The Agency of Women and Men in Urban Vertical Gardening: Qualitative Insights From Nairobi's Informal Settlements of Kibra

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Otieno, Dalmas O. Omia, Dorothy A. Amwata This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-7526406/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract Background: Rapid urbanization has exacerbated food insecurity in urban informal settlements, prompting the emergence of vertical gardening as a viable and adaptive solution. However, the success and sustainability of such interventions are deeply shaped by gender dynamics, which influence access to resources, levels of participation, and the distribution of benefits. This study explored the intersection of gender and vertical gardening within urban informal settlements to illuminate how women and men differently experience, contribute to, and benefit from this emerging localized food system. By interrogating agency, social norms, economic pressures, and evolving policy landscapes, the research reveals how vertical gardening simultaneously serve as a site of empowerment and a mirror of entrenched inequalities. Drawing on in-depth interviews, focus group discussions, unstructured observations, and key informant interviews, the study critically unpacks gender regimes and their influence on adoption, sustainability, and outcomes. Result: Findings indicate that while both women and men participate, women are primarily responsible for routine tasks such as watering, pruning, pest control, and monitoring plant health, roles aligned with caregiving and proximity to the home. Men typically undertake labor-intensive responsibilities like constructing garden structures, fencing, transporting materials, and preparing soil beds. This division reflects broader socio-cultural norms and differential access to time and resources. Access to key agricultural inputs like land tenure, quality seeds, compost, tools, training, market linkages, and financial services, remains deeply gendered. Women face structural constraints including limited land ownership, male-dominated extension services, and mobility restrictions. Many rely on informal networks, community groups, and reciprocal labor to sustain gardening activities. Although women often have limited influence over household financial decisions, vertical gardening collectives have emerged as sites for exercising agency—defined as the ability to participate in decision-making, own assets, and control produce and proceeds. Within these collectives, women demonstrated autonomy through resource allocation, planning, and intra-group negotiations, reconfiguring power dynamics and expanding strategic influence over food and income pathways. Conclusion: To ensure inclusive participation, the study proposes gender-responsive design and delivery of vertical gardening initiatives. Governments should formally recognize vertical gardens in urban agriculture policies, integrate them into municipal planning, and mobilize partnerships to support infrastructure and innovation. Adoption should be incentivized through mechanisms such as subsidized materials, inclusive training programs, and access to microfinance tailored to women and marginalized groups. Embedding a gender lens will position vertical gardening as a platform for advancing women’s agency, economic inclusion, and climate resilience. Urbanization1 informal settlements2 vertical gardening3 food security4 gender5 food systems6 Figures Figure 1 Figure 2 Figure 3 Figure 4 Figure 5 Figure 6 Figure 7 Figure 8 1. Introduction Urban food insecurity is an escalating global concern, disproportionately affecting informal settlements where rapid urbanization and high population density continue to outpace the provision of basic services, infrastructure, and sustainable livelihoods (FAO, 2024; IIED, 2024; Owuor et al., 2024 ; SDI Kenya, 2024 ; Battersby, 2025 ). In Kenya, approximately 31.3% of the population—equivalent to 16 million people—resides in urban areas, with an estimated 60% living in informal settlements such as Kibera in Nairobi (World Bank, 2023 ; UN-Habitat, 2023 ). These settlements are characterized by multidimensional deprivation, including food insecurity, precarious housing, inadequate infrastructure, and heightened economic vulnerability (KNBS, 2024; KHPC, 2025 ). Residents face limited access to nutrition, sanitation, and essential health services, further exacerbated by structural inequalities (Kenya Integrated Household Budget Survey [KIHBS], 2024/25). The fragility of urban food systems is compounded by climate-induced shocks, global supply dependencies, and socioeconomic disruptions (Abdelfatah and El-Arnaouty, 2023 ; KNBS, 2018), underscoring the urgency for resilient, inclusive, and locally anchored interventions. As a localized and community-driven response to food insecurity, vertical gardening has emerged as a form of risk-smoothing. This practice of cultivating crops in vertically stacked layers or compact structures has gained traction in urban areas, particularly within informal settlements (Rise Gardens, 2025 ; Parameswari et al., 2024 ). Beyond offering a means of growing food, vertical gardening contributes to environmental sustainability, dietary diversity, and economic empowerment at the household level (FAO, 2025; Ritambara et al., 2024). However, despite the growing relevance of vertical gardening, gender considerations within these interventions remain insufficiently explored (Mandigma 2024 ). In the context of informal settlements, these disparities are compounded by economic precarity, spatial constraints, and exclusion from formal planning processes. This research explored how women and men in Nairobi’s informal settlements, specifically Kibera engage with vertical gardening initiatives, with a focus on identifying barriers and enablers to gender-transformative outcomes. The study was guided by three interrelated areas of inquiry. First, gendered participation, examining how gender roles shape the division of labor. Second, access to resources and agency, analyzing how structural and cultural norms influence disparities in land tenure, agricultural inputs, training, financial services and the extent women and men exercise agency within vertical gardening systems. Third, collective empowerment, investigating how vertical gardening groups foster social cohesion, knowledge exchange, and strategic influence over food and income pathways. It considered how collective action can build resilience, amplify marginalized voices, and catalyze gender-transformative change. Together, these areas provided a framework for analyzing the gendered dynamics of urban agriculture and recommendations to inform the design of inclusive, responsive, and sustainable policy interventions. 2. Materials and Methods Study site This study was conducted between February and October 2023 in Kibera, one of the largest informal settlements in Kenya and sub-Saharan Africa. Located approximately 6.6 kilometers southeast of Nairobi’s city center, Kibera spans an estimated 12.1 square kilometers and is home to approximately 185,777 residents across 61,690 households (KNBS, 2019). However, population estimates vary widely, with some sources suggesting figures exceeding 250,000 due to continuous rural-urban migration and informal housing expansion. Kibera is characterized by extreme population density averaging over 2,000 individuals per hectare and fragile infrastructure, including inadequate access to clean water, sanitation, electricity, and formal housing (Gallaher et al., 2013 ; Ayuya et al., 2021 ). Most dwellings are makeshift structures built from mud, timber, and corrugated metal sheets, often shared by multiple families in overcrowded conditions. Livelihoods in Kibera are predominantly informal and precarious. Residents engage in low-wage activities such as street vending, waste picking, domestic work, and casual labour in construction. Food insecurity remains pervasive, with many households spending up to 80% of their income on food, often relying on NGO-provided meals (Groot et al., 2023 ; Arent, 2023 )4. Access to nutritious and safe food is limited, exacerbated by environmental hazards and lack of arable land. Gender disparities are pronounced. Women in Kibera earn approximately 42% less than men and face heightened exposure to gender-based violence (GBV), including physical, sexual, and economic abuse (Makario et al., 2023 ; Wairimu et al., 2023). Kibera’s complex socio-economic landscape marked by demographic pressure, food insecurity, informal livelihoods, and entrenched gender inequalities makes it a critical site for examining urban resilience, participatory development, and inclusive policy interventions. Three sub-villages, Lindi, Makina, and Laini Saba, were purposively selected for this study. These sites represent Kibera’s socio-economic and spatial heterogeneity and demonstrate active engagement in vertical gardening practices. Research Design The study employed an exploratory qualitative approach (Creswell and Creswell, 2017). By exploring the lived experiences of different genders including vulnerable populations, it captures the personal struggles and adaptation strategies that shape engagement in urban agriculture. Through fifty (50) in depth interviews with male and female heads of households, and four (4) focus group discussions, the study captured both individual and collective narratives around participation, access to productive assets and resources, agency, empowerment and the symbolic and practical value of vertical gardening. These methods, supported by Kvale and Brinkmann (2009), are particularly effective in exploring social relations, emotional landscapes, and community dynamics all of which are critical to understanding how food security interventions are received and sustained in informal settlements. To complement these perspectives, key informant interviews were conducted with local NGO staff and community leaders to provide contextual insights into programmatic support, policy constraints, and institutional dynamics surrounding urban agriculture. Direct observations of vertical gardening setups, ranging from sack gardens to hydroponic systems were also undertaken to document physical layouts, resource use, and environmental conditions. These observations enriched the data by grounding participant narratives in tangible practices and spatial realities. Thematic analysis was employed to distill recurring patterns and meanings from the data, ensuring that findings were grounded in participants’ lived realities rather than imposed frameworks Sampling The study utilized purposive sampling to select three villages (Lindi, Makina, and Laini Saba) from Kibera's thirteen sub-villages. These locations were specifically chosen because they represent the socio-economic diversity of Kibera reflecting age, household type, livelihood strategies while demonstrating active engagement in vertical gardening practices. Lindi was selected for its high population density and proximity to markets, Makina for its mixed livelihood strategies, and Laini Saba for its relatively lower density and greater available space for gardening activities. To identify participants with substantive engagement in vertical gardening, the research team collaborated with Community-Based Organizations (CBOs), agricultural support groups, and local elders active in the target settlements. Households were eligible if they had at least six months of vertical gardening experience, a threshold chosen to ensure participants had engaged long enough to reflect on both the challenges and benefits of the practice. These groups provided referrals based on their direct engagement with community members involved in urban gardening initiatives. The referral process was informal but strategic, relying on community-based organizations (CBOs) with firsthand knowledge of households practicing vertical gardening, particularly those recognized for consistent cultivation or involvement in training sessions. While this method improved trust and access within the community, it also introduced potential selection bias in reaching certain demographic groups by favoring households with strong social ties or visibility within organized groups and inadvertently excluded less socially connected individuals. Timing further influenced participation, with some residents unavailable due to livelihood obligations. These constraints, while reflective of the realities of fieldwork in resource-constrained urban environments, were mitigated through rapport-building sessions, flexible scheduling, and engagement with local leaders to maximize inclusivity and community ownership of the research process. Additionally, triangulation through spot visits and snowball referrals initiated by initial participants helped mitigate potential bias. Nevertheless, these constraints, coupled with the absence of a centralized household registry, limited the randomness of the sample and reduced representativeness across demographic subgroups. These limitations are acknowledged as part of the contextual realities of conducting fieldwork in informal settlements. Data Collection A total of 50 in-depth interviews (25 women, 25 men) were conducted at participants’ homes and garden sites. To explore community-level dynamics, four focus group discussions (FGDs) two with women and two mixed-gender enabled shared reflections on gardening practices, challenges, and social cohesion. Eight key informant interviews (KIIs) with local leaders, agricultural officers, and CBO representatives provided institutional insights into policy environments and support systems. Unstructured and systematic observations at household and community garden sites enriched the verbal data, capturing farming techniques, spatial layouts, and environmental constraints. This multi-method approach enabled triangulation across individual, community, and institutional levels, offering a nuanced understanding of how vertical gardening intersects with gendered agency, empowerment, and household food security. Data analysis Following Braun and Clarke’s (2006) thematic analysis framework, the process began with familiarization, transcription, coding, theme development, and refinement. All audio recordings were transcribed verbatim to capture the nuances of participants' narratives. Portions of dialogue in Swahili were professionally translated into English to ensure linguistic accuracy while retaining the original meaning and contextual depth (Krippendorff, 2018). These transcripts were then imported into Microsoft Word for preliminary review, organization, and annotation before coding commenced in NVivo. Meaning-making emerged through an iterative reading of transcripts, allowing patterns and shared experiences to surface. Themes were developed based on both predefined theoretical concepts and emergent ideas from participants' discussions. Open coding was initially applied to segment the data into distinct units of meaning, followed by axial coding to identify relationships between categories (Corbin and Strauss, 2008). During analysis, selection bias was mitigated through a multi-pronged approach. Data were stratified by gender and socioeconomic status to enable nuanced comparisons and avoid dominance by more visible voices. Thematic analysis employed constant comparison techniques to test patterns against outliers and ensure consistency across varied contexts. Triangulation across interviews, field observations, and organizational records helped surface blind spots and reduce narrative bias. Reflexive memos were used throughout to monitor positionality, acknowledge power dynamics, and enhance interpretive transparency. This process revealed key themes that illuminate the complex gender dynamics embedded in urban vertical gardening, offering a nuanced understanding of how gender relations shape both opportunities and constraints. These themes include: access to resources and space; division of labor and time; empowerment and agency; knowledge and technical training gaps; market access and economic participation. 3. Results 3.1 Demographic characteristics of the participants The participants in this study reflected diverse demographic profiles across gender, age, marital status, education, and livelihood status. A total of 50 individuals (25 women and 25 men) participated in in-depth interviews, with additional voices captured through four focus group discussions—two exclusively with women and two with mixed-gender participants—and eight key informant interviews. 