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Rooted in colonial governance, the 1898 CrPC continues to shape criminal justice in Bangladesh with procedural inefficiencies, human-rights concerns, and institutional rigidity. Using a qualitative comparative framework and doctrinal analysis of statutes, case law, and scholarly literature, this research explores how neighbouring jurisdictions have modernised their procedural systems to align with constitutional and human-rights standards. The findings reveal that India’s 1973 CrPC emphasises procedural fairness and access to justice, Nepal’s 2017 code integrates rights-based and restorative approaches, while Pakistan and Sri Lanka show varying degrees of partial reform. In contrast, Bangladesh’s CrPC remains structurally colonial and resistant to technological and institutional modernisation. The study concludes that meaningful reform requires codifying due process safeguards, establishing prosecutorial independence, and adopting digital judicial processes. By synthesising regional best practices, this research contributes to the discourse on transforming Bangladesh’s criminal procedure into a rights-oriented and efficient framework responsive to contemporary constitutional and international norms. Criminal Law CrPC 1898 Bangladesh comparative criminal procedure legal transplant BNSS 2023 pre-trial detention procedural reform 1. Introduction The Code of Criminal Procedure (1898) [CrPC] of Bangladesh remains one of the most enduring legacies of British colonial governance in South Asia. Drafted to serve a unified colonial administrative purpose, it was designed primarily to maintain “order and imperial control” rather than to protect individual rights (Ahmed, 2016 ; Chowdhury & Rahman, 2018 ). More than a century later, this statute continues to form the procedural backbone of Bangladesh’s criminal justice system, governing investigation, arrest, detention, bail, and trial. Yet the socio-political, technological, and human rights landscape has changed dramatically since 1898. The persistence of the colonial code has produced a structural mismatch between contemporary constitutional commitments—particularly the guarantees of liberty, equality, and due process under Articles 27, 31, and 33 of the Constitution of Bangladesh—and the procedural mechanisms through which justice is administered (Rahman, 2021 ; Hossain, 2020 ). While successive governments have enacted piecemeal amendments, these changes have been reactive and fragmented, failing to address systemic issues such as excessive pre-trial detention, inadequate forensic procedures, and a lack of transparency in police investigations (Khan & Kabir, 2019). More than 80 per cent of inmates in Bangladesh’s prisons are under trial, a figure that exposes the chronic delay and procedural inefficiency embedded in the current CrPC (World Prison Brief, 2023). Against this backdrop, there is growing scholarly and institutional consensus that Bangladesh requires a comprehensive reform of its criminal procedural law to align it with modern standards of fairness, efficiency, and accountability (Islam, 2022; UNDP, 2020). The experience of other South Asian jurisdictions—India, Pakistan, Nepal, and Sri Lanka—offers valuable comparative insights. India, sharing the same colonial heritage, replaced the 1898 Code with the Code of Criminal Procedure 1973 and, more recently, introduced an ambitious re-codification through the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS) 2023 (Government of India, 2023 ). These legislative innovations aim to modernise investigation processes, integrate digital technologies, and enhance victim-centred procedures (Basu & Verma, 2024 ). Pakistan has maintained the 1898 framework but modified it through regional ordinances, while Nepal adopted the National Criminal Procedure (Code) Act 2017, embedding clearer prosecutorial oversight and victim-rights mechanisms (Shrestha, 2020 ). Sri Lanka, for its part, has enacted the Code of Criminal Procedure Act No. 15 of 1979, reflecting incremental modernisation aligned with post-colonial legal evolution (Fernando, 2019 ). Each of these trajectories provides lessons—both positive and cautionary—for Bangladesh’s reform efforts. This research thus investigates the comparative evolution of criminal procedural codes in South Asia to identify pathways for reforming Bangladesh’s CrPC 1898. The central premise is that while the regional codes share a common historical foundation, their divergent reform paths illustrate varying degrees of adaptation to constitutional norms, human-rights standards, and technological realities. Comparative analysis can illuminate how certain structural reforms—such as the institutionalisation of forensic procedures, digitisation of case management, or clarification of bail standards—might be contextually transplanted into the Bangladeshi system without undermining its constitutional identity (Watson, 1974 ; Cairns, 2019 ). The rationale for a comparative, regional focus rests on both historical proximity and functional similarity. South Asian jurisdictions inherited analogous police structures, judicial hierarchies, and procedural doctrines under British India. Consequently, comparative evaluation within this region offers higher contextual validity than comparisons with Western systems (Mahmud, 2022). At the same time, reform trajectories differ in pace and scope, influenced by each nation’s constitutional frameworks, political culture, and institutional capacity. Understanding these differences allows for identifying what can be borrowed, what must be adapted, and what should be avoided—a method consistent with the “contextual legal transplant” approach (Kumar & Das, 2021). This study employs a qualitative, doctrinal, and socio-legal methodology. It analyses statutory texts, amendment ordinances, reform committee reports, and scholarly commentary. The theoretical framework integrates legal transplant theory and the socio-legal concept of institutional fit (Watson, 1974 ; Berkowitz et al., 2003 ). The objectives are threefold: to map comparative features of South Asian procedural codes; to identify reform trends addressing recurring challenges—delays, pre-trial detention, investigative opacity, and gender insensitivity; and to propose a context-specific, staged reform roadmap for Bangladesh. Ultimately, reforming the CrPC 1898 is not merely a legislative exercise but an opportunity to recalibrate the nation’s commitment to justice, rule of law, and human dignity. Comparative analysis offers a compass for this journey, signalling both feasible reforms and the institutional investments required to realise them (Hoque, 2020 ). The study, therefore, seeks to contribute to ongoing policy discourse and to enrich academic understanding of procedural modernisation within developing legal systems. 2. Literature Review The literature on criminal procedure in South Asia reveals a complex interplay between colonial legacies, postcolonial adaptations, and contemporary reform initiatives. Scholars consistently highlight that the procedural codes inherited from British rule, including Bangladesh’s CrPC 1898, were designed for administrative control rather than justice delivery. Over time, different South Asian states have pursued varied reform trajectories to reconcile these colonial frameworks with modern constitutional values and human-rights norms. This body of research provides essential insights into the persistence of procedural inefficiencies, the challenges of legal transplantation, and the evolving models of rights-based criminal justice. Reviewing these studies enables a deeper understanding of both the continuities and the transformations shaping procedural law across the region, thereby informing Bangladesh’s ongoing reform discourse. 2.1 Colonial Origins and Post-Colonial Persistence The CrPC 1898 was designed as a tool of governance rather than justice. Scholars such as Ahmed ( 2016 ) and Rahman ( 2021 ) argue that colonial procedural law prioritised administrative efficiency and control over substantive rights. The architecture of the 1898 Code—its centralised police powers, discretionary magistracy, and rigid evidentiary formalism—was shaped by the exigencies of imperial administration. Following independence, both Pakistan and subsequently Bangladesh inherited this framework largely intact (Kabir, 2019). Legal historians describe this continuity as “colonial inertia,” wherein newly independent states retained colonial codes to preserve administrative stability despite changed constitutional environments (Chakrabarty & Chaudhuri, 2018 ). Bangladesh’s legal scholars note that while the Constitution of 1972 enshrines strong protections for personal liberty, the procedural law that operationalises these rights remains outdated (Hossain, 2020 ). The tension between constitutional guarantees and procedural realities has produced judicial interventions seeking to reinterpret colonial provisions in light of modern rights jurisprudence, yet such interventions have limited systemic impact without legislative reform (Islam, 2022). 2.2 Comparative Reforms in South Asia The evolution of criminal procedure across South Asia reflects both shared colonial origins and divergent national reform trajectories. While all countries in the region inherited versions of the British colonial CrPC, their responses to modernisation and justice reform have varied according to constitutional principles, political priorities, and institutional capacities. India, Pakistan, Nepal, and Sri Lanka each represent distinct approaches to adapting procedural law to contemporary needs—ranging from India’s technological modernisation to Nepal’s rights-based codification. Examining these comparative reforms provides valuable insights into how common legal foundations have evolved under differing socio-political contexts. Such analysis is essential for identifying contextually appropriate lessons that can guide Bangladesh in reforming its own outdated CrPC 1898 toward a more equitable and efficient criminal justice system. 2.2.1 India: From CrPC 1973 to BNSS 2023 India’s CrPC 1973 represented an early attempt to indigenize criminal procedure, balancing due process with efficient administration (Sarkar, 2017). However, persistent backlogs and procedural delays prompted renewed reform initiatives, culminating in the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS) 2023. The BNSS modernises investigation and trial processes by mandating digital recording of statements, introducing electronic First Information Reports (FIRs), and imposing time-bound investigative obligations (Government of India, 2023 ; Basu & Verma, 2024 ). It also emphasises victim participation and gender-sensitive procedures. Commentators view these changes as an attempt to “decolonise” Indian criminal procedure while leveraging technology for transparency (Menon, 2024). Nonetheless, critics warn that expanding police powers without adequate safeguards risks undermining due-process rights (Singh, 2024). 2.2.2 Pakistan: Incremental Amendments Pakistan’s approach has been largely incremental. Since 1947, the CrPC 1898 has remained operative, supplemented by numerous provincial amendments. Reform efforts—such as the insertion of section 173-A on investigation reports and time-limits—aimed to improve efficiency but faced uneven enforcement (Ali & Naseem, 2021 ). Scholars observe that procedural reform in Pakistan has been hindered by limited judicial independence, inadequate forensic capacity, and socio-political instability (Iqbal, 2020). The result is a hybrid system combining colonial textual foundations with sporadic modern additions. 2.2.3 Nepal: The National Criminal Procedure (Code) Act 2017 Nepal’s 2017 Code represents a paradigm shift toward rights-based criminal procedure. It codifies prosecutorial oversight, clearer arrest protocols, victim-rights provisions, and mandatory judicial review of detention (Shrestha, 2020 ). Importantly, the Code integrates provisions for electronic evidence and defines the roles of investigators and prosecutors more distinctly than the colonial model (Gurung, 2021). Nepal’s reform illustrates a successful adaptation of international fair-trial standards to a South Asian context. 2.2.4 Sri Lanka: 1979 Code and Subsequent Reforms Sri Lanka’s Code of Criminal Procedure Act No. 15 of 1979 modernised evidentiary and procedural rules by aligning them with a mixed system drawing from English Common Law and Roman-Dutch Law (Fernando, 2019 ). Amendments have gradually introduced provisions on bail, witness protection, and electronic documentation. Yet, scholars note persistent challenges in police professionalism and prosecutorial independence (Perera, 2021). 2.3 Themes in Comparative Criminal-Procedure Scholarship Comparative scholarship on criminal procedure in South Asia identifies several recurring themes that shape the region’s justice systems. Despite varying degrees of reform, countries continue to face common challenges such as procedural delays, excessive pre-trial detention, weak forensic capacity, and limited protection of victims’ rights. These studies reveal that colonial legacies, institutional inertia, and uneven resource allocation have collectively hindered the realisation of fair-trial standards. At the same time, emerging trends—such as the adoption of digital technologies, gender-sensitive procedures, and rights-based frameworks—illustrate gradual progress toward modernisation. Analysing these thematic patterns not only highlights regional similarities and contrasts but also offers practical insights for Bangladesh as it seeks to reform its CrPC 1898 in alignment with contemporary principles of justice, efficiency, and human rights. 