The Challenges and Experiences of Young Ethiopian Female Emigrants: A study of Returnee Domestic Workers in the Middle East at Mekaneselam Town, Amhara Region.

The Challenges and Experiences of Young Ethiopian Female Emigrants: A study of Returnee Domestic Workers in the Middle East at Mekaneselam Town, Amhara Region. | Research Square window.SnipcartSettings = { analytics: { enabled: false } }; (function() { var accessVector = localStorage.getItem('access_vector') || ''; window.dataLayer = window.dataLayer || []; if (accessVector) { window.dataLayer.push({ user: { profile: { profileInfo: { snid: accessVector } } } }); } })(); (function(w,d,s,l,i){w[l]=w[l]||[];w[l].push({'gtm.start':new Date().getTime(),event:'gtm.js'});var f=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],j=d.createElement(s),dl=l!='dataLayer'?'&l='+l:'';j.async=true;j.src='https://www.googletagmanager.com/gtm.js?id='+i+dl;f.parentNode.insertBefore(j,f);})(window,document,'script','dataLayer','GTM-K279D39R'); Browse Preprints In Review Journals COVID-19 Preprints AJE Video Bytes Research Tools Research Promotion AJE Professional Editing AJE Rubriq About Preprint Platform In Review Editorial Policies Our Team Advisory Board Help Center Sign In Submit a Preprint Cite Share Download PDF Research Article The Challenges and Experiences of Young Ethiopian Female Emigrants: A study of Returnee Domestic Workers in the Middle East at Mekaneselam Town, Amhara Region. Sindew Asmare, Yimer Gobezie This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-6877382/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract Migration is a global phenomenon influenced by economic, political, social, and cultural factors. This study investigates the lived experiences and challenges of young Ethiopian female domestic workers in the Middle East, with a focus on returnees in Mekaneselam Town. Employing a qualitative research design, data were gathered through in-depth interviews, key informant interviews, and focus group discussions, using snowball and purposive sampling techniques. The findings indicate that poverty, unemployment, and limited job opportunities are primary drivers of migration, alongside emotional distress and the influence of previously returned migrants. Migration occurs through both formal and informal channels; however, both documented and undocumented migrants face similar challenges, including exploitation, abuse, discrimination, and inadequate protection. Undocumented migrants, in particular, experience additional financial burdens due to debt-financed migration, as well as more severe physical and emotional hardships. Reintegration upon return is often obstructed by inadequate support from families, government agencies, NGOs, and religious institutions—largely due to poor coordination and limited resources. Both legal and illegal brokers, as well as embassies, play significant roles in enabling abuse and neglect. The study recommends coordinated efforts among stakeholders to enhance migrant protection, ensure broker accountability, and increase public awareness—particularly through media—about the risks and realities of migration. These findings underscore the urgent need for robust policy interventions to protect female migrants across all stages of the migration cycle. Gender Studies Cultural Studies Women's studies Sociology Female migration Exploitation Returnees Brokers Reintegration 1. Background 1.1 Introduction The migration of young females has long been a defining feature of global migration patterns. According to the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (2019), the number of international migrants is increased by approximately 119 million between 1990 and 2019, with growth accelerating significantly after 2005. Specifically, the global migrant population rose from 153 million to 192 million between 1990 and 2005, and then by roughly 80 million from 2005 to 2019—reflecting annual growth rates of 1.5% and 2.5%, respectively (UN, 2019 ). In 2000, the United Nations Population Division reported that 39% of international migrants were young females, with women making up as much as 61% of migrants in developing countries. While many migrate voluntarily, a substantial number are compelled to move due to conflict, civil unrest, environmental degradation, poverty, and other threats to livelihood and security (WIM, 2018). Research consistently shows that young female migrants are disproportionately exposed to unemployment, exploitative labor conditions, limited access to job markets, inadequate training, and social exclusion. Thus, policy responses must consider gender, age, and educational background to ensure equitable access to employment, protection, and participation (UN, 2013). While several studies have documented the human rights abuses of domestic workers in the Middle East, comprehensive statistical data on the prevalence and forms of abuse remain scarce (HRW, 2008; ILO, 2011; Mahdavi, 2011 ). Ethiopia ranks among the African countries with a high rate of young female migration to the Middle East. Drivers include prolonged drought, high unemployment, and socio-economic challenges (De Regt, 2006 ). Ethiopian women often migrate via both formal and informal channels, making them vulnerable before, during, and after migration (DFID, 2007). Under the kafala system, many are coerced into performing tasks outside their employment contracts. Misled by brokers and driven by the desire to support their families through remittances, these women frequently face multiple forms of exploitation (Birkis & Sinclair, 1979; Russell, 1986 ). Major destination countries include Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar, Yemen, and