A Study on the Structure and Transmission of Folk Belief through Oral Histories of the Busu-dong Mokshinje

A Study on the Structure and Transmission of Folk Belief through Oral Histories of the Busu-dong Mokshinje | Research Square window.SnipcartSettings = { analytics: { enabled: false } }; (function() { var accessVector = localStorage.getItem('access_vector') || ''; window.dataLayer = window.dataLayer || []; if (accessVector) { window.dataLayer.push({ user: { profile: { profileInfo: { snid: accessVector } } } }); } })(); (function(w,d,s,l,i){w[l]=w[l]||[];w[l].push({'gtm.start':new Date().getTime(),event:'gtm.js'});var f=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],j=d.createElement(s),dl=l!='dataLayer'?'&l='+l:'';j.async=true;j.src='https://www.googletagmanager.com/gtm.js?id='+i+dl;f.parentNode.insertBefore(j,f);})(window,document,'script','dataLayer','GTM-K279D39R'); Browse Preprints In Review Journals COVID-19 Preprints AJE Video Bytes Research Tools Research Promotion AJE Professional Editing AJE Rubriq About Preprint Platform In Review Editorial Policies Our Team Advisory Board Help Center Sign In Submit a Preprint Cite Share Download PDF Research Article A Study on the Structure and Transmission of Folk Belief through Oral Histories of the Busu-dong Mokshinje Younghee Noh This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-8535695/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract This research investigates the Mokshinje ritual in Busu-dong, Daedeok-gu, Daejeon, through a comprehensive ethnographic study based on oral history interviews and symbolic anthropological analysis. The Mokshinje, a tree-centered village ritual historically conducted to pray for peace and prosperity, embodies Korea's ecological and communal worldview. Through testimony from elder participants and fieldwork at the ritual site, the study analyzes the ritual’s structural components, symbolic meanings, and patterns of transmission and transformation. Findings reveal that while the ritual has undergone procedural simplification and a shift from communal to individual participation, it remains a vital medium for expressing cultural memory and community identity. This study concludes that sustainable transmission of the Mokshinje requires reinterpretation within contemporary cultural conditions, diversification of transmission agents, and strategic integration into eco-cultural and digital heritage frameworks. Mokshinje folk religion cultural memory oral history symbolic anthropology ritual transmission Busu-dong Korean village belief Introduction Folk belief is a cultural practice in which communities symbolically establish the relationships among nature, humanity, and transcendent beings within a particular ecological and social context. In Korea, traditional village beliefs have been expressed through ritual practices centered on sacred trees (sinmok), typically situated at the boundary of the village, where communal rites are performed to invoke peace and prosperity. Such beliefs extend beyond mere religious behavior to encompass collective memory, symbolic spatial constructions, and the seasonal rhythms that structure agrarian life (National Folk Museum of Korea, 2012: 158–160). Among these traditions, the Mokshinje (木神祭, Tree Spirit Ritual) is a representative form of village folk belief grounded in nature worship. This rite involves the veneration of a specific tree believed to house a guardian spirit, with offerings made to ensure the village’s safety, prosperity, and protection from calamities. The tree functions both as a symbol of vitality and as a protective figure, simultaneously representing the boundary and center of the village. Through the repeated performance of such rituals, the traditional worldview linking nature, community, and the divine is maintained and reconstituted (National Folk Museum of Korea, 2012). The Mokshinje preserved in Busu-dong, Daedeok-gu, Daejeon, exemplifies this synthesis of natural veneration and communal belief. The ritual, centered around the sacred Dangsan tree, has historically been conducted around the first full moon of the lunar year, with the active participation of the entire community. Although a few practitioners continue to maintain the tradition today (National Intangible Heritage Center), the forces of industrialization, urbanization, and shifting lifestyles have increasingly eroded the ritual’s practical foundation. Observable phenomena include generational discontinuity, reduced participation, and the formalization of the ritual structure. Within this reality, ethnographic documentation and oral history recordings of traditional rituals like the Mokshinje serve not merely to preserve cultural heritage, but also to restore the memory structures of communal culture and reassess the contemporary significance of local traditions (Assmann, 2011; Yoon, 2018). The aim of this study is to analyze oral histories related to the Busu-dong Mokshinje through an ethnographic lens, exploring its ritual structure, symbolic system, transmission dynamics, and contemporary reinterpretation. This research argues that the Mokshinje is not a relic of the past but a multidimensional cultural practice that symbolically organizes the relationship among nature, humanity, and community, functioning as a medium of collective memory. This study sets out to achieve three specific objectives. First, it ethnographically describes and interprets the core components of the ritual—its sequence, ritual space, and understanding of the sacred body. Second, it examines the dynamics of transmission by analyzing generational differences in memory, changing modes of participation, and shifts in communal consciousness revealed through oral testimonies. Third, it explores how the Mokshinje can be recontextualized and utilized as a cultural asset within the framework of contemporary urban society. These objectives aim to provide a foundational analysis of how community-based folk belief systems might pursue cultural sustainability in the present era. Historical and Regional Context of the Busu-dong Mokshinje 2.1 Historical Background of Busu-dong Busu-dong, located in the eastern sector of Daedeok-gu, Daejeon, is a historically agrarian village whose socio-cultural identity was shaped by its distinctive ecological features. The name "Busu," which translates to "floating water," gestures toward the area's once-abundant wetland topography, including a matrix of seasonal streams and tributaries that supported rice farming and sustained the village’s agricultural economy for centuries (Daedeok Cultural Center, 2023). This environmental affordance not only dictated patterns of subsistence but also fostered a cosmology in which nature was imbued with agency and spiritual resonance. Within such a context, local beliefs in tree spirits and tutelary deities (jangseung, sanshin, and dangsan) emerged as meaningful systems of ecological integration and social regulation. As Seo (2009) and Im (2001) have argued, Korean folk religion cannot be divorced from the ecological and moral economy of rural communities, where the land is not merely productive but also sacralized. In Busu-dong, the center of this cosmology is the Dangsan tree—designated as a shintai (神體, Spiritual Embodiment), or sacred embodiment of a guardian spirit. The tree's physical location at the edge of the village is not incidental but symbolically rich, marking both spatial boundaries and social thresholds. Echoing Turner’s (1969) notion of liminality, the Dangsan tree functions as a ritualized border between the profane and the sacred, the cultivated and the wild, the human and the divine. 2.2 Origins and Transmission of the Mokshinje The Mokshinje (木神祭), or “tree spirit rite,” belongs to a broader typology of Korean village rituals that reflect localized negotiations between cosmology, ecology, and community structure. Although variously labeled as dangsan-je (Village Guardian Tree Ritual) or sanshin-je (Mountain Spirit Ritual), such rites share a core structural logic: they are community-centered events intended to reaffirm social cohesion and seek divine protection from natural calamities or misfortune (National Folk Museum of Korea, 2012). In Busu-dong, the Mokshinje is traditionally performed in conjunction with Jeongwol Daeboreum (the first full moon of the lunar calendar), a liminal temporal point associated with agricultural renewal and spiritual purification (Korea National Heritage Encyclopedia, 2012). Oral histories collected from four key informants—Shin Geon-yong, Yeon Je-seong, Kim Hong-kwon, and Byun Hong-geun—provide an indispensable ethnographic window into the internal logic and evolution of the Mokshinje. Their testimonies detail not only the ritual’s procedures (e.g., the preparation of sacrificial food, altar construction, offering sequences, and the reading of the chukmun or written invocation), but also its embeddedness in a now-eroding structure of community labor and reciprocity. These observations reinforce Im Jae-hae’s (2001) assertion that village rites functioned historically as “symbolic enactments of local order,” serving to spatially and morally organize collective life. Moreover, the intergenerational transfer of ritual knowledge, particularly the memorization and performance of the chukmun, reflects a hybrid mode of oral and literate transmission—a hallmark of Korean ritual culture (Yoon, 2011). Whereas older practitioners recall orally transmitted invocations with near-liturgical precision, younger generations rely increasingly on printed scripts, underscoring both a weakening of embodied memory and a shift toward archival forms of ritual continuity. This tension aligns with Assmann’s (2011) distinction between communicative memory (living memory within three generations) and cultural memory (ritualized, textually mediated memory), suggesting that the Mokshinje is in the midst of a mnemonic transition. 