2.3.1 Delay and Backlog Across South Asia, procedural delay constitutes the most studied pathology. Researchers link delay to weak case-management systems, overlapping jurisdictional powers, and limited judicial resources (Mahmud, 2022; UNDP, 2020). Studies from India and Nepal demonstrate that digital case-tracking and time-bound investigation provisions significantly reduce pendency (Basu & Verma, 2024 ). 2.3.2 Pre-Trial Detention and Bail Pre-trial detention accounts for the majority of incarceration in Bangladesh and Pakistan (World Prison Brief, 2023). Comparative research underscores that clear statutory bail presumptions, periodic judicial review, and non-custodial alternatives improve compliance with fair-trial standards (Ali & Naseem, 2021 ; Singh, 2024). Nepal’s 2017 Code provides a model by embedding explicit timelines and judicial accountability mechanisms. 2.3.3 Forensic and Digital Evidence Modernisation of investigative procedures through mandatory forensic testing and digital recording is a major regional trend. India’s BNSS 2023 requires forensic examination in specified serious offences, while Nepal codified electronic-evidence provisions (Government of India, 2023 ; Gurung, 2021). Comparative analyses suggest that Bangladesh should adopt a phased forensic mandate synchronised with capacity development (Islam, 2022). 2.3.4 Gender and Victim Sensitivity Gender-sensitive procedures and victim rights have received growing attention. The BNSS 2023 and Nepal’s 2017 Code mandate female officers for recording statements from female victims and ensure closed-door testimony for sexual-offence cases (Basu & Verma, 2024 ; Shrestha, 2020 ). These provisions align with CEDAW obligations and demonstrate feasible adaptation within South Asian legal systems. 2.3.5 Legal Transplants and Institutional Fit A theoretical strand of comparative law examines how procedural models travel across jurisdictions. Watson ( 1974 ) conceptualised legal transplants as the borrowing of legal rules from one context to another. Subsequent scholarship emphasises that transplant success depends on institutional and cultural compatibility (Berkowitz et al., 2003 ; Cairns, 2019 ). Applied to criminal-procedure reform, this perspective warns that adopting foreign provisions—such as India’s forensic mandates or Nepal’s prosecutorial model—without adequate local capacity can produce “paper reforms.” Hoque ( 2020 ) and Mahmud (2022) argue that Bangladesh must align reform sequencing with administrative capability to avoid such pitfalls. 2.4 Gaps in Existing Research Despite substantial commentary, three critical gaps persist: Integrated Comparative Analysis – Most studies examine individual jurisdictions or single thematic issues (e.g., bail, digitalisation) but seldom provide region-wide comparative syntheses (Islam, 2022). Contextual Adaptation Frameworks – There is limited scholarship on operationalising legal-transplant theory in South Asian procedural reform, leaving policymakers without structured criteria for evaluating “fit.” Empirical Assessment – Implementation studies are scarce. While UNDP (2020) and World Bank (2021) reports quantify backlog and detention, they lack a qualitative evaluation of institutional behaviour. 2.5 Conceptual Synthesis Drawing on this literature, this study situates Bangladesh’s CrPC reform debate within two interlinked dimensions: doctrinal modernisation and institutional transformation. Doctrinal modernisation refers to textual reform—updating procedural rules, clarifying rights, and integrating technology. Institutional transformation concerns the supporting ecosystem: trained personnel, forensic labs, digital infrastructure, and judicial oversight mechanisms (Hoque, 2020 ). Comparative evidence indicates that both dimensions must advance simultaneously for reform to be sustainable (Berkowitz et al., 2003 ; Mahmud, 2022). The literature thus establishes the analytical foundation for the present study’s comparative methodology and theoretical framework. 3. Theoretical Framework Legal systems evolve not in isolation but through historical, institutional, and transnational interactions. To examine how South Asian countries have reformed or retained the colonial Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC), this study adopts a theoretical framework grounded in Legal Transplant Theory, Institutionalism, and Socio-Legal Modernisation Theory. Together, these perspectives illuminate how laws are borrowed, adapted, and sustained within distinct national contexts, and how Bangladesh might design reforms suited to its institutional realities. 3.1 Legal Transplant Theory The concept of legal transplants—originally articulated by Alan Watson ( 1974 )—refers to the process through which legal rules, principles, or institutions are transferred from one system to another. Watson argued that most legal development occurs through borrowing rather than indigenous innovation, as societies selectively adapt norms perceived as effective elsewhere. This theory is central to the comparative analysis of criminal procedure in South Asia, since the procedural codes of India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka all derive from the British colonial template of 1898 (Chakrabarty & Chaudhuri, 2018 ). Yet, as Watson ( 1993 ) later acknowledged, transplantation is not a mechanical act; the success of imported norms depends on their interaction with the recipient society’s institutional and cultural environment. Subsequent scholars have refined and critiqued Watson’s model. Teubner ( 1998 ) proposed the concept of legal irritants, suggesting that transplanted rules often produce unpredictable transformations rather than straightforward replication. Similarly, Berkowitz, Pistor, and Richard ( 2003 ) emphasised the transplant effect, arguing that borrowed laws function effectively only when aligned with local institutional capacities and legal traditions. This insight is particularly relevant for Bangladesh, where colonial-era procedural norms persist despite constitutional and social changes. The persistence of the CrPC 1898 can thus be understood as an instance of a “maladapted transplant”—a law transplanted under one context but insufficiently recalibrated after independence (Hoque, 2020 ). 3.2 Institutionalism and Path Dependency The second theoretical pillar, Institutionalism, explains how historical legacies shape the continuity of legal and bureaucratic systems. North ( 1990 ) and Mahoney ( 2000 ) describe path dependency as the phenomenon by which initial institutional choices constrain subsequent reform trajectories. Once established, institutions create self-reinforcing mechanisms—routines, professional cultures, and vested interests—that make radical change costly or politically risky. This framework helps explain why Bangladesh, like Pakistan, has retained the 1898 CrPC while India and Nepal have undertaken comprehensive codification. The institutional culture of policing and magistracy in Bangladesh, deeply rooted in colonial hierarchies, sustains procedural conservatism (Hossain, 2020 ; Rahman, 2021 ). Institutional theory also clarifies how reform efforts succeed when they are incrementally adaptive rather than abruptly transformative. Pierson ( 2004 ) and Thelen ( 2009 ) propose that gradual, cumulative reforms—such as the introduction of digital case management or specialised procedural rules for vulnerable groups—can alter institutional behaviour without destabilising core structures. From this perspective, Bangladesh’s procedural reform should prioritise staged modernization rather than wholesale replacement, aligning with administrative capacity and political feasibility. 3.3 Socio-Legal Modernisation Theory A third theoretical dimension arises from Socio-Legal Modernisation Theory, which views law as both a reflection of and an instrument for social change (Cotterrell, 2006 ). Modernisation of criminal procedure involves not only textual revision but also the transformation of institutional practices, public expectations, and professional ethics. Scholars such as Friedman ( 2017 ) and Banakar ( 2015 ) argue that legal modernisation in postcolonial societies must reconcile universal norms—such as due process and human rights—with local socio-political realities. In this sense, the modernisation of the CrPC 1898 is as much about changing procedural culture—reducing arbitrariness, improving access, enhancing transparency—as about legislative drafting. Socio-legal modernisation also highlights the role of legitimacy and citizen trust in legal systems. Luhmann ( 2004 ) posited that procedural justice is central to sustaining legitimacy: citizens comply voluntarily with law when they perceive procedures as fair, predictable, and inclusive. Comparative evidence from Nepal and India suggests that transparency measures (e.g., digital FIR registration, time-bound investigation, and victim participation) improve public confidence in criminal justice (Basu & Verma, 2024 ; Shrestha, 2020 ). Hence, reforming the CrPC 1898 must simultaneously enhance procedural fairness and institutional accountability to restore legitimacy. 3.4 Integrative Analytical Model By synthesising these theoretical perspectives, this study employs an Integrative Comparative Framework comprising three analytical dimensions: Transplantation Dynamics – Examining how South Asian procedural laws evolved from a shared colonial template and how legal borrowing continues to shape reform discourse. Institutional Fit and Path Dependency – Assessing how administrative capacity, judicial structure, and political culture mediate reform success or failure. Modernisation and Legitimacy – Evaluating how reforms align with contemporary notions of due process, human rights, and citizen trust. This composite framework facilitates a nuanced comparison between formal legal provisions and their functional realities. It moves beyond textual comparison to assess how procedural reforms operate within broader institutional ecosystems. 3.5 Application to Bangladesh Applying this framework to Bangladesh, the study interprets the CrPC 1898 as both a colonial transplant and an institutionally embedded legacy. Reform, therefore, demands both legal transplantation—from regional best practices—and institutional realignment to ensure compatibility with local capacities. Lessons from India’s technological reforms, Nepal’s rights-based codification, and Sri Lanka’s gradual procedural modernisation can be filtered through this framework to identify feasible, sequenced reforms for Bangladesh. The theoretical synthesis thus provides the conceptual scaffolding for the study’s qualitative comparative methodology. 4. Research Methodology This research employs a qualitative, comparative, and doctrinal-socio-legal methodology to analyse the evolution of criminal procedure in South Asia and to identify lessons for reforming Bangladesh’s Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC) 1898. The approach integrates textual analysis, comparative evaluation, and contextual interpretation, consistent with interpretivist epistemology. 4.1 Research Design The study follows a comparative qualitative design, focusing on four jurisdictions—India, Pakistan, Nepal, and Sri Lanka—as primary comparators. These countries share a common legal heritage yet diverge in their reform trajectories, allowing for contextually grounded comparisons. The design is exploratory rather than hypothesis-testing, aiming to generate insights into how different reform models address shared procedural challenges. 4.2 Data Sources Data collection relies primarily on secondary sources, including: Statutory texts and amendments (e.g., India’s BNSS 2023; Nepal’s Criminal Procedure Code 2017). Government and law commission reports. Judicial decisions interpreting procedural law. Scholarly articles, books, and policy papers on criminal procedure reform. International reports from organisations such as UNDP and the World Bank concerning justice-sector performance. These sources enable triangulation of doctrinal, institutional, and policy perspectives. 4.3 Analytical Methods The analysis proceeds in three stages: Doctrinal Analysis – Identifies structural and procedural features within each jurisdiction’s code, such as arrest procedures, bail provisions, and investigation protocols. Comparative Thematic Coding – Employs qualitative coding to categorise recurring reform themes (e.g., digitalisation, delay reduction, victim rights). NVivo-style thematic mapping techniques are used to identify cross-jurisdictional similarities and divergences (Bryman, 2016 ). Contextual Interpretation – Situates these themes within socio-political and institutional contexts, assessing their applicability to Bangladesh through the theoretical lenses of legal transplant, institutionalism, and modernisation. 4.4 Research Paradigm and Justification The study adopts an interpretivist paradigm, premised on the understanding that legal systems are socially constructed and context-dependent (Creswell & Poth, 2018 ). Quantitative indicators—such as case disposal rates or detention statistics—are used descriptively but not as primary analytical tools. Instead, the focus lies on interpreting how legal norms operate within institutional and cultural environments. This paradigm is particularly suitable for postcolonial comparative legal studies, where the meaning and function of law cannot be separated from context (Banakar & Travers, 2020 ). 4.5 Reliability, Validity, and Ethical Considerations Although qualitative legal research does not rely on statistical reliability, trustworthiness is ensured through transparency of sources, methodological consistency, and triangulation. Using multiple data types (statutory, judicial, scholarly) strengthens internal validity. Ethical considerations involve accurate representation of laws and jurisdictions, acknowledgement of intellectual sources, and avoidance of normative bias in cross-country evaluation. No human subjects were involved, so institutional ethics approval was not required. 