3.2 Participation and gender division of labour The findings revealed that while both women and men participate in vertical gardening, women tend to dominate the day-to-day activities associated with their physical proximity to the home that allowed them to allocate time more easily to gardening, even amidst caregiving responsibilities. “women are more committed because men go to hustle for the family but farming gives you return after three or four months depending on what you have planted.” KE FGD 01 (MALE) “Because they are the ones who are left at home to take care of the children and the house after the men leave for errands for the day. It makes them look for small businesses to operate while at home.” KE IDI 46 (MALE) Women typically drive the process from the ground up literally by acquiring inputs such as sacks, basins, tires, loam or topsoil, and seeds donated by NGOs; purchasing small-scale or reused household materials; and emphasizing sustainability and ingenuity. "It is the women. I don't know if men are always busy, but I see it is women who are the majority" (KE IDI 45 FEMALE). “Mostly the men are the one who do casual jobs in the farm. The women are the ones who have relationships.” KE IDI 45 (FEMALE) Women reported that their role in ensuring household food availability made them more engaged in gardening. Additionally, many women found that gardening provided them with a sense of empowerment and autonomy, as they were able to directly contribute to their family's well-being. This increased their motivation to continue cultivating their food. “When I am here at home, everyone looks at me on which food to be eaten” KE IDI 44 (FEMALE). “With women showing more interest. At homes, kitchen gardens and cooking are women’s domain so it’s easy for them to engage ” KE KII 02 (FEMALE). Men, on the other hand, handled negotiations around space particularly with landlords or community leaders highlighting their dominant position in land access and public decision-making. This practice could stem from the associational task of men being the nominal household head and are prioritized in public engagement. “It is the men mostly because finding space here is a problem. The men can fight and get a space and do something. Women are weak, and hence, getting space is difficult.” KE IDI 02 (MALE) Construction and preparation stages of vertical gardens further underscore this divide. Women are central to planning and maintenance, especially in home-based gardens, and take lead on composting using kitchen waste and layering materials to create nutrient-rich grow zones. However, they rely on men for the physical labour elements where men tend to dominate the heavy lifting and construction aspects of vertical gardening, such as building structures, transporting manure or constructing support frames, fencing, and installing irrigation systems like drip lines. “The men help women in what they can’t do, like fencing, while the women do maintenance like weeding and watering the plants” (KE FGD 01). “Men do set up the gardens while women maintain the farms.” KE KII 06 (MALE) “Men help us in fetching water and other duties like slashing grass.” KE FGD 03 (FEMALE) Maintenance through pest control practices reveal a distinct gendered division of labor shaped by access, specialization, and socio-cultural norms. Women, often positioned as primary caregivers and custodians of household nutrition, engage in daily crop oversight and favor organic pest remedies such as rabbit urine, ash, or manual weeding reflecting both ecological sensitivity and economic pragmatism. Conversely, where resources permit, men opt for commercial pesticides or fertilizers, often acquired through external networks or training programs. This divergence underscores not only differentiated knowledge systems and resource access but also the need for gender-responsive programming that validates women’s ecological expertise while equipping both genders with complementary skills for sustainable urban agriculture. While both genders participate in maintenance and pest control, their methods diverge—women rely on organic remedies and daily oversight, while men may apply chemical solutions and manage infrastructure repairs.” KE FGD 04 (FEMALE). “ Some have come up with Rabbit urine feeding it into the system. Others worked others did not work” KE KII-2 (FEMALE) The participation of both women and men is appreciated. The participants noted that men’s engagement give more strength and completion of tasks women are unable to do in gardening. This collaboration allows for a more efficient and productive farming process, ultimately leading to greater success in gardening and better outcomes for everyone involved. “It's so beneficial because when men support, they give more strength for us to do the farming because men can do what women cannot do like men can do the fencing and we help them.” KE FGD 04 (FEMALE) Harvesting and marketing also present gendered distinctions. Women typically harvest smaller greens and herbs suited for household consumption or local sales, often selling directly from home or at nearby stalls. They also perform budgeting, saving, and seasonal planning. “When the women produce crops, they are the ones who take it direct to the market. There are no middle people.” KE IDI 41 (FEMALE) She’s the one who keeps the money because you know am a man when I have money I will use it. She makes sure that in a day she saves at least some small amount for the next plantation, that’s what she does. Men, especially in larger community gardens or school-based hydroponic systems, are involved in harvesting bulk produce and navigating transport logistics to reach broader markets. This pattern reflects not just physical capability, but access to financial and mobility resources that influence the scale and profitability of agricultural engagement. “For the value chain, men are the ones who come with pick-up to buy the vegetables.” KE KII-3 (MALE) When it comes to knowledge-sharing and leadership, women frequently act as peer educators within localized gardening groups and drive household-level innovation. Conversely, men tend to pursue formal technical trainings and participate in scaling decisions or cooperative leadership structures. “We need modern knowledge and training on farming”. KE FGD 03 (FEMALE) “The county government majors more on women because they think women have no enough knowledge and they train them on technical training part of it” KE FGD 04 (FEMALE) “Organizations, government should invest in training on vertical farming for upward scaling.” KE KII-4 (MALE) Table 1 Gender Division of Labour in Vertical Gardening Activity Domain Women’s Roles Men’s Roles Gendered explanations Acquisition of Farm Inputs Women source for planting materials like sacks, old basins, tires. They also acquire seeds through farmer groups or provided by NGOs. They also fetch loam/top soil. Negotiate with the landlords on backyard space or struggle to get space within community land and purchase the seeds. Women leverage social networks; men dominate formal land negotiations due to cultural norms. Construction and Setup Participates in planning (home-based gardens). Leads physical setup (e.g. sack filling, frame building). Physical strength expectations and mobility shape roles Soil and Compost Preparation Composting with kitchen waste, layering sacks. Transporting manure, digging. Women’s proximity to homes aligns with caregiving roles; men engage intermittently. Planting and Daily Maintenance Seed selection, planting, weeding, watering, pruning. Support, fencing, fetching water, slashing grass, occasionally help with irrigation especially in larger set-ups. Men’s access to transport/resources enables larger-scale sales. Irrigation Management Manual watering, monitoring soil moisture. Installation of drip systems or water cores. Women’s local networks vs. men’s mobility and market connections. Pest and Disease Control Organic remedies, daily inspection. Chemical spraying (if used), structural fixes. Gendered access to education and decision-making spaces. Harvesting Harvesting leafy greens, herbs, and top crops. Harvesting heavier or top-tier crops like the hydroponic set-ups in schools and large community farms. Women leverage social networks; men dominate formal land negotiations due to cultural norms. Marketing and Sales Local sales, home delivery, market stalls. Bulk vegetable sales, transport to distant markets. Physical strength expectations and mobility shape roles Record Keeping and Planning Budgeting and saving crop rotation planning, household use. Scaling plans, input procurement. Women’s proximity to homes aligns with caregiving roles; men engage intermittently. Training and Leadership Peer training in groups and at home gardens. Technical training, cooperative leadership. Men’s access to transport/resources enables larger-scale sales. This Venn diagram below illustrates the differentiated and overlapping roles of women and men across the vertical gardening value chain in Kibera. Women predominantly engage in sourcing inputs, composting, daily maintenance, and localized marketing, driven by their proximity to the home and caregiving responsibilities. Men, on the other hand, are more involved in land negotiation, physical construction, bulk harvesting, and cooperative leadership, reflecting their access to mobility, resources, and formal decision-making spaces. “Shared responsibilities such as harvesting, occasional irrigation, pest control, and joint marketing highlight areas of collaboration within households. The visualization underscores the importance of addressing gender-specific needs and contributions to promote equitable participation in urban agriculture initiatives.” The study brings to light men’s focus on providing for their families through traditional means such as employment or entrepreneurship described as either casual or small-scale business and also explains men’s marginalization in vertical gardening. However, some men also see the potential benefits of vertical gardening in terms of supplementing their unpredictable income or providing fresh produce for their families. “Men who are engaged in some forms of employments are not having sufficient time to engage in farming.” (KE KII-4 MALE) Again, these roles reveal how gender influences not only who performs the labor, but who holds control over resources, leadership, and long-term strategy in vertical gardening systems. Addressing these imbalances could unlock more inclusive and sustainable urban agriculture models. Despite this gendered division of labor, some households reported collaborative engagement. In such cases, men would perform labor-intensive tasks like sourcing containers and fencing materials, while women focused on soil preparation and plant maintenance. “For me I can say 50/50% to women and men because men go out to find the containers, sacks and tires while women at home go out and look for loam soil or top soil they mix while their husbands or men go out there to find what they put on their kales and they normally come here and we donate them the seeds” (KE IDI 12 MALE). Thus this complementarity points to the dynamic and context-specific nature of gendered practices. Yet, overall, women’s continuous involvement in gardening reaffirms its positioning as a feminized task within the domestic space and shows their centrality in household food strategies. 3.3 Access to production resources and inputs Access to agricultural resources and inputs such as land, seeds, water, tools, and training emerged as a gendered issue shaped by gender roles, spatial constraints, and social norms. Women’s proximity to the home often facilitates access to kitchen gardens and small-scale farming spaces. However, women face challenges in accessing larger plots of land or resources needed for commercial farming due to traditional gender roles and societal expectations and rely on men or NGOs for support. The men are able to secure external spaces (e.g., idle plots, community land) due to perceived strength or negotiation power. ““Mostly targeted are women and the youth. With women showing more interest. At homes, kitchen gardens and cooking are women’s domain so it’s easy for them to engage.” KE KII-2 (FEMALE) “Land, space is along the road so every space within the informal settlements have some youths who claim to be the controllers and they do demand for rent and sometimes cause conflict.” KE KII-4 (MALE) “The men can fight and get a space and do something. Women are weak, and hence, getting space is difficult.” KE IDI 02 (MALE) Land ownership and tenure insecurity disproportionately affect women. While some women farm on family-owned plots majority rely on informal permissions or shared spaces, which can be easily revoked. “My mother owns the plot, and as such, it was easy for me. We planted because here is our home, and there is no one who would ask us.” KE IDI 01 (FEMALE) “It affects us because there are many issues concerning the plots and spaces in this area; there are many people who claim ownership at any time.” KE IDI 01 (FEMALE) This challenge is rooted in limited economic autonomy and cultural norms that associate land ownership and asset control with men. Some participants shared that men were more mobile and assertive in claiming gardening spaces, whereas women’s access was often dependent on relational and group-based mechanisms. Despite this, women have greater participation and visibility in vertical gardening training programs often because of strategic targeting. Training disproportionately target women and youth, often under the assumption that women lack technical know-how. “The county government majors more on women because they think women have no enough knowledge and they train them on technical training part of it.” KE FGD 04 (FEMALE) “When we began, we were taught how to plant vegetables, to being a Sacco that will support us in school and your business too and we saw that it could have good benefits.” KE FGD 04 (FEMALE) Some women, like the female extension officer, are actively supporting others in hydroponics and modern farming—indicating women-led dissemination of knowledge. This not only empowers women in gardening but also contributes to the overall success and sustainability of these innovative farming practices and a trend in evolving gender dynamics in agriculture. “I am an extension officer to farmers. I support farmers in hydroponics farming and modern farming. I monitor the progress of farmers and the challenges they go through.” KE IDI 47 (FEMALE) Women also leverage mobile phones and informal networks to gain farming knowledge (KE IDI 45), while men report accessing training through NGO-sponsored seminars and community groups. “It has helped because sometimes you can learn something on the internet rather than going for training.” KE IDI 45 (FEMALE) Although men lament being overlooked, younger men and women alike express interest when training is combined with economic opportunity, especially in hydroponics and greenhouse initiatives “ Mostly targeted are women and the youth. With women showing more interest. At homes, kitchen gardens and cooking are women’s domain so it’s easy for them to engage .” KE KII-2 (FEMALE) “Thought of vertical farming didn’t have the experience but through funding form Hydroponic Africa limited who took them through a 10-day intense farming and they settled on vertical gardening. Went to their neighbouring school where the training took place. They support women and youth. Most women are available and connected to the kitchen. Youth due to lack of employment and so vertical gardening as a source of employment.” KE KII-2 (FEMALE). Access to seeds, soil, containers, water, and fertilizer is deeply shaped by both gender roles and group dynamics. Both women and men face affordability challenges, but women tend to contribute small amounts collectively to buy seeds while men turn to borrowing or informal arrangements. “We normally buy seeds after members contribute money for them. Members can contribute even 20 shillings each.” KE IDI 35 (FEMALE) Organizations such as Care Kenya, SHOFCO and Crown Trust, also distribute seeds, soil to women and youth though some like Zuri focus predominantly on empowering women. Both women and men gardeners express a desire for balanced inclusion and stress that excluding any gender leads to resentment or missed opportunity “I know of Kibera Town Center, KTC. Humanist Project. they support farming so much. In fact, they even took us to go and do farming inside of a park. I have seen Stacy Foundation in Karanja.” KE IDI 04 (MALE) The challenge they bring is competition between organizations and some form of jealousy among the community due to various organizations' empowerment models. If they can bring the community together and involve everyone, this will help address the challenge. KE IDI 02 (MALE) “Like that one for Zuri; it is for women's empowerment, and they have women's support initiatives. It is only that in empowering women, you cannot leave the youth and men outside, and they have to be included. But mostly, the ones I know are for women.” KE IDI 02 (MALE) 3.6 Collective empowerment and agency Vertical gardening is perceived by the gardeners as a catalyst for empowerment and autonomy fostering self-reliance especially among women who are primary caregivers and youth seeking alternatives to unemployment. The gardens are therefore considered as micro-hubs of nutrition, resilience, and dignity in a densely populated informal settlement characterized by low economic status. “The youths are seeing that not only youths in the rural areas can farm but also us who are in an urban area.” KE FGD 01 (MALE) “Many youths have studied but they still don’t have formal jobs and the informal jobs have a lot of issues. So many people plant a few vegetables in their home and sell them.” — KE FGD 01 (MALE) “You can sell the plants and you will be able to support the family. KE FGD 04 (FEMALE) “It has helped me because nowadays I pay for the merry-go-round on time.” KE IDI 01 (FEMALE) Youth in Kibera are also embracing vertical gardening as a pathway to purpose and sustainability. Through school-based hydroponic units and community-led farming projects, young people gain hands-on experience in climate-resilient agriculture. “Most of the farmers are the youth registered as CBOs, self-help group, most of the urban agri initiative at group level are male.” KE KII-4 (MALE) “It has also make the youth to be busier and hence keeping the minds engaged. This has reduced the drug abuse cases.” KE IDI 41 (FEMALE) “ The youth are prone to crime because of peer pressure but you can keep yourself busy with farming.” KE IDI 19 (MALE) “This is where I have educated my children until I am this way, I have never gone to another place. It is now 15 years.” KE IDI 49 (FEMALE) For many women, vertical gardening is more than a food source. It is a platform for