Navigating Silence: Cultural, Familial, and Immigration Influences on the Sexual Violence Experiences of Asian Female College Students in the University of California System

Navigating Silence: Cultural, Familial, and Immigration Influences on the Sexual Violence Experiences of Asian Female College Students in the University of California System | Research Square window.SnipcartSettings = { analytics: { enabled: false } }; (function() { var accessVector = localStorage.getItem('access_vector') || ''; window.dataLayer = window.dataLayer || []; if (accessVector) { window.dataLayer.push({ user: { profile: { profileInfo: { snid: accessVector } } } }); } })(); (function(w,d,s,l,i){w[l]=w[l]||[];w[l].push({'gtm.start':new Date().getTime(),event:'gtm.js'});var f=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],j=d.createElement(s),dl=l!='dataLayer'?'&l='+l:'';j.async=true;j.src='https://www.googletagmanager.com/gtm.js?id='+i+dl;f.parentNode.insertBefore(j,f);})(window,document,'script','dataLayer','GTM-K279D39R'); Browse Preprints In Review Journals COVID-19 Preprints AJE Video Bytes Research Tools Research Promotion AJE Professional Editing AJE Rubriq About Preprint Platform In Review Editorial Policies Our Team Advisory Board Help Center Sign In Submit a Preprint Cite Share Download PDF Research Article Navigating Silence: Cultural, Familial, and Immigration Influences on the Sexual Violence Experiences of Asian Female College Students in the University of California System Jianchao Lai, Eunhee Park, Jenny Lee, Rhea Gandhi, Jennifer Wagman This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-6075828/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract Background: Sexual Violence and Sexual Harassment (SVSH) on college campuses disproportionately affect racially minoritized groups, including Asian female students. These individuals face unique cultural and familial challenges impacting their experiences and help-seeking behaviors. Existing literature highlights barriers such as cultural stigma and the model minority myth, but research specific to this population is limited. Objectives: This study explores the SVSH experiences of Asian female college students and examines how cultural norms, family dynamics, and immigration background influence their responses and access to support services. Methods: Data were collected from all 10 University of California campuses as part of the Double Jeopardy (DJ) project. Fifty-three semi-structured interviews were conducted. A grounded-theory-guided thematic analysis identified key themes, with reflective memos used to capture insights and minimize bias. Results: Findings reveal that cultural norms and family expectations shape Asian female students' responses to SVSH, often reinforcing self-blame and silence of the incidents. Immigration background added complexities, with fears related to legal status and unfamiliarity with SVSH frameworks and existing support services in the United States (U.S.). Mental health stigma and language barriers further contributed to isolation and reluctance to seek help. Despite challenges, participants expressed the need for culturally competent, linguistically appropriate resources. Conclusions: Universities must adopt culturally competent policies, expand multilingual counseling services, and collaborate with community-based organizations to support Asian female survivors. Addressing systemic barriers can foster an inclusive environment that empowers survivors and enhances access to necessary resources. Sexual violence and harassment Asian female college students Cultural stigma and family dynamics Help-seeking behaviors Immigration and racial discrimination Introduction Sexual violence is a highly pervasive public health issue, particularly on college and university campuses, impacting nearly 1 in every 5 female-identifying students.( 1 ) Little is known about culturally appropriate and accessible services for racial minority student-survivors of sexual violence and sexual harassment (SVSH), who have been found to be disproportionally impacted.( 2 – 4 ) Since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic and stay-at-home orders, the risk for SVSH was increased due to isolation, particularly intimate partner violence (IPV).( 5 ) Intersecting factors make sexual assault increasingly prevalent on college campuses.( 6 ) Survivor-focused research has identified effective training to be lacking in higher education, leading to poor understanding of what qualifies as SVSH and under-utilization of resources.( 7 ) This is compounded by the lack of physical and mental healthcare resources, preventative campus-wide initiatives, and a large-scale fear of reporting to the institution.( 8 – 11 ) The campus culture and climate around discussion of SVSH can also be particularly stigmatizing for students of gender and sexual minorities.( 12 ) Help-seeking barriers are often magnified for Asian American, Native Hawaiian, and Pacific Islander (AANHPI) survivors, who navigate unique cultural stigmas that hinder access to support. The “model minority” myth fosters a damaging narrative that downplays their need for assistance while intensifying societal and familial pressure to prioritize external expectations over personal well-being.( 13 – 15 ) Coping mechanisms shaped by cultural norms and intergenerational dynamics can further complicate healing journeys, leaving many survivors without adequate resources.( 16 ) To address these gaps, it is critical to examine the social, historical, and cultural factors that influence the lived experiences of Asian survivors.( 17 , 18 ) This study situates the experiences of Asian female student-survivors within a broader context, exploring how factors such as anti-Asian discrimination, gendered microaggressions, and xenophobia intersect with histories of immigration and cultural identity. These complex influences underscore the importance of understanding the unique challenges facing this population, as informed by the historical and cultural narratives that shape their social realities. Literature Review Effects of SVSH on women of ethnic minorities The prevalence of SVSH is more common among specific groups than others due to a unique combination of factors such as gender, race, socioeconomic status, citizenship, and more than place these individuals at risk.(19) More than half of women have experienced SVSH in their lifetime, in particular women of racial and ethnic minority backgrounds carry the highest burden.(19) Thirty-nine percent of non-Hispanic American Indian women, 30% of non-Hispanic Black women, and 15% of Latinx women report having experienced SVSH in their lifetime.(20) Additionally, another study found African American women having the highest likelihood of forced sexual intercourse, while Asian women having the lowest likelihood.(21) Despite the known statistics, there remains little research for Asian women in relation to SVSH. In the few studies that captured this information, reporting among Asian American women was one of the lowest. This largely stems from limited understanding of SVSH, high acceptance of rape myths—false beliefs about sexual assault—and negative attitudes toward sexual violence survivors.(20,22) Previous research has presented differential risk factors based on race and ethnicity. For example, American Indian women tend to be at higher risk for SVSH if dependent on alcohol, have high tribal identity, and/or have been victimized previously.(20) Latinx women face their own set of risk factors, including unemployment, poverty, and fear of deportation, all of which have increased their susceptibility to intimate partner violence.(20) One specific factor which often is described as the “othering-based stress” (also known as minority stress) is found to be positively associated with SVSH among minorities as it impacts coping mechanisms and help-seeking behaviors. This type of stress, exhibited by individuals who are seen as “different” through stigma and distancing, requires an individual who is “othered” to navigate situations with additional effort.(23) As a result of SVSH, survivors may exhibit a spectrum of negative physical injuries and mental health outcomes such as lowered self-esteem, depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, substance use, and suicidal ideation.(20) Asian family culture Eastern and Western culture both play a large role in understanding an individual's role and expectation in relation to their family, which impacts their ability to identify, report, and cope with SVSH.(24) Asian culture values harmony with the external environment, meaning an individual must prioritize conforming and the greater collective – as opposed to an individualistic and tunnel-visioned mindset.(24) Confucianism explains many of these ideologies as it informs many Asian principals of human relations, social structures, and governance.(25) To preserve a harmonious family, shame, self-restraint, and suffering are all expected of Asian family members as the needs of the group precede those of an individual.(25) For example, Asian families may be more reluctant to disclose a SVSH incident as it may be shameful and does not benefit the collective.(24) As such, the individual is expected to “suffer in silence” to preserve the family image. The family structure is shaped by gender and age hierarchies in which elders and males hold a higher status in the family as opposed to younger individuals and females.(24) In line with patriarchy, Asian families expect girls are raised to be subordinates, while boys are educated to exert power.(25,26) A woman’s husband, father, and son are all central to her identity.(26) This is described as filial piety, and in some research seen as a protective factor as theoretically people practicing should avoid familial conflict at all costs to preserve unity.(26) Whereas Western culture may revere an individual’s initiative and assertiveness, Asian culture expects an individual to stay away from standing out and instead follow the middle-position virtue – the ability to blend in with others and become inconspicuous.(26) This virtue, along with the hierarchies experienced by Asian family members, makes it difficult for women to report SVSH and place Asian women in particular, at risk.(24) Members of Asian households have become skilled at avoiding dissonance within the family using “loss of face”, a social concept of shame, as a method of enforcement.(24) Effects of Asian immigration history Immigration from Asia to the United States (US) was highly conditional and served as the basis for what we now describe as the Model Minority Myth (MMM). The first individuals to emigrate to America were from China. While the first recorded Chinese individuals came as early as the late 1700s for trade and educational missions, gold in California attracted large numbers of Chinese immigrants in the mid to late 1800s.(27) Immigrants from Japan had also moved to Hawaii for opportunities to work in the sugar plantations.(27) As a result of the overwhelming influx of Asian immigrants, the US government began to pass laws to restrict their freedoms and dissuade immigration.(28) The Alien Land Law of 1913 prohibited immigrants from owning and leasing land in California, while the Immigration Act of 1917 barred Asian Indian immigrants specifically from entering the United States.(28) The Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 limited admission of unskilled workers, with the Gentleman’s Agreement extending this provision to Korean and Japanese immigrants.(27) One way to circumvent these restrictions was through the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965, which allowed individuals with professional backgrounds or specialized skills to immigrate to the US.(28) This sparks the beginning of the MMM, in which Asians living in the US are viewed as educated professionals and “model” citizens. On the exterior, many Asian immigrants saw this as a source of their pride – an indicator of assimilation and no longer feeling “othered”.(28) Under the surface, it encouraged silencing of problems and conflict with the dominant culture as a means to meet American expectations.(28) This highly influences Asian help-seeking behaviors and reporting rates of sexual violence. Studies have shown that Asian immigrant women are less likely to report abuse or receive preventive care and treatment services due to numerous barriers (e.g., culture, language, institutional).(25) This demographic’s lack of utilization of formal services (e.g., women’s shelters, police, hospitals) are also impacted by their internalization of patriarchal norms and their desire to avoid conflict.(25) Immigration plays a large role in shaping one’s response to sexual violence, particularly for Asian women. The impact of historical and intergenerational trauma in Asian families Historical trauma and intergenerational trauma, although used interchangeably by many, have very different meanings. Historical trauma refers to the political structures that oppress indigenous, immigrant, and other marginalized groups, effectively perpetuating health disparities.(29) War, political turbulence, and scarcity of resources were root causes for the wave of migration from Asia to the United States.(29) These events left lasting wounds on individuals both mentally and physically, but also between Asian American families across generations. Instances in which families communicated about these traumatic experiences were few and far between.(29) Silence to avoid discussion negatively impacts the Asian parent-child relationship, especially because trauma is typically used during conflicts or arguments to shame and discipline children.(29) For example, parents who allude to their trauma in reference to the privilege and ease their children have in the United States.(29) One study observed Japanese Americans parents and their conversation with their parents surrounding internment camps. Withholding sharing as an attempt to protect their children, often resulted in loss of identity, family history, and self-consciousness of a child’s ethnicity.(30) This use of historical trauma manifests into intergenerational trauma, when it is passed onto the next generation in a way that does not promote positive outcomes.(29) On the other hand, communication through conversations, storytelling and shared narratives can allow space for collective resilience.(29) These types of communications typically affect connectedness between parents and children, as well as children's emotional well-being.(30) There has been little research done on how these types of trauma relate to SVSH outcomes among Asians. However, silence as a practice of avoidance and a result of shame, discourages Asian individuals from speaking out. Asian college students and SVSH Students on college campuses are highly at risk for sexual violence. This risk is exacerbated through decreased parental presence, increased alcohol use, increased sexual activity, and exposure to peer norms.(31) Females 18 to 24 year old have the highest rate of sexual violence victimization compared to females of other ages, with 81% of victims experience a first rape before age 25.(31) Although Asian and Pacific Islander students appear to be at the lowest risk when viewing data by race/ethnicity,(31) reporting relevant statistics for this demographic be potentially biased due to certain unique challenges raised by their culture. This difficulty stems from influence of family culture, shame and stigma from peers, and the role of media and educational opportunities.(32) Family often reinforced their beliefs in SVSH victims having to bear the responsibility of their experiences, coupled with limited communication between their parents/guardians.(32) Communication regarding these topics often came up in conversations with their peers, with their first exposure to SVSH education often being college orientations.(32) Asian students also took to the internet and media to learn more about SVSH, ways to identify it and how to self-care.(32) The internet can be a helpful tool, however it can be difficult to distinguish between misinformation and fact. The different types of harassment and violence also had varying degrees of internalization among this demographic. For more overt and obvious types of harassment, such as physical, Asian students understood this to be SVSH. However, verbal and visual sexual harassment was (e.g., being shown a pornographic image without consent, obscene jokes) was less considered to SVSH. As a result, we can presume that reporting among these students would more often than not, be impacted by beliefs and internalization of SVSH.(33) Particularly, Asian international students often felt confused on terminology and the concepts of Title IX. Training and workshops on SVSH often overlooked these potential challenges, instead of turning them into opportunities.