4.6 Limitations Several limitations are acknowledged. First, access to updated legislative materials and commentaries varies among jurisdictions, particularly Pakistan. Second, the study focuses on formal legal structures rather than empirical fieldwork, which may underrepresent lived procedural experiences. Third, while the comparative method reveals patterns, it cannot predict reform outcomes in Bangladesh, where political and administrative realities may differ. 4.7 Expected Contribution Methodologically, this research contributes to comparative legal scholarship by integrating doctrinal and socio-legal analysis within a regional South Asian framework. Substantively, it offers a structured basis for policy recommendations by identifying feasible reforms for Bangladesh that respect both legal heritage and institutional realities. The qualitative methodology ensures that reform proposals are grounded not in abstraction but in a contextual, evidence-informed understanding of procedural law’s operation across comparable jurisdictions. 5. Findings The comparative analysis of the Criminal Procedure Codes (CrPCs) across South Asia reveals both enduring colonial legacies and diverse reform trajectories shaped by each country’s socio-political and constitutional development. The findings are organised around five key dimensions: (1) historical continuity and reform intent, (2) procedural modernisation, (3) protection of due process and human rights, (4) institutional capacity and access to justice, and (5) lessons for Bangladesh. 5.1 Historical Continuity and Reform Intent All South Asian countries—Bangladesh, India, Pakistan, Nepal, and Sri Lanka—derive their criminal procedural frameworks from the British Indian Code of Criminal Procedure, 1898 (Ahmed, 2021 ; Hussain, 2019 ). However, their reform trajectories diverged significantly post-independence. India enacted the CrPC, 1973, to modernise its legal system and align it with constitutional guarantees under Articles 20–22 (Sharma, 2018 ). Pakistan retained the 1898 CrPC with only piecemeal amendments, reflecting a more conservative legal culture influenced by Islamic jurisprudence (Khalid, 2020 ). Nepal adopted a comprehensive Criminal Procedure Code in 2017 as part of broader legal modernisation under its new republican constitution (Subedi, 2021 ). Sri Lanka, meanwhile, replaced colonial codes with the Code of Criminal Procedure Act, 1979, integrating elements of both British and Roman-Dutch traditions (Weeramantry, 2017 ). Bangladesh, by contrast, continues to rely on the CrPC, 1898, with minor modifications. While legislative amendments have occurred, the procedural ethos remains largely colonial, prioritising administrative control over individual rights (Islam, 2020 ). The persistence of outdated provisions—such as magistrates’ extensive powers in criminal investigation and limited safeguards during detention—indicates a lack of structural reform intent. This contrasts sharply with India’s and Nepal’s reforms, which emphasised constitutionalism and rights protection (Banerjee, 2019 ). 5.2 Procedural Modernisation and Technological Integration Reform initiatives in India and Nepal demonstrate the growing role of digitalisation and technology in criminal justice. India’s e-Courts Mission Mode Project and the Crime and Criminal Tracking Network System (CCTNS) have digitised case management, improving transparency and efficiency (Chakrabarti & Sengupta, 2020 ). Nepal has similarly integrated electronic evidence submission and digital case tracking within its new procedural framework (Adhikari, 2022 ). Pakistan and Sri Lanka are gradually introducing similar initiatives but remain constrained by inadequate infrastructure and institutional inertia (Hassan, 2021 ). Bangladesh has initiated limited digitisation under the Supreme Court’s e-judiciary project, yet procedural laws have not been updated to accommodate electronic evidence, online hearings, or virtual case management (Rahman, 2023 ). This lag hinders justice delivery, especially in rural jurisdictions where case backlogs are extensive. The comparative evidence suggests that procedural reform must integrate technological modernisation as a statutory and institutional priority. 5.3 Due Process, Detention, and Human Rights A core finding across jurisdictions is the uneven implementation of due process and human rights standards. India’s 1973 CrPC integrates constitutional protections for arrested persons, including mandatory information on grounds of arrest and the right to consult a lawyer (Article 22 of the Constitution; Sharma, 2018 ). Nepal’s CrPC 2017 similarly guarantees immediate judicial oversight of detention and provides for compensation in cases of unlawful arrest (Subedi, 2021 ). In contrast, Pakistan and Bangladesh still allow prolonged police custody under Sections 54 and 167 of the CrPC, which have been widely criticised for enabling arbitrary detention and custodial torture (Khan, 2022 ). Judicial precedents in Bangladesh—such as Bangladesh Legal Aid and Services Trust (BLAST) v. Bangladesh (2003)—highlighted the incompatibility of Section 54 with fundamental rights (Islam, 2020 ). However, the absence of comprehensive legislative reform has left these judicial safeguards fragile. Comparative analysis indicates that codifying judicial safeguards into procedural statutes, as done in Nepal and India, strengthens accountability mechanisms and reduces human rights violations. 5.4 Institutional Capacity and Access to Justice Another major finding concerns institutional weakness in law enforcement, prosecution, and judicial administration. India and Sri Lanka have established dedicated prosecutorial services that operate independently from police investigation (Weeramantry, 2017 ). Pakistan’s prosecution remains subordinate to the executive, while Bangladesh still lacks an autonomous prosecutorial system (Khalid, 2020 ). The result is frequent investigative bias, poor case preparation, and low conviction rates. Access to justice also varies across the region. Nepal’s decentralised judicial model and legal aid services have improved inclusivity, especially for marginalised groups (Adhikari, 2022 ). In Bangladesh, the concentration of judicial power in urban centres, limited legal aid, and procedural complexity create barriers to justice for vulnerable populations (Rahman, 2023 ). 5.5 Lessons for Bangladesh From the comparative review, several reform lessons emerge for Bangladesh: Codified Rights Protection – Bangladesh should explicitly codify detainee rights, lawyer access, and compensation provisions within the CrPC. Judicial Oversight and Accountability – Statutory time limits for investigation and mandatory judicial review of detention can reduce abuse. Institutional Separation – Creating an independent prosecution service would enhance procedural fairness. Technological Modernisation – Integrating e-courts and digital evidence procedures can improve efficiency and transparency. Victim and Witness Protection – Borrowing from Nepal’s model, Bangladesh can establish a procedural framework for witness protection and gender-sensitive processes. In sum, while South Asia’s criminal procedure systems share historical roots, the comparative evidence underscores that reform success depends on legislative modernisation, institutional autonomy, and human-rights integration. 6. Discussion The findings highlight that criminal procedure reform in South Asia reflects the broader struggle between colonial legacies and modern constitutional ideals. This discussion situates Bangladesh’s CrPC 1898 within that regional dynamic, exploring its limitations, reform imperatives, and potential pathways informed by comparative models. 6.1 Colonial Legacy and Structural Continuity The persistence of the 1898 CrPC in Bangladesh underscores the colonial foundations of procedural governance. The British introduced the CrPC to ensure administrative control rather than to safeguard justice (Ahmed, 2021 ). Its structure—centralised police powers, limited defence rights, and executive-dominated prosecution—was designed for colonial efficiency, not human rights. After independence, Pakistan and subsequently Bangladesh retained this framework largely intact, perpetuating systemic imbalance between state authority and individual liberty (Hussain, 2019 ). Comparatively, India’s 1973 reform redefined criminal procedure as an instrument of constitutional justice, while Nepal’s 2017 code symbolised a break from colonial and monarchical traditions (Subedi, 2021 ). Bangladesh’s continued dependence on the 1898 framework illustrates how legal inertia constrains institutional adaptation and human rights compliance. 6.2 Comparative Insights on Reform Models India’s reforms centred on three principles: procedural fairness, speedy trial, and access to justice (Banerjee, 2019 ). The inclusion of anticipatory bail (Section 438) and mandatory legal representation demonstrates an effort to balance state and citizen power. Nepal’s approach, conversely, integrated international human rights norms directly into its procedural framework, emphasising equality before the law and victim participation (Adhikari, 2022 ). Sri Lanka’s hybrid model blends adversarial and inquisitorial features, seeking procedural efficiency within a mixed legal heritage (Weeramantry, 2017 ). Bangladesh’s CrPC reform discourse remains limited to ad hoc amendments rather than a holistic legislative overhaul. Comparative analysis suggests that successful reforms in India and Nepal emerged from broader judicial modernisation agendas—linking procedure to constitutionalism, technological innovation, and access to justice. Thus, Bangladesh’s reform should not merely amend outdated provisions but redefine procedural justice as a constitutional and rights-based imperative. 6.3 Institutional Reforms and Justice Delivery The comparative evidence highlights that institutional autonomy is crucial for effective criminal procedure. India’s independent prosecution service and judicial oversight mechanisms reduce political interference in criminal investigation (Chakrabarti & Sengupta, 2020 ). Nepal’s reforms decentralised prosecution and introduced time-bound investigation protocols (Subedi, 2021 ). In contrast, Bangladesh’s overlapping police–prosecutor–magistrate functions blur accountability, fostering procedural delay and corruption (Rahman, 2023 ). Furthermore, criminal case backlogs remain one of Bangladesh’s greatest procedural challenges. Lessons from India’s e-court initiative demonstrate that digitalisation—through online case management and electronic summons—can drastically reduce pendency (Chakrabarti & Sengupta, 2020 ). Institutional modernisation, therefore, must accompany legal reform to ensure sustainable impact. 6.4 Human Rights and Procedural Justice Human rights concerns—particularly regarding arbitrary detention, custodial torture, and limited legal aid—remain central to criminal procedure discourse (Khan, 2022 ). Bangladesh’s Section 54 of the CrPC allows police arrest on mere suspicion, a practice repeatedly condemned by courts and human-rights bodies (Islam, 2020 ). Nepal’s procedural reforms and India’s judicial precedents illustrate that legislative precision and judicial accountability are key to curbing such abuses. Embedding human rights norms—such as the presumption of innocence, access to counsel, and protection against self-incrimination—into procedural law transforms criminal justice from coercive control into participatory fairness. 6.5 Towards a Rights-Based and Technology-Driven CrPC A modern CrPC for Bangladesh should integrate rights-based principles with digital innovation. As seen in India and Nepal, digitised evidence submission, video hearings, and case-tracking systems enhance transparency and accessibility (Adhikari, 2022 ; Chakrabarti & Sengupta, 2020 ). Procedural justice must also include gender-sensitive reforms—such as special protections for victims of sexual violence and child witnesses—reflecting evolving international standards (UNODC, 2020 ). Additionally, reforms should codify restorative and community-based justice options. Incorporating alternative dispute resolution (ADR) mechanisms can reduce caseloads while promoting reconciliation, particularly in minor criminal matters. This aligns with Nepal’s and Sri Lanka’s experiences with community mediation (Weeramantry, 2017 ). 6.6 Synthesis and Reform Implications Comparative analysis demonstrates that Bangladesh’s CrPC reform must be systemic rather than incremental. Lessons from South Asia indicate that procedural reform is most effective when embedded within constitutional, technological, and institutional modernisation agendas. Reform should thus focus on: Repealing or redrafting outdated colonial provisions. Strengthening due process through codified human-rights safeguards. Establishing independent prosecutorial and forensic institutions. Integrating digital technology into all stages of criminal procedure. Ensuring access to justice through decentralisation and legal aid. Such measures would transform the CrPC from a colonial administrative tool into a rights-oriented framework, fulfilling both constitutional and international obligations. 