leadership and economic agency. The gardens symbolize hope, a chance to contribute meaningfully to their communities, earn a modest income, and challenge the narrative of marginalization. In this way, vertical gardening becomes a quiet revolution, rooted in soil-less sacks and recycled pipes, but blooming with empowerment. The income generated from gardening empowers women where vegetable sales supports fees, household needs and contribution in saving and loaning groups. “when there is plenty of food, we supply to schools, hotels, hospitals and to the surrounding.” KE IDI 49 (FEMALE) “The changes are good because at times when you don't have money, you can just harvest vegetables from your farm. You would then use the money meant for vegetables to buy something else. It was designed to harvest the vegetables after two days.” KE IDI 05 (FEMALE) Men on the other hand control bulk sales and transport logistics like Pickup buyers and off-takers reflecting gendered control over higher-value transactions. “For the value chain, men are the ones who come with pick-up to buy the vegetables.” KE KII-3 (MALE) From the study, Vertical gardening decisions at the household level mirror broader gender norms and largely male dominated where men provide the funds and determine budgeting priorities. Male described themselves as the ones who handle all financial responsibilities, including rent, food, school fees, and his wife's transportation. “He normally gives the money, and he budgets for that amount.” KE IDI 01 (FEMALE) “I pay rent, buy food, I pay school fees, buy clothes and even the transport for my wife if she wants to go anywhere, I take care of everything” (KE IDI 03 MALE). “We normally support one another. The husband is the one who makes the decisions. KE IDI 01 (FEMALE) Women frequently control decisions about food consumption and crop utilization (KE IDI 44), with one respondent noting, "When I am here at home, everyone looks at me on which food to be eaten." KE IDI 44 (FEMALE). In some households claim mutual support, men tend to retain final authority, even when both partners contribute income. “All genders are equal in farming, and all actors in this space must involve all genders to avoid unnecessary conflicts. When you empower women a lot and forget the men, there will be a problem. It should be balanced.” KE IDI 02 (MALE) On the other hand, women are frequently entrusted with handling and saving money from vegetable sales, with remarks like, “She’s the one who keeps the money... she saves some small amount for the next plantation.” KE IDI 12 (MALE) Moreover, vertical gardening provided an avenue for women to participate in informal economies through direct sales to neighbours or local markets. These earnings, though small, enabled women to contribute to household expenses or meet personal obligations, such as saving through rotating credit schemes. “It has helped me because nowadays I pay for the merry-go-round on time. I no longer have the stress of getting vegetables” (KE IDI 01 FEMALE). In community-based farming groups, decision-making is more collaborative but still shaped by gendered roles. Collective choices noted where members often meet to discuss harvest distribution, financial use, and labor sharing to avoid the conflict. “ Once you are in a group, you can’t make the decision alone because it might lead to complaints. To avoid the conflicts, we sit down and discuss how the harvest will be sold and how the money will be used.” KE FGD 01 (MALE) Although ranks exist in leadership, ideas are weighed based on merit. Women often lead on maintenance and marketing, while men handle structural aspects like fencing and sourcing inputs. “The advantage of being in a group is there are ranks and protocols that are followed but everyone can participate. If someone has a good idea, we follow it ir-regardless of their rank.” KE FGD 01 (MALE) “For me I can say 50/50% to women and men because men at home go out to find the containers, sacks and tires, loam soil or top soil while their husbands or men go out there to find space to put their kales and they normally come here and we donate them the seeds.” KE IDI 12 (MALE) Both men and women express a sense of ownership and autonomy, particularly regarding small-scale farming decisions. Women report the ability to choose what to sell or consume, suggesting control over the fruits of their labor. However, Men secure and protect farming spaces, reclaiming idle land or negotiating access (KE FGD 01), which gives them leverage over where and how farming is initiated. “I already have the freedom and I do all things that I do with my farm and I also decide on what to sell and what to remain.” KE FGD 04 (FEMALE) “For me it is utilization of space. Where I am planting was a dumpsite that I cleaned up and utilized for farming.” KE FGD 01 (MALE) Evolving norms like the increasing support for joint decision-making and gender complementarity, especially when both partners contribute to farming success. Some respondents further caution against empowering one gender at the expense of the other, stressing the need for balanced inclusion to prevent resentment. “Like that one for Zuri; it is for women's empowerment, and they have women's support initiatives. It is only that in empowering women, you cannot leave the youth and men outside, and they have to be included. But mostly, the ones I know are for women.” KE IDI 02 (MALE) Vertical gardening therefore serves as both a food security strategy and an economic empowerment tool, although in gender-differentiated ways. Women consistently reported notable financial relief due to reduced household expenses and modest but steady income generation from selling surplus vegetables. For many, the act of growing food not only met subsistence needs but also opened limited opportunities for financial autonomy. Women’s participation in gardening collectives allowed for a degree of decision-making outside the household context. These groups functioned as platforms for women to collectively decide how to use harvests, allocate resources, and manage savings. “In groups, we brainstorm ideas, share seeds, and decide how to use the harvest, whether for food or income” (KE FGD 01). While these examples suggested incremental shifts in women's agency, they also showed that meaningful decision-making at the household level is still constrained by entrenched patriarchal structures. This limits women’s economic autonomy even when they are the primary actors in vertical gardening. 4. Discussion This study demonstrates that vertical gardening is a promising solution to food insecurity, spatial constraints, and income vulnerability in urban informal settlements. The gender dynamics that emerge from the data reveal nuanced patterns of participation, benefit, and constraint. Gender, as noted by Prasad ( 2023 ), is not peripheral in urban informality, it is a key structuring force in how livelihoods are organized and experienced. In Kibera, vertical gardening initiatives reflect both entrenched norms and evolving dynamics. Participants consistently noted that while both women and men participate in vertical gardening, women tend to show more sustained interest and engagement. Women are consistently engaged in daily farming tasks such as watering, weeding, harvesting, and selling produce. Men, on the other hand, tend to dominate roles involving physical setup—like sourcing containers, fencing, and securing land access. This division of labor is not rigid but shaped by time availability, social expectations, and economic necessity. Women’s proximity to the home and their responsibility for household food provision make them natural stewards of kitchen gardens, while men often juggle casual labour outside the settlement, limiting their farming involvement (Angeles, 2024 ). Worth noting that women’s proximity also contributes to a heavier burden of unpaid labor, compounding their time poverty. This supports existing literature showing that urban women often experience time poverty due to overlapping responsibilities, even when engaging in productive work (Chant, 2013 ; Budlender, 2008 ). Male respondents noted that their jobs in construction or as public transport assistants constrained their time for gardening. Again, the gender division of labour reflects broader societal norms that associate women with domestic and caregiving roles, limiting their access to resources like land, water, financing, and agricultural training (Njuki et al., 2022). As a result, women's gardens are often smaller, less diversified, and more vulnerable to disruptions, reinforcing the need for gender-sensitive interventions to empower women and support their contributions to food security (FAO, 2023). A critical factor reinforcing these divisions lies in unequal access to gardening inputs such as land, water, soil, and containers characterized by a mix of community innovation, NGO support, and persistent structural barriers. Women, often lacking land ownership and asset control, rely on informal networks or NGOs for access (Gogoi, 2022; Gallaher et al., 2013 ). Men, by contrast, are more mobile and socially sanctioned to engage in public space negotiation, making it easier for them to secure gardening space. These gendered disparities reflect long-standing structural barriers, where institutional frameworks fail to recognize or support women’s land-use rights, especially in informal urban settings (FAO, 2011). Some participants indicated that men could ‘fight for space’ whereas women faced physical and social limitations in negotiating access. NGOs and community-based organizations play a pivotal role in bridging these gaps. Groups like SHOFCO, Care Kenya, and Kibera Town Centre have provided training, seeds, sacks, and even greenhouse infrastructure. Some initiatives offer asset-based loans or subsidized inputs, while others conduct soil testing and provide irrigation support. Despite these efforts, sustainability remains a concern. Farmers report inconsistent support, limited market access, and competition among organizations. Moreover, the absence of a legal framework governing urban agriculture in informal settlements complicates long-term planning and resource ownership, especially when land tenure is uncertain or contested. Group-based farming models have introduced more collaborative decision-making, yet gendered roles persist. Women frequently manage post-harvest activities and control income from vegetable sales, while men contribute to infrastructure and logistics. Some households report joint decision-making, but others reflect asymmetrical power, with men retaining final authority over finances and land use. Notably, women-led groups have emerged as key drivers of training dissemination and resource mobilization, especially in hydroponics and greenhouse farming. These groups often operate through chamas or SACCOs, enabling women to pool resources and access inputs like seeds and soil. Empowerment and agency in vertical gardening within Kibera’s informal settlement are deeply rooted in residents’ ability to reclaim space, mobilize resources, and reshape household and community dynamics. The study reveals that women, in particular, have gained significant autonomy through sack gardening. They make decisions about crop use, manage income from vegetable sales, and lead watering and harvesting routines. This agency extends beyond economic benefits—women report reduced stress, improved nutrition, and the ability to contribute to household expenses and savings groups. Men, while often responsible for securing farming space and infrastructure, also express pride in supporting their partners and contributing to food security. Group-based farming initiatives further amplify agency by fostering collective decision-making, resource sharing, and social support. Women-led chamas and SACCOs enable members to pool funds for seeds and inputs, while youth groups like Green Army engage in environmental restoration and urban farming. These collective spaces foster alternative forms of governance and agency, allowing women to negotiate roles otherwise constrained by patriarchal norms (Beall and Fox, 2009 ; Moser, 1993 ). Respondents described how group participation enabled brainstorming, decision-making on harvest use, and peer-to-peer support, allowing women to shape outcomes in ways not possible within traditional household structures. A recent study by Gallaher et al. ( 2015 ), published in the Journal of Agriculture, Food Systems, and Community Development, reinforces these findings. The authors demonstrate that sack gardening in Kibera significantly enhances household agency, particularly among women, by enabling them to contribute to food security and income generation while building stronger community ties. The study emphasizes that vertical gardening is not merely a survival strategy but a transformative livelihood approach that fosters empowerment in highly constrained urban environments. A study by Makario, Mutui, and Muhingi (2023) published in the International Journal of Social and Development Concerns highlights how empowerment programs in Kibera have shifted intra-household decision-making dynamics. Women who participate in such programs report increased bargaining power and reduced vulnerability to gender-based violence, especially when their husbands support their economic roles. However, the study cautions that empowerment can trigger tension if men feel their traditional provider roles are threatened, underscoring the need for inclusive programming that engages both genders in training, resource access, and decision-making to foster equitable and sustainable urban agriculture Vertical gardening also contributes to social capital formation. The collaborative nature of gardening groups fosters solidarity, shared responsibility, and mutual assistance. Respondents discussed how group members share vegetables, loan money, and support each other in times of need, thereby enhancing community resilience. Scholars have highlighted the importance of such locally-driven initiatives in shaping the built environment and responding to systemic marginalization (1to1 Plans, 2024 ). However, challenges persist in scaling up vertical gardening within informal settlements. These include limited access to infrastructure, technical support, and legal recognition. Informal settlements remain excluded from urban planning, and vertical gardening is not institutionalized as a legitimate land use (Van Belle et al., 2020). The Urban Areas and Cities Act ( 2011 ) provides no mechanisms to integrate such practices into zoning frameworks. Participants acknowledged that NGOs were filling some gaps, especially for youth and elderly women, but emphasized the lack of consistent state support. There is a clear need for inclusive urban governance that formalizes and supports gender-responsive urban agriculture. 5. Conclusions Vertical gardening in urban informal settlements like Kibera has proven to be a transformative livelihood strategy, especially in contexts marked by spatial constraints, unemployment, and food insecurity. As evidenced in the coded data, residents—particularly women—are creatively utilizing limited spaces by repurposing basins, tires, and jerrycans to grow nutritious vegetables. This practice supports household food consumption, supplements income through produce sales, and fosters resilience during economic or political instability. Moreover, vertical gardening has minimized food-related stress for many families by reducing reliance on fluctuating market prices and external food supplies. The social infrastructure surrounding vertical gardening—such as farmer groups, SACCOs, and informal networks—plays a central role in fostering empowerment and agency. These spaces allow participants to pool resources, exchange knowledge, access training, and negotiate collective benefits. Gender emerged as a key structuring force in the uptake and impact of vertical gardening. Women dominate cultivation and marketing roles while men are more involved in physical setup and external logistics. These gendered divisions reflect broader structural inequalities that, if unaddressed, could limit the equity and sustainability of such initiatives. Despite these distinctions, vertical gardening has become a platform for gender collaboration, with examples of shared decision-making, co-management of household produce, and intergenerational knowledge transfer. Looking ahead, vertical gardening offers significant promise not just as an agricultural innovation, but as a vehicle for community development, youth engagement, and climate resilience. Nonetheless, challenges such as limited access to water, seeds, secure land, and consistent organizational support signal the need for policy reform and targeted investment. Embedding vertical gardening within urban planning frameworks and recognizing it as a critical component of urban food systems could amplify its impact and ensure long-term sustainability in informal settlements. To ensure vertical gardening reaches its transformative potential, future interventions must be gender-responsive. This includes recognizing the invisible labor of women, redistributing access to productive assets, and promoting inclusive decision-making. Policies should shift away from privileging formal zones and affluent urban areas and instead support community-led greening initiatives that reflect the lived realities of informal settlements. Lastly, vertical gardening offers more than a survival strategy it is an entry point for reimagining urban development through a gender-just and community-driven lens. Abbreviations CBO Community-Based Organizations FAO Food and Agricultural Organization FGD Focus Group Discussion GBV Gender-Based Violence IDIs Indepth Interviews IIED International Institute for Environment and Development KE Kenya KIHBS Kenya Integrated Household Budget Survey KHPC Kenya Population and Housing Census KIIs Key Informant Interviews KNBS Kenya National Bureau of Statistics NGO Non-Governmental Organization SACCO Savings and Credit Cooperative Organizations SDI Slum Dwellers International SHOFCO Shining Hope for Communities SOs Systemic observations UOs Unstructured Observations UN United Nations Declarations Ethics approval and consent to participate The study was approved by National Council of Science, Technology, and Innovation (NACOSTI), Kenya (NACOSTI/P/23/31984). The studies were conducted in accordance with the local legislation and institutional requirements. All participants involved in the study provided informed consent, and their confidentiality and anonymity have been safeguarded in accordance with university ethical guidelines. Consent for publication Not applicable Availability of data and materials The original contributions presented in the study are included in the article/supplementary material, further inquiries can be directed to the corresponding author. Competing interests The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest. Funding The author(s) declare no financial support received for the authorship, and/or publication of this article. This work was fully funded by the author. Authors' contributions JO: Conceptualization, Data curation, Formal analysis, Investigation, Methodology, Visualization, Writing – original and final. DO: Supervision, Writing- Review & Editing, Validation. DA-Supervision, Writing-Review and Editing Acknowledgements We express our sincere gratitude to study participants in the Kibera, Nairobi County for contributing to the data presented in this article. We are grateful to the village elders, Non-Governmental actors who provided support and guidance during the data collection process. We also appreciate the research assistant involved in the data collection process. References 1to1 Plans. (2024, August 16). How vertical gardens are shaping urban exteriors in 2024 . 