the United Arab Emirates (Beyene, 2005 ; Emebet, 2001 ; De Regt, 2006 ). These women often endure physical abuse, sexual violence, forced labor, cultural marginalization, psychological trauma, and widespread human rights violations (Kuschminder, forthcoming). Many work up to 18 hours per day without rest, and in severe cases, suffer burnings and beatings. Veliger (2011) observes that even under relatively favorable conditions, domestic workers may be treated with surface-level decency while still being denied their rights. Although international attention and media coverage have increased, scholarly research remains limited—especially regarding the experiences of both documented and undocumented Ethiopian female domestic workers. Most studies focus on statistical trends or undocumented migration, overlooking the lived experiences of documented workers. Migration brings both opportunities and challenges for migrants, their families, and countries of origin and destination (Ratha et al., 2011 ; Boubakri, 2013 ). Managing migration has become a key responsibility of governments and societies due to its multifaceted impacts. Migrants—especially young women—are often exposed to gender-based violence, economic exploitation, and discrimination throughout their journeys (IOM, 2014). The rising demand for low-wage domestic labor in the Middle East has led to what Crush (2008) terms the “feminization of migration.” Unfortunately, this trend is often accompanied by exploitative conditions, racial and religious bias, and denial of basic human rights (Ratha et al., 2011 ; UN, 2006). Various studies have examined different aspects of female migration. Naami B. ( 2014 ) found that Ethiopian women experience forced assimilation during their time abroad and recommended that Ethiopia follow the model of countries like the Philippines, which have enacted protective legal frameworks and bilateral agreements. Selamawit ( 2013 ) emphasized improving recruitment practices and pre-departure orientation. Mesfin and Zenawi ( 2019 ), studying returnees in Raya Alamata, identified economic and social factors as key migration drivers and stressed the need for local job creation. Similarly, Meskerem (2011) documented the extreme abuse suffered by migrants, including mental illness, physical harm, and suicide, while Emebet K. ( 2002 ) noted that abuse often begins in the country of origin. Gebrehiwot and Fekadu (2012) linked migration in Tigray to economic hardship and advocated for income-generating programs. Mesfin D. ( 2011 ) highlighted the wide range of challenges migrants face throughout the migration cycle. Despite growing interest in this issue, major gaps remain. First, most prior studies focus on undocumented migrants while neglecting the challenges experienced by documented female workers. Second, few studies adopt a phenomenological approach to understand migrants’ perspectives. Third, there is a lack of qualitative research on the specific experiences of young female migrants from the study area—despite anecdotal evidence indicating widespread migration (Gashaw, 2014 ). Based on the researcher’s observations, nearly every household in the study area has at least one or two individuals who have migrated to the Middle East. This study, therefore, aims to fill a geographical and methodological gap and contribute both academically and practically to addressing the challenges faced by Ethiopian female migrants. Objectives of the study : To identify the key factors motivating young Ethiopian females to migrate to the Middle East To examine migration information sources, recruitment methods, and financing To explore the challenges faced by young Ethiopian female domestic workers To assess the role of government and stakeholders in addressing these challenges 2. Theoretical framework related to the study 2.1 The Feminist Theory The concept that individuals may belong to multiple disadvantaged groups—and thereby face compounded and distinct forms of discrimination—was first recognized in feminist theory during the late 1980s and early 1990s. Davis ( 2008 ) emphasized that feminist theory does not reduce female vulnerability to a single structure of power. Rather, it examines the interaction of multiple hierarchies, such as gender, race, religion, and class. These intersecting forces make marginalized groups—especially women of color—particularly susceptible to various forms of discrimination. Similarly, Crenshaw ( 1993 ), analyzing violence against women, argued that intersecting identities such as gender, religion, and ethnicity significantly shape the nature of victimization. Davis ( 2006 ) further asserted that feminist scholarship must account for diverse experiences of subordination. Ehrenreich (2003) expanded this view by describing housework politics not merely as gendered, but also as racialized and culturally embedded. Feminist theorists argue that challenges faced by women—from pre-departure stages in their home countries to experiences abroad—are driven largely by gender-based vulnerabilities. Brokers and employers often exploit women because of these vulnerabilities, exposing them to a range of abuses across race, religion, and class lines. Feminist theory also introduces the notion of the “feminization of poverty,” particularly in the Global South. Chant ( 2006 ) observed that women make up a disproportionate share of the world’s poor, a trend that continues to deepen. This imbalance contributes to the rise in female migration, especially for domestic labor. Ethiopia, for instance, ranks 173rd out of 183 countries on the Gender Inequality Index, indicating that substantial gender disparities (UNDP, 2013, as cited in Katie, 2013). Several factors intensify this trend. Chant ( 2003 ) pointed to unequal access to education and employment, gendered impacts of neoliberal economic reforms, and weakening of kinship support systems due to conflict and migration. These factors, combined with the rise in female-headed households, leave many women with limited options for economic survival. In patriarchal rural societies like Ethiopia’s, this often drives women to migrate abroad, especially to the Middle East, where demand for domestic workers is high. As Sassen ( 2000 ) notes, this trend represents a broader “feminization of survival,” whereby women become the primary earners supporting entire families and communities (p. 55). Migration network theory Network theory, closely linked to migration systems theory first proposed by Mabogunje ( 1970 ), emphasizes that migration is not a one-time event but a transformative process that reshapes the social, economic, and institutional contexts of both origin and destination countries (de Haas, 2009 ). While migration systems theory focuses on macro-level linkages—such as trade relations and investment flows—that foster sustained migration between countries (Castles & Miller, 2009; de Haas, 2008), network theory takes a more micro-sociological approach. It highlights how interpersonal relationships between migrants and non-migrants facilitate continued migration by lowering costs, reducing risks, and enhancing access to information (Massey et al., 1999 ; Arango, 2000 ). In the context of female migration, especially from low-income rural communities, these human networks play a pivotal role in shaping decisions to migrate. De Haas ( 2010 ) notes that large-scale migration often occurs within relatively poor and low-skilled populations that share a moderate level of group identity—strong enough to promote social clustering but flexible enough to allow new, weaker connections. This dynamic is particularly relevant for young women in patriarchal societies, where established social networks often both enable migration and reinforce gendered vulnerabilities along the way. Network theory thus offers a valuable lens for understanding how migration becomes self-perpetuating, particularly for women seeking domestic work abroad. It helps explain not only why migration persists, but also how certain jobs become "feminized" and stigmatized through social and cultural perceptions. However, as de Haas ( 2009 ) argues, while these theories illuminate the forces sustaining migration, they are less effective in explaining why migration flows diminish or disintegrate over time. This limitation underscores the need to integrate network theory with broader structural and gender analyses to fully capture the complexities of female migration from countries like Ethiopia. 3. Methodology 3.1 Research Design Among the three main types of observational studies—prospective, retrospective, and cross-sectional—this study employed a retrospective design to examine the challenges and lived experiences of Ethiopian female migrant domestic workers, from the initial phase of migration through their return. As Bryman (1998) notes, retrospective studies involve the collection of data covering past events using samples selected for this purpose. Dean (2002) highlights their utility as pilot studies, particularly for hypothesis formulation and refining interview instruments prior to prospective investigations. Given the study's objective—exploring the lived experiences of young Ethiopian female returnees from Middle Eastern countries, particularly those residing in Mekaneselam Town—a retrospective design was deemed appropriate. 3.2 Research Method This study employed a qualitative research method to gain a deep understanding of the personal experiences, perceptions, and challenges faced by both documented and undocumented young female migrant domestic workers. According to Creswell ( 2007 ), qualitative research emphasizes direct engagement with participants, allowing them to narrate their stories without external imposition. Within the qualitative tradition, the study adopted an interpretative phenomenological approach (IPA). This methodology is concerned with how individuals make sense of their life experiences in relation to a particular phenomenon (Smith, Flowers, & Larkin, 2009 ). IPA was chosen to allow participants to express their experiences in their own words, fostering authentic, in-depth insight into their social and emotional realities. 3.3 Data Sources Both primary and secondary data sources were used. Primary data were collected through in-depth interviews, key informant interviews, and focus group discussions (FGDs). Participants included returned migrants, their family members, religious leaders, government officials, and NGO representatives. Secondary data were sourced from academic journals, books, newspapers, web-based content, and social media platforms to contextualize and support primary findings. 3.4 Sampling Design This study employed a non-probability sampling design, using snowball and purposive sampling techniques. In-depth interview and FGD participants were recruited through snowball sampling to reach eligible returnees aged 18–30 who had worked in the Middle East. This approach is especially useful for accessing hard-to-reach populations (Bloor & Wood, 2006). Key informants—such as officials, parents, and community leaders—were selected purposively for their specialized knowledge of migration issues (Vanderstoep & Johnston, 2009). 