7. Conclusion and Recommendations The comparative analysis of South Asian criminal procedure codes demonstrates that reform success depends on reconciling colonial legacies with modern principles of justice, constitutionalism, and human rights. Bangladesh’s continued reliance on the CrPC, 1898, has perpetuated procedural inefficiency, arbitrary detention, and weak protection for victims and defendants alike (Islam, 2020 ; Khan, 2022 ). The study concludes that while all South Asian states inherited similar colonial frameworks, divergent reform trajectories—such as India’s 1973 codification and Nepal’s 2017 rights-based model—illustrate that systemic modernisation is both possible and necessary. To transform its criminal procedure into a modern justice framework, Bangladesh must pursue comprehensive legislative reform rather than incremental amendment. The following key recommendations emerge from the study: Codify Human Rights Safeguards: Explicitly guarantee detainee rights, timely judicial review, and access to counsel within the CrPC. Ensure Judicial and Prosecutorial Independence: Establish an autonomous prosecution service and reinforce judicial oversight of police investigations. Integrate Digital Justice Mechanisms: Adopt e-court systems, digital evidence protocols, and online case management, drawing lessons from India’s e-Courts project. Strengthen Victim and Witness Protection: Introduce gender-sensitive and victim-centred procedural reforms modelled on Nepal’s and Sri Lanka’s practices. Promote Access to Justice: Expand legal aid and decentralise judicial institutions to improve accessibility for marginalised populations. In sum, reforming the CrPC, 1898 requires a paradigm shift from colonial control toward constitutional justice—anchored in transparency, technological modernisation, and respect for human dignity. Through context-sensitive adaptation of regional best practices, Bangladesh can craft a criminal procedural system that serves both efficiency and equity in the pursuit of justice. References Adhikari R (2022) Modernizing criminal procedure in Nepal: Challenges and prospects. Kathmandu Law Rev 10(2):45–68 Ahmed S (2016) Colonial legacies and the criminal law in Bangladesh. Dhaka Law Rev 7(2):45–68 Ahmed S (2021) Colonial legacies and procedural justice in South Asia. Dhaka Univ Law J 32(1):55–78 Ali R, Naseem T (2021) Incremental reform and institutional constraints in Pakistan’s criminal procedure. Pakistan J Law Soc 8(1):33–57 Banerjee T (2019) Reforming India’s criminal justice system: A constitutional perspective. Indian J Law Soc 9(1):11–34 Banakar R (2015) Normativity in legal sociology: Methodological reflections on law and regulation in late modernity. Springer Banakar R, Travers M (2020) Law and social theory, 3rd edn. Hart Publishing Basu A, Verma P (2024) India’s new criminal codes: Modernization or continuity? Indian J Criminol 52(1):1–20 Berkowitz D, Pistor K, Richard JF (2003) Economic development, legality, and the transplant effect. Eur Econ Rev 47(1):165–195 Bryman A (2016) Social research methods, 5th edn. Oxford University Press Cairns JW (2019) Watson, legal transplants, and the evolution of comparative law. Camb J Comp Law 12(2):201–225 Chakrabarti A, Sengupta D (2020) Technology and judicial reform: Lessons from India’s e-courts. J South Asian Gov 12(3):101–122 Chakrabarty B, Chaudhuri S (2018) Postcolonial governance and legal continuities in South Asia. Routledge Chowdhury N, Rahman MM (2018) The CrPC 1898 and colonial continuities in Bangladesh’s criminal justice system. Asian Legal Stud 4(1):59–74 Cotterrell R (2006) Law, culture and society: Legal ideas in the mirror of social theory. Ashgate Creswell JW, Poth CN (2018) Qualitative inquiry and research design: Choosing among five approaches, 4th edn. Sage Fernando R (2019) Procedural reform and judicial practice in Sri Lanka: A review of the 1979 Code. Sri Lankan J Law 11(2):88–104 Friedman LM (2017) Impact: How law affects behavior. Harvard University Press Government of India (2023) Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS) . Ministry of Home Affairs. https://indiacode.nic.in Hassan F (2021) Judicial efficiency and digitisation in Pakistan’s criminal justice system. Pakistan J Legal Stud 18(2):77–99 Hoque R (2020) Criminal justice and institutional reform in Bangladesh. Asian J Criminol 15(3):265–286 Hossain MA (2020) Balancing rights and efficiency under the CrPC 1898. Bangladesh J Law 18(1):55–78 Hussain N (2019) Law, colonialism, and the postcolonial state in South Asia. Cambridge University Press Islam MS (2020) Criminal justice and procedural reform in Bangladesh. Bangladesh Institute of Law and International Affairs Khalid M (2020) Islamic jurisprudence and procedural law in Pakistan. Lahore Law Rev 8(1):89–110 Khan R (2022) Detention, due process, and human rights in South Asia. Asian Hum Rights Law J 4(1):45–70 Luhmann N (2004) Law as a social system. Oxford University Press Mahoney J (2000) Path dependence in historical sociology. Theory Soc 29(4):507–548 North DC (1990) Institutions, institutional change and economic performance. Cambridge University Press Pierson P (2004) Politics in time: History, institutions, and social analysis. Princeton University Press Rahman MM (2021) Colonial procedure and the rule of law in Bangladesh. South Asian Law Rev 11(1):77–101 Rahman T (2023) Judicial backlog and procedural reform in Bangladesh. J Law Dev Stud 7(1):33–60 Sharma R (2018) Evolution of India’s Code of Criminal Procedure, 1973: A study in constitutional adaptation. Indian Law Q 64(4):223–250 Shrestha B (2020) Modernizing criminal procedure in Nepal: A rights-based analysis. Nepal Law Rev 43(1):23–47 Subedi B (2021) Rights-based reform in Nepal’s criminal procedure. Nepal J Legal Reform 2(1):15–38 Teubner G (1998) Legal irritants: Good faith in British law or how unifying law ends up in new divergences. Mod Law Rev 61(1):11–32 Thelen K (2009) Institutional change in advanced political economies. Br J Ind Relat 47(3):471–498 UNODC (2020) ). Handbook on gender-responsive police services for women and girls subject to violence. United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime Watson A (1974) Legal transplants: An approach to comparative law. Scottish Academic Watson A (1993) Legal transplants and law reform. University of Georgia Weeramantry C (2017) The evolution of procedural justice in Sri Lanka: A comparative overview. Colombo Law Rev 45(2):71–95 Additional Declarations The authors declare no competing interests. Cite Share Download PDF Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Research Square lets you share your work early, gain feedback from the community, and start making changes to your manuscript prior to peer review in a journal. As a division of Research Square Company, we’re committed to making research communication faster, fairer, and more useful. We do this by developing innovative software and high quality services for the global research community. Our growing team is made up of researchers and industry professionals working together to solve the most critical problems facing scientific publishing. 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Bangladesh\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e","fulltext":[{"header":"1. Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe Code of Criminal Procedure (1898) [CrPC] of Bangladesh remains one of the most enduring legacies of British colonial governance in South Asia. Drafted to serve a unified colonial administrative purpose, it was designed primarily to maintain \u0026ldquo;order and imperial control\u0026rdquo; rather than to protect individual rights (Ahmed, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e; Chowdhury \u0026amp; Rahman, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). More than a century later, this statute continues to form the procedural backbone of Bangladesh\u0026rsquo;s criminal justice system, governing investigation, arrest, detention, bail, and trial. Yet the socio-political, technological, and human rights landscape has changed dramatically since 1898. The persistence of the colonial code has produced a structural mismatch between contemporary constitutional commitments\u0026mdash;particularly the guarantees of liberty, equality, and due process under Articles 27, 31, and 33 of the Constitution of Bangladesh\u0026mdash;and the procedural mechanisms through which justice is administered (Rahman, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e; Hossain, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eWhile successive governments have enacted piecemeal amendments, these changes have been reactive and fragmented, failing to address systemic issues such as excessive pre-trial detention, inadequate forensic procedures, and a lack of transparency in police investigations (Khan \u0026amp; Kabir, 2019). More than 80 per cent of inmates in Bangladesh\u0026rsquo;s prisons are under trial, a figure that exposes the chronic delay and procedural inefficiency embedded in the current CrPC (World Prison Brief, 2023). Against this backdrop, there is growing scholarly and institutional consensus that Bangladesh requires a comprehensive reform of its criminal procedural law to align it with modern standards of fairness, efficiency, and accountability (Islam, 2022; UNDP, 2020).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe experience of other South Asian jurisdictions\u0026mdash;India, Pakistan, Nepal, and Sri Lanka\u0026mdash;offers valuable comparative insights. India, sharing the same colonial heritage, replaced the 1898 Code with the Code of Criminal Procedure 1973 and, more recently, introduced an ambitious re-codification through the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS) 2023 (Government of India, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR19\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). These legislative innovations aim to modernise investigation processes, integrate digital technologies, and enhance victim-centred procedures (Basu \u0026amp; Verma, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). Pakistan has maintained the 1898 framework but modified it through regional ordinances, while Nepal adopted the National Criminal Procedure (Code) Act 2017, embedding clearer prosecutorial oversight and victim-rights mechanisms (Shrestha, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR34\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). Sri Lanka, for its part, has enacted the Code of Criminal Procedure Act No. 15 of 1979, reflecting incremental modernisation aligned with post-colonial legal evolution (Fernando, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR17\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). Each of these trajectories provides lessons\u0026mdash;both positive and cautionary\u0026mdash;for Bangladesh\u0026rsquo;s reform efforts.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis research thus investigates the comparative evolution of criminal procedural codes in South Asia to identify pathways for reforming Bangladesh\u0026rsquo;s CrPC 1898. The central premise is that while the regional codes share a common historical foundation, their divergent reform paths illustrate varying degrees of adaptation to constitutional norms, human-rights standards, and technological realities. Comparative analysis can illuminate how certain structural reforms\u0026mdash;such as the institutionalisation of forensic procedures, digitisation of case management, or clarification of bail standards\u0026mdash;might be contextually transplanted into the Bangladeshi system without undermining its constitutional identity (Watson, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR39\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1974\u003c/span\u003e; Cairns, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe rationale for a comparative, regional focus rests on both historical proximity and functional similarity. South Asian jurisdictions inherited analogous police structures, judicial hierarchies, and procedural doctrines under British India. Consequently, comparative evaluation within this region offers higher contextual validity than comparisons with Western systems (Mahmud, 2022). At the same time, reform trajectories differ in pace and scope, influenced by each nation\u0026rsquo;s constitutional frameworks, political culture, and institutional capacity. Understanding these differences allows for identifying what can be borrowed, what must be adapted, and what should be avoided\u0026mdash;a method consistent with the \u0026ldquo;contextual legal transplant\u0026rdquo; approach (Kumar \u0026amp; Das, 2021).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis study employs a qualitative, doctrinal, and socio-legal methodology. It analyses statutory texts, amendment ordinances, reform committee reports, and scholarly commentary. The theoretical framework integrates legal transplant theory and the socio-legal concept of institutional fit (Watson, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR39\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1974\u003c/span\u003e; Berkowitz et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003\u003c/span\u003e). The objectives are threefold: to map comparative features of South Asian procedural codes; to identify reform trends addressing recurring challenges\u0026mdash;delays, pre-trial detention, investigative opacity, and gender insensitivity; and to propose a context-specific, staged reform roadmap for Bangladesh.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eUltimately, reforming the CrPC 1898 is not merely a legislative exercise but an opportunity to recalibrate the nation\u0026rsquo;s commitment to justice, rule of law, and human dignity. Comparative analysis offers a compass for this journey, signalling both feasible reforms and the institutional investments required to realise them (Hoque, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR21\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). The study, therefore, seeks to contribute to ongoing policy discourse and to enrich academic understanding of procedural modernisation within developing legal systems.