1to1 Plans. https://1to1plans.com/blogs/how-vertical-gardens-are-shaping-urban-exteriors-in-2024 Abdelfatah, M. T., and El-Arnaouty, S. M. (2023). A review of vertical farming for sustainable urban food security. 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The World Bank Group. https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.URB.TOTL.IN.ZS?locations=KE Additional Declarations No competing interests reported. Cite Share Download PDF Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Research Square lets you share your work early, gain feedback from the community, and start making changes to your manuscript prior to peer review in a journal. As a division of Research Square Company, we’re committed to making research communication faster, fairer, and more useful. We do this by developing innovative software and high quality services for the global research community. Our growing team is made up of researchers and industry professionals working together to solve the most critical problems facing scientific publishing. Also discoverable on Platform About Our Team In Review Editorial Policies Advisory Board Help Center Resources Author Services Accessibility API Access RSS feed Manage Cookie Preferences © Research Square 2026 | ISSN 2693-5015 (online) Privacy Policy Terms of Service Do Not Sell My Personal Information {"props":{"pageProps":{"initialData":{"identity":"rs-7526406","acceptedTermsAndConditions":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"archivedVersions":[],"articleType":"Research Article","associatedPublications":[],"authors":[{"id":513557218,"identity":"005196cd-4278-48a6-a87c-99b354156e58","order_by":0,"name":"Judith A. Otieno","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"University of Nairobi","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Judith","middleName":"A.","lastName":"Otieno","suffix":""},{"id":513557219,"identity":"4ec7a318-adc5-4c7c-819a-40eb0e70fde8","order_by":1,"name":"Dalmas O. Omia","email":"data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAZAAAAAyAQMAAABI0h/eAAAABlBMVEX///8AAABVwtN+AAAACXBIWXMAAA7EAAAOxAGVKw4bAAABBUlEQVRIiWNgGAWjYDCCA8wNEIYEI4hhA8SMjQfwa2FE0ZIG0tJArBYweRgiiE8H3/GDrRt+/GGQ45/d3Pi44Nd5u7Xth4G21NhE49IieSax7WZvG4OxxJ2DzcYz+24nbzuTCNRyLC23AYcWgwOJbTd4GxgSN0gktknz9txONjsA1MLYcBi3lvMP227++QPW0v6bt+dcstn5hwS03Ehsu83DBrGFmefHATuzGwRskbzxsO22bJuEscSNxGZp3obkBLMbQFsS8PiF73zysZtv/tjI8c9If/iZ54+dvdn59IcPPtTY4NQCBZBIYWBsY0gEq0zArxwZ/GGwJ17xKBgFo2AUjBQAAKJ5bIaiutJNAAAAAElFTkSuQmCC","orcid":"","institution":"University of Nairobi","correspondingAuthor":true,"prefix":"","firstName":"Dalmas","middleName":"O.","lastName":"Omia","suffix":""},{"id":513557220,"identity":"003817ce-a440-4ba7-ae7f-e9269bea3ab3","order_by":2,"name":"Dorothy A. Amwata","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"Murang'a University of Technology","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Dorothy","middleName":"A.","lastName":"Amwata","suffix":""}],"badges":[],"createdAt":"2025-09-03 11:23:18","currentVersionCode":1,"declarations":"","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7526406/v1","doiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-7526406/v1","draftVersion":[],"editorialEvents":[],"editorialNote":"","failedWorkflow":false,"files":[{"id":91415366,"identity":"63550236-7af8-4568-92ef-4e013635655d","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-09-16 09:19:48","extension":"png","order_by":1,"title":"Figure 1","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":1698931,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eThe map of Kibera informal settlement in Nairobi, Kenya\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"1.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7526406/v1/fc9aa68eb8246f591247a791.png"},{"id":91418282,"identity":"11200ca2-04e4-4b73-8f88-e1c7e7c93216","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-09-16 09:51:48","extension":"png","order_by":2,"title":"Figure 2","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":1994092,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eIllustration of data collection methods\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"2.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7526406/v1/a22477814e212f4e833ff5c0.png"},{"id":91415358,"identity":"0eeaf1e1-f206-48a8-a423-7627b786b7c3","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-09-16 09:19:48","extension":"png","order_by":3,"title":"Figure 3","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":42596,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eDemographic characteristics \u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;of study participants\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"3.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7526406/v1/336492de8927d0c866b18a94.png"},{"id":91416252,"identity":"d37bcb08-1a9a-429e-b28d-6f8f640ecec8","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-09-16 09:27:48","extension":"png","order_by":4,"title":"Figure 4","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":88632,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eFigure 1: Gendered Division of Labor in Vertical Gardening in Kibera Informal Settlement\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"4.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7526406/v1/60e4d7762280763aaf8690da.png"},{"id":91416251,"identity":"f55038c9-233d-4eca-b993-607a210f8a39","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-09-16 09:27:48","extension":"png","order_by":5,"title":"Figure 5","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":98170,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eFigure 4:Scatter plot showing gendered roles in vertical gardening\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"5.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7526406/v1/be0d36a29e6fefcf3e378a69.png"},{"id":91415362,"identity":"e8d4e8b7-47fe-49a5-acb7-83118f0be5c1","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-09-16 09:19:48","extension":"png","order_by":6,"title":"Figure 6","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":87413,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eFigure 5- scatter plot showing socio-economic motivations and constraints\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"6.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7526406/v1/2e2dd282643ee95ecbf94eaa.png"},{"id":91415360,"identity":"55b31770-9b2d-4e9f-b7f3-4d22b387bdee","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-09-16 09:19:48","extension":"png","order_by":7,"title":"Figure 7","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":91711,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eFigure 6- scattered plot illustrating gendered financial management\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"7.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7526406/v1/d768d8edb50b66bda419fc7e.png"},{"id":91417867,"identity":"25f5f9e2-6c79-4e74-a3c2-76454f885bc3","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-09-16 09:43:48","extension":"jpg","order_by":8,"title":"Figure 8","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":98664,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eFigure 7:Vegetable harvesting\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"8.jpg","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7526406/v1/388c3f1457f4470e3ddf287e.jpg"},{"id":92413392,"identity":"a1f07eaf-5f47-4ab7-ab2a-b347d256bd4d","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-09-29 12:53:59","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":4192663,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7526406/v1/4869d6aa-a417-4abb-b313-764a8d020fa2.pdf"}],"financialInterests":"No competing interests reported.","formattedTitle":"\u003cp\u003eThe Agency of Women and Men in Urban Vertical Gardening: Qualitative Insights From Nairobi's Informal Settlements of Kibra\u003c/p\u003e","fulltext":[{"header":"1. Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003eUrban food insecurity is an escalating global concern, disproportionately affecting informal settlements where rapid urbanization and high population density continue to outpace the provision of basic services, infrastructure, and sustainable livelihoods (FAO, 2024; IIED, 2024; Owuor et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR45\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e; SDI Kenya, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR51\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e; Battersby, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e). In Kenya, approximately 31.3% of the population\u0026mdash;equivalent to 16\u0026nbsp;million people\u0026mdash;resides in urban areas, with an estimated 60% living in informal settlements such as Kibera in Nairobi (World Bank, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR61\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e; UN-Habitat, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR55\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). These settlements are characterized by multidimensional deprivation, including food insecurity, precarious housing, inadequate infrastructure, and heightened economic vulnerability (KNBS, 2024; KHPC, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR34\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e). Residents face limited access to nutrition, sanitation, and essential health services, further exacerbated by structural inequalities (Kenya Integrated Household Budget Survey [KIHBS], 2024/25). The fragility of urban food systems is compounded by climate-induced shocks, global supply dependencies, and socioeconomic disruptions (Abdelfatah and El-Arnaouty, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e; KNBS, 2018), underscoring the urgency for resilient, inclusive, and locally anchored interventions.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAs a localized and community-driven response to food insecurity, vertical gardening has emerged as a form of risk-smoothing. This practice of cultivating crops in vertically stacked layers or compact structures has gained traction in urban areas, particularly within informal settlements (Rise Gardens, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR49\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e; Parameswari et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR47\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). Beyond offering a means of growing food, vertical gardening contributes to environmental sustainability, dietary diversity, and economic empowerment at the household level (FAO, 2025; Ritambara et al., 2024). However, despite the growing relevance of vertical gardening, gender considerations within these interventions remain insufficiently explored (Mandigma \u003cspan citationid=\"CR40\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). In the context of informal settlements, these disparities are compounded by economic precarity, spatial constraints, and exclusion from formal planning processes.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis research explored how women and men in Nairobi\u0026rsquo;s informal settlements, specifically Kibera engage with vertical gardening initiatives, with a focus on identifying barriers and enablers to gender-transformative outcomes. The study was guided by three interrelated areas of inquiry. First, gendered participation, examining how gender roles shape the division of labor. Second, access to resources and agency, analyzing how structural and cultural norms influence disparities in land tenure, agricultural inputs, training, financial services and the extent women and men exercise agency within vertical gardening systems. Third, collective empowerment, investigating how vertical gardening groups foster social cohesion, knowledge exchange, and strategic influence over food and income pathways. It considered how collective action can build resilience, amplify marginalized voices, and catalyze gender-transformative change. Together, these areas provided a framework for analyzing the gendered dynamics of urban agriculture and recommendations to inform the design of inclusive, responsive, and sustainable policy interventions.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"2. Materials and Methods","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eStudy site\u003c/strong\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis study was conducted between February and October 2023 in Kibera, one of the largest informal settlements in Kenya and sub-Saharan Africa. Located approximately 6.6 kilometers southeast of Nairobi\u0026rsquo;s city center, Kibera spans an estimated 12.1 square kilometers and is home to approximately 185,777 residents across 61,690 households (KNBS, 2019). However, population estimates vary widely, with some sources suggesting figures exceeding 250,000 due to continuous rural-urban migration and informal housing expansion. Kibera is characterized by extreme population density averaging over 2,000 individuals per hectare and fragile infrastructure, including inadequate access to clean water, sanitation, electricity, and formal housing (Gallaher et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e; Ayuya et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). Most dwellings are makeshift structures built from mud, timber, and corrugated metal sheets, often shared by multiple families in overcrowded conditions.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eLivelihoods in Kibera are predominantly informal and precarious. Residents engage in low-wage activities such as street vending, waste picking, domestic work, and casual labour in construction. Food insecurity remains pervasive, with many households spending up to 80% of their income on food, often relying on NGO-provided meals (Groot et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR25\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e; Arent, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e)4. Access to nutritious and safe food is limited, exacerbated by environmental hazards and lack of arable land.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eGender disparities are pronounced. Women in Kibera earn approximately 42% less than men and face heightened exposure to gender-based violence (GBV), including physical, sexual, and economic abuse (Makario et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR39\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e; Wairimu et al., 2023). Kibera\u0026rsquo;s complex socio-economic landscape marked by demographic pressure, food insecurity, informal livelihoods, and entrenched gender inequalities makes it a critical site for examining urban resilience, participatory development, and inclusive policy interventions. Three sub-villages, Lindi, Makina, and Laini Saba, were purposively selected for this study. These sites represent Kibera\u0026rsquo;s socio-economic and spatial heterogeneity and demonstrate active engagement in vertical gardening practices.