(32) Research gap and aims While extensive research exists on sexual violence against college students, there remains a significant gap in understanding the specific experiences of students from racially minoritized groups, particularly Asian female student-survivors. Research exploring the unique cultural, familial, and immigration-related challenges faced by this population remains limited. This study seeks to address these gaps by exploring the SVSH experiences and help-seeking behaviors of Asian female college students, with a particular focus on the intersection of Asian culture, Asian family values, racial discrimination, and immigration background. By examining how these factors influence both the survivors' experiences of SVSH and their engagement with campus and external support systems, this research aims to provide insights that can inform more culturally responsive policies and services, ultimately improving support for Asian female survivors within university settings. Methodology Data collection The current study, as a part of the Double Jeopardy mixed-method project, recruited participants from all 10 University of California campuses, including the solely graduate program at UC San Francisco. The design and data collection methods were described in detail previously.(34) Participants who completed the survey and indicated a willingness to engage further were contacted via email to schedule an interview. At the beginning of these interviews, the researchers revisited the consent forms with each participant to address any questions and ensure understanding of the study's scope and their rights. This process was designed to ensure a thorough understanding and comfort for the participants, reflecting our commitment to ethical research practices. The research protocol received full approval from UCLA’s Institutional Review Board (IRB#21-000149). The interviews, conducted in English, Chinese, or Korean—reflecting the high number of students from China and South Korea in 10 UC campuses—were designed to delve into barriers to seeking SVSH- and health-related services, factors influencing help-seeking behaviors, the impact of COVID-19 on these processes, and culturally appropriate strategies to facilitate access to necessary services. The interview guide allowed for probing and expansion of topics as needed, and interviewers, trained in trauma-responsive approaches, prioritized participant well-being throughout the process. Participants were reminded of their rights at the beginning of the interview, offered the use of a pseudonym, and could request breaks or skip questions. Each interview segment started with an overview of the upcoming topics, including content warnings when appropriate. Reflective practices such as pre/post-interview memos facilitated ongoing discussion within the research team, ensuring a sensitive and thorough exploration of the difficult topics at hand. Participants were compensated with a $50 e-gift card and provided with a list of SVSH advocacy services, underscoring our commitment to their welfare beyond the study's scope. All interviews were audio-recorded with consent, and any identifiable information was anonymized or removed during transcription to protect against disclosing any identifiable information. Data analysis We implemented qualitative data analysis using a grounded theory approach and thematic analysis techniques.(35,36) Each interview transcript was generated using an online transcription service named Trint, which operates on Amazon AWS servers; the data were securely stored in encrypted AWS S3 buckets. After completing the transcription process, we conducted preliminary coding to discern central themes and patterns within the data by randomly selecting 25% of the transcripts. This phase involved meticulous line-by-line open coding to pinpoint and label emerging concepts. Memo-ing was utilized consistently during each phase of the analysis to capture the researchers' reflections, biases, and insights, enriching our understanding of the data. These memos played a crucial role in shaping a conceptual framework during discussions with our 8-member research team. Following the initial coding phase, we arranged the preliminary codes into key themes, and then applied the semi-finalized coding tree to the remaining transcripts, progressively refining our coding structure as analysis advanced. Our objective was to reach saturation, a point at which no new themes emerged from further coding and analysis. Ultimately, this rigorous analytical process culminated in the formulation of a theoretical model that encapsulates a range of SVSH experiences within the ANHPI student community, highlighting their help-seeking behaviors and the obstacles they encounter in accessing support services. Results The cultural context and family immigration history play significant roles in shaping the experiences and perceptions of sexual violence, sexual harassment, and sexual health (SVSH) among Asian female students. The result explores the impact of cultural norms, family immigration history, social expectations, and a variety of unique challenges faced by these students, particularly within the perceived Asian cultural framework. Asian societal and familial cultural influences The qualitative data presented a pervasive issue of culturally silencing or normalizing SVSH. Study participants were often conditioned to internalize blame and reflect on their own supposed faults rather than holding perpetrators accountable. One participant shared, " We were taught to put the blame on ourselves or to reflect on our mistakes before we put that responsibility toward the other person, even though that person obviously assaulted us or disrespected us ." This mindset, in addition to the stigma and taboo embedded in the culture, made it difficult for survivors to recognize and report abuse, leading to a cycle of silence and normalization. Cultural conditioning and the cycle of silencing violence The influence of family culture, particularly female family members, played a crucial role in perpetuating cultural stigma and shame surrounding SVSH. Participants reported that their families often minimized the significance of Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) and other types of SVSH, discouraging them from seeking help. One participant recounted, " When I told my aunt about the abuse, she said it was just normal relationship problems and that I should be patient." This minimization can perpetuate a cycle of abuse, as survivors are led to believe that their suffering is insignificant or a normal part of life. The interviews also highlighted the significant influence of female family members in perpetuating cultural stigma and shame surrounding sexual violence. One participant mentioned, " My mother always told me to keep quiet about such things. She said it would bring shame to our family." Another shared, " In my family, we don't talk about these issues because it's considered shameful. My grandmother would always remind us to keep such matters private to maintain our dignity." These statements illustrate how deeply ingrained cultural norms and expectations from female family members contribute to the silence and stigma surrounding SVSH incidents. There also seems to be a tendency of female family members choose to cover up to protect the family “ harmony”, especially when the perpetrators are also in the family. One participant shared: “ ...with my uncle, because it's like her brother, so she [the mom] basically like ....we just have reached an equilibrium where we don't talk about it, and I have learned to do all the things that I need to deal with. ” This also applies to families where children growing up witnessing domestic violence. Participants discussed how these cultural norms extend to interactions with parental figures, particularly in situations involving authority and obedience . One participant whose father was described as physically and mentally abusive noted, "I don't like it when dad is like that and she [the mom] just kind of like justifies it—’just have a listen to what he says and then you just obey him and then things will be like fine[...] or like he doesn't really mean the things like he did and like, I don't really—she, she won't like really say that the things that he did is like wrong but she also like, I don't know, I think she kind of understands that she is like also like in denial about it and she thinks it's easier to stay and to work out a different solution." This reflects a common coping mechanism within the family, where problematic behaviors are rationalized or dismissed to maintain harmony, often at the expense of confronting the underlying issues. In other situations, it is also the survivors were trying to protect their family by not disclosing their SVSH experience, as one described their experience: “ because one of my grandmother also got diagnosed with cancer. So they were also dealing with their own issues...so I didn't want to burden them with more things.” Cultural norms heavily influenced perceptions of relationships and personal boundaries. Growing up in a “ conservative” Asian household often meant that topics related to sex and relationships were taboo. Participants reflected that there was a lack of understanding and communication about healthy relationships and boundaries. Participants expressed that the heavy stigma surrounding sexuality led to significant mental punishment and social pressure, making her feel isolated and out of place within their home. “Um, and it came it came to me from a very early age, almost in my teenage years, where I was told or I was punished by my mom if I wear if I wore a certain kind of clothes, um, stand or sit too close to men, or even discuss questions about my body parts, which I genuinely did not know and wanted to have that kind of knowledge... but the stigma of sexuality is so heavy that the mental punishment or social pressure really push me to a corner that I feel that I might be one of the few that do not belong to the culture.” Impact of gendered microaggression, racism, and fetishization Racial discrimination played a significant role in how the study participants were perceived and treated. There was a common stereotype experienced by study participants that people perceive Asians did not stand their ground or speak up against injustices. This perception led to dismissive attitudes toward study participants experiences of racism and inequality, including in the workplace where disparities and discrimination were often downplayed. Such stereotypes further contributed to the marginalization of SVSH victims/survivors, making it harder for them to advocate for themselves. For example, some participants noted that others believed, " you guys don't even experience racism. You are paid just as much as white people. You shouldn't be complaining. " The downplay of racism for Asian student victims/survivors minimized the real struggles they faced, including those related to SVSH, and perpetuated a culture of silence and normalization around these issues. Participants’ observation of “ Asian fever " pointed directly to a problematic aspect of racism against Asian women: fetishization. This term described the exoticization and objectification of individuals based on their racial or ethnic characteristics. When one was attracted to another solely because one’s racial features, it reduced person’s identity to a stereotype. The experiences of Asian victims/survivors of SVSH revealed the layers of objectification and fetishization that stem from racial stereotypes. One participant shared: “I also realize a lot of things, such as they have what they call ‘Asian fever.’ Some of them explicitly admitted that they love being with Asian women because I always look like a teenager, even though I am in my early thirties.” Internalized discrimination and learned helplessness were recurring themes in the interviews. One student expressed, " I've always felt like I don’t deserve help because of how society views us Asians." Another shared, " I've internalized so much negativity about being Asian that I often feel helpless and don’t believe things will change." This sense of helplessness can prevent survivors from seeking out support services or believing that their situation can improve. The experiences of Asian women navigating the world were addressed by another participant who shared, "Because as an Asian woman, we have to navigate in a world as like we have to make sure the coast is clear. Like I carry a panic alarm in my pocket, pepper spray. I got a dog. Like these things that like I don't think a lot of people who are not in our position have to consider like." This statement reflects the heightened vigilance and precautionary measures that Asian women may feel compelled to adopt, a reality shaped by both cultural expectations and broader societal challenges. The results also reveal a recurring tension between cultural expectations and personal agency among Asian women, who often struggle with the pressure to be “ passive ” and “protected ”. Participants describe the rarity and surprise when an Asian woman asserts her boundaries, challenging the stereotype that they should be “ submissive ”. These narratives highlight the societal discomfort with women who defy traditional gender roles, especially in cultures that prioritize protection over self-advocacy, in addition to the gendered-microaggression against Asian women. The internal conflict between asserting autonomy and conforming to cultural norms underscores the broader challenge for women, particularly from minority backgrounds, in navigating their identities. Stigma around mental health services Participants discussed the cultural stigma against seeking mental health services, particularly within East Asian communities. One participant explained how East Asian culture is perceived to be “not expressive” and tend to be “very subtle." They highlighted how crying and open emotional expression were seen as unacceptable, leading individuals to internalize their feelings. This cultural norm affected their experiences with therapy, as they struggled to express emotions openly even when feeling upset or depressed. One undergraduate participant shared: "I've had times in therapy with white therapists... where I haven't like, I've like been really upset and I'm like, Oh, and like really feeling this right now. But I'm not to the point of crying and just letting all my emotions out in front of someone. And that's just not how I grew up with my parents." This cultural stigma and fear of judgment contributed to participants delaying seeking professional help. One undergraduate student explained: "I had support through my friends...I didn't really like ever talk about it with my family because, being Asian, it's so weird to bring that up. I started to go to therapy for it at [university campus], but previously I didn't go to therapy for it because this is kind of weird to talk about in general, like even to bring up to my family, let alone like a therapist. I wish I'd gone [to therapy] earlier." This issue is further reinforced by the family attitudes, where many of these students grew up with parents who did not acknowledge or believe in mental health issues, creating an environment where discussing feelings was not safe. Student survivors mentioned how there is “ no vocabulary” for mental health in these families meant that complex emotions and mental health struggles were often dismissed as either "crazy " or nonexistent by their families. This lack of understanding of mental health often was attributed to the Asian cultural norms. One participant noted, "In our culture, we don’t talk about these things [mental health issues] openly. It's considered taboo." This cultural barrier not only prevents survivors from receiving emotional support from their families but also perpetuates ignorance and stigma surrounding SVSH. The lack of open dialogue about these issues means that survivors are often left to navigate their trauma alone, without the necessary familial support that could aid their healing process. Some participants mentioned: “I am super open about like different things and I don't mind talking about them, but I'm not generally open about mental health or sex. My mom found out, I was back in 11th grade, that I was depressed…I took a depression test online and I checked all the boxes. I was depressed, and I was also practicing self-harm. My mom found out, but she didn't know what to do about it... And we brought it up in a dinner conversation once and we never talked about it ever again. I feel like mental health issues in my family kind of just slide by like, just get through it, but you get through it like, it's like not discussed...” “Because as I grew up, I was always sort of doing things alone