3.5 Sampling Procedure The sampling strategy prioritized informants who could provide rich, detailed narratives of migration-related experiences. The sample included young female returnees, local officials, family members, and NGO and religious leaders. According to Creswell ( 2012 ), purposive sampling helps researchers focus on those best positioned to illuminate the central phenomenon under investigation. In line with this, the researcher aimed for sample homogeneity to strengthen the depth of phenomenological insights (Smith et al., 2009 ). 3.6 Instruments of Data Collection In-depth Interviews In-depth interviews were conducted with 12 female returnees aged 18 to 30. An interview guide was developed based on the study objectives and translated from English into Amharic. The interviews, lasting 40–60 minutes, were conducted in settings where participants felt most comfortable—usually their homes or workplaces. Interviews followed a semi-structured format, allowing for flexible probing. Participants were approached through local kebele officials and provided informed consent prior to participation (Henn et al., 2006; Finlay, 2011 ). Key Informant Interviews Key informants included six parents of returnees, three government officials, two NGO workers, and three religious leaders (two Orthodox Christian and one Muslim). Interviews lasted 30–40 minutes and followed a semi-structured guide tailored to each group. These informants provided valuable contextual and institutional perspectives on the causes and consequences of female migration (Mikkelson, 2005; Payne, 2004 ). Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) Two FGDs were conducted, each comprising six returnees. These discussions explored shared challenges and coping strategies, offering a dynamic platform for collective reflection. FGDs complemented individual interviews and contributed to data triangulation (Smithson, 2000 ; Baxter & Jack, 2008 ). Participants were selected using the snowball technique. 3.7 Data Analysis The collected qualitative data were analyzed using interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA), following a narrative and thematic approach. Interviews and FGDs were audio-recorded, transcribed verbatim, translated into English, and repeatedly reviewed to ensure accuracy.Following Alase ( 2016 ), the analysis proceeded through three stages: Initial coding : Long statements were condensed into meaningful codes. Theme reduction : Similar codes were grouped into concise themes. Categorization : Emergent themes were organized into overarching categories representing core aspects of participants' lived experiences. This process aligned with Creswell's (2013) recommendation for phenomenological research, which calls for thick descriptions and reflective interpretation. Data integrity was maintained through repeated verification and manual cross-checking of transcripts and codes. 3.8 Ethical Considerations Ethical clearance was obtained from the relevant research ethics committee. Informed consent was secured from all participants after explaining the study's purpose and procedures. Confidentiality and anonymity were strictly maintained throughout the research process. All data were securely stored and used solely for academic purposes, following Rubin's (2012) guidelines for data protection. 4. Data Presentation and Interpretation Note All names used in this section are pseudonyms to protect privacy. 4.1. Motivating Factors for Female Migration 4.1.1. Poverty and Unemployment Poverty and unemployment emerged as the primary motivating factors for young females migrating to the Middle East. The majority of informants emphasized that economic hardship was the main driver behind their decision to migrate. For instance, Zeyneba, a migrant domestic worker who spent five years in the Middle East, shared: "I migrated to Dubai at 24 to support my siblings after our parents died. With limited income and my brother entering university, I took financial responsibility. I supported him throughout his studies and continued helping all my siblings for five years." (Mekaneselam, February 18, 2019) Similarly, Meka, a migrant returnee who stayed in the Middle East for over three years, said: "I migrated to Saudi Arabia to support my family after my father died. My mother struggled alone to care for my three brothers and sister. To ease her burden, I decided to work abroad and send remittances, hoping to improve our family’s situation." (Mekaneselam, February 18, 2019) Habtam, another returnee from Dubai, who lived there for over four years, added: "I graduated from Dessie College in 2007 E.C. and searched for a job in Ethiopia for more than a year but found none matching my qualifications. Finally, my family and I agreed I should go to the Middle East. My eldest brother, already in Saudi Arabia, processed my passport, and I left with a diploma due to lack of local job opportunities." (Mekaneselam, March 11, 2019) These experiences align with neoclassical migration theory, which posits that wage disparities drive human migration; individuals from less developed countries move to more developed countries seeking better employment (Massey et al., 1993). Borjas (2008) supports this, highlighting employment and wage differentials as key drivers for female migration. Lee’s (1996) migration model similarly identifies wage differences as critical motivating factors. Elias (2013) further notes that in rapidly growing poor countries like Ethiopia, limited job creation compels young females to view migration as a necessary “safety valve.” In summary, both current findings and previous studies confirm that poverty and unemployment push young females toward migration to the Middle East for improved job opportunities and income. Notably, even formally employed Ethiopians often find their salaries inadequate relative to workload, intensifying migration motivation. 