2.3 Regional Transformation and the Contemporary Significance of the Mokshinje Since the 1980s, Busu-dong has undergone rapid urban transformation following the establishment of the Daedeok Research Complex and surrounding industrial corridors. This transition has accelerated the breakdown of the traditional (local values) that underpinned folk belief systems, replacing communal rhythms with individualized temporalities and weakening the structures that once sustained practices like the Mokshinje (Seo, 2010; Park, 2018). Yet despite this fragmentation, the Mokshinje persists—albeit in modified form. The ritual now functions less as a seasonal necessity and more as a site of symbolic resistance and cultural memory. Aleida Assmann’s (2011) theory of lieux de mémoire (sites of memory) provides a productive lens through which to interpret this transformation. As collective infrastructures erode, rituals like the Mokshinje are reactivated as mnemonic anchors, enabling communities to perform continuity in the face of rupture. Significantly, the ecological dimension of the Mokshinje has gained new relevance. The Dangsan tree—long venerated as a spiritual protector—is increasingly reimagined as a symbol of sustainable coexistence between humans and the environment. This symbolic shift resonates with emerging discourses in ecological anthropology and environmental humanities, which argue for the de-anthropocentrization of ritual and the recognition of non-human agencies in cultural life (Tsing, 2015). In this way, the Mokshinje is not merely a vestige of past belief, but a culturally adaptive mechanism capable of negotiating the demands of contemporary life while retaining its ritual efficacy. Taken together, the historical and regional dimensions of the Busu-dong Mokshinje reveal how folk beliefs operate not as static remnants but as dynamic cultural systems. Rooted in ecological realities, mediated through oral transmission, and reinterpreted in changing social conditions, the Mokshinje exemplifies the flexible durability of Korean vernacular religiosity Theoretical Framework and Research Methodology 3.1 Theoretical Framework Ethnographic Approach This study is grounded in a classic ethnographic tradition that privileges sustained, immersive engagement with a community’s cultural practices in order to uncover the symbolic structures and social meanings embedded in everyday life. Drawing on Geertz’s (1973) concept of “thick description,” the research treats the Busu-dong Mokshinje not merely as a sequence of ritual actions but as a complex cultural performance through which the community negotiates its relationship with nature, the sacred, and collective identity. In the context of Korean folklore studies, ethnography has proven especially effective in illuminating local systems of belief and the ritual enactments that sustain them (Seo, 2009). By embedding the researcher within the spatial, temporal, and social contexts of the Mokshinje, this approach facilitates the observation of not only explicit ritual practices but also tacit cultural norms and interpretive frameworks that govern community participation. The ethnographic lens adopted here allows the study to access the experiential dimensions of tradition—embodied behaviors, gestures, material culture, and spatial arrangements—that are often overlooked in textual analyses alone. Oral History Methodology Oral history serves as a primary methodological tool in this study, not simply as a means of gathering historical information but as a critical practice for recovering marginalized voices, revealing plural memories, and unpacking the interplay between individual experience and collective memory (Thompson, 2000; Bornat, 2008). Given that village rituals such as the Mokshinje are rarely documented in formal archives, oral testimony provides a unique access point to intergenerational knowledge transmission and subjective interpretations of cultural change. Following best practices in oral history, interviews were conducted in a semi-structured format to balance narrative freedom with thematic consistency. The testimonies of four key elders—Shin Geon-yong, Yeon Je-seong, Kim Hong-kwon, and Byun Hong-geun—were recorded, transcribed verbatim, and subjected to iterative rounds of coding and thematic analysis. The interview process was dialogical, allowing participants to assert agency over their narratives, and reflexive attention was paid to the power dynamics and memory politics inherent in the production of oral testimony (Yoon, 2018; Assmann, 2011). Divergent or contradictory recollections were not treated as epistemological deficiencies, but rather as productive sites for understanding the selective, negotiated nature of memory within shifting cultural and historical contexts. Symbolic Anthropology In addition to ethnographic and oral historical methods, this study applies a symbolic anthropological framework to analyze the ritual as a system of signification. Building on Turner’s (1967; 1969) theories of ritual symbolism, liminality, and communitas, the Mokshinje is interpreted as a structured process through which the community reaffirms cosmological order, negotiates social roles, and reconstructs boundaries—both spatial and moral. Key ritual elements such as the shintai (sacred tree), jaejang (ritual altar), chukmun (written invocations), and the sequence of offerings are examined for their semiotic value. These symbols are not considered static or universal but are interpreted as culturally contingent expressions of shared cosmologies, ecological values, and historical consciousness. In this framework, the Mokshinje functions as a performative discourse in which metaphysical, ecological, and ethical dimensions converge. 3.2 Research Design and Data Collection Procedures Research Design This study is designed as a qualitative, multi-method investigation combining ethnographic fieldwork, oral historical inquiry, document analysis, and symbolic interpretation. The goal is to reconstruct both the ritual form and its evolving meaning within the community through triangulated, contextualized, and interpretive research techniques. Fieldwork Procedures Fieldwork was conducted over an extended period from late 2023 to early 2024, timed to coincide with the annual ritual cycle surrounding the lunar new year. Site visits included participant observation of ritual planning meetings, preparation of ritual implements and offerings, the Mokshinje ceremony itself, and the post-ritual communal gathering (eumbok). Data collection included: Photographic documentation of ritual spaces and objects Fieldnotes detailing spatial configurations, gestures, and verbal exchanges Video recordings of the main ritual process Sketch maps of ritual topography, including the sacred tree and gathering routes Particular attention was paid to the embodied knowledge and choreography of ritual actions, as well as the unspoken dynamics of social roles and hierarchy enacted during the ceremony. Oral History Interviews The selection of interviewees followed purposive sampling criteria focused on ritual knowledge, community tenure, and intergenerational variation. Four participants (ages 74–87) were selected for their direct involvement in organizing or performing the Mokshinje over several decades. Each interview consisted of two to three sessions lasting 60–90 minutes and was conducted in situ to facilitate memory retrieval and contextual anchoring. The interviews were audio- and video-recorded, fully transcribed, and analyzed using NVivo software. Initial open coding was followed by axial coding to identify patterns related to ritual memory, shifts in participation, symbolic associations, and perceived transformations in practice. Emerging themes were contextualized through cross-referencing with field observations and secondary sources. Documentary and Archival Sources Supplementary data were gathered from regional cultural heritage archives, including municipal records, historical maps, previous ethnographic surveys (if available), and the National Cultural Heritage Administration’s intangible cultural asset database. Press articles, digital platforms, and community pamphlets were also consulted to trace public representations and institutional framings of the ritual over time. Triangulation and Validity To ensure methodological rigor, a triangulation strategy was implemented across three data streams: (1) observational field notes and audiovisual recordings; (2) oral histories; and (3) documentary sources. Discrepancies among sources were used not to discard evidence but to illuminate interpretive dissonances that often reveal cultural transformation, contestation, and negotiation within the ritual field. Ethical Considerations All research activities adhered to ethical standards approved by the Konkuk University’s Institutional Review Board(IRB Number: KKUIRB-202503-HR-050). Informed consent was obtained from all participants, including detailed explanations of the study’s purpose, scope, and data usage. Anonymity was preserved where requested, and community feedback sessions were held to validate interpretations and foster reciprocal engagement. This methodological framework positions the study as a holistic and deeply contextualized inquiry into the Mokshinje, integrating multiple qualitative lenses to capture both its historical depth and contemporary reconfiguration. It demonstrates how ethnographic immersion, dialogical oral history, and symbolic analysis can collectively illuminate the cultural logic and adaptive resilience of Korean folk rituals in the face of modernity. Analysis of Oral Testimonies: Structure and Practice of the Mokshinje The Busu-dong Mokshinje has been practiced as a periodic communal ritual to pray for peace and prosperity, centered around a sacred tree (shintai) located at the village entrance. The structure revealed through oral testimonies includes the ritual's procedural stages, spatial layout, symbolic elements, participant roles, offerings, and temporal and spatial dynamics. These components are understood as embodied practices expressing the village's folk worldview and social order. 