because, you know, like immigrant parents, they didn't really understand everything that, I think, they don't understand, like mental health issues or things like that. They don't really believe in them. “ Participants also highlighted the broader cultural emphasis on self-reliance, with one stating, "Asian culture is kind of just to like, deal with things yourself, like not be openly expressive about a lot of things." This reinforces the idea that emotional self-management is a valued trait, further discouraging open discussions about consent and emotional needs. Impact of immigration and multi-cultural background Navigating and adjusting to multiple cultural norms Participants described the complexity of navigating different cultures, across ethnic identities, intergenerational and cross-national cultural differences. The mixed experiences of identities and cultures impose both pride and challenges. A participant who identified as mixed-race shared their internal conflict about belonging, stating, " Being mixed, I feel like I don't completely belong there like some people can speak the language fluently and I don't, I can't really do that ." They expressed feelings of self-doubt regarding their cultural identity, adding, " Sometimes I have like a conflict inside of me about who I am as a person and if I'm Filipino enough or if I'm Asian enough, because being raised in America, it's kind of like I've been whitewashed a little bit. " This sentiment highlights the complexity of navigating multiple cultural identities and the challenges of feeling fully accepted in either culture. Another participant, born and raised in the U.S., described feeling deeply connected to American culture. They shared, " I was born and raised here so I feel much like American, like American culture. I never have been outside the U.S." Despite their strong identification with American culture, they also felt a strong sense of pride in their heritage and accommodated to the differences among their family members. The participants elaborated, "t hough I do feel like I have my heritage and I'm very proud of that as well, especially, being close to my grandparents and having certain traditions and, you know, hearing different languages at home. " However, participants often experience being assumed as foreigners due to their appearance. An undergraduate participant explained, " it feels still very weird when people assume that ... almost as if they see me as a foreigner. I've been born and raised here, and I speak English. You don't need to ask me, ‘Do you speak English?" This experience underscores the tension between their strong American identity and the external perceptions that challenge it. Regarding discrimination, participants experience varies across geo-locations. Larger cities are described as more diverse and inclusive, compared to relatively smaller or more rural areas. One Asian international student remarked on the diversity of their city, sharing, " a lot of times people don't know that I'm an international student, you know, [the city] is so diverse." However, they also acknowledged that their unfamiliarity with the culture initially made social interactions challenging. Another participant mentioned, " I didn't know how close you can stand after someone, like how much distance should be maintained when you're talking to someone or if you're standing in line." This new cultural environment and norms sometimes prevented them from recognizing potentially inappropriate situations. Another participant compared party and drug cultures between the US and India, observing, " Parties are definitely different. I feel in India they're like a little milder and, I guess the drug scene is also like more mild in India." Impact of immigration background and intergenerational trauma The fear of deportation emerged as a significant barrier to reporting sexual violence and sexual harassment (SVSH) incidents among Asian female students with an immigration background. This fear stems from concerns about legal vulnerabilities tied to their or their family's immigration status. One interviewee shared, " I was afraid to go to the authorities because I thought they might find out about my family’s immigration status and deport us." This sense of insecurity was echoed by another student who said, " My parents always warned me not to attract any attention to our family because of our visa situation ." For many Asian immigrant students, the fear of jeopardizing their family's legal standing in the U.S. creates a paralyzing tension between seeking justice and self-preservation. As a result, survivors may choose silence over action, believing that reporting could lead to dire consequences beyond their personal trauma. This fear not only discourages survivors from seeking legal recourse but also limits their access to critical support services, further isolating them in their experiences and exacerbating the emotional and psychological toll of SVSH incidents. One student survivor mentioned how it impacted their help-seeking behaviors: I think I was just real scared about everything, like, and this I know it sounds very silly right now, but a part of me was also like, I don't know, I don't want to get into trouble. I don't want to get deported, or like, which is like, I know it's silly now, but like I was just very scared when I came in [to report the incident]. Another consequence of immigration is a lack of understanding of racial dynamics, which can lead to difficulty in recognizing racism. One interviewee remarked, " I didn’t realize the way people treated me was because of my race until much later." Another shared, " It took me a long time to understand that the microaggressions I faced were actually racial discrimination ." This delayed recognition can hinder the ability of survivors to understand and articulate their experiences, affecting their help-seeking behavior and their ability to process their trauma. One participant described their hesitancy to label an experience as racism, despite sensing that “something was wrong”: “I think I was just scared of like naming it, like in my head, I knew that there was something going on, but I was scared of, like, calling it racism it just felt like a very strong word to use and, and I went to therapy about it and like, my therapist would make me realize, like, you know, like here, like this might be racially motivated like, I remember talking to my therapist about this, and the first question he asked me was, what's the race of your roommate? " Language barriers were consistently identified as a major challenge for Asian international students. One participant shared, " It was hard to find support services that could understand me because I wasn’t fluent in English." Another mentioned, "I felt misunderstood and frustrated because I couldn’t express my feelings properly." The lack of language support services can leave survivors feeling isolated and misunderstood, further deterring them from seeking assistance. This barrier highlights the need for culturally and linguistically appropriate services to support survivors more effectively. Assimilation, model minority myth, and academic pressure The participants in this study described a complex and often emotionally taxing experience of “ assimilation ”, exacerbated by the pressures tied to the “ model minority myth ” and the challenge of disclosing personal struggles, particularly regarding mental health issues related to SVSH victimization. A common theme was the intense academic pressure many faced from a young age, largely driven by parental expectations. As one participant reflected: "There was a lot of pressure to perform well academically growing up. Literally my whole life." The student survivors noted that while their parents had good intentions, they may not have fully understood " the societal difference between the States and [home country]" making the pressure even more challenging to navigate their conflicting identities – balancing expectations at home with those at school and in broader society. Although this parental pressure for academic excellence contributed to their academic success, participants acknowledged the significant emotional toll it took, expressing a " conflicted gratitude " for the benefits it brought. The emphasis on external achievement in effort to assimilate into U.S. society often led to learned behaviors of dealing with their pain in isolation, leaving them unable to disclose their SVSH experiences to even trusted individuals or seek the help they need. One undergraduate survivor shared: “My attitude toward education used to be very extreme, almost as the only way of survival. Um, and yes, of course, it works as a huge motivation for me to success academically. But the downside of it is I tend to either avoid or put myself out of touch what the reality, especially when it comes to interpersonal relationships or most of the time intimate relationship. Participants also shared how stereotypes about being Asian, shaped their academic and career trajectories, perpetuating a cycle of pressure to excel. As one participant put it, "You have to have straight A's, be a doctor or a lawyer. That mindset was ingrained in me—perform, have a high GPA, go to a great grad school, get a prestigious job." The stress of manifested not only through pressure of academic achievements but also through the pressure to appear more “ white. ” Many participants described feeling the need to " whitewash " themselves to fit in with their predominantly white peers, which significantly impacted their self-image. Participants who grew up in such a community made them constantly compare themselves to white people, even leading them to " be white" as children. The need to assimilate and gain validation from white peers often created a sense of internal conflict and self-loathing, as participants distanced themselves from accepting their identities. Compounding these struggles was the difficulty in disclosing mental health issues. Participants expressed reluctance to seek help, believing they had to manage their challenges on their own. This sense of self-reliance was influenced by the fact that many grew up feeling responsible for helping their first-generation immigrant parents navigate social systems in U.S. society, which left them prioritize their families’ needs over their own well-being. Consequently, they felt isolated in dealing with their emotional pain, particularly when it came to addressing the impact of SVSH victimization. One participant expressed how they expect oneself to behave when handling trauma: "I wanted to be this person who didn’t need anyone’s help, who could deal with things on my own." Even though overtime Asian students start recognizing " there’s nothing wrong with seeking help ," they felt it was still “ easier ” to keep their struggles to themselves than to explain their experience of SVSH to others. This hesitation in changing help-seeking patterns was reinforced by the cultural and familial dynamics they grew up with, including unresolved personal traumas and dysfunctional family relationships that further complicated their ability to navigate intimate and interpersonal relationships as adults. One participant shared how this mindset impacted her personal life: “I was I was almost blinded by the fact that I grew up with a dysfunctional family. So I did not have a good model of how a man should behave and that effects my self-esteem as well. Because my dad keeps neglecting me and I had to constantly try my best by any means to get his approval, attention, and love… So on the other hand, I thought, "I have all kind of freedom to date and behave however I want to. But on the other side, the fact that the only the endless need for love and the the , uh, distorted pattern of all concepts about a healthy relationship makes me tend to be in toxic relationship with men who either emotionally manipulated me or even sex solely taken advantage. These factors—the pressure to meet the expectations of the model minority myth, the emotional strain of assimilation and seeking external approval, and the reluctance to disclose their struggles—combined to create a complex and isolating experience for the participants. Discussion The qualitative findings from interviews with Asian female students who are sexual violence survivors illuminate the deeply rooted influence of family culture, immigration background, and racial discrimination on their experiences and help-seeking behaviors. Participants reported that familial and societal pressures often discouraged them from disclosing their experiences due to concerns about bringing shame upon their families. ( 24 ) This aligns with Futa et al.’s research, which found that Asian family structures, particularly those influenced by Confucian values, prioritize family honor over individual well-being. ( 24 ) Many participants also shared their experience of being directly discouraged by female relatives from reporting, reinforcing cycles of silence and self-blame. Similar to previous studies, this internalized self-blame not only contributed to psychological distress but also acted as a long-term barrier to seeking help or engaging with campus resources. ( 25 ) Immigration status added another layer of vulnerability, particularly for international students, who expressed deep fears of deportation and legal repercussions, which prevented them from accessing formal support systems. ( 20 ) This reflects the similar themes noted in Lai et al.’s work, which highlights how international students often have limited awareness of their legal rights under Title IX, compounded by language barriers and a lack of culturally competent services. ( 32 ) Many participants felt isolated and unsure of where to seek help, and for some, their immigration status created additional concerns about navigating legal systems. Without clear outreach efforts that proactively inform international students about their protections, survivors are left to navigate their trauma alone, often with inaccurate or incomplete knowledge of available resources. Another key barrier to disclosure and support-seeking was the model minority myth, which minimizes the struggles of Asian students and falsely assumes they do not experience significant adversity. ( 13 – 15 ) This stereotype obscures the gendered and racialized experiences of Asian female students, particularly in relation to racial fetishization, gendered microaggressions, and heightened academic expectations. In a previous study, Bryant-Davis et al. found that Asian women are among the least likely to report sexual violence, with cultural conditioning and immigration-related fears playing significant roles in their reluctance. ( 20 ) These findings further reinforce the need for specialized, culturally informed interventions that acknowledge the unique intersections of race, gender, and immigration status in the experiences of Asian survivors. To address the barriers, it is imperative for universities to develop comprehensive, culturally competent SVSH policies that are tailored to the needs of Asian female students and other marginalized populations. Given that many survivors were unaware of their rights or feared institutional retaliation, universities should implement multilingual outreach programs to ensure that international students understand their protections under Title IX. This should include translated materials, culturally specific workshops, and peer-led support programs that make information more accessible and relevant to this population. Additionally, campus counseling services must be expanded to include bilingual counselors and culturally trained mental health professionals who can address trauma within the context of Asian familial and cultural dynamics. The stigma against mental health support was a recurring theme in participant narratives, with many describing how mental health concerns were dismissed within their families or framed as a personal failure rather than a legitimate need. This highlights the need for counseling models that recognize the familial and cultural pressures affecting Asian survivors’ mental health. Universities must also strengthen partnerships with community-based organizations that specialize in Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) support services. Expanding legal assistance for survivors with precarious immigration statuses and ensuring access to culturally specific healing practices—such as collective storytelling, intergenerational dialogue, and traditional wellness approaches—can significantly improve the campus climate for Asian female survivors. Beyond structural improvements, the findings call for a cultural shift in how universities address SVSH among Asian students. The model minority myth must be explicitly challenged in both research and campus policy, ensuring that the