4.1.2. Social Capital Social capital, defined as interpersonal ties linking migrants, former migrants, and non-migrants through kinship, friendship, and community networks (Massey et al., 1993, p. 448), was another important motivator. Social relationships sharing positive stories—while often downplaying challenges—encouraged young females to migrate. Roza, a return migrant, recounted: "I migrated to Saudi Arabia through my aunt’s daughter, who had stayed there over eight years. After completing grade ten, my aunt’s daughter visited Ethiopia, convinced me to go, and even paid for my passport and transportation. My family and I agreed, and I arrived in Saudi Arabia thanks to her support." (Mekaneselam, March 14, 2019) Belay, father of a migrant returnee, described how return migrants influenced his daughter: "My daughter and her mother visited a returnee who had worked in the Middle East and built a beautiful house. Impressed by her success, my daughter became inspired to migrate despite my advice to focus on education." (Mekaneselam, March 20, 2019) Migration network theory explains this influence, suggesting that established migrant networks reduce the risks and costs of migration and assist new migrants with housing, work, and social orientation (Massey et al., 1993). Beyond return migrants, social media and community networks also contribute by shaping perceptions and decisions about migration. Therefore, social capital is a significant factor motivating young females to migrate. 4.1.3. Lack of Family Support and Community Belonging Lack of family support and feelings of alienation within their communities also contributed to young females’ decisions to migrate. Meron, a returnee, shared: "I lost my family in a car accident while in grade 11, which left me feeling hopeless and alone. Although my brother and friend discouraged me, I could not escape the emotional pain. I chose to migrate—not for money, but to escape the despair I felt about my future." (Mekaneselam, March 18, 2019) Thus, beyond economic reasons, emotional distress and lack of familial and community belonging prompted some young females to seek migration as an escape. 4.2. Migration Routes Used by Young Female Migrants Studies show that after obtaining authorization, migrants generally have two main travel options to the Middle East: formal air travel and informal routes assisted by brokers and smugglers. The majority of female migrants traveled through formal air channels, while the second most common route was via brokers and smugglers. Toyiba, who migrated twice—once formally and once informally—shared her experiences: "I migrated to Dubai formally in 2002 E.C., paying 25,000 birr to a broker for my visa. Despite arriving safely, I faced exploitation and abuse by employers and returned after nine months. Later, I migrated informally to Saudi Arabia and stayed three years. Both routes exposed me to challenges, showing that migrating legally or illegally does not guarantee safety." (Mekaneselam, April 1, 2019) Sebsebe, father of two daughters who migrated by different routes, observed: "My daughter Mekoya migrated legally but suffered multiple abuses. I borrowed 15,000 birr to send her. Her younger sister traveled illegally with less cost but faced similar hardships. Now, I prefer the illegal route to save money because both faced exploitation." (Mekaneselam, April 3, 2019) Fernandez ( 2010 ) similarly noted that Ethiopian migrants typically travel through legal private employment agencies or irregular channels involving illegal brokers. This study concludes that documented migrants receive inadequate protection at destinations, suffering exploitation similar to undocumented migrants. The main difference lies in the costs paid to brokers and the degree of exploitation faced. Additionally, both documented and undocumented migrants lack sufficient protection from embassies, governments, and NGOs. 4.1.1 Challenges Facing Female Migrants 4.1.1.1 Cultural Abuse Cultural abuse is a significant challenge for young female domestic workers in the Middle East, manifesting through language barriers, food preferences, clothing styles, and cultural practices. For instance, Zemzem, a migrant returnee, described her struggle with food adaptation: "Before migrating, I didn’t like meat, but my employers mainly ate meat and rice. Despite my dislike, they encouraged me to eat it. I initially discarded it secretly but eventually adapted and began to include meat in my diet." (Mekaneselam, March 22, 2019) Similarly, Meseret shared her experience with enforced clothing norms: "As an Orthodox Christian, I used to wear trousers, but my employer insisted I wear a 'Jilbab' — a long, loose-fitting garment for modesty. I disliked it because it restricted my movement, but I accepted and wore it for almost two years." (Mekaneselam, March 16, 2019) Young female migrants frequently adapt to such cultural demands to gain acceptance, despite personal discomfort. Language barriers particularly affect rural migrants, who often lack access to global information and technology. Food, clothing, and language challenges are therefore common cultural hurdles faced by these migrants. 4.1.1.2 Physical Abuse Physical abuse, including beating, burning, and corporal punishment, is a severe challenge reported by many informants. Zeyneba recounted: "My employers were harsh, forbidding phone calls during work. When I answered one call, the employer threw boiling water on me. Thankfully, I wasn’t severely burned, but I never answered calls openly after that." (Mekaneselam, February 18, 2019) De Regt and Tafesse ( 2015 ) corroborate these findings, highlighting widespread physical torture and human rights violations. Migrants often return mentally ill, physically harmed, economically impoverished, and socially marginalized, yet many still choose to migrate despite these risks. 