Spatial and racialized disparities in total and no-fault evictions in New York and Maryland

Spatial and racialized disparities in total and no-fault evictions in New York and Maryland | Research Square window.SnipcartSettings = { analytics: { enabled: false } }; (function() { var accessVector = localStorage.getItem('access_vector') || ''; window.dataLayer = window.dataLayer || []; if (accessVector) { window.dataLayer.push({ user: { profile: { profileInfo: { snid: accessVector } } } }); } })(); (function(w,d,s,l,i){w[l]=w[l]||[];w[l].push({'gtm.start':new Date().getTime(),event:'gtm.js'});var f=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],j=d.createElement(s),dl=l!='dataLayer'?'&l='+l:'';j.async=true;j.src='https://www.googletagmanager.com/gtm.js?id='+i+dl;f.parentNode.insertBefore(j,f);})(window,document,'script','dataLayer','GTM-K279D39R'); Browse Preprints In Review Journals COVID-19 Preprints AJE Video Bytes Research Tools Research Promotion AJE Professional Editing AJE Rubriq About Preprint Platform In Review Editorial Policies Our Team Advisory Board Help Center Sign In Submit a Preprint Cite Share Download PDF Research Article Spatial and racialized disparities in total and no-fault evictions in New York and Maryland Sandhya Kajeepeta This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-7246258/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract Evictions are increasing across the U.S. with devastating consequences for neighborhood stability. Growing evidence suggests that Black renters are disparately impacted by eviction, though it is unclear how Black renters are uniquely impacted by no-fault eviction, specifically. This question is of particular interest as jurisdictions increasingly consider good cause eviction laws, which prevent evictions without a justifiable reason. The present study builds on the existing evidence by evaluating the association between an area’s racial composition and its 1) total eviction filing rate and 2) no-fault/holdover eviction filing rate in two states with large Black renter populations that have both had good cause evictions laws before their state legislatures in recent years (New York and Maryland). In both states, areas with higher percentages of Black renters face statistically significantly higher rates of eviction filings. Areas with higher percentages of Black renters also face significantly higher rates of no-fault/holdover eviction filings. These findings suggest that tenant protections to reduce evictions, and specifically no-fault/holdover evictions, like good cause eviction, have the potential to advance racial equality in housing. eviction racial disparities spatial disparities geography housing policy Figures Figure 1 Figure 2 Introduction Evictions are on the rise in the United States, as increases in housing costs have outpaced increases in incomes and COVID-related eviction moratoriums have expired (Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University, 2024 ). According to Princeton University’s Eviction Lab, which tracks eviction filings in 10 states and 34 cities, landlords filed for 124% more evictions in 2023 than in 2020 (Eviction Lab, n.d.). Prior to the COVID pandemic, in a typical year, landlords filed about 3.6 million evictions (Garnham et al., 2022). Many more renters face the looming threat of eviction: recent estimates suggest about 7.6 million renters are threatened with eviction each year (Graetz et al., 2023). Every eviction can be irrevocably destabilizing and devastating for families and broader communities. Evictions not only mean being forced to leave one’s home, but they can also lead to harmful downstream consequences, like homelessness, loss of employment, reduced earnings and access to credit, adverse health outcomes and hospital visits, disruptions to children’s education, and potential loss of child custody (Collinson et al., 2024 ; Hatch & Yun, 2021 ; Hoke & Boen, 2021 ; Roumiantseva, 2022 ). Even the threat of eviction or an eviction filing alone can lead to adverse mental and physical health consequences, wealth extraction through court fees, and a reduced likelihood of securing future housing (Leung et al., 2021 ; Vásquez-Vera et al., 2017 ). At the community level, evictions contribute to neighborhood instability by facilitating the process of displacing Black communities, contributing to neighborhood poverty and inequality, and depressing political participation (Desmond & Shollenberger, 2015 ; Raymond et al., 2021 ; Slee & Desmond, 2023 ). Due to historic and ongoing racially discriminatory housing practices and unequal access to economic opportunity, it is likely that Black households face a disproportionate burden of evictions. For decades, Black people have been systematically excluded from homeownership opportunities through redlining, discriminatory lending practices, and state-sanctioned violent resistance when Black families attempted to move into white neighborhoods (R. Rothstein, 2019 ). As a result, Black families are significantly more likely to be renters than homeowners compared to white families. According to the most recent data from the U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey, 45% of Black households are homeowners compared to 73% of non-Hispanic white households (U.S. Census Bureau, 2023 ). Structural racism in economic opportunity also likely drives racial disparities in evictions. Black families are more likely to be rent burdened than white families, defined as paying 30% or more of income toward rent (Seymour et al., 2020 ). Additionally, Black renters face a disproportionate risk of being priced out of their homes due to rising rent and unaffordability in many U.S. cities (Desmond & Shollenberger, 2015 ; Raymond et al., 2021 ). Lastly, there is reason to believe that Black renters may face a higher burden of no-fault or holdover evictions (i.e., evictions initiated for a reason other than non-payment of rent, such as a lease expiring or retaliation for raising concerns about the home), though there is limited research on this topic. Landlords may disproportionately discriminate or retaliate against Black tenants without just cause given a long-standing history of discrimination in the real estate market in which landlords have viewed Black tenants as “undesirable” (Rosen & Garboden, 2022 ). Most states and municipalities lack “good cause” eviction legislation that prevents landlords from evicting tenants unless they have a justifiable reason, leaving tenants vulnerable to no-fault or holdover evictions (McCarthy, 2022 ). Without this protection, Black tenants may disproportionately suffer from discriminatory or retaliatory evictions. Existing evidence from around the country supports the hypothesis that Black tenants face a disproportionate risk of total eviction (Hepburn et al., 2020 ; Medina et al., 2020 ; Nelson et al., 2021 ; Rutan & Desmond, 2021 ). However, existing evidence is limited by the fact that eviction filing records do not include tenant race information. So, studies have primarily relied on spatial analyses to estimate how the burden of evictions varies based on the racial demographics of neighborhoods in specific jurisdictions as well as individual-level analyses using predictive algorithms to impute the race of the renters. In one of the first geographic analyses of evictions, Desmond ( 2012 ) found that, in Milwaukee County, Wisconsin, court-ordered eviction rates in predominantly Black block groups were more than five times as high as eviction rates in predominantly white block groups (7.4% vs. 1.4%) (Desmond, 2012 ). A study in Richmond, Virginia, demonstrated that as a block group’s Black population increased by 10%, eviction rates increased by about 1.2% after controlling for median income, property value, and other factors (Teresa, 2018 ). Similarly, a study of evictions in New Orleans, Louisiana, demonstrated that eviction rates were highest in block groups that were predominantly Black (Jane Place Neighborhood Sustainability Initiative & Finger, 2019 ). Specifically, in block groups where over 90% of the population was Black, one in four renters experienced an eviction compared to block groups where 0–25% of the population was Black in which just one in 24 renters experienced an eviction (Jane Place Neighborhood Sustainability Initiative & Finger, 2019 ). In addition to disparities in eviction judgments, several studies have documented similar racialized patterns with eviction filing data. Research on racialized disparities in eviction filings reflects how communities of color may be more likely to face the broader consequences that stem from the threat of eviction, given that an eviction filing alone can have downstream consequences for health and future housing security. In Salt Lake City, Utah, Medina et al. ( 2020 ) found that block groups with a majority of non-white residents had eviction filing rates that were 65.9% higher than rates in block groups with a majority of white residents after controlling for neighborhood poverty rates (Medina et al., 2020 ). Similarly, in their study of court-based eviction filings and no-fault eviction filings in Los Angeles, California, Nelson et al. ( 2021 ) found that Census tracts with higher percentages of Black population had higher rates of court-based filings (Nelson et al., 2021 ). The percentage of the Black population was not statistically significantly associated with no-fault eviction filings. However, it is important to note that California has a good cause eviction law that protects tenants from most types of no-fault evictions, so this study reflects only those no-fault evictions that were still allowed under California’s Ellis Act (Nelson et al., 2021 ). Studies in Boston, Massachusetts and Atlanta, Georgia have also demonstrated that neighborhoods with a higher share of Black renters experience higher eviction filing rates (Immergluck et al., 2020 ; Robinson & Steil, 2021 ). Two studies have pooled data across jurisdictions to assess the geographic distribution of eviction judgements. Rutan and Desmond ( 2012 ) used data from nine mid-sized cities to regress a tract’s mean contribution to the