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eResearch Design\u003c/strong\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe study employed an exploratory qualitative approach (Creswell and Creswell, 2017). By exploring the lived experiences of different genders including vulnerable populations, it captures the personal struggles and adaptation strategies that shape engagement in urban agriculture. Through fifty (50) in depth interviews with male and female heads of households, and four (4) focus group discussions, the study captured both individual and collective narratives around participation, access to productive assets and resources, agency, empowerment and the symbolic and practical value of vertical gardening. These methods, supported by Kvale and Brinkmann (2009), are particularly effective in exploring social relations, emotional landscapes, and community dynamics all of which are critical to understanding how food security interventions are received and sustained in informal settlements. To complement these perspectives, key informant interviews were conducted with local NGO staff and community leaders to provide contextual insights into programmatic support, policy constraints, and institutional dynamics surrounding urban agriculture. Direct observations of vertical gardening setups, ranging from sack gardens to hydroponic systems were also undertaken to document physical layouts, resource use, and environmental conditions. These observations enriched the data by grounding participant narratives in tangible practices and spatial realities. Thematic analysis was employed to distill recurring patterns and meanings from the data, ensuring that findings were grounded in participants\u0026rsquo; lived realities rather than imposed frameworks\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eSampling\u003c/strong\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe study utilized purposive sampling to select three villages (Lindi, Makina, and Laini Saba) from Kibera's thirteen sub-villages. These locations were specifically chosen because they represent the socio-economic diversity of Kibera reflecting age, household type, livelihood strategies while demonstrating active engagement in vertical gardening practices. Lindi was selected for its high population density and proximity to markets, Makina for its mixed livelihood strategies, and Laini Saba for its relatively lower density and greater available space for gardening activities. To identify participants with substantive engagement in vertical gardening, the research team collaborated with Community-Based Organizations (CBOs), agricultural support groups, and local elders active in the target settlements. Households were eligible if they had at least six months of vertical gardening experience, a threshold chosen to ensure participants had engaged long enough to reflect on both the challenges and benefits of the practice. These groups provided referrals based on their direct engagement with community members involved in urban gardening initiatives. The referral process was informal but strategic, relying on community-based organizations (CBOs) with firsthand knowledge of households practicing vertical gardening, particularly those recognized for consistent cultivation or involvement in training sessions. While this method improved trust and access within the community, it also introduced potential selection bias in reaching certain demographic groups by favoring households with strong social ties or visibility within organized groups and inadvertently excluded less socially connected individuals. Timing further influenced participation, with some residents unavailable due to livelihood obligations. These constraints, while reflective of the realities of fieldwork in resource-constrained urban environments, were mitigated through rapport-building sessions, flexible scheduling, and engagement with local leaders to maximize inclusivity and community ownership of the research process. Additionally, triangulation through spot visits and snowball referrals initiated by initial participants helped mitigate potential bias. Nevertheless, these constraints, coupled with the absence of a centralized household registry, limited the randomness of the sample and reduced representativeness across demographic subgroups. These limitations are acknowledged as part of the contextual realities of conducting fieldwork in informal settlements.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eData Collection\u003c/strong\u003e\u003cp\u003eA total of 50 in-depth interviews (25 women, 25 men) were conducted at participants\u0026rsquo; homes and garden sites. To explore community-level dynamics, four focus group discussions (FGDs) two with women and two mixed-gender enabled shared reflections on gardening practices, challenges, and social cohesion. Eight key informant interviews (KIIs) with local leaders, agricultural officers, and CBO representatives provided institutional insights into policy environments and support systems. Unstructured and systematic observations at household and community garden sites enriched the verbal data, capturing farming techniques, spatial layouts, and environmental constraints. This multi-method approach enabled triangulation across individual, community, and institutional levels, offering a nuanced understanding of how vertical gardening intersects with gendered agency, empowerment, and household food security.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eData analysis\u003c/strong\u003e\u003cp\u003eFollowing Braun and Clarke\u0026rsquo;s (2006) thematic analysis framework, the process began with familiarization, transcription, coding, theme development, and refinement. All audio recordings were transcribed verbatim to capture the nuances of participants' narratives. Portions of dialogue in Swahili were professionally translated into English to ensure linguistic accuracy while retaining the original meaning and contextual depth (Krippendorff, 2018). These transcripts were then imported into Microsoft Word for preliminary review, organization, and annotation before coding commenced in NVivo.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eMeaning-making emerged through an iterative reading of transcripts, allowing patterns and shared experiences to surface. Themes were developed based on both predefined theoretical concepts and emergent ideas from participants' discussions. Open coding was initially applied to segment the data into distinct units of meaning, followed by axial coding to identify relationships between categories (Corbin and Strauss, 2008).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDuring analysis, selection bias was mitigated through a multi-pronged approach. Data were stratified by gender and socioeconomic status to enable nuanced comparisons and avoid dominance by more visible voices. Thematic analysis employed constant comparison techniques to test patterns against outliers and ensure consistency across varied contexts. Triangulation across interviews, field observations, and organizational records helped surface blind spots and reduce narrative bias. Reflexive memos were used throughout to monitor positionality, acknowledge power dynamics, and enhance interpretive transparency.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis process revealed key themes that illuminate the complex gender dynamics embedded in urban vertical gardening, offering a nuanced understanding of how gender relations shape both opportunities and constraints. These themes include: access to resources and space; division of labor and time; empowerment and agency; knowledge and technical training gaps; market access and economic participation.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"3. Results","content":"\u003cdiv id=\"Sec4\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\n \u003ch2\u003e3.1 Demographic characteristics of the participants\u003c/h2\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThe participants in this study reflected diverse demographic profiles across gender, age, marital status, education, and livelihood status. A total of 50 individuals (25 women and 25 men) participated in in-depth interviews, with additional voices captured through four focus group discussions\u0026mdash;two exclusively with women and two with mixed-gender participants\u0026mdash;and eight key informant interviews.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv id=\"Sec5\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\n \u003ch2\u003e3.2 Participation and gender division of labour\u003c/h2\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThe findings revealed that while both women and men participate in vertical gardening, women tend to dominate the day-to-day activities associated with their physical proximity to the home that allowed them to allocate time more easily to gardening, even amidst caregiving responsibilities.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;women are more committed because men go to hustle for the family but farming gives you return after three or four months depending on what you have planted.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE FGD 01 (MALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Because they are the ones who are left at home to take care of the children and the house after the men leave for errands for the day. It makes them look for small businesses to operate while at home.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE IDI 46 (MALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eWomen typically drive the process from the ground up literally by acquiring inputs such as sacks, basins, tires, loam or topsoil, and seeds donated by NGOs; purchasing small-scale or reused household materials; and emphasizing sustainability and ingenuity.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;It is the women. I don\u0026apos;t know if men are always busy, but I see it is women who are the majority\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e (KE IDI 45 FEMALE).\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Mostly the men are the one who do casual jobs in the farm. The women are the ones who have relationships.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE IDI 45 (FEMALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/div\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eWomen reported that their role in ensuring household food availability made them more engaged in gardening. Additionally, many women found that gardening provided them with a sense of empowerment and autonomy, as they were able to directly contribute to their family\u0026apos;s well-being. This increased their motivation to continue cultivating their food.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;When I am here at home, everyone looks at me on which food to be eaten\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE IDI 44 (FEMALE).\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;With women showing more interest. At homes, kitchen gardens and cooking are women\u0026rsquo;s domain so it\u0026rsquo;s easy for them to engage\u003c/em\u003e\u0026rdquo; KE KII 02 (FEMALE).\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/div\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eMen, on the other hand, handled negotiations around space particularly with landlords or community leaders highlighting their dominant position in land access and public decision-making. This practice could stem from the associational task of men being the nominal household head and are prioritized in public engagement.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;It is the men mostly because finding space here is a problem. The men can fight and get a space and do something. Women are weak, and hence, getting space is difficult.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE IDI 02 (MALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/div\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eConstruction and preparation stages of vertical gardens further underscore this divide. Women are central to planning and maintenance, especially in home-based gardens, and take lead on composting using kitchen waste and layering materials to create nutrient-rich grow zones. However, they rely on men for the physical labour elements where men tend to dominate the heavy lifting and construction aspects of vertical gardening, such as building structures, transporting manure or constructing support frames, fencing, and installing irrigation systems like drip lines.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;The men help women in what they can\u0026rsquo;t do, like fencing, while the women do maintenance like weeding and watering the plants\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (KE FGD 01).\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Men do set up the gardens while women maintain the farms.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE KII 06 (MALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Men help us in fetching water and other duties like slashing grass.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE FGD 03 (FEMALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eMaintenance through pest control practices reveal a distinct gendered division of labor shaped by access, specialization, and socio-cultural norms. Women, often positioned as primary caregivers and custodians of household nutrition, engage in daily crop oversight and favor organic pest remedies such as rabbit urine, ash, or manual weeding reflecting both ecological sensitivity and economic pragmatism. Conversely, where resources permit, men opt for commercial pesticides or fertilizers, often acquired through external networks or training programs. This divergence underscores not only differentiated knowledge systems and resource access but also the need for gender-responsive programming that validates women\u0026rsquo;s ecological expertise while equipping both genders with complementary skills for sustainable urban agriculture.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eWhile both genders participate in maintenance and pest control, their methods diverge\u0026mdash;women rely on organic remedies and daily oversight, while men may apply chemical solutions and manage infrastructure repairs.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE FGD 04 (FEMALE).\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003eSome have come up with Rabbit urine feeding it into the system. Others worked others did not work\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE KII-2 (FEMALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThe participation of both women and men is appreciated. The participants noted that men\u0026rsquo;s engagement give more strength and completion of tasks women are unable to do in gardening. This collaboration allows for a more efficient and productive farming process, ultimately leading to greater success in gardening and better outcomes for everyone involved.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;It\u0026apos;s so beneficial because when men support, they give more strength for us to do the farming because men can do what women cannot do like men can do the fencing and we help them.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE FGD 04 (FEMALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eHarvesting and marketing also present gendered distinctions. Women typically harvest smaller greens and herbs suited for household consumption or local sales, often selling directly from home or at nearby stalls. They also perform budgeting, saving, and seasonal planning.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;When the women produce crops, they are the ones who take it direct to the market. There are no middle people.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE IDI 41 (FEMALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eShe\u0026rsquo;s the one who keeps the money because you know am a man when I have money I will use it. She makes sure that in a day she saves at least some small amount for the next plantation, that\u0026rsquo;s what she does.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/div\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eMen, especially in larger community gardens or school-based hydroponic systems, are involved in harvesting bulk produce and navigating transport logistics to reach broader markets. This pattern reflects not just physical capability, but access to financial and mobility resources that influence the scale and profitability of agricultural engagement.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;For the value chain, men are the ones who come with pick-up to buy the vegetables.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE KII-3 (MALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eWhen it comes to knowledge-sharing and leadership, women frequently act as peer educators within localized gardening groups and drive household-level innovation. Conversely, men tend to pursue formal technical trainings and participate in scaling decisions or cooperative leadership structures.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;We need modern knowledge and training on farming\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e KE FGD 03 (FEMALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;The county government majors more on women because they think women have no enough knowledge and they train them on technical training part of it\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE FGD 04 (FEMALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Organizations, government should invest in training on vertical farming for upward scaling.