2018).\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Methodology","content":"\u003cdiv id=\"Sec8\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eResearch design and approach\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis study employed a qualitative, exploratory research design. This approach was deemed most appropriate for gaining an in-depth, nuanced understanding of social workers lived experiences and perspectives, which are not easily captured through quantitative methods (Creswell, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR21\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eStudy setting and participants\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe study was conducted in Mahikeng, the capital city of the North West Province, South Africa. Mahikeng is a significant reception point for migrants, including many without legal documentation. The target population was social workers employed at the Mahikeng Service Point of the Department of Social Development. Purposive sampling was used to select participants who met specific criteria: registration with the South African Council for Social Service Professions (SACSSP), a minimum of three years of experience at the service point, and at least six months of direct experience working with undocumented migrant children. A sample of nine participants was selected, at which point data saturation was achieved.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eData collection and analysis\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eData was collected through face-to-face, semi-structured interviews using an interview guide. The interviews were conducted in private settings, audio-recorded with permission, and transcribed verbatim. Thematic analysis, as outlined by Braun and Clarke (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e) was employed to analyse the data. This involved familiarising oneself with the data, generating initial codes, searching for themes, reviewing themes, defining and naming themes, and producing the report. Rigorous measures to ensure trustworthiness\u0026mdash;credibility, transferability, dependability, and confirmability\u0026mdash;were adhered to, including member checking and a clear audit trail.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec11\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eEthical considerations\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eEthical clearance was obtained from the North-West University Health Research Ethics Committee (HREC) and legal permission was granted by the North West Provincial Department of Social Development. All participants provided written informed consent. Principles of anonymity, confidentiality, and privacy were strictly maintained. Participants were assigned pseudonyms, and data was stored securely on password-protected devices.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Results","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe analysis yielded five central themes, which are summarised and discussed below:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec13\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eAccess to education:\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eDespite the constitutional right to basic education, participants reported that schools routinely deny admission or progression to higher grades without documentation.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Children who are undocumented are more likely to be dismissed or chased away... due to a lack of documentation\u0026rdquo; (Participant 4).\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eInterviews with participants highlight the systemic difficulties these children encounter when attempting to enrol in schools. Participant 1 emphasised the bureaucratic obstacles, stating:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;We also experience a problem when these children have to be registered at ECD centres or schools because we will be run up and down\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAdditionally, Participant 6 highlighted the limitations on academic progression, explaining:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;If they get enrolled in a school, they get enrolled only for lower grades, but they cannot go above grades because they don\u0026rsquo;t have the documents\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis suggests that even when initial enrollment is permitted, the absence of legal documentation prevents children from advancing to higher grades, effectively truncating their education. This systemic barrier reinforces Bronfenbrenner\u0026rsquo;s ecological model (1979), where higher-level policies (chronosystem) perpetuate long-term disadvantages by restricting mobility within the education system.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec14\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eAccess to healthcare and social grants:\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe lack of a birth certificate is an absolute barrier to accessing a child support grant from the South African Social Security Agency (SASSA). Similarly, clinics often refuse treatment without documents.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;The undocumented children don\u0026rsquo;t benefit from our services such as social grants. The reason being we usually look for birth certificates, so they don\u0026rsquo;t have [them]\u0026rdquo; (Participant 1).\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis sentiment was echoed by Participant 9, who stated,\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eWhen a child is undocumented, it\u0026rsquo;s really a problem because the child won\u0026rsquo;t be able to access the social grant.\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThese responses highlight how the lack of official documentation, particularly birth certificates, serves as a critical barrier to social assistance, reflecting structural exclusion within the broader societal system.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAdditionally, Participant 3 pointed out the administrative challenges faced by caregivers, remarking,\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eEach and every child has the right to Social Security. But when an undocumented child goes to SASSA to apply for a child support grant, the parents experience administrative challenges.