citywide eviction rate on multiple tract-level demographic characteristics (Rutan & Desmond, 2021 ). They found that the percentage of Black residents in a tract was a strong predictor of between-tract variation in eviction rates where a higher percentage of Black renters was associated with higher eviction rates (Rutan & Desmond, 2021 ). Most recently, Connors and Zhang ( 2023 ) conducted a national analysis of eviction judgements using data from 2,494 counties across the U.S. and found that counties with a higher percentage of racial minorities had significantly higher eviction rates (Connors & Zhang, 2023 ). Finally, Hepburn et al. ( 2020 ) imputed the race and gender of renters impacted by eviction using a predictive algorithm and found that Black renters appeared to experience the highest rates of eviction filings and eviction judgements of any racial group, and that Black women renters were uniquely impacted by high eviction rates (Hepburn et al., 2020 ). The evidence to date consistently supports the hypothesis that neighborhoods with higher shares of Black renters experience higher eviction filing rates and eviction judgement rates. The present study builds on the existing evidence by 1) presenting spatial analyses of the association between an area’s racial composition and its eviction filing rate in two states with large Black renter populations (New York and Maryland) and 2) evaluating the association between area racial composition and no-fault/holdover eviction filings in these two states, without good cause eviction protection laws. New York and Maryland were selected because at the time of analysis, executive and legislative leaders in these two states had not passed a good cause eviction law, but good cause legislation had been introduced in both state legislatures. [1] In 2024, the state of New York enacted a good cause eviction law that applies to New York City (Division of Housing and Community Renewal, 2024). All other towns and cities in the state must opt-in to good cause eviction protections by enacting a local law. In 2024, Maryland’s good cause eviction law passed in the state House but failed to come to a vote in the Senate (LegiScan, n.d.). The bill is being considered again in the 2025 legislative session. As a result, both states reflect settings in which good cause eviction protections were absent but being actively considered. Documenting how majority-Black neighborhoods are uniquely impacted by holdover evictions is particularly relevant in these contexts to understanding the potential effects of good cause eviction protections in advancing racial equity in housing. The present analysis adds to our understanding of how Black communities are impacted by evictions and provides novel insight into the potential disproportionate burden of holdover evictions for Black renter households in states without good cause eviction protection. The findings from this analysis can elucidate the potential impacts of good cause eviction protections, especially for Black renter households, if they are enacted in cities and towns in New York and Maryland. Materials and methods Study design and settings I conducted a series of descriptive analyses to document spatial and racialized disparities in eviction filings in two states that have high eviction filings rates and large Black renter populations: New York and Maryland. [2] Through these analyses, I aim to improve understanding of how communities with higher concentrations of Black renter households may be uniquely impacted by the threat of eviction, and specifically holdover eviction. Importantly, this research is descriptive, not causal. The aim is to determine how eviction filing rates vary by the racial composition of renter households in a given area. Specifically, the analysis explores whether areas with higher percentages of Black renter households have higher rates of eviction filings. The aim is not to determine whether an area’s racial composition causes changes in eviction filing rates. The geographic unit of analysis varies for each state based on data availability. In Maryland, the unit of analysis is the ZIP code. This was the most granular geographic unit with available data. In New York, ZIP code-level data on eviction filings were only available for about 28% of ZIP codes. As a result, the New York analysis uses county as the unit of analysis. Because racial residential segregation is typically patterned within counties, at the neighborhood and block levels, ZIP code is a more proximate unit of measurement for patterns of residential segregation than county. Still, this variability in geographic unit offers unique insight into the relationship between racial composition of renter households and eviction filings rates at different levels of granularity with different patterns of racial residential segregation. This variability also precludes any direct comparisons of results across the two states. Each analysis offers distinct information about the relationship between racial composition of renter households and eviction filing rates in each locale. Eviction filing rate data The eviction filing rate was calculated by dividing the number of eviction filings in each geographic unit by the number of renter-occupied housing units in each geographic unit. The holdover eviction filing rate was calculated by dividing the number of holdover eviction filings, a subset of total eviction filings, in each geographic unit by the number of renter-occupied housing units in each geographic unit. New York. In New York, county-level data on the number of residential eviction filings and residential holdover eviction filings in 2022 (January-December) were obtained from the New York State Unified Court System Statewide Eviction database (New York State Unified Court System, n.d.). Holdover eviction filings were defined in the system as all eviction filings due to any reason other than non-payment of rent. Eviction filing data were only complete for city and district courts and not town or village courts, resulting in 20 counties (32%) being excluded from the analysis. The number of renter-occupied housing units per county was obtained using 2021 5-year estimates from the U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey (ACS) (U.S. Census Bureau, 2021 ). Maryland. In Maryland, ZIP code-level data on the number of warrants of restitution (i.e., eviction filings) and holdover warrants of restitution were obtained from the Maryland Department of Housing and Community Development Landlord and Tenant Eviction Dashboard (Maryland Department of Housing and Community Development, n.d.). Eviction filing data were restricted to October 2023 through September 2024, the latest full year of available data at the time of analysis. Holdover eviction filings were defined in the system as eviction filings where the landlord alleged the tenant refused to leave the property after the lease term had expired. Holdover eviction filings did not include eviction filings for failure to pay rent, a breach of the lease agreement, or when an occupant was unlawfully inhabiting a property. If no eviction filings were recorded in a ZIP code, the ZIP code was assumed to have zero filings. The number of renter-occupied housing units per ZIP code was obtained using 2022 5-year estimates from the ACS (U.S. Census Bureau, 2022 ). ZIP codes with fewer than 50 rental units were excluded from the analysis (n = 135, 28%). Racial composition data The percentage of Black renter households was calculated by dividing the number of Black renter-occupied housing units in each geographic unit by the total number of renter-occupied housing units in each geographic unit. Data for the numerator and denominator were obtained from the ACS. As described above, 2021 5-year estimates were used in New York and 2022 5-year estimates were used in Maryland. Statistical analyses To model the relationship between the percentage of Black renter households and eviction filing rates, I fit Poisson regression models and negative binomial models, which are both used to model rate data. In both case studies, the Poisson models showed evidence of overdispersion and negative binomial models showed smaller residuals and a better model fit. As a result, I used negative binomial models for final analyses. The unit of change for both analyses was a 10-percentage-point change in the percentage of Black renter households. Because this is a descriptive study, no other covariates were included in the models. In both states, I modeled the relationship of the percentage of Black renter households with total eviction filing rates and with holdover eviction filings rates separately. Results New York In 2022, New York landlords filed 165,526 eviction warrants, average of nearly 14,000 per month. Of these, 30,736 were filings for holdover evictions. Figure 1 displays (A) the percentage of Black renter households per county in New York and (B) the eviction filing rates per county for all New York counties included in the analysis (n = 42). Table 1 presents the results from the negative binomial models assessing the county-level relationship of percentage of Black renter households with total eviction filing rate and holdover eviction filing rate. The results demonstrate that New York counties with higher percentages of Black renter households face higher rates of total and holdover eviction filings. A 10-percentage-point increase in the percent of Black renter households in a county was associated with a 55% increase (95% confidence interval (CI): 27%, 90%) in the rate of total eviction filings and a 33% increase (95% CI: 9%, 65%) in the rate of holdover eviction filings. Table 1 New York state county-level associations between percentage of Black renter households and eviction filing rates n Rate Ratio 95% Confidence Interval Total eviction filing rate 42 1.55 1.27, 1.90 Holdover eviction filing rate 42 1.33 1.09, 1.65 Maryland From October 2023 through September 2024, Maryland landlords filed 153,246 eviction warrants, an average of nearly 13,000 per month. Of these, 2,198 were filings for holdover evictions. Figure 2 displays (A) the percentage of