4.1 Ritual Procedure and Components The Mokshinje generally follows four major phases. First, the day before the ritual, villagers clean the site and prepare offerings, including pork, rice cakes, makgeolli (rice wine), and seasoned vegetables—symbols of harmony and agricultural abundance. Second, on the morning of the ritual, the site is purified and transformed into a sacred space. Participants gather in ceremonial attire. Third, a village elder or ritual officiant recites the invocation (chukmun) and makes the formal offerings. Fourth, following the ritual, the community shares in the offerings (eumbok), reaffirming solidarity. This sequence reflects the canonical structure of Korean village rituals (Im, 2001), enacting the community’s moral order and facilitating symbolic communication between humans and the divine. 4.2 Symbolism of the Sacred Tree and Ritual Site The sacred tree at the village entrance, a centuries-old Dangsan tree, is not merely a natural object but regarded as a sentient protector. Oral accounts describe it as a 'living presence' or 'ancestral guardian.' It marks both the boundary and spiritual center of the village. A temporary altar is set up, and the ritual area is enclosed using straw and tree branches to create a liminal space—a concept elaborated by Victor Turner (1969) as a transitional zone where normal social structures are suspended and community is reconstituted. 4.3 Roles and Social Hierarchy in the Ritual Historically, the Mokshinje involved clearly defined gender and age roles. The eldest or most experienced male would serve as the officiant, while women prepared the offerings. This structure mirrored the village's social hierarchy and ethical expectations. As one informant, Shin Geon-yong, stated, “The most reverent elder who knew the ritual would recite the invocation.” The ritual thus functioned as a space where spiritual authority was connected to social status and moral leadership. 4.4 Offerings, Temporal Structure, and Spatial Order The types of offerings correspond to agricultural symbolism—representing fertility, longevity, and harmony. The ritual is conducted around the lunar new year, an auspicious time for forecasting the year’s fortunes. According to the Academy of Korean Studies (2012), Jeongwol Daeboreum rituals reaffirm communal ties and invoke blessings for the upcoming year. The ritual’s temporal cycle functions not as mere repetition but as a structure for renewing collective memory. The spatial arrangement of the sacred tree and altar delineates symbolic centers, boundaries, and hierarchies within the village. 4.5 Ritual Narrative and Community Order According to informants, the Mokshinje transcends a functional exchange with divinity. It is a narrative mechanism linking the village’s past with its present. The invocation recounts the origin of the village, the power of its guardian spirit, and the wishes of its people. Through participation in this performance, individuals affirm their belonging to the community. This cyclical enactment aligns with Aleida Assmann’s theory of cultural memory (2011), in which ritual repetition reproduces collective identity and encodes social ethics. Transmission and Transformation of Belief: Based on Oral Testimonies 5.1 From Communal Practice to Individualized Faith Historically, the Busu-dong Mokshinje was a community-wide ritual held annually around the lunar new year. According to informants, the entire village participated, with each member playing a specific role in the preparation and performance of the ritual. These practices were essential in reaffirming social order and transmitting collective identity across generations. However, urbanization, demographic shifts, changing lifestyles, and the diversification of religious worldviews have significantly altered this pattern of transmission. What was once a communal undertaking has increasingly become a symbolic act led by a few individuals or families. This shift reflects a broader structural erosion of the ritual’s practical base and its reconfiguration as symbolic performance. Seo Hae-sook (2010) noted a similar trend in rural communities, observing that village belief systems are increasingly reduced to ceremonial displays, with weakened social interactions among villagers. The fragmentation of community life renders the original function of such rituals obsolete, as they no longer serve as active instruments for community integration. Therefore, the transformation of the Mokshinje should not be dismissed as mere decline. Instead, it should be understood as a process of symbolic recontextualization and cultural repurposing. The symbolic meanings and memory functions embedded in traditional beliefs remain potent. Their sustainability depends on how meaning is reconstructed within contemporary cultural frameworks. 5.2 Stratified Memory and Divergent Testimonies Oral testimonies revealed notable differences in how the Mokshinje is remembered. Elder informants describe it as a sacred, life-affirming ceremony, while middle-aged participants view it as a diminishing tradition, and younger generations are often unaware of it altogether. One youth respondent noted, “I’ve heard about it, but I’ve never taken part.” These discrepancies highlight that folk belief systems are not static narratives but multilayered memories shaped by personal experiences, social positions, and generational perspectives. Aleida Assmann (2011) emphasized that cultural memory is formed through hierarchies, conflicts, and selective encoding. Thus, the oral narratives reflect not a single historical truth but a contested field of memory construction. Accordingly, oral history should not merely document what happened but interpret how the past is selectively remembered, forgotten, and reinterpreted in varying contexts. 5.3 Ritual Formalization and Cultural Reconfiguration Testimonies indicate that the Mokshinje has undergone procedural simplification and a shift from experiential performance to symbolic representation. In the past, the sacred tree was meticulously prepared, and community-wide participation was the norm. Offerings were carefully arranged, and invocations were memorized and delivered with reverence. The ritual was a space of collective embodiment of ethical and sacred order. In contrast, today’s ceremonies are less frequent and often organized by a small number of individuals. One elder noted, “We used to prepare everything together, but now just a few people manage it.” Another added, “We don’t memorize the invocation anymore—we just read it from paper.” This evolution should not be viewed as a rupture. Rather, it represents an adaptive response wherein traditional rituals are reformulated within new socio-cultural conditions. Seo Hae-sook (2010) found that village beliefs now tend to maintain symbolic identity while streamlining their practical content or reframing it as cultural events. Hence, the formalization of the Mokshinje signifies not the death of tradition but its transformation into a 'living heritage'—a reconfiguration of form and meaning aligned with contemporary realities. Such reinterpretation opens pathways for engaging cultural memory and fostering renewed communal identity. Contemporary Significance and Strategies for Transmission The Busu-dong Mokshinje, while retaining the form of traditional village belief systems, has undergone reinterpretation within the rapidly urbanizing and industrializing contemporary Korean society. Although participation has dwindled and generational transmission is tenuous, the ritual continues to function as a medium for evoking collective memory, cultural identity, and symbolic meaning within the community. 6.1 The Ritual as a Mechanism for Reproducing Communal Solidarity In its original form, the Mokshinje represented a communal act of collaboration and mutual aid. Preparing offerings and reciting invocations together around the sacred tree served as a ritualized reaffirmation of social bonds and village identity. Victor Turner’s (1969) concept of communitas is relevant here, describing how ritual moments suspend social hierarchies and forge affective solidarity among participants. Although such physical cohesion has waned, the symbolic framework of the Mokshinje can still revitalize communal consciousness. The ritual continues to offer a symbolic space where fragmented communities can reengage with shared heritage and social ethics. 6.2 Cultural Memory and the Ritual as a Site of Remembrance The Mokshinje functions as a lieu de mémoire (site of memory), concentrating layers of social, historical, and symbolic narratives. Testimonies indicate that the ritual encapsulates not only religious beliefs but also past lifeways, environmental relationships, and communal aspirations. Aleida Assmann (2011) explains that cultural memory is sustained through repetitive symbolic acts. The Mokshinje, in this sense, is a ritual through which the community remembers itself and defines its identity. Hence, its transmission is not merely about preserving ritual form but also about maintaining a mnemonic structure through which local history and values are kept alive. 6.3 Potential as an Eco-Cultural Resource The centrality of the sacred tree highlights the ritual’s ecological ethos. Reverence for nature, seasonal cycles, and regenerative values embedded in the ritual align with modern concerns about environmental sustainability. Park Jun-hong (2018) has suggested that traditional practices of nature worship can be reinterpreted as resources for urban ecotourism, eco-education, and community festivals. Thus, the Mokshinje may be repositioned not only as a heritage ritual but also as a meaningful site for ecological awareness, with potential for integration into sustainable local development strategies. 