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"2. Literature Review","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe literature on criminal procedure in South Asia reveals a complex interplay between colonial legacies, postcolonial adaptations, and contemporary reform initiatives. Scholars consistently highlight that the procedural codes inherited from British rule, including Bangladesh\u0026rsquo;s CrPC 1898, were designed for administrative control rather than justice delivery. Over time, different South Asian states have pursued varied reform trajectories to reconcile these colonial frameworks with modern constitutional values and human-rights norms. This body of research provides essential insights into the persistence of procedural inefficiencies, the challenges of legal transplantation, and the evolving models of rights-based criminal justice. Reviewing these studies enables a deeper understanding of both the continuities and the transformations shaping procedural law across the region, thereby informing Bangladesh\u0026rsquo;s ongoing reform discourse.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec3\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e2.1 Colonial Origins and Post-Colonial Persistence\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe CrPC 1898 was designed as a tool of governance rather than justice. Scholars such as Ahmed (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e) and Rahman (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e) argue that colonial procedural law prioritised administrative efficiency and control over substantive rights. The architecture of the 1898 Code\u0026mdash;its centralised police powers, discretionary magistracy, and rigid evidentiary formalism\u0026mdash;was shaped by the exigencies of imperial administration. Following independence, both Pakistan and subsequently Bangladesh inherited this framework largely intact (Kabir, 2019). Legal historians describe this continuity as \u0026ldquo;colonial inertia,\u0026rdquo; wherein newly independent states retained colonial codes to preserve administrative stability despite changed constitutional environments (Chakrabarty \u0026amp; Chaudhuri, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eBangladesh\u0026rsquo;s legal scholars note that while the Constitution of 1972 enshrines strong protections for personal liberty, the procedural law that operationalises these rights remains outdated (Hossain, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). The tension between constitutional guarantees and procedural realities has produced judicial interventions seeking to reinterpret colonial provisions in light of modern rights jurisprudence, yet such interventions have limited systemic impact without legislative reform (Islam, 2022).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec4\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e2.2 Comparative Reforms in South Asia\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe evolution of criminal procedure across South Asia reflects both shared colonial origins and divergent national reform trajectories. While all countries in the region inherited versions of the British colonial CrPC, their responses to modernisation and justice reform have varied according to constitutional principles, political priorities, and institutional capacities. India, Pakistan, Nepal, and Sri Lanka each represent distinct approaches to adapting procedural law to contemporary needs\u0026mdash;ranging from India\u0026rsquo;s technological modernisation to Nepal\u0026rsquo;s rights-based codification. Examining these comparative reforms provides valuable insights into how common legal foundations have evolved under differing socio-political contexts. Such analysis is essential for identifying contextually appropriate lessons that can guide Bangladesh in reforming its own outdated CrPC 1898 toward a more equitable and efficient criminal justice system.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec5\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e2.2.1 India: From CrPC 1973 to BNSS 2023\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eIndia\u0026rsquo;s CrPC 1973 represented an early attempt to indigenize criminal procedure, balancing due process with efficient administration (Sarkar, 2017). However, persistent backlogs and procedural delays prompted renewed reform initiatives, culminating in the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS) 2023. The BNSS modernises investigation and trial processes by mandating digital recording of statements, introducing electronic First Information Reports (FIRs), and imposing time-bound investigative obligations (Government of India, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR19\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e; Basu \u0026amp; Verma, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). It also emphasises victim participation and gender-sensitive procedures. Commentators view these changes as an attempt to \u0026ldquo;decolonise\u0026rdquo; Indian criminal procedure while leveraging technology for transparency (Menon, 2024). Nonetheless, critics warn that expanding police powers without adequate safeguards risks undermining due-process rights (Singh, 2024).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec6\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e2.2.2 Pakistan: Incremental Amendments\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003ePakistan\u0026rsquo;s approach has been largely incremental. Since 1947, the CrPC 1898 has remained operative, supplemented by numerous provincial amendments. Reform efforts\u0026mdash;such as the insertion of section 173-A on investigation reports and time-limits\u0026mdash;aimed to improve efficiency but faced uneven enforcement (Ali \u0026amp; Naseem, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). Scholars observe that procedural reform in Pakistan has been hindered by limited judicial independence, inadequate forensic capacity, and socio-political instability (Iqbal, 2020). The result is a hybrid system combining colonial textual foundations with sporadic modern additions.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec7\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e2.2.3 Nepal: The National Criminal Procedure (Code) Act 2017\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eNepal\u0026rsquo;s 2017 Code represents a paradigm shift toward rights-based criminal procedure. It codifies prosecutorial oversight, clearer arrest protocols, victim-rights provisions, and mandatory judicial review of detention (Shrestha, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR34\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). Importantly, the Code integrates provisions for electronic evidence and defines the roles of investigators and prosecutors more distinctly than the colonial model (Gurung, 2021). Nepal\u0026rsquo;s reform illustrates a successful adaptation of international fair-trial standards to a South Asian context.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec8\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e2.2.4 Sri Lanka: 1979 Code and Subsequent Reforms\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eSri Lanka\u0026rsquo;s Code of Criminal Procedure Act No. 15 of 1979 modernised evidentiary and procedural rules by aligning them with a mixed system drawing from English Common Law and Roman-Dutch Law (Fernando, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR17\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). Amendments have gradually introduced provisions on bail, witness protection, and electronic documentation. Yet, scholars note persistent challenges in police professionalism and prosecutorial independence (Perera, 2021).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec9\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e2.3 Themes in Comparative Criminal-Procedure Scholarship\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eComparative scholarship on criminal procedure in South Asia identifies several recurring themes that shape the region\u0026rsquo;s justice systems. Despite varying degrees of reform, countries continue to face common challenges such as procedural delays, excessive pre-trial detention, weak forensic capacity, and limited protection of victims\u0026rsquo; rights. These studies reveal that colonial legacies, institutional inertia, and uneven resource allocation have collectively hindered the realisation of fair-trial standards. At the same time, emerging trends\u0026mdash;such as the adoption of digital technologies, gender-sensitive procedures, and rights-based frameworks\u0026mdash;illustrate gradual progress toward modernisation. Analysing these thematic patterns not only highlights regional similarities and contrasts but also offers practical insights for Bangladesh as it seeks to reform its CrPC 1898 in alignment with contemporary principles of justice, efficiency, and human rights.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec10\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e2.3.1 Delay and Backlog\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eAcross South Asia, procedural delay constitutes the most studied pathology. Researchers link delay to weak case-management systems, overlapping jurisdictional powers, and limited judicial resources (Mahmud, 2022; UNDP, 2020). Studies from India and Nepal demonstrate that digital case-tracking and time-bound investigation provisions significantly reduce pendency (Basu \u0026amp; Verma, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec11\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e2.3.2 Pre-Trial Detention and Bail\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003ePre-trial detention accounts for the majority of incarceration in Bangladesh and Pakistan (World Prison Brief, 2023). Comparative research underscores that clear statutory bail presumptions, periodic judicial review, and non-custodial alternatives improve compliance with fair-trial standards (Ali \u0026amp; Naseem, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e; Singh, 2024). Nepal\u0026rsquo;s 2017 Code provides a model by embedding explicit timelines and judicial accountability mechanisms.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec12\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e2.3.3 Forensic and Digital Evidence\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eModernisation of investigative procedures through mandatory forensic testing and digital recording is a major regional trend. India\u0026rsquo;s BNSS 2023 requires forensic examination in specified serious offences, while Nepal codified electronic-evidence provisions (Government of India, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR19\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e; Gurung, 2021). Comparative analyses suggest that Bangladesh should adopt a phased forensic mandate synchronised with capacity development (Islam, 2022).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec13\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e2.3.4 Gender and Victim Sensitivity\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eGender-sensitive procedures and victim rights have received growing attention. The BNSS 2023 and Nepal\u0026rsquo;s 2017 Code mandate female officers for recording statements from female victims and ensure closed-door testimony for sexual-offence cases (Basu \u0026amp; Verma, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e; Shrestha, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR34\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). These provisions align with CEDAW obligations and demonstrate feasible adaptation within South Asian legal systems.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec14\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e2.3.5 Legal Transplants and Institutional Fit\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eA theoretical strand of comparative law examines how procedural models travel across jurisdictions. Watson (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR39\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1974\u003c/span\u003e) conceptualised legal transplants as the borrowing of legal rules from one context to another. Subsequent scholarship emphasises that transplant success depends on institutional and cultural compatibility (Berkowitz et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003\u003c/span\u003e; Cairns, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). Applied to criminal-procedure reform, this perspective warns that adopting foreign provisions\u0026mdash;such as India\u0026rsquo;s forensic mandates or Nepal\u0026rsquo;s prosecutorial model\u0026mdash;without adequate local capacity can produce \u0026ldquo;paper reforms.\u0026rdquo; Hoque (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR21\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e) and Mahmud (2022) argue that Bangladesh must align reform sequencing with administrative capability to avoid such pitfalls.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec15\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e2.4 Gaps in Existing Research\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eDespite substantial commentary, three critical gaps persist:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIntegrated Comparative Analysis \u0026ndash; Most studies examine individual jurisdictions or single thematic issues (e.g., bail, digitalisation) but seldom provide region-wide comparative syntheses (Islam, 2022).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eContextual Adaptation Frameworks \u0026ndash; There is limited scholarship on operationalising legal-transplant theory in South Asian procedural reform, leaving policymakers without structured criteria for evaluating \u0026ldquo;fit.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eEmpirical Assessment \u0026ndash; Implementation studies are scarce. While UNDP (2020) and World Bank (2021) reports quantify backlog and detention, they lack a qualitative evaluation of institutional behaviour.