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis suggests that even when attempts are made to secure grants, bureaucratic processes within institutions such as the South African Social Security Agency (SASSA) further hinder access. This creates a cycle of poverty and ill-health that social workers struggle to break. Existing literature indicates that undocumented children frequently encounter obstacles in obtaining healthcare, primarily due to their lack of official identification (Kisa \u0026amp; Kisa, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). Without proper documentation, these children are often excluded from formal healthcare systems, leaving their medical needs unaddressed (Ackermann, 2017). This aligns with the experiences shared by participants in this study and can be understood through the lens of Bronfenbrenner\u0026rsquo;s ecological systems theory (1979) highlights how these legal and bureaucratic obstacles operate at the exosystem level, shaping institutional policies that directly affect undocumented children\u0026rsquo;s access to healthcare. For instance, Participant 6 noted:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"We do not know their exact age or health status,\"\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eHighlighting the difficulties in assessing and treating undocumented children due to insufficient records. Similarly, reinforcing the systemic exclusion faced by this group, Participant 3 emphasised:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"They can't access health care services because of identification issues.\"\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThese accounts underscore how legal and bureaucratic barriers, situated within broader structural systems, perpetuate health disparities among undocumented minors.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec15\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eAdministrative and legal barriers:\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe process of obtaining documentation was described as Kafkaesque. For children born in South Africa to undocumented parents, officials often demand the parent return to their country of origin to \u0026ldquo;make a linkage\u0026rdquo; between their documents and the child\u0026rsquo;s proof of birth, an impossible task for many.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;The system needs to clean itself first\u0026rdquo; (Participant 2)\u003c/em\u003e,\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eone social worker remarked, criticising the inefficiency of the Department of Home Affairs. A key issue is the restrictive and often impractical documentation requirements imposed on undocumented families. One participant explained:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;If the mother goes to the Department of Health to give birth, the only document they issue is proof of birth. That particular mother is supposed to go back to her country of origin to make a linkage between her document and that of the child.\u0026rdquo; (Participant 1)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis expectation places an undue burden on undocumented mothers, many of whom cannot feasibly return to their home countries to complete registration. Consequently, their children remain without legal recognition, barring them from accessing basic services. Another participant noted:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;For an undocumented child and unaccompanied child, they can\u0026rsquo;t access services. You need the assistance of an adult for you to get those services.\u0026rdquo; (Participant 3)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis highlights the additional vulnerability of unaccompanied minors, who lack the necessary adult support to navigate bureaucratic systems. Research supports these findings, confirming that rigid administrative procedures prevent undocumented children from obtaining legal identity, thereby excluding them from healthcare, education, and social protection (Hunter, 2019). These barriers align with acculturation stress (Berry, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1997\u003c/span\u003e), where institutional exclusion exacerbates the challenges of integration, while ecological systems theory (Bronfenbrenner, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1979\u003c/span\u003e) underscores how the absence of supportive intermediaries (mesosystem) isolates children from essential services.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDespite legal protections for children, undocumented minors in Mahikeng face systemic exclusion due to inconsistent policy implementation. One participant stated:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Despite legal provisions, undocumented children struggle to access services due to administrative hurdles.\u0026rdquo; (Participant 3)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAnother participant emphasised the challenges posed by age verification requirements:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Accessing the right services at times would be the main challenge because for certain services your age has to be validated, so if you are undocumented that becomes a bit of a challenge.\u0026rdquo; (Participant 7)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThese testimonies reveal a disconnect between policy and practice, where legal entitlements are undermined by procedural barriers. Existing studies affirm this gap, demonstrating that while undocumented children are theoretically entitled to services, they are frequently denied access due to inflexible administrative demands (Ngwenya, 2023). From an ecological systems perspective (Bronfenbrenner, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1979\u003c/span\u003e), this inconsistency reflects a breakdown between the exosystem (laws) and the microsystem (service providers).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec16\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003ePsychological and emotional distress:\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe constant fear of deportation, actual family separation during immigration processing, and the trauma of their migration journeys leave deep psychological scars.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;That separation causes trauma between the kids and their parents... The minute you separate them; it\u0026rsquo;s a serious challenge to the kids\u0026rdquo; (Participant 5).