6.4 Diversifying Agents of Transmission Currently, the ritual is primarily maintained by elderly men, leading to concerns about long-term viability. For sustainable transmission, it is imperative to diversify agents of cultural reproduction. This includes educational institutions, cultural foundations, civic groups, youth organizations, and artists, all of whom can serve as co-producers of tradition. Intergenerational programs involving youth, increased participation of women, and interdisciplinary collaborations can transform the ritual into a platform for cultural creativity and communal regeneration. 6.5 Digitization and Cultural Heritage Strategy While the oral documentation of the Mokshinje has been an essential step in preserving its intangible elements, reliance on textual formats alone limits accessibility and engagement. A strategy of digital heritage development is required—one that includes multimedia documentation such as video, audio, 3D modeling of the ritual site, and interactive maps. Such digitization could link the Mokshinje with local archives, schools, and museums, allowing broader public interaction. This approach would not only preserve but also activate the ritual as a living heritage, engaging future generations in dynamic ways. Conclusion This study examined the Mokshinje ritual in Busu-dong, Daedeok-gu, Daejeon, using ethnographic approaches, oral history methods, and symbolic anthropology frameworks. By focusing on oral testimonies and on-site observation, the research revealed that the Mokshinje is not merely a residual tradition but continues to function as a vital medium for cultural memory and communal identity. First, the ritual embodies a complex system of symbols that reflect the reciprocal relationship between nature and humans. The ritual procedures, spatial arrangement of the sacred tree and altar, and use of seasonal offerings together demonstrate how the Mokshinje performs a symbolic reconstruction of local cosmology and ethics. Second, oral testimonies reveal divergent generational perspectives and experiences of the ritual. While the ritual’s material base has weakened in the face of urbanization and social change, some community members continue to regard the Mokshinje as a source of cultural regeneration. This supports the view that tradition is not a static legacy but a negotiated practice shaped by present contexts. Third, the study did not treat the ritual as an isolated religious act but as a symbolic communication system that sustains communal memory. The sacred tree and the ritual ground operate as lieux de mémoire, through which the village’s values, history, and sense of belonging are periodically reaffirmed. This analytical lens connects the field study to broader theories such as Aleida Assmann’s cultural memory and Victor Turner’s ritual theory. Fourth, the study identifies the necessity of transforming the mechanisms of ritual transmission. Instead of preserving form alone, the Mokshinje should be revitalized through expanded participation, educational engagement, and digital documentation. Diversifying the agents of transmission and integrating the ritual into contemporary cultural infrastructures can enhance its relevance and sustainability. In summary, the Busu-dong Mokshinje illustrates how folk religion is reinterpreted and recontextualized in modern society, remaining a dynamic site for the negotiation of identity, memory, and value. The future of such traditions depends not only on their preservation but on their creative reinterpretation in line with contemporary communal needs. The sustainable transmission of folk religion requires not the repetition of the past, but the continuous reconstruction of meaning within lived experience. Declarations IRB Number: KKUIRB-202503-HR-050 Acknowledgement: This work was supported by [Funder name withheld for peer review] under grant [Grant number withheld for peer review] . References Academy of Korean Studies. (2012). Jeongwol Daeboreum (First Full Moon Day). 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Encyclopedia of Korean folk beliefs: Village beliefs. Seoul: National Folk Museum of Korea. National Intangible Heritage Center. (2025). Busu-dong Mokshinje. Intangible Cultural Heritage Portal. https://ncms.nculture.org/faith/story/12952 Park, J. H. (2018). A study on the characteristics and revitalization plans of Gildong Ecological Park as an urban ecological tourism resource. Kijeon Cultural Studies, 39(1), 37–62. Seo, H. S. (2009). The application and symbolic realization of village beliefs as community culture. Studies on Southern Folk Culture, 18, 139–166. Seo, H. S. (2010). Changes in folk practices and cultural responses in rural villages. Studies on Southern Folk Culture, 21, 37–71. Thompson, P. (2000). The voice of the past: Oral history (3rd ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Turner, V. (1967). The forest of symbols: Aspects of Ndembu ritual. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Turner, V. (1969). The ritual process: Structure and anti-structure. Chicago: Aldine Publishing. Yoon, T. R. (2011). Oral history interviews and historical trauma: Possibilities for truth-seeking and healing. Journal of Humanities Studies, 30, 381–406. Yoon, T. R. (2018). Oral history methodology for historical and archival studies. Seoul: Arche. Additional Declarations No competing interests reported. Cite Share Download PDF Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Research Square lets you share your work early, gain feedback from the community, and start making changes to your manuscript prior to peer review in a journal. As a division of Research Square Company, we’re committed to making research communication faster, fairer, and more useful. We do this by developing innovative software and high quality services for the global research community. Our growing team is made up of researchers and industry professionals working together to solve the most critical problems facing scientific publishing. Also discoverable on Platform About Our Team In Review Editorial Policies Advisory Board Help Center Resources Author Services Accessibility API Access RSS feed Manage Cookie Preferences © Research Square 2026 | ISSN 2693-5015 (online) Privacy Policy Terms of Service Do Not Sell My Personal Information {"props":{"pageProps":{"initialData":{"identity":"rs-8535695","acceptedTermsAndConditions":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"archivedVersions":[],"articleType":"Research Article","associatedPublications":[],"authors":[{"id":574173936,"identity":"e0d0c153-5262-439d-aa03-475f59dc6ef5","order_by":0,"name":"Younghee Noh","email":"data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAZAAAAAyAQMAAABI0h/eAAAABlBMVEX///8AAABVwtN+AAAACXBIWXMAAA7EAAAOxAGVKw4bAAAAr0lEQVRIiWNgGAWjYBACNiA2YKhIMIBwDxCppYDhDClaQOADYxspWvikjz/czDsvzdjgAPPDDwxn7hHhML4cY2PebTlmBgfYjCUYbhQToYWHhw2opcLG4ACDGdCNCcRoYX/+m3cOSAv7N2K1MBgY8zaAHMYDtOUGUVp4DAznHEszljzMUyyRcIYILfI97A8M3tQkG/Ydb9/44cMxIrQgADMQk6RhFIyCUTAKRgFuAACQzzJ55JmcUwAAAABJRU5ErkJggg==","orcid":"","institution":"Konkuk University","correspondingAuthor":true,"prefix":"","firstName":"Younghee","middleName":"","lastName":"Noh","suffix":""}],"badges":[],"createdAt":"2026-01-07 01:38:26","currentVersionCode":1,"declarations":"","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-8535695/v1","doiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-8535695/v1","draftVersion":[],"editorialEvents":[],"editorialNote":"","failedWorkflow":false,"files":[{"id":100217163,"identity":"fd640574-9f80-4f79-a449-a6db6f402ef6","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2026-01-14 08:52:47","extension":"docx","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"acdc-reference","size":39814,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"BusuDongMokshinjeKoreaanonymousver2.docx","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-8535695/v1/5481817523345173bb12d4a9.docx"},{"id":100217161,"identity":"cc01a15e-bf0f-46f7-ab54-f44bc56bc7e5","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2026-01-14 08:52:47","extension":"json","order_by":1,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"acdc-reference","size":3202,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"2fc064bf01e045b687a914dd128d7103.json","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-8535695/v1/11b196e0601f87723d0d0c4b.json"},{"id":100371206,"identity":"aa3d0fd1-66e9-49a2-9cb9-2f3945babb14","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2026-01-16 08:09:39","extension":"xml","order_by":2,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"acdc-reference","size":56035,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"2fc064bf01e045b687a914dd128d71031enriched.xml","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-8535695/v1/db7a92cba483d078af4301d3.xml"},{"id":100369734,"identity":"ce8eddcb-2859-4c84-bd2e-f4ecd2a1c3b3","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2026-01-16 07:59:22","extension":"xml","order_by":3,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"acdc-reference","size":52781,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"2fc064bf01e045b687a914dd128d71031structuring.xml","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-8535695/v1/adf36f8e30fb5c695792052a.xml"},{"id":100217165,"identity":"9b928995-b264-4118-9daa-a915bd8f35a5","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2026-01-14 08:52:47","extension":"html","order_by":4,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"acdc-reference","size":60721,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"earlyproof.html","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-8535695/v1/7193edb8879fe7b8ea413f32.html"},{"id":102919754,"identity":"34a4b3f3-3e4e-46d7-a49b-a791e98c9085","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2026-02-18 12:11:27","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":857401,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-8535695/v1/b53ad568-0444-4705-b553-2657a64d0add.pdf"}],"financialInterests":"No competing interests reported.","formattedTitle":"A Study on the Structure and Transmission of Folk Belief through Oral Histories of the Busu-dong Mokshinje","fulltext":[{"header":"Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003eFolk belief is a cultural practice in which communities symbolically establish the relationships among nature, humanity, and transcendent beings within a particular ecological and social context. In Korea, traditional village beliefs have been expressed through ritual practices centered on sacred trees (sinmok), typically situated at the boundary of the village, where communal rites are performed to invoke peace and prosperity. Such beliefs extend beyond mere religious behavior to encompass collective memory, symbolic spatial constructions, and the seasonal rhythms that structure agrarian life (National Folk Museum of Korea, 2012: 158\u0026ndash;160).