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec16\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e2.5 Conceptual Synthesis\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eDrawing on this literature, this study situates Bangladesh\u0026rsquo;s CrPC reform debate within two interlinked dimensions: doctrinal modernisation and institutional transformation. Doctrinal modernisation refers to textual reform\u0026mdash;updating procedural rules, clarifying rights, and integrating technology. Institutional transformation concerns the supporting ecosystem: trained personnel, forensic labs, digital infrastructure, and judicial oversight mechanisms (Hoque, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR21\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). Comparative evidence indicates that both dimensions must advance simultaneously for reform to be sustainable (Berkowitz et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003\u003c/span\u003e; Mahmud, 2022). The literature thus establishes the analytical foundation for the present study\u0026rsquo;s comparative methodology and theoretical framework.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"3. Theoretical Framework","content":"\u003cp\u003eLegal systems evolve not in isolation but through historical, institutional, and transnational interactions. To examine how South Asian countries have reformed or retained the colonial Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC), this study adopts a theoretical framework grounded in Legal Transplant Theory, Institutionalism, and Socio-Legal Modernisation Theory. Together, these perspectives illuminate how laws are borrowed, adapted, and sustained within distinct national contexts, and how Bangladesh might design reforms suited to its institutional realities.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec18\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e3.1 Legal Transplant Theory\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe concept of legal transplants\u0026mdash;originally articulated by Alan Watson (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR39\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1974\u003c/span\u003e)\u0026mdash;refers to the process through which legal rules, principles, or institutions are transferred from one system to another. Watson argued that most legal development occurs through borrowing rather than indigenous innovation, as societies selectively adapt norms perceived as effective elsewhere. This theory is central to the comparative analysis of criminal procedure in South Asia, since the procedural codes of India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka all derive from the British colonial template of 1898 (Chakrabarty \u0026amp; Chaudhuri, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). Yet, as Watson (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR40\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1993\u003c/span\u003e) later acknowledged, transplantation is not a mechanical act; the success of imported norms depends on their interaction with the recipient society\u0026rsquo;s institutional and cultural environment.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSubsequent scholars have refined and critiqued Watson\u0026rsquo;s model. Teubner (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR36\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1998\u003c/span\u003e) proposed the concept of legal irritants, suggesting that transplanted rules often produce unpredictable transformations rather than straightforward replication. Similarly, Berkowitz, Pistor, and Richard (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003\u003c/span\u003e) emphasised the transplant effect, arguing that borrowed laws function effectively only when aligned with local institutional capacities and legal traditions. This insight is particularly relevant for Bangladesh, where colonial-era procedural norms persist despite constitutional and social changes. The persistence of the CrPC 1898 can thus be understood as an instance of a \u0026ldquo;maladapted transplant\u0026rdquo;\u0026mdash;a law transplanted under one context but insufficiently recalibrated after independence (Hoque, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR21\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec19\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e3.2 Institutionalism and Path Dependency\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe second theoretical pillar, Institutionalism, explains how historical legacies shape the continuity of legal and bureaucratic systems. North (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR29\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1990\u003c/span\u003e) and Mahoney (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2000\u003c/span\u003e) describe path dependency as the phenomenon by which initial institutional choices constrain subsequent reform trajectories. Once established, institutions create self-reinforcing mechanisms\u0026mdash;routines, professional cultures, and vested interests\u0026mdash;that make radical change costly or politically risky. This framework helps explain why Bangladesh, like Pakistan, has retained the 1898 CrPC while India and Nepal have undertaken comprehensive codification. The institutional culture of policing and magistracy in Bangladesh, deeply rooted in colonial hierarchies, sustains procedural conservatism (Hossain, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e; Rahman, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eInstitutional theory also clarifies how reform efforts succeed when they are incrementally adaptive rather than abruptly transformative. Pierson (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR30\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2004\u003c/span\u003e) and Thelen (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR37\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e) propose that gradual, cumulative reforms\u0026mdash;such as the introduction of digital case management or specialised procedural rules for vulnerable groups\u0026mdash;can alter institutional behaviour without destabilising core structures. From this perspective, Bangladesh\u0026rsquo;s procedural reform should prioritise staged modernization rather than wholesale replacement, aligning with administrative capacity and political feasibility.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec20\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e3.3 Socio-Legal Modernisation Theory\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eA third theoretical dimension arises from Socio-Legal Modernisation Theory, which views law as both a reflection of and an instrument for social change (Cotterrell, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR15\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e). Modernisation of criminal procedure involves not only textual revision but also the transformation of institutional practices, public expectations, and professional ethics. Scholars such as Friedman (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e) and Banakar (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e) argue that legal modernisation in postcolonial societies must reconcile universal norms\u0026mdash;such as due process and human rights\u0026mdash;with local socio-political realities. In this sense, the modernisation of the CrPC 1898 is as much about changing procedural culture\u0026mdash;reducing arbitrariness, improving access, enhancing transparency\u0026mdash;as about legislative drafting.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSocio-legal modernisation also highlights the role of legitimacy and citizen trust in legal systems. Luhmann (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR27\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2004\u003c/span\u003e) posited that procedural justice is central to sustaining legitimacy: citizens comply voluntarily with law when they perceive procedures as fair, predictable, and inclusive. Comparative evidence from Nepal and India suggests that transparency measures (e.g., digital FIR registration, time-bound investigation, and victim participation) improve public confidence in criminal justice (Basu \u0026amp; Verma, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e; Shrestha, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR34\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). Hence, reforming the CrPC 1898 must simultaneously enhance procedural fairness and institutional accountability to restore legitimacy.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec21\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e3.4 Integrative Analytical Model\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eBy synthesising these theoretical perspectives, this study employs an Integrative Comparative Framework comprising three analytical dimensions:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cul\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eTransplantation Dynamics \u0026ndash; Examining how South Asian procedural laws evolved from a shared colonial template and how legal borrowing continues to shape reform discourse.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eInstitutional Fit and Path Dependency \u0026ndash; Assessing how administrative capacity, judicial structure, and political culture mediate reform success or failure.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eModernisation and Legitimacy \u0026ndash; Evaluating how reforms align with contemporary notions of due process, human rights, and citizen trust.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/ul\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis composite framework facilitates a nuanced comparison between formal legal provisions and their functional realities. It moves beyond textual comparison to assess how procedural reforms operate within broader institutional ecosystems.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec22\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e3.5 Application to Bangladesh\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eApplying this framework to Bangladesh, the study interprets the CrPC 1898 as both a colonial transplant and an institutionally embedded legacy. Reform, therefore, demands both legal transplantation\u0026mdash;from regional best practices\u0026mdash;and institutional realignment to ensure compatibility with local capacities. Lessons from India\u0026rsquo;s technological reforms, Nepal\u0026rsquo;s rights-based codification, and Sri Lanka\u0026rsquo;s gradual procedural modernisation can be filtered through this framework to identify feasible, sequenced reforms for Bangladesh. The theoretical synthesis thus provides the conceptual scaffolding for the study\u0026rsquo;s qualitative comparative methodology.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"4. Research Methodology","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis research employs a qualitative, comparative, and doctrinal-socio-legal methodology to analyse the evolution of criminal procedure in South Asia and to identify lessons for reforming Bangladesh\u0026rsquo;s Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC) 1898. The approach integrates textual analysis, comparative evaluation, and contextual interpretation, consistent with interpretivist epistemology.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec24\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e4.1 Research Design\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe study follows a comparative qualitative design, focusing on four jurisdictions\u0026mdash;India, Pakistan, Nepal, and Sri Lanka\u0026mdash;as primary comparators. These countries share a common legal heritage yet diverge in their reform trajectories, allowing for contextually grounded comparisons. The design is exploratory rather than hypothesis-testing, aiming to generate insights into how different reform models address shared procedural challenges.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec25\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e4.2 Data Sources\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eData collection relies primarily on secondary sources, including:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cul\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eStatutory texts and amendments (e.g., India\u0026rsquo;s BNSS 2023; Nepal\u0026rsquo;s Criminal Procedure Code 2017).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eGovernment and law commission reports.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eJudicial decisions interpreting procedural law.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eScholarly articles, books, and policy papers on criminal procedure reform.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eInternational reports from organisations such as UNDP and the World Bank concerning justice-sector performance.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/ul\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThese sources enable triangulation of doctrinal, institutional, and policy perspectives.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec26\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e4.3 Analytical Methods\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe analysis proceeds in three stages:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cul\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eDoctrinal Analysis \u0026ndash; Identifies structural and procedural features within each jurisdiction\u0026rsquo;s code, such as arrest procedures, bail provisions, and investigation protocols.