\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eUnaccompanied minors were described as showing pronounced signs of anxiety and fear. As noted by Participant 8:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eComing into contact with children who are undocumented, who show signs of anxiety and fear, because they are the first time coming here, and they are not even accompanied by adults.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis statement underscores the traumatic nature of migration for unaccompanied minors, who must navigate an unfamiliar environment without the stability of familial presence. Compounding this distress is the language barrier, which impedes effective communication between social workers and the children (Maiter et al., 2017). The inability to convey critical information not only hinders immediate assistance but also prolongs the children\u0026rsquo;s psychological turmoil. Participant 8 further highlights this challenge:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eOur languages in order for us to assist was a barrier to them and us, because we could not compile comprehensive information in order for us that should be able to intervene or service them appropriately.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis communication barrier reflects a microsystem-level challenge within Bronfenbrenner\u0026rsquo;s ecological systems theory, where direct interactions between children and service providers are disrupted, exacerbating their vulnerability (Bronfenbrenner, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1979\u003c/span\u003e). Without accurate and detailed accounts of the children\u0026rsquo;s circumstances, social workers struggle to implement appropriate interventions, leaving the children in prolonged states of vulnerability. Moreover, the precariousness of their legal status perpetuates a persistent sense of instability, further deteriorating their emotional well-being (Mahleza \u0026amp; Maake-Malatji, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR39\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). The protracted and uncertain nature of legal processes exacerbates their psychological distress, as they remain in limbo regarding their future. Participant 3\u0026rsquo;s remark illustrates the lingering uncertainty that these children endure:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eIt was a long process\u0026hellip; we are not sure or certain whether they arrived at their respective families or whatnot.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec17\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eSocietal attitudes of xenophobia and discrimination\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eAcademic research consistently demonstrates that undocumented immigrants frequently encounter systemic discrimination, often exacerbated by negative stereotypes that unjustly associate them with criminal behaviour (Umeh et al., 2024). Empirical evidence from participant interviews corroborates these findings. Participant 2 observes a recurring pattern of scapegoating, wherein migrants are disproportionately blamed for local crimes:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"Every time when there is a case of robbery, murder, or rape, they blame them. So, the society does not accept them\u0026hellip; The society does not accept them even the perspective it's on another level. They don't want them in their country because they bring crime.\" (Participant 2)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis statement reflects how deeply ingrained stereotypes foster collective suspicion, further marginalising undocumented individuals regardless of their actual involvement in illicit activities. From an ecological systems perspective (Bronfenbrenner, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1979\u003c/span\u003e), these dynamics operate at the macrosystem level, where societal norms and media narratives perpetuate exclusionary attitudes, reinforcing structural barriers.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAdditionally, Participant 4 identifies intersecting forms of discrimination rooted in racial, linguistic, and cultural differences:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"They have the tendency to discriminate against, maybe through race, colour, and the language area and culture\".\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSocial workers identified societal xenophobia as a major exacerbating factor. Participants reported that negative stereotypes, often fueled by media portrayals, lead to discrimination and violence.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Every time when there is a case of robbery, murder, or rape, they blame them. So, the society does not accept them\u0026rdquo; (Participant 2).\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis environment of hostility reinforces the social exclusion of undocumented children and their families, making integration and access to community support impossible.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Discussion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe findings powerfully illustrate the utility of the theoretical framework. From an ecological systems perspective, the challenges are embedded at every level: the child\u0026rsquo;s profound psychological and emotional distress (microsystem); the broken links between family, school, and social services (mesosystem), severely impacted by poor access to education and limited access to healthcare and social grants; the inefficient, exclusionary, and obstructive policies of the DHA and SASSA, which create immense administrative and legal barriers (exosystem); and the overarching societal attitudes of xenophobia and discrimination and contradictory legislation (macrosystem).