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE KII-4 (MALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cdiv class=\"gridtable\"\u003e\n \u003ctable id=\"Tab1\" border=\"1\"\u003e\n \u003ccaption language=\"En\"\u003e\n \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionNumber\"\u003eTable 1\u003c/div\u003e\n \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionContent\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eGender Division of Labour in Vertical Gardening\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/div\u003e\n \u003c/caption\u003e\n \u003cthead\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eActivity Domain\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/th\u003e\n \u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eWomen\u0026rsquo;s Roles\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/th\u003e\n \u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eMen\u0026rsquo;s Roles\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/th\u003e\n \u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eGendered explanations\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/th\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003c/thead\u003e\n \u003ctbody\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eAcquisition of Farm Inputs\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eWomen source for planting materials like sacks, old basins, tires. They also acquire seeds through farmer groups or provided by NGOs. They also fetch loam/top soil.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eNegotiate with the landlords on backyard space or struggle to get space within community land and purchase the seeds.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eWomen leverage social networks; men dominate formal land negotiations due to cultural norms.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eConstruction and Setup\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eParticipates in planning (home-based gardens).\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eLeads physical setup (e.g. sack filling, frame building).\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003ePhysical strength expectations and mobility shape roles\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eSoil and Compost Preparation\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eComposting with kitchen waste, layering sacks.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eTransporting manure, digging.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eWomen\u0026rsquo;s proximity to homes aligns with caregiving roles; men engage intermittently.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003ePlanting and Daily Maintenance\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eSeed selection, planting, weeding, watering, pruning.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eSupport, fencing, fetching water, slashing grass, occasionally help with irrigation especially in larger set-ups.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eMen\u0026rsquo;s access to transport/resources enables larger-scale sales.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eIrrigation Management\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eManual watering, monitoring soil moisture.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eInstallation of drip systems or water cores.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eWomen\u0026rsquo;s local networks vs. men\u0026rsquo;s mobility and market connections.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003ePest and Disease Control\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eOrganic remedies, daily inspection.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eChemical spraying (if used), structural fixes.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eGendered access to education and decision-making spaces.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eHarvesting\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eHarvesting leafy greens, herbs, and top crops.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eHarvesting heavier or top-tier crops like the hydroponic set-ups in schools and large community farms.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eWomen leverage social networks; men dominate formal land negotiations due to cultural norms.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eMarketing and Sales\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eLocal sales, home delivery, market stalls.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eBulk vegetable sales, transport to distant markets.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003ePhysical strength expectations and mobility shape roles\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eRecord Keeping and Planning\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eBudgeting and saving crop rotation planning, household use.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eScaling plans, input procurement.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eWomen\u0026rsquo;s proximity to homes aligns with caregiving roles; men engage intermittently.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eTraining and Leadership\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003ePeer training in groups and at home gardens.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eTechnical training, cooperative leadership.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eMen\u0026rsquo;s access to transport/resources enables larger-scale sales.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003c/tbody\u003e\n \u003c/table\u003e\n \u003c/div\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThis Venn diagram below illustrates the differentiated and overlapping roles of women and men across the vertical gardening value chain in Kibera. Women predominantly engage in sourcing inputs, composting, daily maintenance, and localized marketing, driven by their proximity to the home and caregiving responsibilities. Men, on the other hand, are more involved in land negotiation, physical construction, bulk harvesting, and cooperative leadership, reflecting their access to mobility, resources, and formal decision-making spaces. \u0026ldquo;Shared responsibilities such as harvesting, occasional irrigation, pest control, and joint marketing highlight areas of collaboration within households. The visualization underscores the importance of addressing gender-specific needs and contributions to promote equitable participation in urban agriculture initiatives.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThe study brings to light men\u0026rsquo;s focus on providing for their families through traditional means such as employment or entrepreneurship described as either casual or small-scale business and also explains men\u0026rsquo;s marginalization in vertical gardening. However, some men also see the potential benefits of vertical gardening in terms of supplementing their unpredictable income or providing fresh produce for their families.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Men who are engaged in some forms of employments are not having sufficient time to engage in farming.\u0026rdquo; (KE KII-4 MALE)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eAgain, these roles reveal how gender influences not only who performs the labor, but who holds control over resources, leadership, and long-term strategy in vertical gardening systems. Addressing these imbalances could unlock more inclusive and sustainable urban agriculture models.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eDespite this gendered division of labor, some households reported collaborative engagement. In such cases, men would perform labor-intensive tasks like sourcing containers and fencing materials, while women focused on soil preparation and plant maintenance.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;For me I can say 50/50% to women and men because men go out to find the containers, sacks and tires while women at home go out and look for loam soil or top soil they mix while their husbands or men go out there to find what they put on their kales and they normally come here and we donate them the seeds\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (KE IDI 12 MALE).\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThus this complementarity points to the dynamic and context-specific nature of gendered practices. Yet, overall, women\u0026rsquo;s continuous involvement in gardening reaffirms its positioning as a feminized task within the domestic space and shows their centrality in household food strategies.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv id=\"Sec6\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\n \u003ch2\u003e3.3 Access to production resources and inputs\u003c/h2\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eAccess to agricultural resources and inputs such as land, seeds, water, tools, and training emerged as a gendered issue shaped by gender roles, spatial constraints, and social norms. Women\u0026rsquo;s proximity to the home often facilitates access to kitchen gardens and small-scale farming spaces. However, women face challenges in accessing larger plots of land or resources needed for commercial farming due to traditional gender roles and societal expectations and rely on men or NGOs for support. The men are able to secure external spaces (e.g., idle plots, community land) due to perceived strength or negotiation power.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;\u0026ldquo;Mostly targeted are women and the youth. With women showing more interest. At homes, kitchen gardens and cooking are women\u0026rsquo;s domain so it\u0026rsquo;s easy for them to engage.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE KII-2 (FEMALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Land, space is along the road so every space within the informal settlements have some youths who claim to be the controllers and they do demand for rent and sometimes cause conflict.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE KII-4 (MALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;The men can fight and get a space and do something. Women are weak, and hence, getting space is difficult.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE IDI 02 (MALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eLand ownership and tenure insecurity disproportionately affect women. While some women farm on family-owned plots majority rely on informal permissions or shared spaces, which can be easily revoked.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;My mother owns the plot, and as such, it was easy for me. We planted because here is our home, and there is no one who would ask us.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE IDI 01 (FEMALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;It affects us because there are many issues concerning the plots and spaces in this area; there are many people who claim ownership at any time.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE IDI 01 (FEMALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThis challenge is rooted in limited economic autonomy and cultural norms that associate land ownership and asset control with men. Some participants shared that men were more mobile and assertive in claiming gardening spaces, whereas women\u0026rsquo;s access was often dependent on relational and group-based mechanisms. Despite this, women have greater participation and visibility in vertical gardening training programs often because of strategic targeting. Training disproportionately target women and youth, often under the assumption that women lack technical know-how.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;The county government majors more on women because they think women have no enough knowledge and they train them on technical training part of it.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE FGD 04 (FEMALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;When we began, we were taught how to plant vegetables, to being a Sacco that will support us in school and your business too and we saw that it could have good benefits.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE FGD 04 (FEMALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eSome women, like the female extension officer, are actively supporting others in hydroponics and modern farming\u0026mdash;indicating women-led dissemination of knowledge. This not only empowers women in gardening but also contributes to the overall success and sustainability of these innovative farming practices and a trend in evolving gender dynamics in agriculture.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;I am an extension officer to farmers. I support farmers in hydroponics farming and modern farming. I monitor the progress of farmers and the challenges they go through.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE IDI 47 (FEMALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eWomen also leverage mobile phones and informal networks to gain farming knowledge (KE IDI 45), while men report accessing training through NGO-sponsored seminars and community groups.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;It has helped because sometimes you can learn something on the internet rather than going for training.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE IDI 45 (FEMALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eAlthough men lament being overlooked, younger men and women alike express interest when training is combined with economic opportunity, especially in hydroponics and greenhouse initiatives\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003eMostly targeted are women and the youth. With women showing more interest. At homes, kitchen gardens and cooking are women\u0026rsquo;s domain so it\u0026rsquo;s easy for them to engage\u003c/em\u003e.\u0026rdquo; KE KII-2 (FEMALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Thought of vertical farming didn\u0026rsquo;t have the experience but through funding form Hydroponic Africa limited who took them through a 10-day intense farming and they settled on vertical gardening. Went to their neighbouring school where the training took place. They support women and youth. Most women are available and connected to the kitchen. Youth due to lack of employment and so vertical gardening as a source of employment.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE KII-2 (FEMALE).\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eAccess to seeds, soil, containers, water, and fertilizer is deeply shaped by both gender roles and group dynamics. Both women and men face affordability challenges, but women tend to contribute small amounts collectively to buy seeds while men turn to borrowing or informal arrangements.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;We normally buy seeds after members contribute money for them. Members can contribute even 20 shillings each.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE IDI 35 (FEMALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eOrganizations such as Care Kenya, SHOFCO and Crown Trust, also distribute seeds, soil to women and youth though some like Zuri focus predominantly on empowering women. Both women and men gardeners express a desire for balanced inclusion and stress that excluding any gender leads to resentment or missed opportunity\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;I know of Kibera Town Center, KTC. Humanist Project. they support farming so much. In fact, they even took us to go and do farming inside of a park. I have seen Stacy Foundation in Karanja.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE IDI 04 (MALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eThe challenge they bring is competition between organizations and some form of jealousy among the community due to various organizations\u0026apos; empowerment models. If they can bring the community together and involve everyone, this will help address the challenge. KE IDI 02 (MALE)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Like that one for Zuri; it is for women\u0026apos;s empowerment, and they have women\u0026apos;s support initiatives. It is only that in empowering women, you cannot leave the youth and men outside, and they have to be included. But mostly, the ones I know are for women.\u0026rdquo; KE IDI 02 (MALE)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv id=\"Sec7\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\n \u003ch2\u003e3.6 Collective empowerment and agency\u003c/h2\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eVertical gardening is perceived by the gardeners as a catalyst for empowerment and autonomy fostering self-reliance especially among women who are primary caregivers and youth seeking alternatives to unemployment. The gardens are therefore considered as micro-hubs of nutrition, resilience, and dignity in a densely populated informal settlement characterized by low economic status.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;The youths are seeing that not only youths in the rural areas can farm but also us who are in an urban area.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE FGD 01 (MALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Many youths have studied but they still don\u0026rsquo;t have formal jobs and the informal jobs have a lot of issues. So many people plant a few vegetables in their home and sell them.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e \u0026mdash; \u003cem\u003eKE FGD 01 (MALE)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;You can sell the plants and you will be able to support the family.\u003c/em\u003e KE FGD 04 (FEMALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;It has helped me because nowadays I pay for the merry-go-round on time.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE IDI 01 (FEMALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eYouth in Kibera are also embracing vertical gardening as a pathway to purpose and sustainability. Through school-based hydroponic units and community-led farming projects, young people gain hands-on experience in climate-resilient agriculture.