Black renter households per ZIP code in Maryland and (B) the eviction filing rates per ZIP code for all Maryland ZIP codes included in the analysis (n = 343). Table 2 presents the results from the negative binomial models assessing the ZIP code-level relationship of percentage of Black renter households with total eviction filing rate and holdover eviction filing rate. The results demonstrate that Maryland ZIP codes with higher percentages of Black renter households face higher rates of total and holdover eviction filings. A 10-percentage-point increase in the percent of Black renter households in a ZIP code was associated with a 35% increase (95% CI: 28%, 42%) in the rate of total eviction filings and a 14% increase (95% CI: 9%, 19%) in the rate of holdover eviction filings. Table 2 Maryland ZIP code-level associations between percentage of Black renter households and eviction filing rates n Rate Ratio 95% Confidence Interval Total eviction filing rate 343 1.35 1.28, 1.42 Holdover eviction filing rate 343 1.14 1.09, 1.19 Discussion Findings from both states demonstrate that areas with a higher percentage of Black renters face a statistically significantly higher rate of eviction filings. These findings are consistent with existing evidence from other jurisdictions documenting that predominantly Black neighborhoods face a disproportionate burden of eviction. Additionally, findings demonstrate that areas with a higher percentage of Black renters face a significantly higher rate of holdover eviction filings. These novel findings improve our understanding of how Black renter households may be disproportionately targeted with discriminatory or retaliatory evictions in states without good cause eviction protection. Specifically, these findings demonstrate that disparities in eviction filings are not only explained by evictions due to inability to pay rent. The implications of these findings are that neighborhoods where more Black renter households live are more likely to suffer the consequences that stem from eviction and the threat of eviction. Black renter households may face a higher risk of forced moves and/or eviction-induced homelessness, along with the economic, psychosocial, and physical health consequences that follow. Research demonstrates that when a tenant is evicted, they tend to move to neighborhoods with higher poverty and crime rates but often do not pay lower rent (Brennan, 2020 ). This pattern is heightened for Black renters: Black renters who are evicted end up in neighborhoods with a 20.2% average poverty rate, while white renters who are evicted end up in neighborhoods with a 13.4% average poverty rate (Brennan, 2020 ). The neighborhood instability that stems from evictions also has community-level health, economic, and civic consequences that can impact quality of life for all neighborhood residents. Neighborhood-level consequences include threats to public health and public safety, strain on healthcare and social service systems, and decreased community engagement (Benfer et al., 2021 ; Brennan, 2020 ; Collinson et al., 2024 ; Semenza et al., 2022 ; van Holm & Monaghan, 2021 ). Evictions can be reduced and prevented through effective policy intervention. Health and economic policies that increase minimum wages and strengthen social safety nets can help reduce the number of rent-burdened households (Brennan, 2020 ; L. Rothstein & Rothstein, 2023 ). Rent regulation and rental subsidy policies can also protect renters from unreasonably high rent hikes that constitute an effective eviction and alleviate the threat of eviction due to inability to pay rent (Brennan, 2020 ; L. Rothstein & Rothstein, 2023 ). Many tenants may be unaware that they are facing the threat of eviction and/or may not have the skills and abilities to advocate for themselves in housing court. Right-to-counsel policies level the playing field by offering all tenants legal counsel in eviction proceedings (L. Rothstein & Rothstein, 2023 ). Additionally, the present study is the first to demonstrate that neighborhoods with high percentages of Black renters are disproportionately impacted by no-fault or holdover evictions. Good cause eviction protection laws are specifically designed to protect renters against unfair evictions that may be discriminatory in nature. Cities and states are increasingly considering good cause laws to curb the rate of holdover evictions. A study of good cause laws in four California cities demonstrated that implementing the legislation was associated with a reduction in eviction filings and executed evictions (Cuellar, 2019 ). The present findings suggest that enacting good cause protection could address some of the racially disproportionate impacts of holdover evictions and improve the stability of majority-Black neighborhoods. Limitations There are limitations of the present study that should be considered when interpreting the findings. First, the analyses present spatial not individual associations. The findings demonstrate that areas with higher percentages of Black renters face higher rates of eviction filings. However, we cannot conclude from the available data that individual Black renter households necessarily face higher rates of eviction filings than white renter households. Second, the data from each state cannot be generalized to other locations. Each statewide analysis is not meant to reflect a larger study population. Still, the consistent findings from these two states add to the existing body of evidence on spatial and racialized disparities in evictions from other jurisdictions, improving our overall understanding of how evictions are patterned across the U.S. Finally, this study is limited by data availability. ZIP code-level eviction filing data were not available for the majority of New York counties, limiting the New York case study to a county-level analysis. Furthermore, the analysis only reflects formal eviction filings. The analysis does not reflect informal evictions that do not involve a formal court filing, such as evictions that result from coercion, threat, lock-out, or an unreasonably exorbitant rent increase. Informal evictions, by definition, are not captured in official records, though survey data suggest that forced moves due to informal evictions are more than five times as common as forced moves due to formal evictions (Gromis & Desmond, 2021 ). Conclusion Many cities and states across the U.S. are experiencing an eviction crisis. There are strong theoretical reasons to believe, and growing empirical evidence to suggest, that Black renters are disparately impacted by the threat of eviction. The present study adds to this growing body of evidence, documenting that areas with a higher percentage of Black renters have higher rates of eviction filings in two states: New York and Maryland. Additionally, this study documents, for the first time, that areas with a higher percentage of Black renters in New York and Maryland also face higher rates of holdover eviction filings. This new evidence suggests that tenant protections to reduce evictions, and specifically holdover evictions, like good cause eviction protection, are expected to advance racial equality in housing. Declarations Competing Interests Non-financial interest: The author is employed as a researcher at a legal advocacy organization that conducts advocacy on issues related to housing discrimination. Author Contribution As the sole author, SK is responsible for conceptualization, analysis, and writing for this manuscript. Acknowledgement The author would like to thank Dr. Kesha Moore, Karla McKanders, Morenike Fajana, Ashok Chandran, David Wheaton, and Joshua Everett for their input and feedback. Data Availability All data used were gathered from publicly available sources, as referenced in the text. Data and analytic code are viewable on GitHub here: https://github.com/Thurgood-Marshall-Institute/Eviction-disparities-analysis. References Benfer, E. A., Vlahov, D., Long, M. Y., Walker-Wells, E., Pottenger, J. L., Gonsalves, G., & Keene, D. E. (2021). Eviction, Health Inequity, and the Spread of COVID-19: Housing Policy as a Primary Pandemic Mitigation Strategy. Journal of Urban Health , 98 (1), 1–12. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11524-020-00502-1 Brennan, M. (2020). A Framework for Effective and Strategic Eviction Prevention. Mitchell Hamline Law Journal of Public Policy and Practice , 41 (3). https://open.mitchellhamline.edu/policypractice/vol41/iss3/9 Collinson, R., Humphries, J. 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Roumiantseva, M. (2022). A Nationwide Movement: The Right to Counsel for Tenants Facing Eviction Proceedings. Seton Hall Law Review , 52 , 1351–1398. Rutan, D. Q., & Desmond, M. (2021). The Concentrated Geography of Eviction. The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science , 693 (1), 64–81. https://doi.org/10.1177/0002716221991458 Semenza, D. C., Stansfield, R., Grosholz, J. M., & Link, N. W. (2022). Eviction and Crime: A Neighborhood Analysis in Philadelphia. Crime & Delinquency , 68 (4), 707–732. https://doi.org/10.1177/00111287211035989 Seymour, E., Endsley, K. A., & Franklin, R. S. (2020). Differential drivers of rent burden in growing and shrinking cities. Applied Geography , 125 , 102302. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.apgeog.2020.102302 Slee, G., & Desmond, M. (2023). Eviction and Voter Turnout: The Political Consequences of Housing Instability. Politics & Society , 51 (1), 3–29. https://doi.org/10.1177/00323292211050716 Teresa, B. F. (2018). The Geography of Eviction in Richmond: Beyond Poverty . RVA Eviction Lab. https://cura.vcu.edu/media/cura/pdfs/cura-documents/GeographiesofEviction.pdf U.S. Census Bureau. (2021). American Community Survey, Demographic Characteristics for Occupied Housing Units [Dataset]. https://data.census.gov/table/ACSST5Y2021.S2502?q=S2502&g=040XX00US36,36$0500000&tp=true U.S. Census Bureau. (2022). American Community Survey, Demographic Characteristics for Occupied Housing Units [Dataset]. American Community Survey, Demographic Characteristics for Occupied Housing Units U.S. Census Bureau. (2023). American Community Survey, Demographic Characteristics for Occupied Housing Units [Dataset]. https://data.census.gov/table?q=S2502 van Holm, E. J., & Monaghan, J. (2021). Eviction and the Dissolution of Neighborhoods. Housing Policy Debate , 31 (2), 197–213. https://doi.org/10.1080/10511482.2020.1800780 Vásquez-Vera, H., Palència, L., Magna, I., Mena, C., Neira, J., & Borrell, C. (2017). The threat of home eviction and its effects on health through the equity lens: A systematic review. Social Science & Medicine , 175 , 199–208. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2017.01.010 Footnotes See Maryland General Assembly HB0477 https://mgaleg.maryland.gov/mgawebsite/Legislation/Details/HB0477 and New York State Senate S305 https://www.nysenate.gov/legislation/bills/2023/S305 . Based on data from the U.S. Census’ 2022 American Community Survey. There are 716,090 Black renter households in New York (20.1% of the renter population) and 335,931 Black renter households in Maryland (32.8% of the renter population). Additional Declarations Competing interest reported. Non-financial interest: The author is employed as a researcher at a legal advocacy organization that conducts advocacy on issues related to housing discrimination. 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Non-financial interest: The author is employed as a researcher at a legal advocacy organization that conducts advocacy on issues related to housing discrimination.","formattedTitle":"Spatial and racialized disparities in total and no-fault evictions in New York and Maryland","fulltext":[{"header":"Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003eEvictions are on the rise in the United States, as increases in housing costs have outpaced increases in incomes and COVID-related eviction moratoriums have expired (Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). According to Princeton University\u0026rsquo;s Eviction Lab, which tracks eviction filings in 10 states and 34 cities, landlords filed for 124% more evictions in 2023 than in 2020 (Eviction Lab, n.d.). Prior to the COVID pandemic, in a typical year, landlords filed about 3.6\u0026nbsp;million evictions (Garnham et al., 2022). Many more renters face the looming threat of eviction: recent estimates suggest about 7.6\u0026nbsp;million renters are threatened with eviction each year (Graetz et al., 2023).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eEvery eviction can be irrevocably destabilizing and devastating for families and broader communities. Evictions not only mean being forced to leave one\u0026rsquo;s home, but they can also lead to harmful downstream consequences, like homelessness, loss of employment, reduced earnings and access to credit, adverse health outcomes and hospital visits, disruptions to children\u0026rsquo;s education, and potential loss of child custody (Collinson et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR3\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e; Hatch \u0026amp; Yun, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e; Hoke \u0026amp; Boen, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR15\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e; Roumiantseva, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). Even the threat of eviction or an eviction filing alone can lead to adverse mental and physical health consequences, wealth extraction through court fees, and a reduced likelihood of securing future housing (Leung et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR20\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e; V\u0026aacute;squez-Vera et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR41\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e). At the community level, evictions contribute to neighborhood instability by facilitating the process of displacing Black communities, contributing to neighborhood poverty and inequality, and depressing political participation (Desmond \u0026amp; Shollenberger, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e; Raymond et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e; Slee \u0026amp; Desmond, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR35\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDue to historic and ongoing racially discriminatory housing practices and unequal access to economic opportunity, it is likely that Black households face a disproportionate burden of evictions. For decades, Black people have been systematically excluded from homeownership opportunities through redlining, discriminatory lending practices, and state-sanctioned violent resistance when Black families attempted to move into white neighborhoods (R. Rothstein, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR30\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). As a result, Black families are significantly more likely to be renters than homeowners compared to white families. According to the most recent data from the U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey, 45% of Black households are homeowners compared to 73% of non-Hispanic white households (U.S. Census Bureau, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR39\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eStructural racism in economic opportunity also likely drives racial disparities in evictions. Black families are more likely to be rent burdened than white families, defined as paying 30% or more of income toward rent (Seymour et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR34\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). Additionally, Black renters face a disproportionate risk of being priced out of their homes due to rising rent and unaffordability in many U.S. cities (Desmond \u0026amp; Shollenberger, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e; Raymond et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eLastly, there is reason to believe that Black renters may face a higher burden of no-fault or holdover evictions (i.e., evictions initiated for a reason other than non-payment of rent, such as a lease expiring or retaliation for raising concerns about the home), though there is limited research on this topic. Landlords may disproportionately discriminate or retaliate against Black tenants without just cause given a long-standing history of discrimination in the real estate market in which landlords have viewed Black tenants as \u0026ldquo;undesirable\u0026rdquo; (Rosen \u0026amp; Garboden, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). Most states and municipalities lack \u0026ldquo;good cause\u0026rdquo; eviction legislation that prevents landlords from evicting tenants unless they have a justifiable reason, leaving tenants vulnerable to no-fault or holdover evictions (McCarthy, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). Without this protection, Black tenants may disproportionately suffer from discriminatory or retaliatory evictions.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eExisting evidence from around the country supports the hypothesis that Black tenants face a disproportionate risk of total eviction (Hepburn et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e; Medina et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e; Nelson et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e; Rutan \u0026amp; Desmond, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). However, existing evidence is limited by the fact that eviction filing records do not include tenant race information. So, studies have primarily relied on spatial analyses to estimate how the burden of evictions varies based on the racial demographics of neighborhoods in specific jurisdictions as well as individual-level analyses using predictive algorithms to impute the race of the renters.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn one of the first geographic analyses of evictions, Desmond (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e) found that, in Milwaukee County, Wisconsin, court-ordered eviction rates in predominantly Black block groups were more than five times as high as eviction rates in predominantly white block groups (7.4% vs. 1.4%) (Desmond, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e). A study in Richmond, Virginia, demonstrated that as a block group\u0026rsquo;s Black population increased by 10%, eviction rates increased by about 1.2% after controlling for median income, property value, and other factors (Teresa, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR36\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). Similarly, a study of evictions in New Orleans, Louisiana, demonstrated that eviction rates were highest in block groups that were predominantly Black (Jane Place Neighborhood Sustainability Initiative \u0026amp; Finger, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR17\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). Specifically, in block groups where over 90% of the population was Black, one in four renters experienced an eviction compared to block groups where 0\u0026ndash;25% of the population was Black in which just one in 24 renters experienced an eviction (Jane Place Neighborhood Sustainability Initiative \u0026amp; Finger, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR17\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn addition to disparities in eviction judgments, several studies have documented similar racialized patterns with eviction filing data. Research on racialized disparities in eviction filings reflects how communities of color may be more likely to face the broader consequences that stem from the threat of eviction, given that an eviction filing alone can have downstream consequences for health and future housing security. In Salt Lake City, Utah, Medina et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e) found that block groups with a majority of non-white residents had eviction filing rates that were 65.9% higher than rates in block groups with a majority of white residents after controlling for neighborhood poverty rates (Medina et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). Similarly, in their study of court-based