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eA central conflict identified is the role confusion and moral distress experienced by social workers. They are mandated by the Children\u0026rsquo;s Act to be \u0026ldquo;custodians\u0026rdquo; of child rights, yet they are employed by a state apparatus whose immigration policies, rife with administrative and legal barriers, often violate those very rights. This places them in an impossible position, constantly mediating between their ethical duty and systemic constraints, a struggle exacerbated when trying to secure basic rights like healthcare and social grants for their clients. This finding contributes to the broader discourse on street-level bureaucracy and the ways in which frontline practitioners navigate, and sometimes resist, policies they perceive as unjust (Lipsky, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR37\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe denial of access to education transcends a mere bureaucratic oversight; it signifies a profound and catastrophic breach of the state's most fundamental promise. When schools, as instruments of the state, \"chase away\" children due to a lack of documentation, they are not merely adhering to a policy but actively orchestrating the creation of a perpetual underclass. Education is the quintessential mechanism for social integration, critical cognitive development, and crucial future economic participation. By slamming shut this door, the system guarantees that these children are banished to the fringes of society, their boundless potential irrevocably truncated. This engenders a chilling and inescapable paradox: a state that constitutionally asserts the guarantee of education simultaneously perpetuates a subsystem that obliterates this right, insidiously punishing the child for the administrative circumstances of their parents. The long-term consequence is not only a devastating personal tragedy for each excluded child but a monumental societal loss, cultivating a generation barred from the knowledge economy and increasingly susceptible to exploitation.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis educational exclusion, a tragedy in its own right, is exacerbated by the grim and equally pressing issue of access to healthcare and social benefits. In this dire context, the absence of a birth certificate morphs from a simple bureaucratic impediment into a relentless tool of deprivation and suffering. The state's social safety net, ostensibly crafted to combat poverty and safeguard health, is paradoxically rendered inaccessible by the very eligibility criteria that hinge on such documentation. This initiates a cruel and self-perpetuating cycle: without a social grant, a family falls ever deeper into the abyss of poverty, intensifying cycles of poor health and malnutrition; deprived of clinic access, diseases that could be easily treated escalate to chronic conditions, crippling a child's potential to learn and thrive in educational settings even if they were present in school. The narrative must highlight that social workers, frontline witnesses of this heart-wrenching cycle, are incapacitated by a bureaucratic machinery that elevates paperwork above human welfare. Consequently, the state, through entities like SASSA, becomes an inadvertent yet contributing architect in magnifying the very poverty and ill-health it pledges to alleviate, thus spotlighting a profound and unsettling contradiction at the core of its social responsibility to the most vulnerable citizens.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe very foundation of this systemic collapse can be directly attributed to the formidable administrative and legal barriers deeply entrenched in the convoluted process of obtaining vital documentation. Labelling this process as \"Kafkaesque\" is anything but an exaggeration; it is the clearest, most poignant depiction of a system that is bewilderingly illogical, maddeningly opaque, and ultimately harshly punitive (Lipsky, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR37\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e). The insistence that undocumented parents must return to their country of origin to \"make a linkage\" often stands as a colossal impossibility, whether due to prohibitive costs, life-threatening dangers, or non-existent functioning civil registries within their home countries. This demand thrusts families into a chilling state of legal limbo\u0026mdash;an abyss, a bureaucratic black hole where, tragically, children born on South African soil are left unrecognised by any state. Participant 2's unapologetic assertion that \"the system needs to clean itself first\" cuts through the fog, offering a piercing critique that lays bare the reality: the nightmare is not a result of scarce resources but a product of flawed, inefficient design at its very core. In this context, the Department of Home Affairs, rather than operating as a benevolent service provider, is cast as an implacable gatekeeper whose lumbering inefficiency operates alarmingly as a de facto immigration control mechanism\u0026mdash;leaving in its wake children as its unintentional and heartbreaking casualties.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eBeyond the tangible deprivations of school and clinic access, the research reveals a deep undercurrent of psychological and emotional turmoil that pervades every aspect of life. The relentless and ever-present fear of deportation, coupled with the harrowing trauma of familial separation, inflicts invisible, yet profoundly incapacitating wounds no less severe than the grips of material poverty. The psychological literature is unequivocal: the toxic stress endured by children in such unpredictable and menacing environments has the power to fundamentally alter brain development, precipitating ongoing struggles with anxiety, securing attachment, and regulating emotions. The initial trauma endured during the arduous migration journey is exacerbated by the perpetual trauma of living in the shadows, compounded by the overwhelming anguish of parental separation. For unaccompanied minors, this intensifies tenfold as they chart this frightening landscape devoid of their primary sources of safety and comfort. Consequently, the system not only neglects to provide essential services, but actively operates as an engine of profound and relentless psychological harm.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eUltimately, these deep-rooted institutional failures are magnified and made apparent by the overwhelming societal undertones of xenophobia and discrimination. This society-wide animosity is not an isolated problem, but rather an expansive social backdrop against which legal and administrative injustices prominently stand out. When media narratives and public conversations consistently brand migrants as criminals and easy targets for blame, they foster an environment that not only permits but actively encourages their exclusion. This pernicious xenophobia offers a convenient rationale for the clinic worker who callously denies a sick child necessary care or the school administrator who unjustly refuses a child's enrolment. It assures them they are not infringing upon a right but instead safeguarding a resource from an \"undeserving\" outsider. In this atmosphere of hostility, the notion of \"integration,\" a proclaimed objective of countless social policies, becomes a distant, unattainable illusion. Stripped of the protective layer of community support and acceptance, these families find themselves completely isolated, with their vulnerability not merely reinforced by law but deeply entrenched by the prejudices of those around them. The research thus unveils a harrowing collaboration: a malfunctioning state system and a hostile civil society conspiring in a concerted effort to obliterate any chance of a dignified existence for undocumented children.