struggles of Asian survivors are neither ignored nor minimized. Universities should actively engage Asian student organizations and cultural groups to break the stigma around discussing sexual violence and mental health, fostering open and honest dialogue that empowers survivors to seek help without fear of judgment. The results also emphasize the need for faculty and staff training on the unique barriers that Asian female survivors face. Campus police, student affairs professionals, and Title IX coordinators should undergo culturally responsive training to better understand how issues like filial piety, family honor, and immigration fears impact survivors’ willingness to report and seek services. Without these considerations, many students will continue to be overlooked by institutional support systems, further reinforcing cycles of silence and trauma. Strengths and limitations There were several limitations in the study worth discussion. Due to the use of convenience sampling, there was increased number of participants from three UC campuses: UC Los Angeles, Berkeley, and San Diego campuses. The available resources and campus culture may be different at relatively smaller institutions. Campus student clubs and organizations were contacted, primarily via social media, to spread awareness of the study. This may have limited how ethnic minority students were contacted and potentially led to selection bias. Considering experiences differ greatly across racial and ethnic subgroups, disaggregation of the data is necessary to understand how experiences may differ for Pacific Islander and subgroups of Asian-identifying students. Furthermore, factors such as stigma and shame may have also prevented participation from Asian student-survivors that hold elevated stigma against SVSH, sex-related topics, and mental health. While members of the LGBTQAI + community were included in the study, further research is necessary to comparatively investigate the implications of the intersectionality of various sexual and gender identities on help-seeking behavior and access to resources. Further research within this field is imperative. We must gain a deeper understand how the effects of SVSH differ across the Asian diaspora and the implications on minoritized groups. Improving preventative campus measures and resources is vital, which can be aided through greater investigation into which methods are most helpful for students of different identities. Mandated education reform that is guided by research and data can allow for better utilization of resources and increase campus perceptions of available support that serve diverse student bodies. Overall, the current study provides the basis for increased understanding of how survivors sense of identity and belonging affects their experiences of SVSH. Conclusion The findings from this study highlight that addressing SVSH in Asian student populations requires a multidimensional approach that accounts for cultural, psychological, and structural barriers. By integrating culturally competent policies, expanding outreach to international students, and actively challenging racialized stereotypes, universities can create inclusive, survivor-centered environments where Asian female students feel empowered to seek support. Higher education institutions must proactively engage with these findings to ensure that campus policies reflect the realities of survivors’ experiences, fostering an academic climate that is safe, equitable, and responsive to the needs of all students. Declarations Ethics approval The study protocol was approved by the University of California, Los Angeles Institutional Review Board (IRB#21-000149). All participants provided informed consent prior to participation in the study. Informed consent was obtained verbally or in writing, as appropriate, to ensure confidentiality and participant comfort. Consent for publication Not applicable. Availability of data and materials The datasets generated and analyzed during the current study are not publicly available due to confidentiality and ethical restrictions but are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request. Competing interests The authors declare that they have no competing interests. Funding This research was supported by AAPI Data, Institutional Courage Grant, UCLA Asian American Studies Center, UCLA Racial and Social Justice Grant, and UC Global Health Institute. The funding bodies had no role in the study design, data collection, analysis, interpretation, or manuscript preparation. Authors’ contributions Jianchao Lai : Conceptualized and designed the study, developed the analytical methodology, collected data, led data analysis, and led in writing, reviewing, and editing. Eunhee Park : Conceptualized and designed the study, collected data, assisted in data analysis, and contributed to writing, reviewing, and editing. Jenny Lee : Assisted in data analysis and cross-validation, and contributed to writing, reviewing, and editing. Rhea Gandhi : Assisted in data collection and analysis, and contributed to writing, reviewing, and editing. Jennifer Wagman : Supervised the study, secured funding, and contributed to reviewing and editing. All authors read and approved the final manuscript. Acknowledgments The authors thank the participants for sharing their experiences and insights. We also acknowledge the research assistants and community partners who contributed to the data collection and analysis. References Steele B, Martin M, Sciarra A, Melendez-Torres GJ, Degli Esposti M, Humphreys DK. The Prevalence of Sexual Assault Among Higher Education Students: A Systematic Review With Meta-Analyses. Trauma Violence Abuse. 2024 Jul;25(3):1885–98. Gómez JM. 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The Model Minority Student: Asian American Students and the Relationships Between Acculturation to Western Values, Family Pressures, and Mental Health Concerns. Tsong Y, Ullman SE. Asian American Women Sexual Assault Survivors’ Choice of Coping Strategies: The Role of Post-Assault Cognitive Responses. Women Ther. 2018;41(3–4):298–315. Lim S, Park O, Mohaimin S, Lee C, Lee S, Chauhan D, et al. Non-Partner Sexual Violence Among Asian American, Native Hawaiian, and Pacific Islander Adults: A Scoping Review. Trauma Violence Abuse. 2023 Jul;24(3):1818–31. Tan G. Asian Americans in Today’s U.S. Higher Education: An Overview of Their Challenges and Recommendations for Practitioners. Journal of Student Affairs, New York University. 2019;15:7–17. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Sexual Violence Prevention. 2024 [cited 2024 Oct 8]. About Sexual Violence. Available from: https://www.cdc.gov/sexual-violence/about/index.html Bryant-Davis T, Chung H, Tillman S. From the Margins to the Center: Ethnic Minority Women and the Mental Health Effects of Sexual Assault. Trauma, Violence, & Abuse. 2009 Oct 1;10(4):330–57. Thompson NJ, McGee RE, Mays D. Race, Ethnicity, Substance Use, and Unwanted Sexual Intercourse among Adolescent Females in the United States. West J Emerg Med. 2012 Aug;13(3):283–8. O’Connor J. The Longitudinal Effects of Rape Myth Beliefs and Rape Proclivity. Psychol Men Masc. 2021;22(2):321–30. De Schrijver L, Fomenko E, Krahé B, Roelens K, Vander Beken T, Keygnaert I. Minority Identity, Othering-Based Stress, and Sexual Violence. Int J Environ Res Public Health. 2022 Apr 1;19(7):4221. Futa KT, Hsu E, Hansen DJ. Child sexual abuse in Asian American families: An examination of cultural factors that influence prevalence, identification, and treatment. Clinical Psychology: Science and Practice. 2001;8(2):189–209. Yeon-Shim Lee, Linda Hadeed. Intimate Partner Violence Among Asian Immigrant Communities [Internet]. Vol. 10. 2009 [cited 2024 Oct 9]. Available from: https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/epdf/10.1177/1524838009334130 Ko Ling Chan. Sexual violence against women and children in Chinese societies. Trauma Violence Abuse. 2009 Jan;10(1):69–85. General (US) O of the S, Services (US) C for MH, Health (US) NI of M. Chapter 5 Mental Health Care for Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders. In: Mental Health: Culture, Race, and Ethnicity: A Supplement to Mental Health: A Report of the Surgeon General [Internet]. Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (US); 2001 [cited 2024 Oct 9]. Available from: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK44245/ Kanukollu SN, Mahalingam R. The Idealized Cultural Identities Model on Help-Seeking and Child Sexual Abuse: A Conceptual Model for Contextualizing Perceptions and Experiences of South Asian Americans. Journal of Child Sexual Abuse. 2011 Mar 24;20(2):218–43. Cai J, Lee RM. Intergenerational Communication about Historical Trauma in Asian American Families. Advers Resil Sci. 2022;3(3):233–45. Patel RA, Nagata DK. Historical Trauma and Descendants’ Well-Being. AMA Journal of Ethics. 2021 Jun 1;23(6):487–93. Bonar EE, DeGue S, Abbey A, Coker AL, Lindquist CH, McCauley HL, et al. Prevention of sexual violence among college students: Current challenges and future directions. J Am Coll Health. 2022;70(2):575–88. J L, E P, Cj A, Sc B, R FM, D S, et al. “They Don’t See Us”: Asian Students’ Perceptions of Sexual Violence and Sexual Harassment on Three California Public University Campuses. Journal of interpersonal violence [Internet]. 2024 Aug [cited 2024 Oct 9];39(15–16). Available from: https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/38470066/ Li X, Gu X, Ariyo T, Jiang Q. Understanding, Experience, and Response Strategies to Sexual Harassment Among Chinese College Students. J Interpers Violence. 2023 Feb 1;38(3–4):2337–59. Park E, Lai J, Gandhi R, Lee J, Massey A, Logan M, et al. Double Jeopardy Study Protocol: Mixed-Methods Study to Understand ANHPI College Students at the Intersection of Sexual Violence and Anti-Asian Racism After COVID-19 [Internet]. Research Square; 2024 [cited 2024 Dec 11]. Available from: https://www.researchsquare.com/article/rs-5272796/v1 Braun V, Clarke V. Using thematic analysis in psychology. Qualitative Research in Psychology [Internet]. 2006 Jan 1 [cited 2024 Dec 11]; Available from: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1191/1478088706qp063oa Charmaz, Kathy. Constructing Grounded Theory: A Practical Guide Through Qualitative Analysis [Internet]. S. N. Hesse-Biber&P. Leavy. New York: The Guilford Press; 2012 [cited 2024 Dec 11]. Available from: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/224927524_Constructing_Grounded_Theory_A_Practical_Guide_Through_Qualitative_Analysis Additional Declarations The authors declare no competing interests. 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Also discoverable on Platform About Our Team In Review Editorial Policies Advisory Board Help Center Resources Author Services Accessibility API Access RSS feed Manage Cookie Preferences © Research Square 2026 | ISSN 2693-5015 (online) Privacy Policy Terms of Service Do Not Sell My Personal Information {"props":{"pageProps":{"initialData":{"identity":"rs-6075828","acceptedTermsAndConditions":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"archivedVersions":[],"articleType":"Research Article","associatedPublications":[],"authors":[{"id":424831748,"identity":"f5698629-4a96-4559-a4d9-e68972c6f752","order_by":0,"name":"Jianchao 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03:53:09","currentVersionCode":1,"declarations":{"humanSubjects":false,"vertebrateSubjects":false,"conflictsOfInterestStatement":false,"humanSubjectEthicalGuidelines":false,"humanSubjectConsent":false,"humanSubjectClinicalTrial":false,"humanSubjectCaseReport":false,"vertebrateSubjectEthicalGuidelines":false},"doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-6075828/v1","doiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-6075828/v1","draftVersion":[],"editorialEvents":[],"editorialNote":"","failedWorkflow":false,"files":[{"id":77948941,"identity":"a9c3c217-a031-4701-9f04-dde0aa7fb6b1","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-03-07 07:02:49","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":828374,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-6075828/v1/954c95ea-05d0-42cb-a9d4-e6167336f33c.pdf"}],"financialInterests":"The authors declare no competing interests.","formattedTitle":"Navigating Silence: Cultural, Familial, and Immigration Influences on the Sexual Violence Experiences of Asian Female College Students in the University of California System","fulltext":[{"header":"Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003eSexual violence is a highly pervasive public health issue, particularly on college and university campuses, impacting nearly 1 in every 5 female-identifying students.(\u003cspan citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1\u003c/span\u003e) Little is known about culturally appropriate and accessible services for racial minority student-survivors of sexual violence and sexual harassment (SVSH), who have been found to be disproportionally impacted.(\u003cspan additionalcitationids=\"CR3\" citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2\u003c/span\u003e\u0026ndash;\u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e4\u003c/span\u003e) Since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic and stay-at-home orders, the risk for SVSH was increased due to isolation, particularly intimate partner violence (IPV).(\u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e5\u003c/span\u003e)\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIntersecting factors make sexual assault increasingly prevalent on college campuses.(\u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e6\u003c/span\u003e) Survivor-focused research has identified effective training to be lacking in higher education, leading to poor understanding of what qualifies as SVSH and under-utilization of resources.(\u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e7\u003c/span\u003e) This is compounded by the lack of physical and mental healthcare resources, preventative campus-wide initiatives, and a large-scale fear of reporting to the institution.(\u003cspan additionalcitationids=\"CR9 CR10\" citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e8\u003c/span\u003e\u0026ndash;\u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e11\u003c/span\u003e) The campus culture and climate around discussion of SVSH can also be particularly stigmatizing for students of gender and sexual minorities.(\u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e12\u003c/span\u003e)\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eHelp-seeking barriers are often magnified for Asian American, Native Hawaiian, and Pacific Islander (AANHPI) survivors, who navigate unique cultural stigmas that hinder access to support. The \u0026ldquo;model minority\u0026rdquo; myth fosters a damaging narrative that downplays their need for assistance while intensifying societal and familial pressure to prioritize external expectations over personal well-being.(\u003cspan additionalcitationids=\"CR14\" citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e13\u003c/span\u003e\u0026ndash;\u003cspan citationid=\"CR15\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e15\u003c/span\u003e) Coping mechanisms shaped by cultural norms and intergenerational dynamics can further complicate healing journeys, leaving many survivors without adequate resources.(\u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e16\u003c/span\u003e) To address these gaps, it is critical to examine the social, historical, and cultural factors that influence the lived experiences of Asian survivors.(\u003cspan citationid=\"CR17\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e17\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e18\u003c/span\u003e) This study situates the experiences of Asian female student-survivors within a broader context, exploring how factors such as anti-Asian discrimination, gendered microaggressions, and xenophobia intersect with histories of immigration and cultural identity. These complex influences underscore the importance of understanding the unique challenges facing this population, as informed by the historical and cultural narratives that shape their social realities.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Literature Review","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eEffects of SVSH on women of ethnic minorities\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe prevalence of SVSH is more common among specific groups than others due to a unique combination of factors such as gender, race, socioeconomic status, citizenship, and more than place these individuals at risk.(19) More than half of women have experienced SVSH in their lifetime, in particular women of racial and ethnic minority backgrounds carry the highest burden.