4.1.1.3 Sexual Abuse Sexual abuse mainly affects undocumented migrants who traverse multiple borders, exposing them to predation by brokers and travel companions. Zemzem’s account exemplifies this: "A broker who held our passports sexually abused me, threatening to jeopardize my journey if I refused." (Mekaneselam, March 22, 2019) Tigist shared a different experience with a travel companion’s unwanted romantic advances, which eventually turned into a friendship. Zeyneba also disclosed harassment from her employer’s family in Saudi Arabia, including attempted sexual assault. Vlieger ( 2011 ) similarly found Ethiopian female migrants face various forms of sexual abuse. These women face a double victimization: as females and as migrants, increasing their vulnerability to abuse before and after migration. 4.1.1.4 Religious and Racial Abuse Young female migrants face exploitation based on their religion and race, especially Christian and Black African migrants in predominantly Muslim Middle Eastern countries. Tigist recounted being forced to convert from Orthodox Christianity to Islam to keep her job: "They changed my name and required mosque attendance, but I prayed secretly to my own God." (Mekaneselam, March 12, 2019) Meron also changed her Christian name before migration based on broker advice, highlighting exploitation beginning even in the home country. Habtam described racial discrimination, with Africans demeaned and verbally abused, often called “chimpanzees” and seen as born to serve others. These abuses severely impact migrants’ mental health. Crenshaw ( 1993 ) noted that racial and religious exploitation is a root cause of many migrants’ hardships. 4.1.1.5 Financial Problems Migration costs vary from 15,000 to 50,000 Ethiopian birr, with undocumented migrants paying less but still significant sums, often borrowed at exorbitant interest rates (usury). Toyiba shared the burden her family bore: "My parents borrowed 24,000 birr from relatives at high interest to send me to Saudi Arabia. After six months, I returned due to abuse, and we couldn’t repay the loan fully. Now, we face losing our farmland to the usurer." (Mekaneselam, April 1, 2019) The UN World Youth Report (2013) confirms financial hardship as a key barrier, with many migrants and families falling into debt and economic exploitation even before migration. 4.1.1.6 Tiredness and Sickness Undocumented female migrants often endure long, exhausting journeys on foot, which are particularly taxing for young women. Meseret recalled: "During the journey, one girl collapsed from fatigue. Men left her behind, but I stayed and helped her get hospital care. The trip was exhausting, and women’s physical endurance was clearly lower than men’s." (Mekaneselam, March 16, 2019) Physical exhaustion and sickness are major vulnerabilities during migration, especially for females. 4.1.1.7 Exploitation Employment conditions and remuneration vary based on race, ethnicity, religion, and nationality. Zeyneba highlighted salary disparities: "In Saudi Arabia, a Filipino worker earned 500 riyals, I received 385, and a Kenyan got 375. Filipino workers’ governments have agreements protecting their workers, unlike ours." (Mekaneselam, February 18, 2019) ODI (2014) similarly found Ethiopian migrants faced wage inequality, delayed payments, or no payment. Muslim migrants often have better access to employment and pay than Christian and other minorities. Working hours are extremely long, with only 3–4 hours of rest daily, and employers neglect migrants’ health. 4.1. Motives of Stakeholders to Support Returnees Various stakeholders play direct or indirect roles in rehabilitating returnees from the Middle East, as indicated by the data collected from informants. These stakeholders include families, religious institutions, government bodies, NGOs, and the broader community. The following sections discuss each stakeholder's role in detail. 4.1.1. Families Families are the primary actors responsible for supporting migrant returnees. Informants generally agreed that families are expected to provide support to their returned relatives. However, the situation in Mekaneselam town differs. Families typically receive remittances sent by migrants working in the Middle East. Usually, employers send salaries to representatives in the migrants’ home country rather than paying the workers directly. Most participants reported sending their earnings to their fathers or brothers. For instance, Habtam shared her experience: "While in the Middle East, I regularly sent my salary to my older brother, expecting him to save it. Instead, he used most of it to support his family and educate his child. When I returned and asked for my savings, he had nothing. Upset and betrayed, I refused his offer to sell his ox and decided to migrate again to Dubai." (Mekaneselam, March 11, 2019) Overall, the study reveals that families often consume the money sent by migrants without their consent. Migrants usually have plans to improve their lives, requiring their families’ support. However, the misuse of remittances by families undermines these plans. Upon return, migrants find that their savings have been depleted, jeopardizing their futures and motivating many young female returnees to migrate again. 