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Most of the farmers are the youth registered as CBOs, self-help group, most of the urban agri initiative at group level are male.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE KII-4 (MALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;It has also make the youth to be busier and hence keeping the minds engaged. This has reduced the drug abuse cases.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE IDI 41 (FEMALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003eThe youth are prone to crime because of peer pressure but you can keep yourself busy with farming.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE IDI 19 (MALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;This is where I have educated my children until I am this way, I have never gone to another place. It is now 15 years.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE IDI 49 (FEMALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFor many women, vertical gardening is more than a food source. It is a platform for leadership and economic agency. The gardens symbolize hope, a chance to contribute meaningfully to their communities, earn a modest income, and challenge the narrative of marginalization. In this way, vertical gardening becomes a quiet revolution, rooted in soil-less sacks and recycled pipes, but blooming with empowerment. The income generated from gardening empowers women where vegetable sales supports fees, household needs and contribution in saving and loaning groups.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;when there is plenty of food, we supply to schools, hotels, hospitals and to the surrounding.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE IDI 49 (FEMALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;The changes are good because at times when you don\u0026apos;t have money, you can just harvest vegetables from your farm. You would then use the money meant for vegetables to buy something else. It was designed to harvest the vegetables after two days.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE IDI 05 (FEMALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eMen on the other hand control bulk sales and transport logistics like Pickup buyers and off-takers reflecting gendered control over higher-value transactions.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;For the value chain, men are the ones who come with pick-up to buy the vegetables.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE KII-3 (MALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFrom the study, Vertical gardening decisions at the household level mirror broader gender norms and largely male dominated where men provide the funds and determine budgeting priorities. Male described themselves as the ones who handle all financial responsibilities, including rent, food, school fees, and his wife\u0026apos;s transportation.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;He normally gives the money, and he budgets for that amount.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE IDI 01 (FEMALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;I pay rent, buy food, I pay school fees, buy clothes and even the transport for my wife if she wants to go anywhere, I take care of everything\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (KE IDI 03 MALE).\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026ldquo;We normally support one another. The husband is the one who makes the decisions.\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eKE IDI 01 (FEMALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eWomen frequently control decisions about food consumption and crop utilization (KE IDI 44), with one respondent noting, \u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;When I am here at home, everyone looks at me on which food to be eaten.\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e KE IDI 44 (FEMALE). In some households claim mutual support, men tend to retain final authority, even when both partners contribute income.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;All genders are equal in farming, and all actors in this space must involve all genders to avoid unnecessary conflicts. When you empower women a lot and forget the men, there will be a problem. It should be balanced.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE IDI 02 (MALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eOn the other hand, women are frequently entrusted with handling and saving money from vegetable sales, with remarks like, \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;She\u0026rsquo;s the one who keeps the money... she saves some small amount for the next plantation.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE IDI 12 (MALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eMoreover, vertical gardening provided an avenue for women to participate in informal economies through direct sales to neighbours or local markets. These earnings, though small, enabled women to contribute to household expenses or meet personal obligations, such as saving through rotating credit schemes.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;It has helped me because nowadays I pay for the merry-go-round on time. I no longer have the stress of getting vegetables\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (KE IDI 01 FEMALE).\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eIn community-based farming groups, decision-making is more collaborative but still shaped by gendered roles. Collective choices noted where members often meet to discuss harvest distribution, financial use, and labor sharing to avoid the conflict. \u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003eOnce you are in a group, you can\u0026rsquo;t make the decision alone because it might lead to complaints. To avoid the conflicts, we sit down and discuss how the harvest will be sold and how the money will be used.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE FGD 01 (MALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eAlthough ranks exist in leadership, ideas are weighed based on merit. Women often lead on maintenance and marketing, while men handle structural aspects like fencing and sourcing inputs. \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;The advantage of being in a group is there are ranks and protocols that are followed but everyone can participate. If someone has a good idea, we follow it ir-regardless of their rank.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE FGD 01 (MALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;For me I can say 50/50% to women and men because men at home go out to find the containers, sacks and tires, loam soil or top soil while their husbands or men go out there to find space to put their kales and they normally come here and we donate them the seeds.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE IDI 12 (MALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eBoth men and women express a sense of ownership and autonomy, particularly regarding small-scale farming decisions. Women report the ability to choose what to sell or consume, suggesting control over the fruits of their labor. However, Men secure and protect farming spaces, reclaiming idle land or negotiating access (KE FGD 01), which gives them leverage over where and how farming is initiated.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;I already have the freedom and I do all things that I do with my farm and I also decide on what to sell and what to remain.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE FGD 04 (FEMALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;For me it is utilization of space. Where I am planting was a dumpsite that I cleaned up and utilized for farming.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE FGD 01 (MALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eEvolving norms like the increasing support for joint decision-making and gender complementarity, especially when both partners contribute to farming success. Some respondents further caution against empowering one gender at the expense of the other, stressing the need for balanced inclusion to prevent resentment.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Like that one for Zuri; it is for women\u0026apos;s empowerment, and they have women\u0026apos;s support initiatives. It is only that in empowering women, you cannot leave the youth and men outside, and they have to be included. But mostly, the ones I know are for women.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e KE IDI 02 (MALE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eVertical gardening therefore serves as both a food security strategy and an economic empowerment tool, although in gender-differentiated ways. Women consistently reported notable financial relief due to reduced household expenses and modest but steady income generation from selling surplus vegetables. For many, the act of growing food not only met subsistence needs but also opened limited opportunities for financial autonomy.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eWomen\u0026rsquo;s participation in gardening collectives allowed for a degree of decision-making outside the household context. These groups functioned as platforms for women to collectively decide how to use harvests, allocate resources, and manage savings.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;In groups, we brainstorm ideas, share seeds, and decide how to use the harvest, whether for food or income\u0026rdquo; (KE FGD 01).\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eWhile these examples suggested incremental shifts in women\u0026apos;s agency, they also showed that meaningful decision-making at the household level is still constrained by entrenched patriarchal structures. This limits women\u0026rsquo;s economic autonomy even when they are the primary actors in vertical gardening.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"4. Discussion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis study demonstrates that vertical gardening is a promising solution to food insecurity, spatial constraints, and income vulnerability in urban informal settlements. The gender dynamics that emerge from the data reveal nuanced patterns of participation, benefit, and constraint. Gender, as noted by Prasad (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR48\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e), is not peripheral in urban informality, it is a key structuring force in how livelihoods are organized and experienced. In Kibera, vertical gardening initiatives reflect both entrenched norms and evolving dynamics. Participants consistently noted that while both women and men participate in vertical gardening, women tend to show more sustained interest and engagement. Women are consistently engaged in daily farming tasks such as watering, weeding, harvesting, and selling produce. Men, on the other hand, tend to dominate roles involving physical setup\u0026mdash;like sourcing containers, fencing, and securing land access. This division of labor is not rigid but shaped by time availability, social expectations, and economic necessity. Women\u0026rsquo;s proximity to the home and their responsibility for household food provision make them natural stewards of kitchen gardens, while men often juggle casual labour outside the settlement, limiting their farming involvement (Angeles, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). Worth noting that women\u0026rsquo;s proximity also contributes to a heavier burden of unpaid labor, compounding their time poverty. This supports existing literature showing that urban women often experience time poverty due to overlapping responsibilities, even when engaging in productive work (Chant, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR15\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e; Budlender, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e). Male respondents noted that their jobs in construction or as public transport assistants constrained their time for gardening. Again, the gender division of labour reflects broader societal norms that associate women with domestic and caregiving roles, limiting their access to resources like land, water, financing, and agricultural training (Njuki et al., 2022). As a result, women's gardens are often smaller, less diversified, and more vulnerable to disruptions, reinforcing the need for gender-sensitive interventions to empower women and support their contributions to food security (FAO, 2023).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eA critical factor reinforcing these divisions lies in unequal access to gardening inputs such as land, water, soil, and containers characterized by a mix of community innovation, NGO support, and persistent structural barriers. Women, often lacking land ownership and asset control, rely on informal networks or NGOs for access (Gogoi, 2022; Gallaher et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e). Men, by contrast, are more mobile and socially sanctioned to engage in public space negotiation, making it easier for them to secure gardening space. These gendered disparities reflect long-standing structural barriers, where institutional frameworks fail to recognize or support women\u0026rsquo;s land-use rights, especially in informal urban settings (FAO, 2011). Some participants indicated that men could \u0026lsquo;fight for space\u0026rsquo; whereas women faced physical and social limitations in negotiating access.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eNGOs and community-based organizations play a pivotal role in bridging these gaps. Groups like SHOFCO, Care Kenya, and Kibera Town Centre have provided training, seeds, sacks, and even greenhouse infrastructure. Some initiatives offer asset-based loans or subsidized inputs, while others conduct soil testing and provide irrigation support. Despite these efforts, sustainability remains a concern. Farmers report inconsistent support, limited market access, and competition among organizations. Moreover, the absence of a legal framework governing urban agriculture in informal settlements complicates long-term planning and resource ownership, especially when land tenure is uncertain or contested.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eGroup-based farming models have introduced more collaborative decision-making, yet gendered roles persist. Women frequently manage post-harvest activities and control income from vegetable sales, while men contribute to infrastructure and logistics. Some households report joint decision-making, but others reflect asymmetrical power, with men retaining final authority over finances and land use. Notably, women-led groups have emerged as key drivers of training dissemination and resource mobilization, especially in hydroponics and greenhouse farming. These groups often operate through chamas or SACCOs, enabling women to pool resources and access inputs like seeds and soil.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eEmpowerment and agency in vertical gardening within Kibera\u0026rsquo;s informal settlement are deeply rooted in residents\u0026rsquo; ability to reclaim space, mobilize resources, and reshape household and community dynamics. The study reveals that women, in particular, have gained significant autonomy through sack gardening. They make decisions about crop use, manage income from vegetable sales, and lead watering and harvesting routines. This agency extends beyond economic benefits\u0026mdash;women report reduced stress, improved nutrition, and the ability to contribute to household expenses and savings groups. Men, while often responsible for securing farming space and infrastructure, also express pride in supporting their partners and contributing to food security.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eGroup-based farming initiatives further amplify agency by fostering collective decision-making, resource sharing, and social support. Women-led chamas and SACCOs enable members to pool funds for seeds and inputs, while youth groups like Green Army engage in environmental restoration and urban farming. These collective spaces foster alternative forms of governance and agency, allowing women to negotiate roles otherwise constrained by patriarchal norms (Beall and Fox, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e; Moser, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR42\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1993\u003c/span\u003e). Respondents described how group participation enabled brainstorming, decision-making on harvest use, and peer-to-peer support, allowing women to shape outcomes in ways not possible within traditional household structures.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eA recent study by Gallaher et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e), published in the Journal of Agriculture, Food Systems, and Community Development, reinforces these findings. The authors demonstrate that sack gardening in Kibera significantly enhances household agency, particularly among women, by enabling them to contribute to food security and income generation while building stronger community ties. The study emphasizes that vertical gardening is not merely a survival strategy but a transformative livelihood approach that fosters empowerment in highly constrained urban environments.