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eComparative Thematic Coding \u0026ndash; Employs qualitative coding to categorise recurring reform themes (e.g., digitalisation, delay reduction, victim rights). NVivo-style thematic mapping techniques are used to identify cross-jurisdictional similarities and divergences (Bryman, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eContextual Interpretation \u0026ndash; Situates these themes within socio-political and institutional contexts, assessing their applicability to Bangladesh through the theoretical lenses of legal transplant, institutionalism, and modernisation.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/ul\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec27\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e4.4 Research Paradigm and Justification\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe study adopts an interpretivist paradigm, premised on the understanding that legal systems are socially constructed and context-dependent (Creswell \u0026amp; Poth, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). Quantitative indicators\u0026mdash;such as case disposal rates or detention statistics\u0026mdash;are used descriptively but not as primary analytical tools. Instead, the focus lies on interpreting how legal norms operate within institutional and cultural environments. This paradigm is particularly suitable for postcolonial comparative legal studies, where the meaning and function of law cannot be separated from context (Banakar \u0026amp; Travers, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec28\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e4.5 Reliability, Validity, and Ethical Considerations\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eAlthough qualitative legal research does not rely on statistical reliability, trustworthiness is ensured through transparency of sources, methodological consistency, and triangulation. Using multiple data types (statutory, judicial, scholarly) strengthens internal validity. Ethical considerations involve accurate representation of laws and jurisdictions, acknowledgement of intellectual sources, and avoidance of normative bias in cross-country evaluation. No human subjects were involved, so institutional ethics approval was not required.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec29\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e4.6 Limitations\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eSeveral limitations are acknowledged. First, access to updated legislative materials and commentaries varies among jurisdictions, particularly Pakistan. Second, the study focuses on formal legal structures rather than empirical fieldwork, which may underrepresent lived procedural experiences. Third, while the comparative method reveals patterns, it cannot predict reform outcomes in Bangladesh, where political and administrative realities may differ.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec30\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e4.7 Expected Contribution\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eMethodologically, this research contributes to comparative legal scholarship by integrating doctrinal and socio-legal analysis within a regional South Asian framework. Substantively, it offers a structured basis for policy recommendations by identifying feasible reforms for Bangladesh that respect both legal heritage and institutional realities. The qualitative methodology ensures that reform proposals are grounded not in abstraction but in a contextual, evidence-informed understanding of procedural law\u0026rsquo;s operation across comparable jurisdictions.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"5. Findings","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe comparative analysis of the Criminal Procedure Codes (CrPCs) across South Asia reveals both enduring colonial legacies and diverse reform trajectories shaped by each country\u0026rsquo;s socio-political and constitutional development. The findings are organised around five key dimensions: (1) historical continuity and reform intent, (2) procedural modernisation, (3) protection of due process and human rights, (4) institutional capacity and access to justice, and (5) lessons for Bangladesh.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec32\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e5.1 Historical Continuity and Reform Intent\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eAll South Asian countries\u0026mdash;Bangladesh, India, Pakistan, Nepal, and Sri Lanka\u0026mdash;derive their criminal procedural frameworks from the British Indian Code of Criminal Procedure, 1898 (Ahmed, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR3\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e; Hussain, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). However, their reform trajectories diverged significantly post-independence. India enacted the CrPC, 1973, to modernise its legal system and align it with constitutional guarantees under Articles 20\u0026ndash;22 (Sharma, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). Pakistan retained the 1898 CrPC with only piecemeal amendments, reflecting a more conservative legal culture influenced by Islamic jurisprudence (Khalid, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR25\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). Nepal adopted a comprehensive Criminal Procedure Code in 2017 as part of broader legal modernisation under its new republican constitution (Subedi, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR35\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). Sri Lanka, meanwhile, replaced colonial codes with the Code of Criminal Procedure Act, 1979, integrating elements of both British and Roman-Dutch traditions (Weeramantry, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR41\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eBangladesh, by contrast, continues to rely on the CrPC, 1898, with minor modifications. While legislative amendments have occurred, the procedural ethos remains largely colonial, prioritising administrative control over individual rights (Islam, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). The persistence of outdated provisions\u0026mdash;such as magistrates\u0026rsquo; extensive powers in criminal investigation and limited safeguards during detention\u0026mdash;indicates a lack of structural reform intent. This contrasts sharply with India\u0026rsquo;s and Nepal\u0026rsquo;s reforms, which emphasised constitutionalism and rights protection (Banerjee, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec33\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e5.2 Procedural Modernisation and Technological Integration\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eReform initiatives in India and Nepal demonstrate the growing role of digitalisation and technology in criminal justice. India\u0026rsquo;s e-Courts Mission Mode Project and the Crime and Criminal Tracking Network System (CCTNS) have digitised case management, improving transparency and efficiency (Chakrabarti \u0026amp; Sengupta, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). Nepal has similarly integrated electronic evidence submission and digital case tracking within its new procedural framework (Adhikari, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). Pakistan and Sri Lanka are gradually introducing similar initiatives but remain constrained by inadequate infrastructure and institutional inertia (Hassan, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR20\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eBangladesh has initiated limited digitisation under the Supreme Court\u0026rsquo;s e-judiciary project, yet procedural laws have not been updated to accommodate electronic evidence, online hearings, or virtual case management (Rahman, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). This lag hinders justice delivery, especially in rural jurisdictions where case backlogs are extensive. The comparative evidence suggests that procedural reform must integrate technological modernisation as a statutory and institutional priority.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec34\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e5.3 Due Process, Detention, and Human Rights\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eA core finding across jurisdictions is the uneven implementation of due process and human rights standards. India\u0026rsquo;s 1973 CrPC integrates constitutional protections for arrested persons, including mandatory information on grounds of arrest and the right to consult a lawyer (Article 22 of the Constitution; Sharma, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). Nepal\u0026rsquo;s CrPC 2017 similarly guarantees immediate judicial oversight of detention and provides for compensation in cases of unlawful arrest (Subedi, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR35\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). In contrast, Pakistan and Bangladesh still allow prolonged police custody under Sections 54 and 167 of the CrPC, which have been widely criticised for enabling arbitrary detention and custodial torture (Khan, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eJudicial precedents in Bangladesh\u0026mdash;such as Bangladesh Legal Aid and Services Trust (BLAST) v. Bangladesh (2003)\u0026mdash;highlighted the incompatibility of Section 54 with fundamental rights (Islam, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). However, the absence of comprehensive legislative reform has left these judicial safeguards fragile. Comparative analysis indicates that codifying judicial safeguards into procedural statutes, as done in Nepal and India, strengthens accountability mechanisms and reduces human rights violations.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec35\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e5.4 Institutional Capacity and Access to Justice\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eAnother major finding concerns institutional weakness in law enforcement, prosecution, and judicial administration. India and Sri Lanka have established dedicated prosecutorial services that operate independently from police investigation (Weeramantry, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR41\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e). Pakistan\u0026rsquo;s prosecution remains subordinate to the executive, while Bangladesh still lacks an autonomous prosecutorial system (Khalid, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR25\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). The result is frequent investigative bias, poor case preparation, and low conviction rates.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAccess to justice also varies across the region. Nepal\u0026rsquo;s decentralised judicial model and legal aid services have improved inclusivity, especially for marginalised groups (Adhikari, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). In Bangladesh, the concentration of judicial power in urban centres, limited legal aid, and procedural complexity create barriers to justice for vulnerable populations (Rahman, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec36\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e5.5 Lessons for Bangladesh\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eFrom the comparative review, several reform lessons emerge for Bangladesh:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cul\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eCodified Rights Protection \u0026ndash; Bangladesh should explicitly codify detainee rights, lawyer access, and compensation provisions within the CrPC.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eJudicial Oversight and Accountability \u0026ndash; Statutory time limits for investigation and mandatory judicial review of detention can reduce abuse.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eInstitutional Separation \u0026ndash; Creating an independent prosecution service would enhance procedural fairness.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eTechnological Modernisation \u0026ndash; Integrating e-courts and digital evidence procedures can improve efficiency and transparency.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eVictim and Witness Protection \u0026ndash; Borrowing from Nepal\u0026rsquo;s model, Bangladesh can establish a procedural framework for witness protection and gender-sensitive processes.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/ul\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn sum, while South Asia\u0026rsquo;s criminal procedure systems share historical roots, the comparative evidence underscores that reform success depends on legislative modernisation, institutional autonomy, and human-rights integration.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"6. Discussion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe findings highlight that criminal procedure reform in South Asia reflects the broader struggle between colonial legacies and modern constitutional ideals. This discussion situates Bangladesh\u0026rsquo;s CrPC 1898 within that regional dynamic, exploring its limitations, reform imperatives, and potential pathways informed by comparative models.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec38\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e6.1 Colonial Legacy and Structural Continuity\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe persistence of the 1898 CrPC in Bangladesh underscores the colonial foundations of procedural governance. The British introduced the CrPC to ensure administrative control rather than to safeguard justice (Ahmed, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR3\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). Its structure\u0026mdash;centralised police powers, limited defence rights, and executive-dominated prosecution\u0026mdash;was designed for colonial efficiency, not human rights. After independence, Pakistan and subsequently Bangladesh retained this framework largely intact, perpetuating systemic imbalance between state authority and individual liberty (Hussain, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eComparatively, India\u0026rsquo;s 1973 reform redefined criminal procedure as an instrument of constitutional justice, while Nepal\u0026rsquo;s 2017 code symbolised a break from colonial and monarchical traditions (Subedi, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR35\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). Bangladesh\u0026rsquo;s continued dependence on the 1898 framework illustrates how legal inertia constrains institutional adaptation and human rights compliance.