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAmong these traditions, the Mokshinje (木神祭, Tree Spirit Ritual) is a representative form of village folk belief grounded in nature worship. This rite involves the veneration of a specific tree believed to house a guardian spirit, with offerings made to ensure the village\u0026rsquo;s safety, prosperity, and protection from calamities. The tree functions both as a symbol of vitality and as a protective figure, simultaneously representing the boundary and center of the village. Through the repeated performance of such rituals, the traditional worldview linking nature, community, and the divine is maintained and reconstituted (National Folk Museum of Korea, 2012).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe Mokshinje preserved in Busu-dong, Daedeok-gu, Daejeon, exemplifies this synthesis of natural veneration and communal belief. The ritual, centered around the sacred Dangsan tree, has historically been conducted around the first full moon of the lunar year, with the active participation of the entire community. Although a few practitioners continue to maintain the tradition today (National Intangible Heritage Center), the forces of industrialization, urbanization, and shifting lifestyles have increasingly eroded the ritual\u0026rsquo;s practical foundation. Observable phenomena include generational discontinuity, reduced participation, and the formalization of the ritual structure.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWithin this reality, ethnographic documentation and oral history recordings of traditional rituals like the Mokshinje serve not merely to preserve cultural heritage, but also to restore the memory structures of communal culture and reassess the contemporary significance of local traditions (Assmann, 2011; Yoon, 2018).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe aim of this study is to analyze oral histories related to the Busu-dong Mokshinje through an ethnographic lens, exploring its ritual structure, symbolic system, transmission dynamics, and contemporary reinterpretation. This research argues that the Mokshinje is not a relic of the past but a multidimensional cultural practice that symbolically organizes the relationship among nature, humanity, and community, functioning as a medium of collective memory.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis study sets out to achieve three specific objectives. First, it ethnographically describes and interprets the core components of the ritual\u0026mdash;its sequence, ritual space, and understanding of the sacred body. Second, it examines the dynamics of transmission by analyzing generational differences in memory, changing modes of participation, and shifts in communal consciousness revealed through oral testimonies. Third, it explores how the Mokshinje can be recontextualized and utilized as a cultural asset within the framework of contemporary urban society. These objectives aim to provide a foundational analysis of how community-based folk belief systems might pursue cultural sustainability in the present era.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Historical and Regional Context of the Busu-dong Mokshinje","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e2.1 Historical Background of Busu-dong\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBusu-dong, located in the eastern sector of Daedeok-gu, Daejeon, is a historically agrarian village whose socio-cultural identity was shaped by its distinctive ecological features. The name \u0026quot;Busu,\u0026quot; which translates to \u0026quot;floating water,\u0026quot; gestures toward the area\u0026apos;s once-abundant wetland topography, including a matrix of seasonal streams and tributaries that supported rice farming and sustained the village\u0026rsquo;s agricultural economy for centuries (Daedeok Cultural Center, 2023). This environmental affordance not only dictated patterns of subsistence but also fostered a cosmology in which nature was imbued with agency and spiritual resonance.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWithin such a context, local beliefs in tree spirits and tutelary deities (jangseung, sanshin, and dangsan) emerged as meaningful systems of ecological integration and social regulation. As Seo (2009) and Im (2001) have argued, Korean folk religion cannot be divorced from the ecological and moral economy of rural communities, where the land is not merely productive but also sacralized. In Busu-dong, the center of this cosmology is the Dangsan tree\u0026mdash;designated as a shintai (神體, Spiritual Embodiment), or sacred embodiment of a guardian spirit. The tree\u0026apos;s physical location at the edge of the village is not incidental but symbolically rich, marking both spatial boundaries and social thresholds. Echoing Turner\u0026rsquo;s (1969) notion of liminality, the Dangsan tree functions as a ritualized border between the profane and the sacred, the cultivated and the wild, the human and the divine.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e2.2 Origins and Transmission of the Mokshinje\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe Mokshinje (木神祭), or \u0026ldquo;tree spirit rite,\u0026rdquo; belongs to a broader typology of Korean village rituals that reflect localized negotiations between cosmology, ecology, and community structure. Although variously labeled as dangsan-je (Village Guardian Tree Ritual) or sanshin-je (Mountain Spirit Ritual), such rites share a core structural logic: they are community-centered events intended to reaffirm social cohesion and seek divine protection from natural calamities or misfortune (National Folk Museum of Korea, 2012). In Busu-dong, the Mokshinje is traditionally performed in conjunction with Jeongwol Daeboreum (the first full moon of the lunar calendar), a liminal temporal point associated with agricultural renewal and spiritual purification (Korea National Heritage Encyclopedia, 2012).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eOral histories collected from four key informants\u0026mdash;Shin Geon-yong, Yeon Je-seong, Kim Hong-kwon, and Byun Hong-geun\u0026mdash;provide an indispensable ethnographic window into the internal logic and evolution of the Mokshinje. Their testimonies detail not only the ritual\u0026rsquo;s procedures (e.g., the preparation of sacrificial food, altar construction, offering sequences, and the reading of the chukmun or written invocation), but also its embeddedness in a now-eroding structure of community labor and reciprocity. These observations reinforce Im Jae-hae\u0026rsquo;s (2001) assertion that village rites functioned historically as \u0026ldquo;symbolic enactments of local order,\u0026rdquo; serving to spatially and morally organize collective life.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMoreover, the intergenerational transfer of ritual knowledge, particularly the memorization and performance of the chukmun, reflects a hybrid mode of oral and literate transmission\u0026mdash;a hallmark of Korean ritual culture (Yoon, 2011). Whereas older practitioners recall orally transmitted invocations with near-liturgical precision, younger generations rely increasingly on printed scripts, underscoring both a weakening of embodied memory and a shift toward archival forms of ritual continuity. This tension aligns with Assmann\u0026rsquo;s (2011) distinction between communicative memory (living memory within three generations) and cultural memory (ritualized, textually mediated memory), suggesting that the Mokshinje is in the midst of a mnemonic transition.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e2.3 Regional Transformation and the Contemporary Significance of the Mokshinje\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSince the 1980s, Busu-dong has undergone rapid urban transformation following the establishment of the Daedeok Research Complex and surrounding industrial corridors. This transition has accelerated the breakdown of the traditional (local values) that underpinned folk belief systems, replacing communal rhythms with individualized temporalities and weakening the structures that once sustained practices like the Mokshinje (Seo, 2010; Park, 2018).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eYet despite this fragmentation, the Mokshinje persists\u0026mdash;albeit in modified form. The ritual now functions less as a seasonal necessity and more as a site of symbolic resistance and cultural memory. Aleida Assmann\u0026rsquo;s (2011) theory of lieux de m\u0026eacute;moire (sites of memory) provides a productive lens through which to interpret this transformation. As collective infrastructures erode, rituals like the Mokshinje are reactivated as mnemonic anchors, enabling communities to perform continuity in the face of rupture.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSignificantly, the ecological dimension of the Mokshinje has gained new relevance. The Dangsan tree\u0026mdash;long venerated as a spiritual protector\u0026mdash;is increasingly reimagined as a symbol of sustainable coexistence between humans and the environment. This symbolic shift resonates with emerging discourses in ecological anthropology and environmental humanities, which argue for the de-anthropocentrization of ritual and the recognition of non-human agencies in cultural life (Tsing, 2015). In this way, the Mokshinje is not merely a vestige of past belief, but a culturally adaptive mechanism capable of negotiating the demands of contemporary life while retaining its ritual efficacy.