Bridging the neural synchronization to linguistic structures and natural speech comprehension

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The study used magnetoencephalography to test whether neural synchronization previously observed with isochronous syllable sequences also applies to natural speech, in which syllables and linguistic units are anisochronous. Participants listened to continuous speech spanning artificial isochrony to more natural anisochrony, and the researchers measured neural synchronization to both acoustic units (syllables) and abstract linguistic units (phrases and sentences). Neural synchronization to phrases and sentences remained resilient to anisochrony, whereas synchronization to syllables did not, and left/right hemispheric patterns differed, with leftward lateralization for linguistic-structure processing and stimulus-driven rightward/bilateral responses for syllable/acoustic processing. This paper does not explicitly discuss endometriosis or adenomyosis; it was included in the corpus via a keyword match in the upstream search index.

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Abstract

Speech comprehension involves the inference of abstract information from continuous acoustic signals. Prior work suggests that electrophysiological activity is synchronized with abstract linguistic structures (phrases and sentences) during the processing of isochronous syllable sequences. It is yet unclear whether this prior evidence generalizes to natural speech comprehension, which requires the flexible processing of continuous speech, where syllables and other types of linguistic units are anisochronous. Our magnetoencephalography experiment investigated neural synchronization to acoustic (syllables) and abstract units (phrases and sentences) using continuous speech ranging from artificial isochronous to more natural anisochronous. We find that neural synchronization to phrases and sentences, but not syllables, is resilient to naturalistic anisochrony. This suggests that linguistic structure processing reflects endogenous inferences that are fundamentally distinct from the exogenous processing of syllables driven by speech acoustics. Lateralization and linear regression results extend this functional dissociation as hemispheric asymmetry: stimulus-independent leftward lateralization for linguistic structure processing but stimulus-driven rightward lateralization (or bilaterality) for both syllable and acoustic processing. Our findings provide a more realistic characterization of the flexible neural mechanisms supporting the efficient comprehension of natural speech.
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Abstract Speech comprehension involves the inference of abstract information from continuous acoustic signals. Prior work suggests that electrophysiological activity is synchronized with abstract linguistic structures (phrases and sentences) during the processing of isochronous syllable sequences. It is yet unclear whether this prior evidence generalizes to natural speech comprehension, which requires the flexible processing of continuous speech, where syllables and other types of linguistic units are anisochronous. Our magnetoencephalography experiment investigated neural synchronization to acoustic (syllables) and abstract units (phrases and sentences) using continuous speech ranging from artificial isochronous to more natural anisochronous. We find that neural synchronization to phrases and sentences, but not syllables, is resilient to naturalistic anisochrony. This suggests that linguistic structure processing reflects endogenous inferences that are fundamentally distinct from the exogenous processing of syllables driven by speech acoustics. Lateralization and linear regression results extend this functional dissociation as hemispheric asymmetry: stimulus-independent leftward lateralization for linguistic structure processing but stimulus-driven rightward lateralization (or bilaterality) for both syllable and acoustic processing. Our findings provide a more realistic characterization of the flexible neural mechanisms supporting the efficient comprehension of natural speech. Competing Interest Statement The authors have declared no competing interest. Footnotes ↵** Joint last author

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last seen: 2026-05-20T01:45:00.602351+00:00