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eA study by Makario, Mutui, and Muhingi (2023) published in the International Journal of Social and Development Concerns highlights how empowerment programs in Kibera have shifted intra-household decision-making dynamics. Women who participate in such programs report increased bargaining power and reduced vulnerability to gender-based violence, especially when their husbands support their economic roles. However, the study cautions that empowerment can trigger tension if men feel their traditional provider roles are threatened, underscoring the need for inclusive programming that engages both genders in training, resource access, and decision-making to foster equitable and sustainable urban agriculture\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eVertical gardening also contributes to social capital formation. The collaborative nature of gardening groups fosters solidarity, shared responsibility, and mutual assistance. Respondents discussed how group members share vegetables, loan money, and support each other in times of need, thereby enhancing community resilience. Scholars have highlighted the importance of such locally-driven initiatives in shaping the built environment and responding to systemic marginalization (1to1 Plans, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eHowever, challenges persist in scaling up vertical gardening within informal settlements. These include limited access to infrastructure, technical support, and legal recognition. Informal settlements remain excluded from urban planning, and vertical gardening is not institutionalized as a legitimate land use (Van Belle et al., 2020). The Urban Areas and Cities Act (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR58\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e) provides no mechanisms to integrate such practices into zoning frameworks. Participants acknowledged that NGOs were filling some gaps, especially for youth and elderly women, but emphasized the lack of consistent state support. There is a clear need for inclusive urban governance that formalizes and supports gender-responsive urban agriculture.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"5. Conclusions","content":"\u003cp\u003eVertical gardening in urban informal settlements like Kibera has proven to be a transformative livelihood strategy, especially in contexts marked by spatial constraints, unemployment, and food insecurity. As evidenced in the coded data, residents\u0026mdash;particularly women\u0026mdash;are creatively utilizing limited spaces by repurposing basins, tires, and jerrycans to grow nutritious vegetables. This practice supports household food consumption, supplements income through produce sales, and fosters resilience during economic or political instability. Moreover, vertical gardening has minimized food-related stress for many families by reducing reliance on fluctuating market prices and external food supplies.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe social infrastructure surrounding vertical gardening\u0026mdash;such as farmer groups, SACCOs, and informal networks\u0026mdash;plays a central role in fostering empowerment and agency. These spaces allow participants to pool resources, exchange knowledge, access training, and negotiate collective benefits. Gender emerged as a key structuring force in the uptake and impact of vertical gardening. Women dominate cultivation and marketing roles while men are more involved in physical setup and external logistics. These gendered divisions reflect broader structural inequalities that, if unaddressed, could limit the equity and sustainability of such initiatives. Despite these distinctions, vertical gardening has become a platform for gender collaboration, with examples of shared decision-making, co-management of household produce, and intergenerational knowledge transfer.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eLooking ahead, vertical gardening offers significant promise not just as an agricultural innovation, but as a vehicle for community development, youth engagement, and climate resilience. Nonetheless, challenges such as limited access to water, seeds, secure land, and consistent organizational support signal the need for policy reform and targeted investment. Embedding vertical gardening within urban planning frameworks and recognizing it as a critical component of urban food systems could amplify its impact and ensure long-term sustainability in informal settlements.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eTo ensure vertical gardening reaches its transformative potential, future interventions must be gender-responsive. This includes recognizing the invisible labor of women, redistributing access to productive assets, and promoting inclusive decision-making. Policies should shift away from privileging formal zones and affluent urban areas and instead support community-led greening initiatives that reflect the lived realities of informal settlements. Lastly, vertical gardening offers more than a survival strategy it is an entry point for reimagining urban development through a gender-just and community-driven lens.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Abbreviations","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"DefinitionList\"\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"DefinitionListEntry\"\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"Term\"\u003eCBO\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"Description\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eCommunity-Based Organizations\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"DefinitionListEntry\"\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"Term\"\u003eFAO\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"Description\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eFood and Agricultural Organization\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"DefinitionListEntry\"\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"Term\"\u003eFGD\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"Description\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eFocus Group Discussion\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"DefinitionListEntry\"\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"Term\"\u003eGBV\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"Description\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eGender-Based Violence\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"DefinitionListEntry\"\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"Term\"\u003eIDIs\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"Description\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eIndepth Interviews\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"DefinitionListEntry\"\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"Term\"\u003eIIED\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"Description\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eInternational Institute for Environment and Development\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"DefinitionListEntry\"\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"Term\"\u003eKE\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"Description\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eKenya\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"DefinitionListEntry\"\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"Term\"\u003eKIHBS\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"Description\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eKenya Integrated Household Budget Survey\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"DefinitionListEntry\"\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"Term\"\u003eKHPC\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"Description\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eKenya Population and Housing Census\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"DefinitionListEntry\"\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"Term\"\u003eKIIs\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"Description\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eKey Informant Interviews\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"DefinitionListEntry\"\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"Term\"\u003eKNBS\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"Description\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eKenya National Bureau of Statistics\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"DefinitionListEntry\"\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"Term\"\u003eNGO\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"Description\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eNon-Governmental Organization\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"DefinitionListEntry\"\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"Term\"\u003eSACCO\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"Description\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eSavings and Credit Cooperative Organizations\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"DefinitionListEntry\"\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"Term\"\u003eSDI\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"Description\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eSlum Dwellers International\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"DefinitionListEntry\"\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"Term\"\u003eSHOFCO\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"Description\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eShining Hope for Communities\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"DefinitionListEntry\"\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"Term\"\u003eSOs\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"Description\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eSystemic observations\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"DefinitionListEntry\"\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"Term\"\u003eUOs\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"Description\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eUnstructured Observations\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"DefinitionListEntry\"\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"Term\"\u003eUN\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"Description\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eUnited Nations\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eEthics approval and consent to participate\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe study was approved by National Council of Science, Technology, and Innovation (NACOSTI), Kenya (NACOSTI/P/23/31984). The studies were conducted in accordance with the local legislation and institutional requirements. All participants involved in the study provided informed consent, and their confidentiality and anonymity have been safeguarded in accordance with university ethical guidelines.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eConsent for publication\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eNot applicable\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAvailability of data and materials\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe original contributions presented in the study are included in the article/supplementary material, further inquiries can be directed to the corresponding author.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eCompeting interests\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eFunding\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe author(s) declare no financial support received for the authorship, and/or publication of this article. This work was fully funded by the author.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAuthors' contributions\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eJO: Conceptualization, Data curation, Formal analysis, Investigation, Methodology, Visualization, Writing – original and final. DO: Supervision, Writing- Review \u0026amp; Editing, Validation. DA-Supervision, Writing-Review and Editing\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAcknowledgements\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWe express our sincere gratitude to study participants in the Kibera, Nairobi County for contributing to the data presented in this article. We are grateful to the village elders, Non-Governmental actors who provided support and guidance during the data collection process. We also appreciate the research assistant involved in the data collection process.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e1to1 Plans. 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The World Bank Group. \u003cspan class=\"ExternalRef\"\u003e\u003cspan class=\"RefSource\"\u003ehttps://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.URB.TOTL.IN.ZS?locations=KE\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan address=\"https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.URB.TOTL.IN.ZS?locations=KE\" targettype=\"URL\" class=\"RefTarget\"\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":true,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"Urbanization1, informal settlements2, vertical gardening3, food security4, gender5 food systems6","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7526406/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-7526406/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eBackground:\u003c/strong\u003e Rapid urbanization has exacerbated food insecurity in urban informal settlements, prompting the emergence of vertical gardening as a viable and adaptive solution. However, the success and sustainability of such interventions are deeply shaped by gender dynamics, which influence access to resources, levels of participation, and the distribution of benefits.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis study explored the intersection of gender and vertical gardening within urban informal settlements to illuminate how women and men differently experience, contribute to, and benefit from this emerging localized food system. By interrogating agency, social norms, economic pressures, and evolving policy landscapes, the research reveals how vertical gardening simultaneously serve as a site of empowerment and a mirror of entrenched inequalities. Drawing on in-depth interviews, focus group discussions, unstructured observations, and key informant interviews, the study critically unpacks gender regimes and their influence on adoption, sustainability, and outcomes.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eResult:\u003c/strong\u003e Findings indicate that while both women and men participate, women are primarily responsible for routine tasks such as watering, pruning, pest control, and monitoring plant health, roles aligned with caregiving and proximity to the home. Men typically undertake labor-intensive responsibilities like constructing garden structures, fencing, transporting materials, and preparing soil beds. This division reflects broader socio-cultural norms and differential access to time and resources. Access to key agricultural inputs like land tenure, quality seeds, compost, tools, training, market linkages, and financial services, remains deeply gendered. Women face structural constraints including limited land ownership, male-dominated extension services, and mobility restrictions. Many rely on informal networks, community groups, and reciprocal labor to sustain gardening activities.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAlthough women often have limited influence over household financial decisions, vertical gardening collectives have emerged as sites for exercising agency—defined as the ability to participate in decision-making, own assets, and control produce and proceeds. Within these collectives, women demonstrated autonomy through resource allocation, planning, and intra-group negotiations, reconfiguring power dynamics and expanding strategic influence over food and income pathways.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eConclusion:\u003c/strong\u003e To ensure inclusive participation, the study proposes gender-responsive design and delivery of vertical gardening initiatives. Governments should formally recognize vertical gardens in urban agriculture policies, integrate them into municipal planning, and mobilize partnerships to support infrastructure and innovation. Adoption should be incentivized through mechanisms such as subsidized materials, inclusive training programs, and access to microfinance tailored to women and marginalized groups. Embedding a gender lens will position vertical gardening as a platform for advancing women’s agency, economic inclusion, and climate resilience.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"The Agency of Women and Men in Urban Vertical Gardening: Qualitative Insights From Nairobi's Informal Settlements of Kibra","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2025-09-16 09:19:43","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7526406/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"9fcb6b25-3e00-4e3a-ab83-3ca8f0702fa8","owner":[],"postedDate":"September 16th, 2025","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"posted","subjectAreas":[],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2025-09-29T12:53:29+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2025-09-16 09:19:43","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-7526406","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-7526406","identity":"rs-7526406","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"8U1c8b4HqxoKbykW_rLl7","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}