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTaken together, the historical and regional dimensions of the Busu-dong Mokshinje reveal how folk beliefs operate not as static remnants but as dynamic cultural systems. Rooted in ecological realities, mediated through oral transmission, and reinterpreted in changing social conditions, the Mokshinje exemplifies the flexible durability of Korean vernacular religiosity\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Theoretical Framework and Research Methodology","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e3.1 Theoretical Framework\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eEthnographic Approach\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis study is grounded in a classic ethnographic tradition that privileges sustained, immersive engagement with a community’s cultural practices in order to uncover the symbolic structures and social meanings embedded in everyday life. Drawing on Geertz’s (1973) concept of “thick description,” the research treats the Busu-dong Mokshinje not merely as a sequence of ritual actions but as a complex cultural performance through which the community negotiates its relationship with nature, the sacred, and collective identity.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn the context of Korean folklore studies, ethnography has proven especially effective in illuminating local systems of belief and the ritual enactments that sustain them (Seo, 2009). By embedding the researcher within the spatial, temporal, and social contexts of the Mokshinje, this approach facilitates the observation of not only explicit ritual practices but also tacit cultural norms and interpretive frameworks that govern community participation. The ethnographic lens adopted here allows the study to access the experiential dimensions of tradition—embodied behaviors, gestures, material culture, and spatial arrangements—that are often overlooked in textual analyses alone.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eOral History Methodology\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eOral history serves as a primary methodological tool in this study, not simply as a means of gathering historical information but as a critical practice for recovering marginalized voices, revealing plural memories, and unpacking the interplay between individual experience and collective memory (Thompson, 2000; Bornat, 2008). Given that village rituals such as the Mokshinje are rarely documented in formal archives, oral testimony provides a unique access point to intergenerational knowledge transmission and subjective interpretations of cultural change.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFollowing best practices in oral history, interviews were conducted in a semi-structured format to balance narrative freedom with thematic consistency. The testimonies of four key elders—Shin Geon-yong, Yeon Je-seong, Kim Hong-kwon, and Byun Hong-geun—were recorded, transcribed verbatim, and subjected to iterative rounds of coding and thematic analysis. The interview process was dialogical, allowing participants to assert agency over their narratives, and reflexive attention was paid to the power dynamics and memory politics inherent in the production of oral testimony (Yoon, 2018; Assmann, 2011). Divergent or contradictory recollections were not treated as epistemological deficiencies, but rather as productive sites for understanding the selective, negotiated nature of memory within shifting cultural and historical contexts.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eSymbolic Anthropology\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn addition to ethnographic and oral historical methods, this study applies a symbolic anthropological framework to analyze the ritual as a system of signification. Building on Turner’s (1967; 1969) theories of ritual symbolism, liminality, and communitas, the Mokshinje is interpreted as a structured process through which the community reaffirms cosmological order, negotiates social roles, and reconstructs boundaries—both spatial and moral.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eKey ritual elements such as the shintai (sacred tree), jaejang (ritual altar), chukmun (written invocations), and the sequence of offerings are examined for their semiotic value. These symbols are not considered static or universal but are interpreted as culturally contingent expressions of shared cosmologies, ecological values, and historical consciousness. In this framework, the Mokshinje functions as a performative discourse in which metaphysical, ecological, and ethical dimensions converge.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e3.2 Research Design and Data Collection Procedures\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eResearch Design\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis study is designed as a qualitative, multi-method investigation combining ethnographic fieldwork, oral historical inquiry, document analysis, and symbolic interpretation. The goal is to reconstruct both the ritual form and its evolving meaning within the community through triangulated, contextualized, and interpretive research techniques.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eFieldwork Procedures\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFieldwork was conducted over an extended period from late 2023 to early 2024, timed to coincide with the annual ritual cycle surrounding the lunar new year. Site visits included participant observation of ritual planning meetings, preparation of ritual implements and offerings, the Mokshinje ceremony itself, and the post-ritual communal gathering (eumbok). Data collection included:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003col\u003e\n \u003cli\u003ePhotographic documentation of ritual spaces and objects\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eFieldnotes detailing spatial configurations, gestures, and verbal exchanges\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eVideo recordings of the main ritual process\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eSketch maps of ritual topography, including the sacred tree and gathering routes\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eParticular attention was paid to the embodied knowledge and choreography of ritual actions, as well as the unspoken dynamics of social roles and hierarchy enacted during the ceremony.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eOral History Interviews\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe selection of interviewees followed purposive sampling criteria focused on ritual knowledge, community tenure, and intergenerational variation. Four participants (ages 74–87) were selected for their direct involvement in organizing or performing the Mokshinje over several decades. Each interview consisted of two to three sessions lasting 60–90 minutes and was conducted in situ to facilitate memory retrieval and contextual anchoring.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe interviews were audio- and video-recorded, fully transcribed, and analyzed using NVivo software. Initial open coding was followed by axial coding to identify patterns related to ritual memory, shifts in participation, symbolic associations, and perceived transformations in practice. Emerging themes were contextualized through cross-referencing with field observations and secondary sources.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eDocumentary and Archival Sources\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSupplementary data were gathered from regional cultural heritage archives, including municipal records, historical maps, previous ethnographic surveys (if available), and the National Cultural Heritage Administration’s intangible cultural asset database. Press articles, digital platforms, and community pamphlets were also consulted to trace public representations and institutional framings of the ritual over time.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eTriangulation and Validity\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTo ensure methodological rigor, a triangulation strategy was implemented across three data streams: (1) observational field notes and audiovisual recordings; (2) oral histories; and (3) documentary sources. Discrepancies among sources were used not to discard evidence but to illuminate interpretive dissonances that often reveal cultural transformation, contestation, and negotiation within the ritual field.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eEthical Considerations\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAll research activities adhered to ethical standards approved by the Konkuk University’s Institutional Review Board(IRB Number: KKUIRB-202503-HR-050). Informed consent was obtained from all participants, including detailed explanations of the study’s purpose, scope, and data usage. Anonymity was preserved where requested, and community feedback sessions were held to validate interpretations and foster reciprocal engagement.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis methodological framework positions the study as a holistic and deeply contextualized inquiry into the Mokshinje, integrating multiple qualitative lenses to capture both its historical depth and contemporary reconfiguration. It demonstrates how ethnographic immersion, dialogical oral history, and symbolic analysis can collectively illuminate the cultural logic and adaptive resilience of Korean folk rituals in the face of modernity.