(19) Thirty-nine percent of non-Hispanic American Indian women, 30% of non-Hispanic Black women, and 15% of Latinx women report having experienced SVSH in their lifetime.(20) Additionally, another study found African American women having the highest likelihood of forced sexual intercourse, while Asian women having the lowest likelihood.(21) Despite the known statistics, there remains little research for Asian women in relation to SVSH. In the few studies that captured this information, reporting among Asian American women was one of the lowest. This largely stems from limited understanding of SVSH, high acceptance of rape myths\u0026mdash;false beliefs about sexual assault\u0026mdash;and negative attitudes toward sexual violence survivors.(20,22) Previous research has presented differential risk factors based on race and ethnicity. For example, American Indian women tend to be at higher risk for SVSH if dependent on alcohol, have high tribal identity, and/or have been victimized previously.(20) Latinx women face their own set of risk factors, including unemployment, poverty, and fear of deportation, all of which have increased their susceptibility to intimate partner violence.(20) One specific factor which often is described as the \u0026ldquo;othering-based stress\u0026rdquo; (also known as minority stress) is found to be positively associated with SVSH among minorities as it impacts coping mechanisms and help-seeking behaviors. This type of stress, exhibited by individuals who are seen as \u0026ldquo;different\u0026rdquo; through stigma and distancing, requires an individual who is \u0026ldquo;othered\u0026rdquo; to navigate situations with additional effort.(23) As a result of SVSH, survivors may exhibit a spectrum of negative physical injuries and mental health outcomes such as lowered self-esteem, depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, substance use, and suicidal ideation.(20) \u003c/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAsian family culture\u003c/strong\u003e \u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eEastern and Western culture both play a large role in understanding an individual\u0026apos;s role and expectation in relation to their family, which impacts their ability to identify, report, and cope with SVSH.(24) Asian culture values harmony with the external environment, meaning an individual must prioritize conforming and the greater collective \u0026ndash; as opposed to an individualistic and tunnel-visioned mindset.(24) Confucianism explains many of these ideologies as it informs many Asian principals of human relations, social structures, and governance.(25) To preserve a harmonious family, shame, self-restraint, and suffering are all expected of Asian family members as the needs of the group precede those of an individual.(25) For example, Asian families may be more reluctant to disclose a SVSH incident as it may be shameful and does not benefit the collective.(24) As such, the individual is expected to \u0026ldquo;suffer in silence\u0026rdquo; to preserve the family image. The family structure is shaped by gender and age hierarchies in which elders and males hold a higher status in the family as opposed to younger individuals and females.(24) In line with patriarchy, Asian families expect girls are raised to be subordinates, while boys are educated to exert power.(25,26) A woman\u0026rsquo;s husband, father, and son are all central to her identity.(26) This is described as filial piety, and in some research seen as a protective factor as theoretically people practicing should avoid familial conflict at all costs to preserve unity.(26) Whereas Western culture may revere an individual\u0026rsquo;s initiative and assertiveness, Asian culture expects an individual to stay away from standing out and instead follow the middle-position virtue \u0026ndash; the ability to blend in with others and become inconspicuous.(26) This virtue, along with the hierarchies experienced by Asian family members, makes it difficult for women to report SVSH and place Asian women in particular, at risk.(24) Members of Asian households have become skilled at avoiding dissonance within the family using \u0026ldquo;loss of face\u0026rdquo;, a social concept of shame, as a method of enforcement.(24) \u003c/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eEffects of Asian immigration history \u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eImmigration from Asia to the United States (US) was highly conditional and served as the basis for what we now describe as the Model Minority Myth (MMM). The first individuals to emigrate to America were from China. While the first recorded Chinese individuals came as early as the late 1700s for trade and educational missions, gold in California attracted large numbers of Chinese immigrants in the mid to late 1800s.(27) Immigrants from Japan had also moved to Hawaii for opportunities to work in the sugar plantations.(27) As a result of the overwhelming influx of Asian immigrants, the US government began to pass laws to restrict their freedoms and dissuade immigration.(28) The Alien Land Law of 1913 prohibited immigrants from owning and leasing land in California, while the Immigration Act of 1917 barred Asian Indian immigrants specifically from entering the United States.(28) The Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 limited admission of unskilled workers, with the Gentleman\u0026rsquo;s Agreement extending this provision to Korean and Japanese immigrants.(27) One way to circumvent these restrictions was through the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965, which allowed individuals with professional backgrounds or specialized skills to immigrate to the US.(28) This sparks the beginning of the MMM, in which Asians living in the US are viewed as educated professionals and \u0026ldquo;model\u0026rdquo; citizens. On the exterior, many Asian immigrants saw this as a source of their pride \u0026ndash; an indicator of assimilation and no longer feeling \u0026ldquo;othered\u0026rdquo;.(28) Under the surface, it encouraged silencing of problems and conflict with the dominant culture as a means to meet American expectations.(28) This highly influences Asian help-seeking behaviors and reporting rates of sexual violence. Studies have shown that Asian immigrant women are less likely to report abuse or receive preventive care and treatment services due to numerous barriers (e.g., culture, language, institutional).(25) This demographic\u0026rsquo;s lack of utilization of formal services (e.g., women\u0026rsquo;s shelters, police, hospitals) are also impacted by their internalization of patriarchal norms and their desire to avoid conflict.(25) Immigration plays a large role in shaping one\u0026rsquo;s response to sexual violence, particularly for Asian women.\u003c/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eThe impact of historical and intergenerational trauma in Asian families\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eHistorical trauma and intergenerational trauma, although used interchangeably by many, have very different meanings. Historical trauma refers to the political structures that oppress indigenous, immigrant, and other marginalized groups, effectively perpetuating health disparities.(29) \u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWar, political turbulence, and scarcity of resources were root causes for the wave of migration from Asia to the United States.(29) These events left lasting wounds on individuals both mentally and physically, but also between Asian American families across generations. Instances in which families communicated about these traumatic experiences were few and far between.(29) Silence to avoid discussion negatively impacts the Asian parent-child relationship, especially because trauma is typically used during conflicts or arguments to shame and discipline children.(29) For example, parents who allude to their trauma in reference to the privilege and ease their children have in the United States.(29) One study observed Japanese Americans parents and their conversation with their parents surrounding internment camps. Withholding sharing as an attempt to protect their children, often resulted in loss of identity, family history, and self-consciousness of a child\u0026rsquo;s ethnicity.(30) This use of historical trauma manifests into intergenerational trauma, when it is passed onto the next generation in a way that does not promote positive outcomes.(29) On the other hand, communication through conversations, storytelling and shared narratives can allow space for collective resilience.(29) These types of communications typically affect connectedness between parents and children, as well as children\u0026apos;s emotional well-being.(30) There has been little research done on how these types of trauma relate to SVSH outcomes among Asians. However, silence as a practice of avoidance and a result of shame, discourages Asian individuals from speaking out. \u003c/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAsian college students and SVSH \u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eStudents on college campuses are highly at risk for sexual violence. This risk is exacerbated through decreased parental presence, increased alcohol use, increased sexual activity, and exposure to peer norms.(31) Females 18 to 24 year old have the highest rate of sexual violence victimization compared to females of other ages, with 81% of victims experience a first rape before age 25.(31) Although Asian and Pacific Islander students appear to be at the lowest risk when viewing data by race/ethnicity,(31) reporting relevant statistics for this demographic be potentially biased due to certain unique challenges raised by their culture. This difficulty stems from influence of family culture, shame and stigma from peers, and the role of media and educational opportunities.(32) Family often reinforced their beliefs in SVSH victims having to bear the responsibility of their experiences, coupled with limited communication between their parents/guardians.(32) Communication regarding these topics often came up in conversations with their peers, with their first exposure to SVSH education often being college orientations.(32) Asian students also took to the internet and media to learn more about SVSH, ways to identify it and how to self-care.(32) The internet can be a helpful tool, however it can be difficult to distinguish between misinformation and fact. The different types of harassment and violence also had varying degrees of internalization among this demographic. For more overt and obvious types of harassment, such as physical, Asian students understood this to be SVSH. However, verbal and visual sexual harassment was (e.g., being shown a pornographic image without consent, obscene jokes) was less considered to SVSH. As a result, we can presume that reporting among these students would more often than not, be impacted by beliefs and internalization of SVSH.(33) Particularly, Asian international students often felt confused on terminology and the concepts of Title IX. Training and workshops on SVSH often overlooked these potential challenges, instead of turning them into opportunities.(32) \u003c/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eResearch gap and aims\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWhile extensive research exists on sexual violence against college students, there remains a significant gap in understanding the specific experiences of students from racially minoritized groups, particularly Asian female student-survivors. Research exploring the unique cultural, familial, and immigration-related challenges faced by this population remains limited. \u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis study seeks to address these gaps by exploring the SVSH experiences and help-seeking behaviors of Asian female college students, with a particular focus on the intersection of Asian culture, Asian family values, racial discrimination, and immigration background. By examining how these factors influence both the survivors\u0026apos; experiences of SVSH and their engagement with campus and external support systems, this research aims to provide insights that can inform more culturally responsive policies and services, ultimately improving support for Asian female survivors within university settings.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Methodology","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eData collection\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe current study, as a part of the Double Jeopardy mixed-method project, recruited participants from all 10 University of California campuses, including the solely graduate program at UC San Francisco. The design and data collection methods were described in detail previously.(34) Participants who completed the survey and indicated a willingness to engage further were contacted via email to schedule an interview. At the beginning of these interviews, the researchers revisited the consent forms with each participant to address any questions and ensure understanding of the study\u0026apos;s scope and their rights. This process was designed to ensure a thorough understanding and comfort for the participants, reflecting our commitment to ethical research practices. The research protocol received full approval from UCLA\u0026rsquo;s Institutional Review Board (IRB#21-000149).\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe interviews, conducted in English, Chinese, or Korean\u0026mdash;reflecting the high number of students from China and South Korea in 10 UC campuses\u0026mdash;were designed to delve into barriers to seeking SVSH- and health-related services, factors influencing help-seeking behaviors, the impact of COVID-19 on these processes, and culturally appropriate strategies to facilitate access to necessary services. The interview guide allowed for probing and expansion of topics as needed, and interviewers, trained in trauma-responsive approaches, prioritized participant well-being throughout the process. Participants were reminded of their rights at the beginning of the interview, offered the use of a pseudonym, and could request breaks or skip questions. Each interview segment started with an overview of the upcoming topics, including content warnings when appropriate.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eReflective practices such as pre/post-interview memos facilitated ongoing discussion within the research team, ensuring a sensitive and thorough exploration of the difficult topics at hand. Participants were compensated with a $50 e-gift card and provided with a list of SVSH advocacy services, underscoring our commitment to their welfare beyond the study\u0026apos;s scope. All interviews were audio-recorded with consent, and any identifiable information was anonymized or removed during transcription to protect against disclosing any identifiable information.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eData analysis\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWe implemented qualitative data analysis using a grounded theory approach and thematic analysis techniques.(35,36) Each interview transcript was generated using an online transcription service named Trint, which operates on Amazon AWS servers; the data were securely stored in encrypted AWS S3 buckets. After completing the transcription process, we conducted preliminary coding to discern central themes and patterns within the data by randomly selecting 25% of the transcripts. This phase involved meticulous line-by-line open coding to pinpoint and label emerging concepts. Memo-ing was utilized consistently during each phase of the analysis to capture the researchers\u0026apos; reflections, biases, and insights, enriching our understanding of the data. These memos played a crucial role in shaping a conceptual framework during discussions with our 8-member research team.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFollowing the initial coding phase, we arranged the preliminary codes into key themes, and then applied the semi-finalized coding tree to the remaining transcripts, progressively refining our coding structure as analysis advanced. Our objective was to reach saturation, a point at which no new themes emerged from further coding and analysis. Ultimately, this rigorous analytical process culminated in the formulation of a theoretical model that encapsulates a range of SVSH experiences within the ANHPI student community, highlighting their help-seeking behaviors and the obstacles they encounter in accessing support services.