eviction filings and no-fault eviction filings in Los Angeles, California, Nelson et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e) found that Census tracts with higher percentages of Black population had higher rates of court-based filings (Nelson et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). The percentage of the Black population was not statistically significantly associated with no-fault eviction filings. However, it is important to note that California has a good cause eviction law that protects tenants from most types of no-fault evictions, so this study reflects only those no-fault evictions that were still allowed under California\u0026rsquo;s Ellis Act (Nelson et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). Studies in Boston, Massachusetts and Atlanta, Georgia have also demonstrated that neighborhoods with a higher share of Black renters experience higher eviction filing rates (Immergluck et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e; Robinson \u0026amp; Steil, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR27\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eTwo studies have pooled data across jurisdictions to assess the geographic distribution of eviction judgements. Rutan and Desmond (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e) used data from nine mid-sized cities to regress a tract\u0026rsquo;s mean contribution to the citywide eviction rate on multiple tract-level demographic characteristics (Rutan \u0026amp; Desmond, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). They found that the percentage of Black residents in a tract was a strong predictor of between-tract variation in eviction rates where a higher percentage of Black renters was associated with higher eviction rates (Rutan \u0026amp; Desmond, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). Most recently, Connors and Zhang (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e) conducted a national analysis of eviction judgements using data from 2,494 counties across the U.S. and found that counties with a higher percentage of racial minorities had significantly higher eviction rates (Connors \u0026amp; Zhang, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eFinally, Hepburn et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e) imputed the race and gender of renters impacted by eviction using a predictive algorithm and found that Black renters appeared to experience the highest rates of eviction filings and eviction judgements of any racial group, and that Black women renters were uniquely impacted by high eviction rates (Hepburn et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe evidence to date consistently supports the hypothesis that neighborhoods with higher shares of Black renters experience higher eviction filing rates and eviction judgement rates. The present study builds on the existing evidence by 1) presenting spatial analyses of the association between an area\u0026rsquo;s racial composition and its eviction filing rate in two states with large Black renter populations (New York and Maryland) and 2) evaluating the association between area racial composition and no-fault/holdover eviction filings in these two states, without good cause eviction protection laws.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eNew York and Maryland were selected because at the time of analysis, executive and legislative leaders in these two states had not passed a good cause eviction law, but good cause legislation had been introduced in both state legislatures.\u003csup\u003e[1]\u003c/sup\u003e In 2024, the state of New York enacted a good cause eviction law that applies to New York City (Division of Housing and Community Renewal, 2024). All other towns and cities in the state must opt-in to good cause eviction protections by enacting a local law. In 2024, Maryland\u0026rsquo;s good cause eviction law passed in the state House but failed to come to a vote in the Senate (LegiScan, n.d.). The bill is being considered again in the 2025 legislative session. As a result, both states reflect settings in which good cause eviction protections were absent but being actively considered. Documenting how majority-Black neighborhoods are uniquely impacted by holdover evictions is particularly relevant in these contexts to understanding the potential effects of good cause eviction protections in advancing racial equity in housing.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe present analysis adds to our understanding of how Black communities are impacted by evictions and provides novel insight into the potential disproportionate burden of holdover evictions for Black renter households in states without good cause eviction protection. The findings from this analysis can elucidate the potential impacts of good cause eviction protections, especially for Black renter households, if they are enacted in cities and towns in New York and Maryland.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Materials and methods","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eStudy design and settings\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eI conducted a series of descriptive analyses to document spatial and racialized disparities in eviction filings in two states that have high eviction filings rates and large Black renter populations: New York and Maryland.\u003csup\u003e[2]\u003c/sup\u003e Through these analyses, I aim to improve understanding of how communities with higher concentrations of Black renter households may be uniquely impacted by the threat of eviction, and specifically holdover eviction.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eImportantly, this research is descriptive, not causal. The aim is to determine how eviction filing rates vary by the racial composition of renter households in a given area. Specifically, the analysis explores whether areas with higher percentages of Black renter households have higher rates of eviction filings. The aim is not to determine whether an area\u0026rsquo;s racial composition causes changes in eviction filing rates.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe geographic unit of analysis varies for each state based on data availability. In Maryland, the unit of analysis is the ZIP code. This was the most granular geographic unit with available data. In New York, ZIP code-level data on eviction filings were only available for about 28% of ZIP codes. As a result, the New York analysis uses county as the unit of analysis. Because racial residential segregation is typically patterned within counties, at the neighborhood and block levels, ZIP code is a more proximate unit of measurement for patterns of residential segregation than county. Still, this variability in geographic unit offers unique insight into the relationship between racial composition of renter households and eviction filings rates at different levels of granularity with different patterns of racial residential segregation. This variability also precludes any direct comparisons of results across the two states. Each analysis offers distinct information about the relationship between racial composition of renter households and eviction filing rates in each locale.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eEviction filing rate data\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe eviction filing rate was calculated by dividing the number of eviction filings in each geographic unit by the number of renter-occupied housing units in each geographic unit. The holdover eviction filing rate was calculated by dividing the number of holdover eviction filings, a subset of total eviction filings, in each geographic unit by the number of renter-occupied housing units in each geographic unit.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eNew York.\u003c/em\u003e In New York, county-level data on the number of residential eviction filings and residential holdover eviction filings in 2022 (January-December) were obtained from the New York State Unified Court System Statewide Eviction database (New York State Unified Court System, n.d.). Holdover eviction filings were defined in the system as all eviction filings due to any reason other than non-payment of rent. Eviction filing data were only complete for city and district courts and not town or village courts, resulting in 20 counties (32%) being excluded from the analysis. The number of renter-occupied housing units per county was obtained using 2021 5-year estimates from the U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey (ACS) (U.S. Census Bureau, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR37\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eMaryland.\u003c/em\u003e In Maryland, ZIP code-level data on the number of warrants of restitution (i.e., eviction filings) and holdover warrants of restitution were obtained from the Maryland Department of Housing and Community Development Landlord and Tenant Eviction Dashboard (Maryland Department of Housing and Community Development, n.d.). Eviction filing data were restricted to October 2023 through September 2024, the latest full year of available data at the time of analysis. Holdover eviction filings were defined in the system as eviction filings where the landlord alleged the tenant refused to leave the property after the lease term had expired. Holdover eviction filings did not include eviction filings for failure to pay rent, a breach of the lease agreement, or when an occupant was unlawfully inhabiting a property. If no eviction filings were recorded in a ZIP code, the ZIP code was assumed to have zero filings. The number of renter-occupied housing units per ZIP code was obtained using 2022 5-year estimates from the ACS (U.S. Census Bureau, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR38\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). ZIP codes with fewer than 50 rental units were excluded from the analysis (n\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;135, 28%).