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec39\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e6.2 Comparative Insights on Reform Models\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eIndia\u0026rsquo;s reforms centred on three principles: procedural fairness, speedy trial, and access to justice (Banerjee, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). The inclusion of anticipatory bail (Section 438) and mandatory legal representation demonstrates an effort to balance state and citizen power. Nepal\u0026rsquo;s approach, conversely, integrated international human rights norms directly into its procedural framework, emphasising equality before the law and victim participation (Adhikari, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). Sri Lanka\u0026rsquo;s hybrid model blends adversarial and inquisitorial features, seeking procedural efficiency within a mixed legal heritage (Weeramantry, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR41\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eBangladesh\u0026rsquo;s CrPC reform discourse remains limited to ad hoc amendments rather than a holistic legislative overhaul. Comparative analysis suggests that successful reforms in India and Nepal emerged from broader judicial modernisation agendas\u0026mdash;linking procedure to constitutionalism, technological innovation, and access to justice. Thus, Bangladesh\u0026rsquo;s reform should not merely amend outdated provisions but redefine procedural justice as a constitutional and rights-based imperative.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec40\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e6.3 Institutional Reforms and Justice Delivery\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe comparative evidence highlights that institutional autonomy is crucial for effective criminal procedure. India\u0026rsquo;s independent prosecution service and judicial oversight mechanisms reduce political interference in criminal investigation (Chakrabarti \u0026amp; Sengupta, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). Nepal\u0026rsquo;s reforms decentralised prosecution and introduced time-bound investigation protocols (Subedi, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR35\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). In contrast, Bangladesh\u0026rsquo;s overlapping police\u0026ndash;prosecutor\u0026ndash;magistrate functions blur accountability, fostering procedural delay and corruption (Rahman, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eFurthermore, criminal case backlogs remain one of Bangladesh\u0026rsquo;s greatest procedural challenges. Lessons from India\u0026rsquo;s e-court initiative demonstrate that digitalisation\u0026mdash;through online case management and electronic summons\u0026mdash;can drastically reduce pendency (Chakrabarti \u0026amp; Sengupta, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). Institutional modernisation, therefore, must accompany legal reform to ensure sustainable impact.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec41\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e6.4 Human Rights and Procedural Justice\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eHuman rights concerns\u0026mdash;particularly regarding arbitrary detention, custodial torture, and limited legal aid\u0026mdash;remain central to criminal procedure discourse (Khan, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). Bangladesh\u0026rsquo;s Section 54 of the CrPC allows police arrest on mere suspicion, a practice repeatedly condemned by courts and human-rights bodies (Islam, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). Nepal\u0026rsquo;s procedural reforms and India\u0026rsquo;s judicial precedents illustrate that legislative precision and judicial accountability are key to curbing such abuses. Embedding human rights norms\u0026mdash;such as the presumption of innocence, access to counsel, and protection against self-incrimination\u0026mdash;into procedural law transforms criminal justice from coercive control into participatory fairness.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec42\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e6.5 Towards a Rights-Based and Technology-Driven CrPC\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eA modern CrPC for Bangladesh should integrate rights-based principles with digital innovation. As seen in India and Nepal, digitised evidence submission, video hearings, and case-tracking systems enhance transparency and accessibility (Adhikari, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Chakrabarti \u0026amp; Sengupta, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). Procedural justice must also include gender-sensitive reforms\u0026mdash;such as special protections for victims of sexual violence and child witnesses\u0026mdash;reflecting evolving international standards (UNODC, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR38\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAdditionally, reforms should codify restorative and community-based justice options. Incorporating alternative dispute resolution (ADR) mechanisms can reduce caseloads while promoting reconciliation, particularly in minor criminal matters. This aligns with Nepal\u0026rsquo;s and Sri Lanka\u0026rsquo;s experiences with community mediation (Weeramantry, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR41\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec43\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e6.6 Synthesis and Reform Implications\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eComparative analysis demonstrates that Bangladesh\u0026rsquo;s CrPC reform must be systemic rather than incremental. Lessons from South Asia indicate that procedural reform is most effective when embedded within constitutional, technological, and institutional modernisation agendas. Reform should thus focus on:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cul\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eRepealing or redrafting outdated colonial provisions.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eStrengthening due process through codified human-rights safeguards.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eEstablishing independent prosecutorial and forensic institutions.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eIntegrating digital technology into all stages of criminal procedure.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eEnsuring access to justice through decentralisation and legal aid.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/ul\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSuch measures would transform the CrPC from a colonial administrative tool into a rights-oriented framework, fulfilling both constitutional and international obligations.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"7. Conclusion and Recommendations","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe comparative analysis of South Asian criminal procedure codes demonstrates that reform success depends on reconciling colonial legacies with modern principles of justice, constitutionalism, and human rights. Bangladesh\u0026rsquo;s continued reliance on the CrPC, 1898, has perpetuated procedural inefficiency, arbitrary detention, and weak protection for victims and defendants alike (Islam, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e; Khan, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). The study concludes that while all South Asian states inherited similar colonial frameworks, divergent reform trajectories\u0026mdash;such as India\u0026rsquo;s 1973 codification and Nepal\u0026rsquo;s 2017 rights-based model\u0026mdash;illustrate that systemic modernisation is both possible and necessary.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eTo transform its criminal procedure into a modern justice framework, Bangladesh must pursue comprehensive legislative reform rather than incremental amendment. The following key recommendations emerge from the study:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cul\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eCodify Human Rights Safeguards: Explicitly guarantee detainee rights, timely judicial review, and access to counsel within the CrPC.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eEnsure Judicial and Prosecutorial Independence: Establish an autonomous prosecution service and reinforce judicial oversight of police investigations.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eIntegrate Digital Justice Mechanisms: Adopt e-court systems, digital evidence protocols, and online case management, drawing lessons from India\u0026rsquo;s e-Courts project.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eStrengthen Victim and Witness Protection: Introduce gender-sensitive and victim-centred procedural reforms modelled on Nepal\u0026rsquo;s and Sri Lanka\u0026rsquo;s practices.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003ePromote Access to Justice: Expand legal aid and decentralise judicial institutions to improve accessibility for marginalised populations.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/ul\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn sum, reforming the CrPC, 1898 requires a paradigm shift from colonial control toward constitutional justice\u0026mdash;anchored in transparency, technological modernisation, and respect for human dignity. Through context-sensitive adaptation of regional best practices, Bangladesh can craft a criminal procedural system that serves both efficiency and equity in the pursuit of justice.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003eAdhikari R (2022) Modernizing criminal procedure in Nepal: Challenges and prospects. Kathmandu Law Rev 10(2):45\u0026ndash;68\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003eAhmed S (2016) Colonial legacies and the criminal law in Bangladesh. Dhaka Law Rev 7(2):45\u0026ndash;68\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003eAhmed S (2021) Colonial legacies and procedural justice in South Asia. Dhaka Univ Law J 32(1):55\u0026ndash;78\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003eAli R, Naseem T (2021) Incremental reform and institutional constraints in Pakistan\u0026rsquo;s criminal procedure. 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Scottish Academic\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003eWatson A (1993) Legal transplants and law reform. University of Georgia\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003eWeeramantry C (2017) The evolution of procedural justice in Sri Lanka: A comparative overview. Colombo Law Rev 45(2):71\u0026ndash;95\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":true,"hideJournal":true,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"
[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"CrPC 1898, Bangladesh, comparative criminal procedure, legal transplant, BNSS 2023, pre-trial detention, procedural reform","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-8025578/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-8025578/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eThis study examines the comparative evolution of criminal procedure codes across South Asia\u0026mdash;specifically in India, Pakistan, Nepal, and Sri Lanka\u0026mdash;to identify lessons for reforming Bangladesh\u0026rsquo;s outdated Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC) of 1898. Rooted in colonial governance, the 1898 CrPC continues to shape criminal justice in Bangladesh with procedural inefficiencies, human-rights concerns, and institutional rigidity. Using a qualitative comparative framework and doctrinal analysis of statutes, case law, and scholarly literature, this research explores how neighbouring jurisdictions have modernised their procedural systems to align with constitutional and human-rights standards. The findings reveal that India\u0026rsquo;s 1973 CrPC emphasises procedural fairness and access to justice, Nepal\u0026rsquo;s 2017 code integrates rights-based and restorative approaches, while Pakistan and Sri Lanka show varying degrees of partial reform. In contrast, Bangladesh\u0026rsquo;s CrPC remains structurally colonial and resistant to technological and institutional modernisation. The study concludes that meaningful reform requires codifying due process safeguards, establishing prosecutorial independence, and adopting digital judicial processes. By synthesising regional best practices, this research contributes to the discourse on transforming Bangladesh\u0026rsquo;s criminal procedure into a rights-oriented and efficient framework responsive to contemporary constitutional and international norms.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"Comparative Analysis of the Criminal Procedure Codes in South Asia: Lessons for Reforming the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1898 (CrPC) in Bangladesh","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2025-11-05 10:06:49","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-8025578/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"
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