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Results","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe cultural context and family immigration history play significant roles in shaping the experiences and perceptions of sexual violence, sexual harassment, and sexual health (SVSH) among Asian female students. The result explores the impact of cultural norms, family immigration history, social expectations, and a variety of unique challenges faced by these students, particularly within the perceived Asian cultural framework.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAsian societal and familial cultural influences\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe qualitative data presented a pervasive issue of culturally silencing or normalizing SVSH. Study participants were often conditioned to internalize blame and reflect on their own supposed faults rather than holding perpetrators accountable. One participant shared, \u0026quot;\u003cem\u003eWe were taught to put the blame on ourselves or to reflect on our mistakes before we put that responsibility toward the other person, even though that person obviously assaulted us or disrespected us\u003c/em\u003e\u003cem\u003e.\u0026quot;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003eThis mindset, in addition to the stigma and taboo embedded in the culture, made it difficult for survivors to recognize and report abuse, leading to a cycle of silence and normalization.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eCultural conditioning and the cycle of silencing violence\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe influence of family culture, particularly female family members, played a crucial role in perpetuating cultural stigma and shame surrounding SVSH. Participants reported that their families often minimized the significance of Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) and other types of SVSH, discouraging them from seeking help. One participant recounted, \u0026quot;\u003cem\u003eWhen I told my aunt about the abuse, she said it was just normal relationship problems and that I should be patient.\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e This minimization can perpetuate a cycle of abuse, as survivors are led to believe that their suffering is insignificant or a normal part of life. The interviews also highlighted the significant influence of female family members in perpetuating cultural stigma and shame surrounding sexual violence. One participant mentioned, \u0026quot;\u003cem\u003eMy mother always told me to keep quiet about such things. She said it would bring shame to our family.\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e Another shared, \u0026quot;\u003cem\u003eIn my family, we don\u0026apos;t talk about these issues because it\u0026apos;s considered shameful. My grandmother would always remind us to keep such matters private to maintain our dignity.\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e These statements illustrate how deeply ingrained cultural norms and expectations from female family members contribute to the silence and stigma surrounding SVSH incidents.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThere also seems to be a tendency of female family members choose to cover up to protect the family \u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003eharmony\u0026rdquo;,\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003eespecially when the perpetrators are also in the family. One participant shared: \u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003e...with my uncle, because it\u0026apos;s like her brother, so she [the mom] basically like\u003c/em\u003e\u003cem\u003e....we\u003c/em\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;just have reached an equilibrium where we don\u0026apos;t talk about it, and I have learned to do all the things that I need to deal with.\u003c/em\u003e\u0026rdquo; This also applies to families where children growing up witnessing domestic violence. Participants discussed how these cultural norms extend to interactions with parental figures, particularly in situations involving authority and obedience\u003cem\u003e.\u003c/em\u003e One participant whose father was described as physically and mentally abusive noted,\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;I don\u0026apos;t like it when dad is like that and she [the mom] just kind of like justifies it\u0026mdash;\u0026rsquo;just have a listen to what he says and then you just obey him and then things will be like fine[...] or like he doesn\u0026apos;t really mean the things like he did and like, I don\u0026apos;t really\u0026mdash;she, she won\u0026apos;t like really say that the things that he did is like wrong but she also like, I don\u0026apos;t know, I think she kind of understands that she is like also like in denial about it and she thinks it\u0026apos;s easier to stay and to work out a different solution.\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003eThis reflects a common coping mechanism within the family, where problematic behaviors are rationalized or dismissed to maintain harmony, often at the expense of confronting the underlying issues. In other situations, it is also the survivors were trying to protect their family by not disclosing their SVSH experience, as one described their experience: \u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003ebecause one of my\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003cem\u003egrandmother\u003c/em\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;also got diagnosed with cancer. So they were also dealing with their own issues...so I didn\u0026apos;t want to burden them with more things.\u0026rdquo;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eCultural norms heavily influenced perceptions of relationships and personal boundaries. Growing up in a \u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003econservative\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e Asian household often meant that topics related to sex and relationships were taboo. Participants reflected that there was a lack of understanding and communication about healthy relationships and boundaries. Participants expressed that the heavy stigma surrounding sexuality led to significant mental punishment and social pressure, making her feel isolated and out of place within their home.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u0026ldquo;Um, and it came it came to me from a very early age, almost in my teenage years, where I was told or I was punished by my mom if I wear if I wore a certain kind of clothes, um, stand or sit too close to men, or even discuss questions about my body parts, which I genuinely did not know and wanted to have that kind of knowledge... but the stigma of sexuality is so heavy that the mental punishment or social pressure really push me to a corner that I feel that I might be one of the few that do not belong to the culture.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eImpact of gendered microaggression, racism, and fetishization\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eRacial discrimination played a significant role in how the study participants were perceived and treated. There was a common stereotype experienced by study participants that people perceive Asians did not stand their ground or speak up against injustices. This perception led to dismissive attitudes toward study participants experiences of racism and inequality, including in the workplace where disparities and discrimination were often downplayed. Such stereotypes further contributed to the marginalization of SVSH victims/survivors, making it harder for them to advocate for themselves. For example, some participants noted that others believed, \u0026quot;\u003cem\u003eyou guys don\u0026apos;t even experience racism. You are paid just as much as white people. You shouldn\u0026apos;t be complaining.\u003c/em\u003e\u0026quot; The downplay of racism for Asian student victims/survivors minimized the real struggles they faced, including those related to SVSH, and perpetuated a culture of silence and normalization around these issues. \u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eParticipants\u0026rsquo; observation of \u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003eAsian fever\u003c/em\u003e\u0026quot; pointed directly to a problematic aspect of racism against Asian women: fetishization. This term described the exoticization and objectification of individuals based on their racial or ethnic characteristics. When one was attracted to another solely because one\u0026rsquo;s racial features, it reduced person\u0026rsquo;s identity to a stereotype. The experiences of Asian victims/survivors of SVSH revealed the layers of objectification and fetishization that stem from racial stereotypes. One participant shared: \u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;I also realize a lot of things, such as they have what they call \u0026lsquo;Asian fever.\u0026rsquo; Some of them explicitly admitted that they love being with Asian women because I always look like a teenager, even though I am in my early thirties.\u0026rdquo; \u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eInternalized discrimination and learned helplessness were recurring themes in the interviews. One student expressed, \u0026quot;\u003cem\u003eI\u0026apos;ve always felt like I don\u0026rsquo;t deserve help because of how society views us Asians.\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e Another shared, \u0026quot;\u003cem\u003eI\u0026apos;ve internalized so much negativity about being Asian that I often feel helpless and don\u0026rsquo;t believe things will change.\u0026quot;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003eThis sense of helplessness can prevent survivors from seeking out support services or believing that their situation can improve. The experiences of Asian women navigating the world were addressed by another participant who shared, \u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;Because as an Asian woman, we have to navigate in a world as like we have to make sure the coast is clear. Like I carry a panic alarm in my pocket, pepper spray. I got a dog. Like these things that like I don\u0026apos;t think a lot of people who are not in our position have to consider like.\u0026quot;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003eThis statement reflects the heightened vigilance and precautionary measures that Asian women may feel compelled to adopt, a reality shaped by both cultural expectations and broader societal challenges. \u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe results also reveal a recurring tension between cultural expectations and personal agency among Asian women, who often struggle with the pressure to be \u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003epassive\u003c/em\u003e\u0026rdquo; and \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;protected\u003c/em\u003e\u0026rdquo;. Participants describe the rarity and surprise when an Asian woman asserts her boundaries, challenging the stereotype that they should be \u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003esubmissive\u003c/em\u003e\u0026rdquo;. These narratives highlight the societal discomfort with women who defy traditional gender roles, especially in cultures that prioritize protection over self-advocacy, in addition to the gendered-microaggression against Asian women. The internal conflict between asserting autonomy and conforming to cultural norms underscores the broader challenge for women, particularly from minority backgrounds, in navigating their identities.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eStigma around mental health services\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eParticipants discussed the cultural stigma against seeking mental health services, particularly within East Asian communities. One participant explained how East Asian culture is perceived to be\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u0026ldquo;not expressive\u0026rdquo;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003eand tend to be\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u0026ldquo;very subtle.\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e They highlighted how crying and open emotional expression were seen as unacceptable, leading individuals to internalize their feelings. This cultural norm affected their experiences with therapy, as they struggled to express emotions openly even when feeling upset or depressed. One undergraduate participant shared:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u0026quot;I\u0026apos;ve had times in therapy with white therapists... where I haven\u0026apos;t like, I\u0026apos;ve like been really upset and I\u0026apos;m like, Oh, and like really feeling this right now. But I\u0026apos;m not to the point of crying and just letting all my emotions out in front of someone. And that\u0026apos;s just not how I grew up with my parents.\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis cultural stigma and fear of judgment contributed to participants delaying seeking professional help. One undergraduate student explained:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;I had support through my friends...I didn\u0026apos;t really like ever talk about it with my family because, being Asian, it\u0026apos;s so weird to bring that up. I started to go to therapy for it at [university campus], but previously I didn\u0026apos;t go to therapy for it because this is kind of weird to talk about in general, like even to bring up to my family, let alone like a therapist. I wish I\u0026apos;d gone [to therapy] earlier.\u0026quot;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis issue is further reinforced by the family attitudes, where many of these students grew up with parents who did not acknowledge or believe in mental health issues, creating an environment where discussing feelings was not safe. Student survivors mentioned how there is \u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003eno vocabulary\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e for mental health in these families meant that complex emotions and mental health struggles were often dismissed as either \u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;crazy\u003c/em\u003e\u0026quot; or nonexistent by their families. This lack of understanding of mental health often was attributed to the Asian cultural norms. One participant noted, \u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;In our culture, we don\u0026rsquo;t talk about these things [mental health issues] openly. It\u0026apos;s considered taboo.\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e This cultural barrier not only prevents survivors from receiving emotional support from their families but also perpetuates ignorance and stigma surrounding SVSH. The lack of open dialogue about these issues means that survivors are often left to navigate their trauma alone, without the necessary familial support that could aid their healing process. Some participants mentioned: \u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;I am super open about like different things and I don\u0026apos;t mind talking about them, but I\u0026apos;m not generally open about mental health or sex. My mom found out, I was back in 11th grade, that I was depressed\u0026hellip;I took a depression test online and I checked all the boxes. I was depressed, and I was also practicing self-harm. My mom found out, but she didn\u0026apos;t know what to do about it... And we brought it up in a dinner conversation once and we never talked about it ever again. I feel like mental health issues in my family kind of just slide by like, just get through it, but you get through it like, it\u0026apos;s like not discussed...\u0026rdquo;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003cem\u003e \u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Because as I grew up, I was always sort of doing things alone because, you know, like immigrant parents, they didn\u0026apos;t really understand everything that, I think, they don\u0026apos;t understand, like mental health issues or things like that. They don\u0026apos;t really believe in them. \u0026ldquo;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eParticipants also highlighted the broader cultural emphasis on self-reliance, with one stating,\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u0026quot;Asian culture is kind of just to like, deal with things yourself, like not be openly expressive about a lot of things.\u0026quot;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003eThis reinforces the idea that emotional self-management is a valued trait, further discouraging open discussions about consent and emotional needs.