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eRacial composition data\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe percentage of Black renter households was calculated by dividing the number of Black renter-occupied housing units in each geographic unit by the total number of renter-occupied housing units in each geographic unit. Data for the numerator and denominator were obtained from the ACS. As described above, 2021 5-year estimates were used in New York and 2022 5-year estimates were used in Maryland.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eStatistical analyses\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eTo model the relationship between the percentage of Black renter households and eviction filing rates, I fit Poisson regression models and negative binomial models, which are both used to model rate data. In both case studies, the Poisson models showed evidence of overdispersion and negative binomial models showed smaller residuals and a better model fit. As a result, I used negative binomial models for final analyses. The unit of change for both analyses was a 10-percentage-point change in the percentage of Black renter households. Because this is a descriptive study, no other covariates were included in the models.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn both states, I modeled the relationship of the percentage of Black renter households with total eviction filing rates and with holdover eviction filings rates separately.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Results","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eNew York\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn 2022, New York landlords filed 165,526 eviction warrants, average of nearly 14,000 per month. Of these, 30,736 were filings for holdover evictions. Figure\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Fig1\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e1\u003c/span\u003e displays (A) the percentage of Black renter households per county in New York and (B) the eviction filing rates per county for all New York counties included in the analysis (n\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;42). Table\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Tab1\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e1\u003c/span\u003e presents the results from the negative binomial models assessing the county-level relationship of percentage of Black renter households with total eviction filing rate and holdover eviction filing rate. The results demonstrate that New York counties with higher percentages of Black renter households face higher rates of total and holdover eviction filings. A 10-percentage-point increase in the percent of Black renter households in a county was associated with a 55% increase (95% confidence interval (CI): 27%, 90%) in the rate of total eviction filings and a 33% increase (95% CI: 9%, 65%) in the rate of holdover eviction filings.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"gridtable\"\u003e\u003ctable float=\"Yes\" id=\"Tab1\" border=\"1\"\u003e\u003ccaption language=\"En\"\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"CaptionNumber\"\u003eTable 1\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"CaptionContent\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eNew York state county-level associations between percentage of Black renter households and eviction filing rates\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/caption\u003e\u003ccolgroup cols=\"4\"\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c1\" colnum=\"1\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"char\" char=\".\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c2\" colnum=\"2\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"char\" char=\".\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c3\" colnum=\"3\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"char\" char=\".\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c4\" colnum=\"4\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cthead\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/th\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003en\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/th\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eRate Ratio\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/th\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e95% Confidence Interval\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/th\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003c/thead\u003e\u003ctbody\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eTotal eviction filing rate\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e42\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e1.55\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e1.27, 1.90\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eHoldover eviction filing rate\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e42\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e1.33\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e1.09, 1.65\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003c/tbody\u003e\u003c/colgroup\u003e\u003c/table\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eMaryland\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eFrom October 2023 through September 2024, Maryland landlords filed 153,246 eviction warrants, an average of nearly 13,000 per month. Of these, 2,198 were filings for holdover evictions. Figure\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Fig2\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e2\u003c/span\u003e displays (A) the percentage of Black renter households per ZIP code in Maryland and (B) the eviction filing rates per ZIP code for all Maryland ZIP codes included in the analysis (n\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;343). Table\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Tab2\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e2\u003c/span\u003e presents the results from the negative binomial models assessing the ZIP code-level relationship of percentage of Black renter households with total eviction filing rate and holdover eviction filing rate. The results demonstrate that Maryland ZIP codes with higher percentages of Black renter households face higher rates of total and holdover eviction filings. A 10-percentage-point increase in the percent of Black renter households in a ZIP code was associated with a 35% increase (95% CI: 28%, 42%) in the rate of total eviction filings and a 14% increase (95% CI: 9%, 19%) in the rate of holdover eviction filings.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"gridtable\"\u003e\u003ctable float=\"Yes\" id=\"Tab2\" border=\"1\"\u003e\u003ccaption language=\"En\"\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"CaptionNumber\"\u003eTable 2\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"CaptionContent\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eMaryland ZIP code-level associations between percentage of Black renter households and eviction filing rates\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/caption\u003e\u003ccolgroup cols=\"4\"\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c1\" colnum=\"1\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"char\" char=\".\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c2\" colnum=\"2\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"char\" char=\".\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c3\" colnum=\"3\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"char\" char=\".\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c4\" colnum=\"4\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cthead\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/th\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003en\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/th\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eRate Ratio\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/th\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e95% Confidence Interval\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/th\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003c/thead\u003e\u003ctbody\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eTotal eviction filing rate\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e343\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e1.35\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e1.28, 1.42\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eHoldover eviction filing rate\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e343\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e1.14\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e1.09, 1.19\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003c/tbody\u003e\u003c/colgroup\u003e\u003c/table\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Discussion","content":"\u003cp\u003eFindings from both states demonstrate that areas with a higher percentage of Black renters face a statistically significantly higher rate of eviction filings. These findings are consistent with existing evidence from other jurisdictions documenting that predominantly Black neighborhoods face a disproportionate burden of eviction. Additionally, findings demonstrate that areas with a higher percentage of Black renters face a significantly higher rate of holdover eviction filings. These novel findings improve our understanding of how Black renter households may be disproportionately targeted with discriminatory or retaliatory evictions in states without good cause eviction protection. Specifically, these findings demonstrate that disparities in eviction filings are not only explained by evictions due to inability to pay rent.