4.1.2. Government The government is another key stakeholder expected to assist returnees through various supports, such as skill training, financial aid in collaboration with microfinance institutions, and creating a conducive environment for reintegration. Nonetheless, participants reported that the government has yet to take substantial action. Habtamu, a government official in Mekaneselam, noted: "I am aware of the challenges returnees face, including unemployment, lack of rehabilitation programs, and discrimination. However, our office has not done enough to address these issues. Returnees expect financial support and job placements, but we require them to bring their own funds. The Amhara Credit and Saving Institution provide loans with collateral. Our role is to offer job placements, but only to groups of three or more. We also provide technical and vocational training, but many returnees come individually, seeking financial support for non-productive purposes. We want the workplace used productively, but our rehabilitation efforts remain insufficient, and returnees have their own shortcomings." (Mekaneselam, February 18, 2019) Similarly, Ali, another official, highlighted the issue of legal brokers: "Documented migrant domestic workers face many challenges, similar to undocumented migrants. This is largely due to legal brokers, many of whom violate regulations to prioritize personal gain, increasing migrants’ vulnerability and eroding trust in the government. I hope these corrupt practices will end and that offenders will be penalized according to the law." (Mekaneselam, February 18, 2019) Gashaw, another official, added: "Returned females and residents frequently visit my office. The town administration has guidelines to support returnees, such as providing job placements for groups of three or more, including unemployed graduates. However, many returnees seek help individually. The municipality lacks sufficient land and capital to assist everyone individually. Although we explain these limitations, some fail to understand and have even verbally and physically confronted us." (Mekaneselam, February 18, 2019) These testimonies show that government officials recognize the problems caused by illegal brokers and intend to address them, which could help reduce migrants’ challenges and improve government legitimacy. However, limited budgets and resources severely constrain the government’s capacity to support returnees effectively. Thus, the government has not fully addressed returnees’ challenges. 4.1.3. Religious Institutions Religious institutions are also expected to provide spiritual and economic support for migrant returnees. However, officials from these institutions demonstrated limited understanding of the vulnerabilities faced by documented migrant domestic workers, showing more awareness of undocumented migrants' hardships. Talema, an Orthodox religious leader, stated: "The church discourages migration because many migrants are forced to change religion abroad, which is strictly prohibited by the Bible. We have provided psychological support through spiritual guidance; most who changed religion abroad have now returned to their original faith. However, we have not yet worked as extensively as needed. Due to unemployment, some returnees consider migrating again. To solve this, the government, NGOs, religious institutions, and communities must cooperate. Our future plan is to rehabilitate returnees psychologically and economically to the best of our ability." (Mekaneselam, February 22, 2019) Similarly, another official, Tsegaw, admitted: "We have not collaborated sufficiently with other stakeholders. Many followers believe migrant family members live luxuriously abroad and are unaware of their hardships. Even we did not fully understand these challenges, so we have not worked cooperatively. I hope our institution will partner more effectively to help young female migrants." (Mekaneselam, February 22, 2019) These findings indicate that religious institutions have not met expectations regarding support for migrant returnees and migrants in general. 4.1.4. Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) NGOs are critical stakeholders tasked with safeguarding migrants’ welfare and rehabilitating returnees. Alemu, an NGO officer, explained: "Although we promised much, we have been unable to address young women’s returnees’ issues due to lack of specific funding. Our donor countries have focused on refugees from Syria and Sudan, not returned young women from the Middle East. Without funds, we cannot intervene. To solve this problem, NGOs, government, and communities need to work collaboratively." (Mekaneselam, February 27, 2019) Similarly, Meseret, another NGO official, observed: "Our cooperation with other stakeholders remains limited. We have not had enough time to address migration issues in detail. We receive returnee lists from concerned bodies when support is needed. In the future, I hope we will collaborate more effectively to reduce challenges faced by young female returnees." (Mekaneselam, February 27, 2019) These findings show that NGOs have been ineffective in rehabilitating returnees, especially young female migrants, primarily due to funding shortages. 