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eImpact of immigration and multi-cultural background\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eNavigating and adjusting to multiple cultural norms\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eParticipants described the complexity of navigating different cultures, across ethnic identities, intergenerational and cross-national cultural differences. The mixed experiences of identities and cultures impose both pride and challenges. A participant who identified as mixed-race shared their internal conflict about belonging, stating, \u0026quot;\u003cem\u003eBeing mixed, I feel like I don\u0026apos;t completely belong there like some people can speak the language fluently and I don\u0026apos;t, I can\u0026apos;t really do that\u003c/em\u003e.\u0026quot; They expressed feelings of self-doubt regarding their cultural identity, adding, \u0026quot;\u003cem\u003eSometimes I have like a conflict inside of me about who I am as a person and if I\u0026apos;m Filipino enough or if I\u0026apos;m Asian enough, because being raised in America, it\u0026apos;s kind of like I\u0026apos;ve been whitewashed a little bit.\u003c/em\u003e\u0026quot; This sentiment highlights the complexity of navigating multiple cultural identities and the challenges of feeling fully accepted in either culture.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAnother participant, born and raised in the U.S., described feeling deeply connected to American culture. They shared, \u0026quot;\u003cem\u003eI was born and raised here so I feel much like American, like American culture. I never have been outside the U.S.\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e Despite their strong identification with American culture, they also felt a strong sense of pride in their heritage and accommodated to the differences among their family members. The participants elaborated, \u0026quot;t\u003cem\u003ehough I do feel like I have my heritage and I\u0026apos;m very proud of that as well, especially, being close to my grandparents and having certain traditions and, you know, hearing different languages at home.\u003c/em\u003e\u0026quot; However, participants often experience being assumed as foreigners due to their appearance. An undergraduate participant explained, \u0026quot;\u003cem\u003eit feels still very weird when people assume that ... almost as if they see me as a foreigner. I\u0026apos;ve been born and raised here, and I speak English. You don\u0026apos;t need to ask me, \u0026lsquo;Do you speak English?\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e This experience underscores the tension between their strong American identity and the external perceptions that challenge it.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eRegarding discrimination, participants experience varies across geo-locations. Larger cities are described as more diverse and inclusive, compared to relatively smaller or more rural areas. One Asian international student remarked on the diversity of their city, sharing, \u0026quot;\u003cem\u003ea lot of times people don\u0026apos;t know that I\u0026apos;m an international student, you know, [the city] is so diverse.\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e However, they also acknowledged that their unfamiliarity with the culture initially made social interactions challenging. Another participant mentioned, \u0026quot;\u003cem\u003eI didn\u0026apos;t know how close you can stand after someone, like how much distance should be maintained when you\u0026apos;re talking to someone or if you\u0026apos;re standing in line.\u0026quot;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003eThis new cultural environment and norms sometimes prevented them from recognizing potentially inappropriate situations. Another participant compared party and drug cultures between the US and India, observing, \u0026quot;\u003cem\u003eParties are definitely different. I feel in India they\u0026apos;re like a little milder and, I guess the drug scene is also like more mild in India.\u0026quot;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eImpact of immigration background and intergenerational trauma\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe fear of deportation emerged as a significant barrier to reporting sexual violence and sexual harassment (SVSH) incidents among Asian female students with an immigration background. This fear stems from concerns about legal vulnerabilities tied to their or their family\u0026apos;s immigration status. One interviewee shared, \u0026quot;\u003cem\u003eI was afraid to go to the authorities because I thought they might find out about my family\u0026rsquo;s immigration status and deport us.\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e This sense of insecurity was echoed by another student who said, \u0026quot;\u003cem\u003eMy parents always warned me not to attract any attention to our family because of our visa situation\u003c/em\u003e.\u0026quot; For many Asian immigrant students, the fear of jeopardizing their family\u0026apos;s legal standing in the U.S. creates a paralyzing tension between seeking justice and self-preservation. As a result, survivors may choose silence over action, believing that reporting could lead to dire consequences beyond their personal trauma. This fear not only discourages survivors from seeking legal recourse but also limits their access to critical support services, further isolating them in their experiences and exacerbating the emotional and psychological toll of SVSH incidents. One student survivor mentioned how it impacted their help-seeking behaviors:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eI think I was just real scared about everything, like, and this I know it sounds very silly right now, but a part of me was also like, I don\u0026apos;t know, I don\u0026apos;t want to get into trouble. I don\u0026apos;t want to get deported, or like, which is like, I know it\u0026apos;s silly now, but like I was just very scared when I came in [to report the incident].\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAnother consequence of immigration is a lack of understanding of racial dynamics, which can lead to difficulty in recognizing racism. One interviewee remarked, \u0026quot;\u003cem\u003eI didn\u0026rsquo;t realize the way people treated me was because of my race until much later.\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e Another shared, \u0026quot;\u003cem\u003eIt took me a long time to understand that the microaggressions I faced were actually racial discrimination\u003c/em\u003e.\u0026quot; This delayed recognition can hinder the ability of survivors to understand and articulate their experiences, affecting their help-seeking behavior and their ability to process their trauma. One participant described their hesitancy to label an experience as racism, despite sensing that \u0026ldquo;something was wrong\u0026rdquo;: \u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;I think I was just scared of like naming it, like in my head, I knew that there was something going on, but I was scared of, like, calling it racism it just felt like a very strong word to use and, and I went to therapy about it and like, my therapist would make me realize, like, you know, like here, like this might be racially motivated like, I remember talking to my therapist about this, and the first question he asked me was, what\u0026apos;s the race of your roommate? \u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eLanguage barriers were consistently identified as a major challenge for Asian international students. One participant shared, \u0026quot;\u003cem\u003eIt was hard to find support services that could understand me because I wasn\u0026rsquo;t fluent in English.\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e Another mentioned, \u0026quot;I\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;felt misunderstood and frustrated because I couldn\u0026rsquo;t express my feelings properly.\u0026quot;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003eThe lack of language support services can leave survivors feeling isolated and misunderstood, further deterring them from seeking assistance. This barrier highlights the need for culturally and linguistically appropriate services to support survivors more effectively. \u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eAssimilation, model minority myth, and academic pressure\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe participants in this study described a complex and often emotionally taxing experience of \u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003eassimilation\u003c/em\u003e\u0026rdquo;, exacerbated by the pressures tied to the \u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003emodel minority myth\u003c/em\u003e\u0026rdquo; and the challenge of disclosing personal struggles, particularly regarding mental health issues related to SVSH victimization. A common theme was the intense academic pressure many faced from a young age, largely driven by parental expectations. As one participant reflected: \u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;There was a lot of pressure to perform well academically growing up. Literally my whole life.\u0026quot;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003eThe student survivors noted that while their parents had good intentions, they may not have fully understood \u0026quot;\u003cem\u003ethe societal difference between the States and [home country]\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e making the pressure even more challenging to navigate their conflicting identities \u0026ndash; balancing expectations at home with those at school and in broader society. Although this parental pressure for academic excellence contributed to their academic success, participants acknowledged the significant emotional toll it took, expressing a \u0026quot;\u003cem\u003econflicted gratitude\u003c/em\u003e\u0026quot; for the benefits it brought. The emphasis on external achievement in effort to assimilate into U.S. society often led to learned behaviors of dealing with their pain in isolation, leaving them unable to disclose their SVSH experiences to even trusted individuals or seek the help they need. One undergraduate survivor shared:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;My attitude toward education used to be very extreme, almost as the only way of survival. Um, and yes, of course, it works as a huge motivation for me to success academically. But the downside of it is I tend to either avoid or put myself out of touch what the reality, especially when it comes to interpersonal relationships or most of the time intimate relationship.\u003c/em\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eParticipants also shared how stereotypes about being Asian, shaped their academic and career trajectories, perpetuating a cycle of pressure to excel. As one participant put it,\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;You have to have straight A\u0026apos;s, be a doctor or a lawyer. That mindset was ingrained in me\u0026mdash;perform, have a high GPA, go to a great grad school, get a prestigious job.\u0026quot;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe stress of manifested not only through pressure of academic achievements but also through the pressure to appear more \u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003ewhite.\u003c/em\u003e\u0026rdquo; Many participants described feeling the need to \u0026quot;\u003cem\u003ewhitewash\u003c/em\u003e\u0026quot; themselves to fit in with their predominantly white peers, which significantly impacted their self-image. Participants who grew up in such a community made them constantly compare themselves to white people, even leading them to \u0026quot;\u003cem\u003ebe white\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e as children. The need to assimilate and gain validation from white peers often created a sense of internal conflict and self-loathing, as participants distanced themselves from accepting their identities.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eCompounding these struggles was the difficulty in disclosing mental health issues. Participants expressed reluctance to seek help, believing they had to manage their challenges on their own. This sense of self-reliance was influenced by the fact that many grew up feeling responsible for helping their first-generation immigrant parents navigate social systems in U.S. society, which left them prioritize their families\u0026rsquo; needs over their own well-being. Consequently, they felt isolated in dealing with their emotional pain, particularly when it came to addressing the impact of SVSH victimization. One participant expressed how they expect oneself to behave when handling trauma:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;I wanted to be this person who didn\u0026rsquo;t need anyone\u0026rsquo;s help, who could deal with things on my own.\u0026quot;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eEven though overtime Asian students start recognizing \u0026quot;\u003cem\u003ethere\u0026rsquo;s nothing wrong with seeking help\u003c/em\u003e,\u0026quot; they felt it was still \u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003eeasier\u003c/em\u003e\u0026rdquo; to keep their struggles to themselves than to explain their experience of SVSH to others. This hesitation in changing help-seeking patterns was reinforced by the cultural and familial dynamics they grew up with, including unresolved personal traumas and dysfunctional family relationships that further complicated their ability to navigate intimate and interpersonal relationships as adults. One participant shared how this mindset impacted her personal life:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;I was I was almost blinded by the fact that I grew up with a dysfunctional family.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003cem\u003eSo\u003c/em\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;I did not have a good model of how a man should behave and that effects my\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003cem\u003eself-esteem\u003c/em\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;as well. Because my dad keeps neglecting me and I had to constantly try my best by any means to get his approval, attention, and love\u0026hellip;\u003c/em\u003e\u003cem\u003eSo\u003c/em\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;on the other hand, I thought, \u0026quot;I have all kind of freedom to date and behave however I want to. But on the other side, the fact that the only the endless need for love and the\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003cem\u003ethe\u003c/em\u003e\u003cem\u003e, uh, distorted pattern of all concepts about a healthy relationship makes me tend to be in toxic relationship with men who either emotionally manipulated me or even sex solely taken advantage.\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThese factors\u0026mdash;the pressure to meet the expectations of the model minority myth, the emotional strain of assimilation and seeking external approval, and the reluctance to disclose their struggles\u0026mdash;combined to create a complex and isolating experience for the participants.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Discussion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe qualitative findings from interviews with Asian female students who are sexual violence survivors illuminate the deeply rooted influence of family culture, immigration background, and racial discrimination on their experiences and help-seeking behaviors. Participants reported that familial and societal pressures often discouraged them from disclosing their experiences due to concerns about bringing shame upon their families. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e24\u003c/span\u003e) This aligns with Futa et al.\u0026rsquo;s research, which found that Asian family structures, particularly those influenced by Confucian values, prioritize family honor over individual well-being. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e24\u003c/span\u003e) Many participants also shared their experience of being directly discouraged by female relatives from reporting, reinforcing cycles of silence and self-blame. Similar to previous studies, this internalized self-blame not only contributed to psychological distress but also acted as a long-term barrier to seeking help or engaging with campus resources. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR25\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e25\u003c/span\u003e)\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eImmigration status added another layer of vulnerability, particularly for international students, who expressed deep fears of deportation and legal repercussions, which prevented them from accessing formal support systems. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR20\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e20\u003c/span\u003e) This reflects the similar themes noted in Lai et al.\u0026rsquo;s work, which highlights how international students often have limited awareness of their legal rights under Title IX, compounded by language barriers and a lack of culturally competent services. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e32\u003c/span\u003e) Many participants felt isolated and unsure of where to seek help, and for some, their immigration status created additional concerns about navigating legal systems. Without clear outreach efforts that proactively inform international students about their protections, survivors are left to navigate their trauma alone, often with inaccurate or incomplete knowledge of available resources.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAnother key barrier to disclosure and support-seeking was the model minority myth, which minimizes the struggles of Asian students and falsely assumes they do not experience significant adversity. (\u003cspan additionalcitationids=\"CR14\" citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e13\u003c/span\u003e\u0026ndash;\u003cspan citationid=\"CR15\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e15\u003c/span\u003e) This stereotype obscures the gendered and racialized experiences of Asian female students, particularly in relation to racial fetishization, gendered microaggressions, and heightened academic expectations. In a previous study, Bryant-Davis et al. found that Asian women are among the least likely to report sexual violence, with cultural conditioning and immigration-related fears playing significant roles in their reluctance. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR20\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e20\u003c/span\u003e) These findings further reinforce the need for specialized, culturally informed interventions that acknowledge the unique intersections of race, gender, and immigration status in the experiences of Asian survivors.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eTo address the barriers, it is imperative for universities to develop comprehensive, culturally competent SVSH policies that are tailored to the needs of Asian female students and other marginalized populations. Given that many survivors were unaware of their rights or feared institutional retaliation, universities should implement multilingual outreach programs to ensure that international students understand their protections under Title IX. This should include translated materials, culturally specific workshops, and peer-led support programs that make information more accessible and relevant to this population. Additionally, campus counseling services must be expanded to include bilingual counselors and culturally trained mental health professionals who can address trauma within the context of Asian familial and cultural dynamics. The stigma against mental health support was a recurring theme in participant narratives, with many describing how mental health concerns were dismissed within their families or framed as a personal failure rather than a legitimate need. This highlights the need for counseling models that recognize the familial and cultural pressures affecting Asian survivors\u0026rsquo; mental health. Universities must also strengthen partnerships with community-based organizations that specialize in Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) support services. Expanding legal assistance for survivors with precarious immigration statuses and ensuring access to culturally specific healing practices\u0026mdash;such as collective storytelling, intergenerational dialogue, and traditional wellness approaches\u0026mdash;can significantly improve the campus climate for Asian female survivors.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eBeyond structural improvements, the findings call for a cultural shift in how universities address SVSH among Asian students. The model minority myth must be explicitly challenged in both research and campus policy, ensuring that the struggles of Asian survivors are neither ignored nor minimized. Universities should actively engage Asian student organizations and cultural groups to break the stigma around discussing sexual violence and mental health, fostering open and honest dialogue that empowers survivors to seek help without fear of judgment. The results also emphasize the need for faculty and staff training on the unique barriers that Asian female survivors face. Campus police, student affairs professionals, and Title IX coordinators should undergo culturally responsive training to better understand how issues like filial piety, family honor, and immigration fears impact survivors\u0026rsquo; willingness to report and seek services. Without these considerations, many students will continue to be overlooked by institutional support systems, further reinforcing cycles of silence and trauma.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec22\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eStrengths and limitations\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThere were several limitations in the study worth discussion. Due to the use of convenience sampling, there was increased number of participants from three UC campuses: UC Los Angeles, Berkeley, and San Diego campuses. The available resources and campus culture may be different at relatively smaller institutions. Campus student clubs and organizations were contacted, primarily via social media, to spread awareness of the study. This may have limited how ethnic minority students were contacted and potentially led to selection bias. Considering experiences differ greatly across racial and ethnic subgroups, disaggregation of the data is necessary to understand how experiences may differ for Pacific Islander and subgroups of Asian-identifying students. Furthermore, factors such as stigma and shame may have also prevented participation from Asian student-survivors that hold elevated stigma against SVSH, sex-related topics, and mental health. While members of the LGBTQAI\u0026thinsp;+\u0026thinsp;community were included in the study, further research is necessary to comparatively investigate the implications of the intersectionality of various sexual and gender identities on help-seeking behavior and access to resources.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFurther research within this field is imperative. We must gain a deeper understand how the effects of SVSH differ across the Asian diaspora and the implications on minoritized groups. Improving preventative campus measures and resources is vital, which can be aided through greater investigation into which methods are most helpful for students of different identities. Mandated education reform that is guided by research and data can allow for better utilization of resources and increase campus perceptions of available support that serve diverse student bodies. Overall, the current study provides the basis for increased understanding of how survivors sense of identity and belonging affects their experiences of SVSH.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Conclusion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe findings from this study highlight that addressing SVSH in Asian student populations requires a multidimensional approach that accounts for cultural, psychological, and structural barriers. By integrating culturally competent policies, expanding outreach to international students, and actively challenging racialized stereotypes, universities can create inclusive, survivor-centered environments where Asian female students feel empowered to seek support. Higher education institutions must proactively engage with these findings to ensure that campus policies reflect the realities of survivors\u0026rsquo; experiences, fostering an academic climate that is safe, equitable, and responsive to the needs of all students.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eEthics approval\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe study protocol was approved by the University of California, Los Angeles Institutional Review Board (IRB#21-000149). All participants provided informed consent prior to participation in the study. Informed consent was obtained verbally or in writing, as appropriate, to ensure confidentiality and participant comfort. \u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eConsent for publication\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eNot applicable. \u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAvailability of data and materials\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe datasets generated and analyzed during the current study are not publicly available due to confidentiality and ethical restrictions but are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eCompeting interests\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe authors declare that they have no competing interests.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eFunding\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis research was supported by AAPI Data, Institutional Courage Grant, UCLA Asian American Studies Center, UCLA Racial and Social Justice Grant, and UC Global Health Institute. The funding bodies had no role in the study design, data collection, analysis, interpretation, or manuscript preparation.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAuthors\u0026rsquo; contributions\u003c/strong\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cul\u003e\n \u003cli\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eJianchao Lai\u003c/strong\u003e: Conceptualized and designed the study, developed the analytical methodology, collected data, led data analysis, and led in writing, reviewing, and editing.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eEunhee Park\u003c/strong\u003e: Conceptualized and designed the study, collected data, assisted in data analysis, and contributed to writing, reviewing, and editing.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eJenny Lee\u003c/strong\u003e: Assisted in data analysis and cross-validation, and contributed to writing, reviewing, and editing.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eRhea Gandhi\u003c/strong\u003e: Assisted in data collection and analysis, and contributed to writing, reviewing, and editing.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eJennifer Wagman\u003c/strong\u003e: Supervised the study, secured funding, and contributed to reviewing and editing.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ul\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAll authors read and approved the final manuscript.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAcknowledgments\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe authors thank the participants for sharing their experiences and insights. We also acknowledge the research assistants and community partners who contributed to the data collection and analysis.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eSteele B, Martin M, Sciarra A, Melendez-Torres GJ, Degli Esposti M, Humphreys DK. The Prevalence of Sexual Assault Among Higher Education Students: A Systematic Review With Meta-Analyses. Trauma Violence Abuse. 2024 Jul;25(3):1885\u0026ndash;98. \u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eG\u0026oacute;mez JM. Gender, Campus Sexual Violence, Cultural Betrayal, Institutional Betrayal, and Institutional Support in U.S. Ethnic Minority College Students: A Descriptive Study. Violence Against Women. 2022 Jan;28(1):93\u0026ndash;106. \u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eBurton C, Guidry J. Reporting Intimate Partner Violence and Sexual Assault: A Mixed Methods Study of Concerns and Considerations Among College Women of Color - Candace W. Burton, Jeanine D. Guidry, 2021 [Internet]. 2021 [cited 2024 Nov 27]. 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Understanding, Experience, and Response Strategies to Sexual Harassment Among Chinese College Students. J Interpers Violence. 2023 Feb 1;38(3\u0026ndash;4):2337\u0026ndash;59. \u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003ePark E, Lai J, Gandhi R, Lee J, Massey A, Logan M, et al. Double Jeopardy Study Protocol: Mixed-Methods Study to Understand ANHPI College Students at the Intersection of Sexual Violence and Anti-Asian Racism After COVID-19 [Internet]. Research Square; 2024 [cited 2024 Dec 11]. Available from: https://www.researchsquare.com/article/rs-5272796/v1\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eBraun V, Clarke V. Using thematic analysis in psychology. Qualitative Research in Psychology [Internet]. 2006 Jan 1 [cited 2024 Dec 11]; Available from: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1191/1478088706qp063oa\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eCharmaz, Kathy. Constructing Grounded Theory: A Practical Guide Through Qualitative Analysis [Internet]. S. N. Hesse-Biber\u0026amp;P. Leavy. New York: The Guilford Press; 2012 [cited 2024 Dec 11]. Available from: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/224927524_Constructing_Grounded_Theory_A_Practical_Guide_Through_Qualitative_Analysis\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":true,"hideJournal":true,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"Sexual violence and harassment, Asian female college students, Cultural stigma and family dynamics, Help-seeking behaviors, Immigration and racial discrimination","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-6075828/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-6075828/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eBackground:\u003c/strong\u003e Sexual Violence and Sexual Harassment (SVSH) on college campuses disproportionately affect racially minoritized groups, including Asian female students. These individuals face unique cultural and familial challenges impacting their experiences and help-seeking behaviors. Existing literature highlights barriers such as cultural stigma and the model minority myth, but research specific to this population is limited.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eObjectives:\u003c/strong\u003e This study explores the SVSH experiences of Asian female college students and examines how cultural norms, family dynamics, and immigration background influence their responses and access to support services.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eMethods:\u003c/strong\u003e Data were collected from all 10 University of California campuses as part of the Double Jeopardy (DJ) project. Fifty-three semi-structured interviews were conducted. A grounded-theory-guided thematic analysis identified key themes, with reflective memos used to capture insights and minimize bias.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eResults:\u003c/strong\u003e Findings reveal that cultural norms and family expectations shape Asian female students' responses to SVSH, often reinforcing self-blame and silence of the incidents. Immigration background added complexities, with fears related to legal status and unfamiliarity with SVSH frameworks and existing support services in the United States (U.S.). Mental health stigma and language barriers further contributed to isolation and reluctance to seek help. Despite challenges, participants expressed the need for culturally competent, linguistically appropriate resources.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eConclusions:\u003c/strong\u003e Universities must adopt culturally competent policies, expand multilingual counseling services, and collaborate with community-based organizations to support Asian female survivors. Addressing systemic barriers can foster an inclusive environment that empowers survivors and enhances access to necessary resources.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"Navigating Silence: Cultural, Familial, and Immigration Influences on the Sexual Violence Experiences of Asian Female College Students in the University of California System","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2025-03-07 06:54:43","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-6075828/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"2a93e854-a1bc-45bf-9150-b605332fea34","owner":[],"postedDate":"March 7th, 2025","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"posted","subjectAreas":[],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2025-04-04T16:38:10+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2025-03-07 06:54:43","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-6075828","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-6075828","identity":"rs-6075828","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"8U1c8b4HqxoKbykW_rLl7","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}