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe implications of these findings are that neighborhoods where more Black renter households live are more likely to suffer the consequences that stem from eviction and the threat of eviction. Black renter households may face a higher risk of forced moves and/or eviction-induced homelessness, along with the economic, psychosocial, and physical health consequences that follow. Research demonstrates that when a tenant is evicted, they tend to move to neighborhoods with higher poverty and crime rates but often do not pay lower rent (Brennan, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). This pattern is heightened for Black renters: Black renters who are evicted end up in neighborhoods with a 20.2% average poverty rate, while white renters who are evicted end up in neighborhoods with a 13.4% average poverty rate (Brennan, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe neighborhood instability that stems from evictions also has community-level health, economic, and civic consequences that can impact quality of life for all neighborhood residents. Neighborhood-level consequences include threats to public health and public safety, strain on healthcare and social service systems, and decreased community engagement (Benfer et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e; Brennan, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e; Collinson et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR3\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e; Semenza et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; van Holm \u0026amp; Monaghan, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR40\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eEvictions can be reduced and prevented through effective policy intervention. Health and economic policies that increase minimum wages and strengthen social safety nets can help reduce the number of rent-burdened households (Brennan, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e; L. Rothstein \u0026amp; Rothstein, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR29\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). Rent regulation and rental subsidy policies can also protect renters from unreasonably high rent hikes that constitute an effective eviction and alleviate the threat of eviction due to inability to pay rent (Brennan, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e; L. Rothstein \u0026amp; Rothstein, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR29\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). Many tenants may be unaware that they are facing the threat of eviction and/or may not have the skills and abilities to advocate for themselves in housing court. Right-to-counsel policies level the playing field by offering all tenants legal counsel in eviction proceedings (L. Rothstein \u0026amp; Rothstein, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR29\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAdditionally, the present study is the first to demonstrate that neighborhoods with high percentages of Black renters are disproportionately impacted by no-fault or holdover evictions. Good cause eviction protection laws are specifically designed to protect renters against unfair evictions that may be discriminatory in nature. Cities and states are increasingly considering good cause laws to curb the rate of holdover evictions. A study of good cause laws in four California cities demonstrated that implementing the legislation was associated with a reduction in eviction filings and executed evictions (Cuellar, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). The present findings suggest that enacting good cause protection could address some of the racially disproportionate impacts of holdover evictions and improve the stability of majority-Black neighborhoods.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eLimitations\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThere are limitations of the present study that should be considered when interpreting the findings. First, the analyses present spatial not individual associations. The findings demonstrate that areas with higher percentages of Black renters face higher rates of eviction filings. However, we cannot conclude from the available data that individual Black renter households necessarily face higher rates of eviction filings than white renter households.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSecond, the data from each state cannot be generalized to other locations. Each statewide analysis is not meant to reflect a larger study population. Still, the consistent findings from these two states add to the existing body of evidence on spatial and racialized disparities in evictions from other jurisdictions, improving our overall understanding of how evictions are patterned across the U.S.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eFinally, this study is limited by data availability. ZIP code-level eviction filing data were not available for the majority of New York counties, limiting the New York case study to a county-level analysis. Furthermore, the analysis only reflects formal eviction filings. The analysis does not reflect informal evictions that do not involve a formal court filing, such as evictions that result from coercion, threat, lock-out, or an unreasonably exorbitant rent increase. Informal evictions, by definition, are not captured in official records, though survey data suggest that forced moves due to informal evictions are more than five times as common as forced moves due to formal evictions (Gromis \u0026amp; Desmond, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Conclusion","content":"\u003cp\u003eMany cities and states across the U.S. are experiencing an eviction crisis. There are strong theoretical reasons to believe, and growing empirical evidence to suggest, that Black renters are disparately impacted by the threat of eviction. The present study adds to this growing body of evidence, documenting that areas with a higher percentage of Black renters have higher rates of eviction filings in two states: New York and Maryland. Additionally, this study documents, for the first time, that areas with a higher percentage of Black renters in New York and Maryland also face higher rates of holdover eviction filings. This new evidence suggests that tenant protections to reduce evictions, and specifically holdover evictions, like good cause eviction protection, are expected to advance racial equality in housing.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eCompeting Interests\u003c/strong\u003e\u003cp\u003eNon-financial interest: The author is employed as a researcher at a legal advocacy organization that conducts advocacy on issues related to housing discrimination.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eAuthor Contribution\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eAs the sole author, SK is responsible for conceptualization, analysis, and writing for this manuscript.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eAcknowledgement\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe author would like to thank Dr. Kesha Moore, Karla McKanders, Morenike Fajana, Ashok Chandran, David Wheaton, and Joshua Everett for their input and feedback.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eData Availability\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eAll data used were gathered from publicly available sources, as referenced in the text. Data and analytic code are viewable on GitHub here: https://github.com/Thurgood-Marshall-Institute/Eviction-disparities-analysis.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eBenfer, E. A., Vlahov, D., Long, M. Y., Walker-Wells, E., Pottenger, J. L., Gonsalves, G., \u0026amp; Keene, D. E. (2021). Eviction, Health Inequity, and the Spread of COVID-19: Housing Policy as a Primary Pandemic Mitigation Strategy. \u003cem\u003eJournal of Urban Health\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e98\u003c/em\u003e(1), 1\u0026ndash;12. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11524-020-00502-1\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eBrennan, M. (2020). A Framework for Effective and Strategic Eviction Prevention. \u003cem\u003eMitchell Hamline Law Journal of Public Policy and Practice\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e41\u003c/em\u003e(3). https://open.mitchellhamline.edu/policypractice/vol41/iss3/9\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eCollinson, R., Humphries, J. 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Evictions, large owners, and serial filings: Findings from Atlanta. \u003cem\u003eHousing Studies\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e35\u003c/em\u003e(5), 903\u0026ndash;924. https://doi.org/10.1080/02673037.2019.1639635\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eJane Place Neighborhood Sustainability Initiative, \u0026amp; Finger, D. (2019). \u003cem\u003eNew Orleans Eviction Geography: Results of an Increasingly Precarious Housing Market\u003c/em\u003e (SSRN Scholarly Paper 3456929). https://papers.ssrn.com/abstract=3456929\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eJoint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University. (2024). \u003cem\u003eAmerica\u0026rsquo;s Rental Housing 2024\u003c/em\u003e. Harvard Graduate School of Design \u0026amp; Harvard Kennedy School. https://www.jchs.harvard.edu/sites/default/files/reports/files/Harvard_JCHS_Americas_Rental_Housing_2024.pdf\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eLegiScan. (n.d.). \u003cem\u003eMaryland HB477 | 2024 | Regular Session\u003c/em\u003e. LegiScan. Retrieved February 14, 2025, from https://legiscan.com/MD/bill/HB477/2024\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eLeung, L., Hepburn, P., \u0026amp; Desmond, M. (2021). Serial Eviction Filing: Civil Courts, Property Management, and the Threat of Displacement. \u003cem\u003eSocial Forces\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e100\u003c/em\u003e(1), 316\u0026ndash;344. https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soaa089\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eMaryland Department of Housing and Community Development. (n.d.). \u003cem\u003eLandlord \u0026amp; Tenant Eviction Dashboard\u003c/em\u003e. Retrieved August 6, 2024, from https://app.powerbigov.us/view?r=eyJrIjoiYWI1Yzg0YjYtNDFkZS00MDUyLThlMDctYmE1ZjY5MGI0MWJhIiwidCI6IjdkM2I4ZDAwLWY5YmUtNDZlNy05NDYwLTRlZjJkOGY3MzE0OSJ9\u0026amp;pageName=ReportSection\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eMcCarthy, T. (2022). Helping the Good Cause: Building a Better Anti-Eviction Scheme Through Local Innovation. \u003cem\u003eJournal of Affordable Housing \u0026amp; Community Development Law\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e31\u003c/em\u003e(2), 253.