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis research underscores that the plight of undocumented children is not an isolated issue but a symptom of a broader systemic malaise. It reflects a securitised approach to migration that prioritises border control over human rights and the best interests of the child. The interconnected themes of poor access to education, limited healthcare and social grants, administrative and legal barriers, psychological distress, and societal xenophobia form a complex web of exclusion. Addressing this requires a fundamental rethinking of policy and practice, moving from exclusion to inclusion, and from enforcement to protection.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec19\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eRecommendations\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eBased on this conclusion, the following actions are urgently recommended:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eGuarantee children's rights unconditionally: Align the Children\u0026rsquo;s Act with the constitution and international law to explicitly protect all children, regardless of immigration status, and abolish documentation requirements for essential services like education and healthcare.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eFormalize interdepartmental collaboration: Establish a streamlined protocol between the Department of Social Development, Home Affairs, SAPS, and Basic Education to expedite processes and prevent children from being detained or falling through administrative cracks.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eInvest in child protection infrastructure: Build and fund adequate child and youth care centers in the Northwest Province to ensure no child is detained in a police cell due to their immigration status.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eLaunch anti-xenophobia initiatives: Government and civil society must lead targeted campaigns to combat misinformation and xenophobia, promoting social cohesion and the universal rights of children.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSupport frontline social workers: Provide ongoing training on migrant rights and trauma-informed care, alongside institutional support to help them manage the ethical dilemmas and psychological burdens of their work.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec20\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eRecommendations for future research\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis study opens several avenues for further inquiry:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eLongitudinal research: Tracking the long-term outcomes of undocumented children who interact with the child protection system to understand the lifelong impact of early legal precarity and institutional intervention.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eChild-centred research: Employing participatory and child-friendly methodologies to directly capture the experiences, voices, and perspectives of undocumented children themselves, rather than relying solely on adult proxies.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eComparative regional analysis: Investigating whether the challenges identified in Mahikeng are consistent across other provinces in South Africa, or if certain regions have developed more effective models of inter-departmental collaboration and child protection.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eEffectiveness of interventions: Research focused on evaluating specific intervention models, such as alternative care arrangements for unaccompanied minors or the impact of community-based advocacy programs on improving service access.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSocial worker well-being: A dedicated study on the moral distress, burnout, and coping mechanisms of social workers who specialise in migration and child protection, to inform better support structures for these essential frontline staff.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Conclusion","content":"\u003cp\u003eIn conclusion, protecting illegal migrant children is a crucial litmus test for the meaningful fulfilment of South Africa's founding constitutional goal. The prevalent political and administrative discourse, which primarily views migration through a prism of securitization and criminality, is not only analytically narrow but also fundamentally at odds with the country's jurisprudential ethos, as the previous research has explained. Protecting this extremely vulnerable group is not equivalent to endorsing illegal migration routes; rather, it is a clear duty to respect the fundamental, unalienable human rights principles\u0026mdash;such as equality, dignity, and the importance of the child's best interests\u0026mdash;that serve as the cornerstone of the post-apartheid legal system.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eTherefore, a radical and systematic paradigm change is desperately needed, moving away from a security-focused, restrictionist approach to immigration management and toward a strictly enforced child-rights-based framework. A threefold justification drives this critical transition. First of all, it is a legally obligatory duty that is outlined in Section 28 of the Republic of South Africa's Constitution and further developed in the Children's Act 38 of 2005, which expressly grants safeguards to all children under the republic's authority. Second, it is a moral requirement that cannot be compromised, requiring the protection of the most vulnerable and exploited. Third, since the systematic exclusion of children from protection and services results in long-term deficiencies in social stability and human capital, it is a practical necessity for fostering a socially cohesive, equitable, and affluent society.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eConsequently, the state's fiduciary obligations and normative principles are betrayed whenever strong preventive measures are not implemented. The welfare of undocumented children is ultimately intertwined with the overall welfare of the South African political system; their exclusion jeopardizes the country's future social and economic structure, while their integration is essential to the democratic development of the country.