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Analysis of Oral Testimonies: Structure and Practice of the Mokshinje","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe Busu-dong Mokshinje has been practiced as a periodic communal ritual to pray for peace and prosperity, centered around a sacred tree (shintai) located at the village entrance. The structure revealed through oral testimonies includes the ritual\u0026apos;s procedural stages, spatial layout, symbolic elements, participant roles, offerings, and temporal and spatial dynamics. These components are understood as embodied practices expressing the village\u0026apos;s folk worldview and social order.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e4.1 Ritual Procedure and Components\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe Mokshinje generally follows four major phases. First, the day before the ritual, villagers clean the site and prepare offerings, including pork, rice cakes, makgeolli (rice wine), and seasoned vegetables\u0026mdash;symbols of harmony and agricultural abundance. Second, on the morning of the ritual, the site is purified and transformed into a sacred space. Participants gather in ceremonial attire. Third, a village elder or ritual officiant recites the invocation (chukmun) and makes the formal offerings. Fourth, following the ritual, the community shares in the offerings (eumbok), reaffirming solidarity.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis sequence reflects the canonical structure of Korean village rituals (Im, 2001), enacting the community\u0026rsquo;s moral order and facilitating symbolic communication between humans and the divine.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e4.2 Symbolism of the Sacred Tree and Ritual Site\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe sacred tree at the village entrance, a centuries-old Dangsan tree, is not merely a natural object but regarded as a sentient protector. Oral accounts describe it as a \u0026apos;living presence\u0026apos; or \u0026apos;ancestral guardian.\u0026apos; It marks both the boundary and spiritual center of the village. A temporary altar is set up, and the ritual area is enclosed using straw and tree branches to create a liminal space\u0026mdash;a concept elaborated by Victor Turner (1969) as a transitional zone where normal social structures are suspended and community is reconstituted.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e4.3 Roles and Social Hierarchy in the Ritual\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eHistorically, the Mokshinje involved clearly defined gender and age roles. The eldest or most experienced male would serve as the officiant, while women prepared the offerings. This structure mirrored the village\u0026apos;s social hierarchy and ethical expectations. As one informant, Shin Geon-yong, stated, \u0026ldquo;The most reverent elder who knew the ritual would recite the invocation.\u0026rdquo; The ritual thus functioned as a space where spiritual authority was connected to social status and moral leadership.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e4.4 Offerings, Temporal Structure, and Spatial Order\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe types of offerings correspond to agricultural symbolism\u0026mdash;representing fertility, longevity, and harmony. The ritual is conducted around the lunar new year, an auspicious time for forecasting the year\u0026rsquo;s fortunes. According to the Academy of Korean Studies (2012), Jeongwol Daeboreum rituals reaffirm communal ties and invoke blessings for the upcoming year. The ritual\u0026rsquo;s temporal cycle functions not as mere repetition but as a structure for renewing collective memory. The spatial arrangement of the sacred tree and altar delineates symbolic centers, boundaries, and hierarchies within the village.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e4.5 Ritual Narrative and Community Order\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAccording to informants, the Mokshinje transcends a functional exchange with divinity. It is a narrative mechanism linking the village\u0026rsquo;s past with its present. The invocation recounts the origin of the village, the power of its guardian spirit, and the wishes of its people. Through participation in this performance, individuals affirm their belonging to the community. This cyclical enactment aligns with Aleida Assmann\u0026rsquo;s theory of cultural memory (2011), in which ritual repetition reproduces collective identity and encodes social ethics.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Transmission and Transformation of Belief: Based on Oral Testimonies","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e5.1 From Communal Practice to Individualized Faith\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eHistorically, the Busu-dong Mokshinje was a community-wide ritual held annually around the lunar new year. According to informants, the entire village participated, with each member playing a specific role in the preparation and performance of the ritual. These practices were essential in reaffirming social order and transmitting collective identity across generations.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eHowever, urbanization, demographic shifts, changing lifestyles, and the diversification of religious worldviews have significantly altered this pattern of transmission. What was once a communal undertaking has increasingly become a symbolic act led by a few individuals or families. This shift reflects a broader structural erosion of the ritual\u0026rsquo;s practical base and its reconfiguration as symbolic performance.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSeo Hae-sook (2010) noted a similar trend in rural communities, observing that village belief systems are increasingly reduced to ceremonial displays, with weakened social interactions among villagers. The fragmentation of community life renders the original function of such rituals obsolete, as they no longer serve as active instruments for community integration.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTherefore, the transformation of the Mokshinje should not be dismissed as mere decline. Instead, it should be understood as a process of symbolic recontextualization and cultural repurposing. The symbolic meanings and memory functions embedded in traditional beliefs remain potent. Their sustainability depends on how meaning is reconstructed within contemporary cultural frameworks.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e5.2 Stratified Memory and Divergent Testimonies\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eOral testimonies revealed notable differences in how the Mokshinje is remembered. Elder informants describe it as a sacred, life-affirming ceremony, while middle-aged participants view it as a diminishing tradition, and younger generations are often unaware of it altogether. One youth respondent noted, \u0026ldquo;I\u0026rsquo;ve heard about it, but I\u0026rsquo;ve never taken part.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThese discrepancies highlight that folk belief systems are not static narratives but multilayered memories shaped by personal experiences, social positions, and generational perspectives. Aleida Assmann (2011) emphasized that cultural memory is formed through hierarchies, conflicts, and selective encoding. Thus, the oral narratives reflect not a single historical truth but a contested field of memory construction.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAccordingly, oral history should not merely document what happened but interpret how the past is selectively remembered, forgotten, and reinterpreted in varying contexts.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003cstrong\u003e5.3 Ritual Formalization and Cultural Reconfiguration\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTestimonies indicate that the Mokshinje has undergone procedural simplification and a shift from experiential performance to symbolic representation. In the past, the sacred tree was meticulously prepared, and community-wide participation was the norm. Offerings were carefully arranged, and invocations were memorized and delivered with reverence. The ritual was a space of collective embodiment of ethical and sacred order.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn contrast, today\u0026rsquo;s ceremonies are less frequent and often organized by a small number of individuals. One elder noted, \u0026ldquo;We used to prepare everything together, but now just a few people manage it.\u0026rdquo; Another added, \u0026ldquo;We don\u0026rsquo;t memorize the invocation anymore\u0026mdash;we just read it from paper.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis evolution should not be viewed as a rupture. Rather, it represents an adaptive response wherein traditional rituals are reformulated within new socio-cultural conditions. Seo Hae-sook (2010) found that village beliefs now tend to maintain symbolic identity while streamlining their practical content or reframing it as cultural events.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eHence, the formalization of the Mokshinje signifies not the death of tradition but its transformation into a \u0026apos;living heritage\u0026apos;\u0026mdash;a reconfiguration of form and meaning aligned with contemporary realities. Such reinterpretation opens pathways for engaging cultural memory and fostering renewed communal identity.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Contemporary Significance and Strategies for Transmission","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe Busu-dong Mokshinje, while retaining the form of traditional village belief systems, has undergone reinterpretation within the rapidly urbanizing and industrializing contemporary Korean society. Although participation has dwindled and generational transmission is tenuous, the ritual continues to function as a medium for evoking collective memory, cultural identity, and symbolic meaning within the community.