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eMedina, R. M., Byrne, K., Brewer, S., \u0026amp; Nicolosi, E. A. (2020). Housing inequalities: Eviction patterns in Salt Lake County, Utah. \u003cem\u003eCities\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e104\u003c/em\u003e, 102804. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cities.2020.102804\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eNelson, K., Gromis, A., Kuai, Y., \u0026amp; Lens, M. C. (2021). Spatial Concentration and Spillover: Eviction Dynamics in Neighborhoods of Los Angeles, California, 2005\u0026ndash;2015. \u003cem\u003eHousing Policy Debate\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e31\u003c/em\u003e(3\u0026ndash;5), 670\u0026ndash;695. https://doi.org/10.1080/10511482.2020.1847163\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eNew York State Unified Court System. (n.d.). \u003cem\u003eStatewide Landlord Tenant Eviction Dashboard\u003c/em\u003e. Retrieved August 6, 2024, from https://app.powerbigov.us/view?r=eyJrIjoiZGE3NzljYmItYTBmZC00OGI2LTliYTgtYzY5ZjI0N2U0MWYxIiwidCI6IjM0NTZmZTkyLWNiZDEtNDA2ZC1iNWEzLTUzNjRiZWMwYTgzMyJ9\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eRaymond, E. L., Miller, B., McKinney, M., \u0026amp; Braun, J. (2021). Gentrifying Atlanta: Investor Purchases of Rental Housing, Evictions, and the Displacement of Black Residents. \u003cem\u003eTaylor \u0026amp; Francis\u003c/em\u003e. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/10511482.2021.1887318\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eRobinson, D., \u0026amp; Steil, J. (2021). Eviction Dynamics in Market-Rate Multifamily Rental Housing. \u003cem\u003eHousing Policy Debate\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e31\u003c/em\u003e(3\u0026ndash;5), 647\u0026ndash;669. https://doi.org/10.1080/10511482.2020.1839936\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eRosen, E., \u0026amp; Garboden, P. M. E. (2022). Landlord Paternalism: Housing the Poor with a Velvet Glove. \u003cem\u003eSocial Problems\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e69\u003c/em\u003e(2), 470\u0026ndash;491. https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spaa037\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eRothstein, L., \u0026amp; Rothstein, R. (2023). \u003cem\u003eJust Action: How to Challenge Segregation Enacted Under the Color of Law\u003c/em\u003e. Liveright.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eRothstein, R. (2019). \u003cem\u003eThe Color of Law\u003c/em\u003e. Perfection Learning Corporation.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eRoumiantseva, M. (2022). A Nationwide Movement: The Right to Counsel for Tenants Facing Eviction Proceedings. \u003cem\u003eSeton Hall Law Review\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e52\u003c/em\u003e, 1351\u0026ndash;1398.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eRutan, D. Q., \u0026amp; Desmond, M. (2021). The Concentrated Geography of Eviction. \u003cem\u003eThe ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e693\u003c/em\u003e(1), 64\u0026ndash;81. https://doi.org/10.1177/0002716221991458\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eSemenza, D. C., Stansfield, R., Grosholz, J. M., \u0026amp; Link, N. W. (2022). Eviction and Crime: A Neighborhood Analysis in Philadelphia. \u003cem\u003eCrime \u0026amp; Delinquency\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e68\u003c/em\u003e(4), 707\u0026ndash;732. https://doi.org/10.1177/00111287211035989\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eSeymour, E., Endsley, K. A., \u0026amp; Franklin, R. S. (2020). Differential drivers of rent burden in growing and shrinking cities. \u003cem\u003eApplied Geography\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e125\u003c/em\u003e, 102302. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.apgeog.2020.102302\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eSlee, G., \u0026amp; Desmond, M. (2023). Eviction and Voter Turnout: The Political Consequences of Housing Instability. \u003cem\u003ePolitics \u0026amp; Society\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e51\u003c/em\u003e(1), 3\u0026ndash;29. https://doi.org/10.1177/00323292211050716\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eTeresa, B. F. (2018). \u003cem\u003eThe Geography of Eviction in Richmond: Beyond Poverty\u003c/em\u003e. RVA Eviction Lab. https://cura.vcu.edu/media/cura/pdfs/cura-documents/GeographiesofEviction.pdf\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eU.S. Census Bureau. (2021). \u003cem\u003eAmerican Community Survey, Demographic Characteristics for Occupied Housing Units\u003c/em\u003e [Dataset]. https://data.census.gov/table/ACSST5Y2021.S2502?q=S2502\u0026amp;g=040XX00US36,36$0500000\u0026amp;tp=true\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eU.S. Census Bureau. (2022). \u003cem\u003eAmerican Community Survey, Demographic Characteristics for Occupied Housing Units\u003c/em\u003e [Dataset]. American Community Survey, Demographic Characteristics for Occupied Housing Units\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eU.S. Census Bureau. (2023). \u003cem\u003eAmerican Community Survey, Demographic Characteristics for Occupied Housing Units\u003c/em\u003e [Dataset]. https://data.census.gov/table?q=S2502\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003evan Holm, E. J., \u0026amp; Monaghan, J. (2021). Eviction and the Dissolution of Neighborhoods. \u003cem\u003eHousing Policy Debate\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e31\u003c/em\u003e(2), 197\u0026ndash;213. https://doi.org/10.1080/10511482.2020.1800780\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eV\u0026aacute;squez-Vera, H., Pal\u0026egrave;ncia, L., Magna, I., Mena, C., Neira, J., \u0026amp; Borrell, C. (2017). The threat of home eviction and its effects on health through the equity lens: A systematic review. \u003cem\u003eSocial Science \u0026amp; Medicine\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e175\u003c/em\u003e, 199\u0026ndash;208. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2017.01.010\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"},{"header":"Footnotes","content":"\u003col\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e \u003cem\u003eSee\u003c/em\u003e Maryland General Assembly HB0477 \u003cspan class=\"ExternalRef\"\u003e\u003cspan class=\"RefSource\"\u003ehttps://mgaleg.maryland.gov/mgawebsite/Legislation/Details/HB0477\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan address=\"https://mgaleg.maryland.gov/mgawebsite/Legislation/Details/HB0477\" targettype=\"URL\" class=\"RefTarget\"\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e and New York State Senate S305 \u003cspan class=\"ExternalRef\"\u003e\u003cspan class=\"RefSource\"\u003ehttps://www.nysenate.gov/legislation/bills/2023/S305\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan address=\"https://www.nysenate.gov/legislation/bills/2023/S305\" targettype=\"URL\" class=\"RefTarget\"\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e Based on data from the U.S. Census\u0026rsquo; 2022 American Community Survey. There are 716,090 Black renter households in New York (20.1% of the renter population) and 335,931 Black renter households in Maryland (32.8% of the renter population).\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":true,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"eviction, racial disparities, spatial disparities, geography, housing policy","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7246258/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-7246258/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eEvictions are increasing across the U.S. with devastating consequences for neighborhood stability. Growing evidence suggests that Black renters are disparately impacted by eviction, though it is unclear how Black renters are uniquely impacted by no-fault eviction, specifically. This question is of particular interest as jurisdictions increasingly consider good cause eviction laws, which prevent evictions without a justifiable reason. The present study builds on the existing evidence by evaluating the association between an area\u0026rsquo;s racial composition and its 1) total eviction filing rate and 2) no-fault/holdover eviction filing rate in two states with large Black renter populations that have both had good cause evictions laws before their state legislatures in recent years (New York and Maryland). In both states, areas with higher percentages of Black renters face statistically significantly higher rates of eviction filings. Areas with higher percentages of Black renters also face significantly higher rates of no-fault/holdover eviction filings. These findings suggest that tenant protections to reduce evictions, and specifically no-fault/holdover evictions, like good cause eviction, have the potential to advance racial equality in housing.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"Spatial and racialized disparities in total and no-fault evictions in New York and Maryland","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2025-08-25 16:19:25","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7246258/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"d475ccfb-17e2-4b80-8072-f4a657f074d8","owner":[],"postedDate":"August 25th, 2025","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"posted","subjectAreas":[],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2025-10-21T20:23:13+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2025-08-25 16:19:25","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-7246258","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-7246258","identity":"rs-7246258","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"8U1c8b4HqxoKbykW_rLl7","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}