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAcknowledgments\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eOur appreciation extends to the staff at the DSD Mahikeng Unit 2 Service Point for their cooperation and support. Furthermore, we acknowledge with thanks the financial support provided by the North-West University through a postgraduate bursary.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eConflict of interest: The authors declare that there is no conflict of interest pertaining to this study.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;Ethical approval: This study followed ethical compliance, as set out by the North-West University, Health Research Ethics Committee, and was approved with an ethical reference number: NWU-00171-24-S1 \u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eAfrica Check. (2023). Are there 15 million undocumented immigrants living in South Africa? Retrieved from https://africacheck.org/fact-checks/spotchecks/are-there-15-million-undocumented-immigrants-living-south-africa-no-another \u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eAfrican Centre for Migration \u0026amp; Society. (2017). Migration Lives and Livelihoods in South Africa. 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Constitutional Court Review, 10(1), 65-106. \u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":false,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"journal-of-human-rights-and-social-work","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"jhrw","sideBox":"Learn more about [Journal of Human Rights and Social Work](http://link.springer.com/journal/41134)","snPcode":"41134","submissionUrl":"https://submission.springernature.com/new-submission/41134/3","title":"Journal of Human Rights and Social Work","twitterHandle":"","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":true,"editorialSystem":"stoa","reportingPortfolio":"Springer Hybrid","inReviewEnabled":true,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":false},"keywords":"Undocumented immigrant children, Social workers, Challenges, Exclusion Ecological systems theory, South Africa","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-8013245/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-8013245/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eUndocumented immigration presents serious problems for children worldwide. The number of undocumented immigrants in South Africa has increased in recent years. Children of immigrants, especially those without legal status, encounter difficulties that affect their social integration and general well-being. This research aimed to explore the perspectives of social workers on the challenges faced by undocumented immigrant children in Mahikeng, South Africa. This qualitative study was grounded in ecological systems theory. Data were collected using semi-structured interviews with nine purposively sampled social workers from the Mahikeng Department of Social Development service point and were thematically analysed. The results showed complex issues that function at the institutional, structural, and psychological levels. The denial of access to social grants, healthcare, and education because of inadequate documentation; administrative and legal bottlenecks in the Department of Home Affairs; and severe psychological distress brought on by family separation, deportation fears, and xenophobic societal attitudes were among the main obstacles. Social workers deal with difficult moral and practical issues when delivering advocacy, child protection, and psychosocial support. These issues are frequently made worse by institutional flaws, such as the lack of child-friendly facilities, which forces children to be held in police cells together with their parents/guardians. These results suggest that comprehensive policy reform and improved interdepartmental cooperation are urgently needed to protect the rights and welfare of children of undocumented immigrants.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"Navigating systemic exclusion: Social workers’ perspectives on the challenges faced by undocumented immigrant children in Mahikeng, South Africa","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2025-11-26 14:21:52","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-8013245/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0},{"type":"editorInvitedReview","content":"","date":"2025-12-19T08:21:31+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"129605839004904103471913197897416145863","date":"2025-11-19T05:43:38+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"109626643125736497599759709959128085466","date":"2025-11-17T04:43:52+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewersInvited","content":"","date":"2025-11-17T04:39:12+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorAssigned","content":"","date":"2025-11-06T23:44:26+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"checksComplete","content":"","date":"2025-11-06T23:43:39+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"submitted","content":"Journal of Human Rights and Social Work","date":"2025-11-02T21:19:55+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"journal-of-human-rights-and-social-work","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"jhrw","sideBox":"Learn more about [Journal of Human Rights and Social Work](http://link.springer.com/journal/41134)","snPcode":"41134","submissionUrl":"https://submission.springernature.com/new-submission/41134/3","title":"Journal of Human Rights and Social Work","twitterHandle":"","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":true,"editorialSystem":"stoa","reportingPortfolio":"Springer Hybrid","inReviewEnabled":true,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":false}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"18df8a10-3612-40c0-a73b-4190de5ea7ec","owner":[],"postedDate":"November 26th, 2025","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"under-review","subjectAreas":[],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2025-11-26T14:21:52+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2025-11-26 14:21:52","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-8013245","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-8013245","identity":"rs-8013245","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"8U1c8b4HqxoKbykW_rLl7","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}