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e6.1 The Ritual as a Mechanism for Reproducing Communal Solidarity\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn its original form, the Mokshinje represented a communal act of collaboration and mutual aid. Preparing offerings and reciting invocations together around the sacred tree served as a ritualized reaffirmation of social bonds and village identity. Victor Turner\u0026rsquo;s (1969) concept of communitas is relevant here, describing how ritual moments suspend social hierarchies and forge affective solidarity among participants.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAlthough such physical cohesion has waned, the symbolic framework of the Mokshinje can still revitalize communal consciousness. The ritual continues to offer a symbolic space where fragmented communities can reengage with shared heritage and social ethics.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e6.2 Cultural Memory and the Ritual as a Site of Remembrance\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe Mokshinje functions as a lieu de m\u0026eacute;moire (site of memory), concentrating layers of social, historical, and symbolic narratives. Testimonies indicate that the ritual encapsulates not only religious beliefs but also past lifeways, environmental relationships, and communal aspirations. Aleida Assmann (2011) explains that cultural memory is sustained through repetitive symbolic acts. The Mokshinje, in this sense, is a ritual through which the community remembers itself and defines its identity. Hence, its transmission is not merely about preserving ritual form but also about maintaining a mnemonic structure through which local history and values are kept alive.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e6.3 Potential as an Eco-Cultural Resource\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe centrality of the sacred tree highlights the ritual\u0026rsquo;s ecological ethos. Reverence for nature, seasonal cycles, and regenerative values embedded in the ritual align with modern concerns about environmental sustainability. Park Jun-hong (2018) has suggested that traditional practices of nature worship can be reinterpreted as resources for urban ecotourism, eco-education, and community festivals.\u003cbr\u003e\u0026nbsp;Thus, the Mokshinje may be repositioned not only as a heritage ritual but also as a meaningful site for ecological awareness, with potential for integration into sustainable local development strategies.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e6.4 Diversifying Agents of Transmission\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eCurrently, the ritual is primarily maintained by elderly men, leading to concerns about long-term viability. For sustainable transmission, it is imperative to diversify agents of cultural reproduction. This includes educational institutions, cultural foundations, civic groups, youth organizations, and artists, all of whom can serve as co-producers of tradition.\u003cbr\u003e\u0026nbsp;Intergenerational programs involving youth, increased participation of women, and interdisciplinary collaborations can transform the ritual into a platform for cultural creativity and communal regeneration.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e6.5 Digitization and Cultural Heritage Strategy\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWhile the oral documentation of the Mokshinje has been an essential step in preserving its intangible elements, reliance on textual formats alone limits accessibility and engagement. A strategy of digital heritage development is required\u0026mdash;one that includes multimedia documentation such as video, audio, 3D modeling of the ritual site, and interactive maps. Such digitization could link the Mokshinje with local archives, schools, and museums, allowing broader public interaction. This approach would not only preserve but also activate the ritual as a living heritage, engaging future generations in dynamic ways.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Conclusion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis study examined the Mokshinje ritual in Busu-dong, Daedeok-gu, Daejeon, using ethnographic approaches, oral history methods, and symbolic anthropology frameworks. By focusing on oral testimonies and on-site observation, the research revealed that the Mokshinje is not merely a residual tradition but continues to function as a vital medium for cultural memory and communal identity.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFirst, the ritual embodies a complex system of symbols that reflect the reciprocal relationship between nature and humans. The ritual procedures, spatial arrangement of the sacred tree and altar, and use of seasonal offerings together demonstrate how the Mokshinje performs a symbolic reconstruction of local cosmology and ethics.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSecond, oral testimonies reveal divergent generational perspectives and experiences of the ritual. While the ritual\u0026rsquo;s material base has weakened in the face of urbanization and social change, some community members continue to regard the Mokshinje as a source of cultural regeneration. This supports the view that tradition is not a static legacy but a negotiated practice shaped by present contexts.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThird, the study did not treat the ritual as an isolated religious act but as a symbolic communication system that sustains communal memory. The sacred tree and the ritual ground operate as lieux de m\u0026eacute;moire, through which the village\u0026rsquo;s values, history, and sense of belonging are periodically reaffirmed. This analytical lens connects the field study to broader theories such as Aleida Assmann\u0026rsquo;s cultural memory and Victor Turner\u0026rsquo;s ritual theory.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFourth, the study identifies the necessity of transforming the mechanisms of ritual transmission. Instead of preserving form alone, the Mokshinje should be revitalized through expanded participation, educational engagement, and digital documentation. Diversifying the agents of transmission and integrating the ritual into contemporary cultural infrastructures can enhance its relevance and sustainability.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn summary, the Busu-dong Mokshinje illustrates how folk religion is reinterpreted and recontextualized in modern society, remaining a dynamic site for the negotiation of identity, memory, and value. The future of such traditions depends not only on their preservation but on their creative reinterpretation in line with contemporary communal needs. The sustainable transmission of folk religion requires not the repetition of the past, but the continuous reconstruction of meaning within lived experience.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003cp\u003eIRB Number: KKUIRB-202503-HR-050\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAcknowledgement:\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis work was supported by \u003cstrong\u003e[Funder name withheld for peer review]\u003c/strong\u003e under grant \u003cstrong\u003e[Grant number withheld for peer review]\u003c/strong\u003e.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003eAcademy of Korean Studies. (2012). Jeongwol Daeboreum (First Full Moon Day). 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Seoul: Arche.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":true,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"Mokshinje, folk religion, cultural memory, oral history, symbolic anthropology, ritual transmission, Busu-dong, Korean village belief","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-8535695/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-8535695/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003e This research investigates the Mokshinje ritual in Busu-dong, Daedeok-gu, Daejeon, through a comprehensive ethnographic study based on oral history interviews and symbolic anthropological analysis. The Mokshinje, a tree-centered village ritual historically conducted to pray for peace and prosperity, embodies Korea's ecological and communal worldview. Through testimony from elder participants and fieldwork at the ritual site, the study analyzes the ritual\u0026rsquo;s structural components, symbolic meanings, and patterns of transmission and transformation. Findings reveal that while the ritual has undergone procedural simplification and a shift from communal to individual participation, it remains a vital medium for expressing cultural memory and community identity. This study concludes that sustainable transmission of the Mokshinje requires reinterpretation within contemporary cultural conditions, diversification of transmission agents, and strategic integration into eco-cultural and digital heritage frameworks.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"A Study on the Structure and Transmission of Folk Belief through Oral Histories of the Busu-dong Mokshinje","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2026-01-14 08:52:43","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-8535695/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"2ccbace4-0bcf-4aca-b8f3-cccb2d2352aa","owner":[],"postedDate":"January 14th, 2026","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"posted","subjectAreas":[],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2026-02-18T12:10:55+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2026-01-14 08:52:43","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-8535695","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-8535695","identity":"rs-8535695","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"XKTyCvWXoU3ODBz1xrDgd","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}