4.4. Major Causes of Suffering among Young Female Migrants 4.4.1. Legal and Illegal Brokers Both legal and illegal brokers operating in the home country significantly contribute to the suffering of young female migrants, as revealed by the data collected from informants. Legal brokers, by definition, are licensed and officially recognized to recruit and select migrant domestic workers for the Middle East in accordance with established laws and regulations. For example, one informant, Zeyneba, shared her experience: "I migrated legally to Kuwait when I was 16 years old. The legal broker was a relative of ours, and he promised my father that he would prepare a legal passport, although he illegally altered my age. He prepared the passport, and I traveled to Kuwait, but my experience there was distressing. Being very young and having never seen a city before, I missed my family terribly. This, combined with other factors, led to depression and frustration. Even when my family tried to call me, I avoided answering because I was overwhelmed with sadness. After two months, my family decided to bring me back to Ethiopia. I still feel shocked thinking about that moment. However, when I was 23, I migrated again, this time to Saudi Arabia." (Mekaneselam, February 18, 2019) Similarly, Silima recounted: "I had a best friend from Dessie while I was in Saudi Arabia. He was a legal migrant. He had previously worked at the Amhara Credit and Savings Institution (ACSI) and borrowed 70,000 birr. His older brother owned a license to recruit legal migrants, with an office in Addis Ababa. He told his brother he wanted to migrate and borrow money. His brother agreed and helped him obtain a legal passport. He migrated to Saudi Arabia with his brother’s assistance and said that no one ever asked him about his debt because of the support from his hometown." (Mekaneselam, February 25, 2019) From these accounts, it is evident that legal brokers play a significant role in the hardships faced by young female domestic workers throughout the migration process. Despite being licensed, many brokers fail to comply with national and international laws. For instance, recruiting teenagers is prohibited, yet brokers often falsify ages through corrupt practices. Several returned migrants in this study revealed they did not meet legal age requirements but paid informal fees to brokers who nevertheless arranged their passports. This practice contravenes both national legislation and international conventions, with the Human Rights Commission classifying it as "child labor abuse." Additionally, some brokers have prepared passports for individuals with criminal records, further endangering migrants, their families, and the country’s reputation. Moreover, prior research supports these findings. For example, Selamawit's (2013) study, The Vulnerability of Ethiopian Rural Females in Saudi Arabia and Kuwait , examines the impact of undocumented brokers on female migrants’ vulnerability in detail. 4.4.2. Destination Embassies Destination embassies are designated authorities tasked with safeguarding the rights and welfare of their citizens abroad. However, respondents indicated that some embassies in the Middle East neglect these responsibilities, exacerbating the suffering of migrant domestic workers. For instance, Silima shared her experience in Bahrain: "I stayed in Bahrain for over two years. I had two close friends, one Filipino and one Ethiopian. I was surprised by the special treatment Filipino citizens received. Every Sunday, we had a day off to relax, often going to a restaurant. One day, the police arrested us without explanation and imprisoned us. While the Filipino friend was released shortly through her embassy's intervention, we Ethiopians were detained for over 15 days without charges. Eventually, we obtained the embassy’s phone number and called for help, but no one answered. We remained imprisoned for nearly a month." (Mekaneselam, February 25, 2019) Overall, these testimonies reveal that some embassies in the Middle East fail to adequately protect their citizens. While embassy protection is a core responsibility, it is not consistently fulfilled. It should be noted, however, that not all embassies neglect their duties; some actively support and safeguard the rights and welfare of migrant workers. Discussion of Selected Findings The migration of young Ethiopian females to the Middle East has surged considerably in recent years. According to the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs (MoLSA, 2013), 187,931 females migrated through official channels in 2012 alone. While this statistic underscores the growing prominence of this migration flow, it also reveals deeper systemic shortcomings within Ethiopia’s socio-economic and governance frameworks, which compel young women to seek precarious employment abroad. This study critically explores the drivers of migration, the lived experiences during migration, and the post-return challenges faced by Ethiopian female domestic workers, focusing on returnees in Mekaneselam town. Migration Drivers: Structural and Social Determinants The motivations behind female migration extend beyond mere individual economic aspirations. While return migrants and community networks strongly influence migration decisions, these factors operate within broader contexts of economic exclusion and gender inequality. High unemployment rates, limited livelihood options, and chronic poverty serve as primary push factors. The findings of this study align with international research (ILO, 2006 ; Adhikari, 2012 ), which demonstrates that young women migrate in response to intertwined economic needs and social pressures. However, interpreting migration solely through an economic lens risks oversimplification unless critically linked to systemic, gendered marginalization. Feminist theoretical frameworks provide valuable insight into these dynamics. In Ethiopia, entrenched patriarchal structures severely restrict women’s access to formal employment, education, and political participation (Emebet, 2001 ; Selamawit, 2013 ). Under such constraints, migration emerges as one of the few viable pathways to agency—albeit often within exploitative labor markets abroad. Consequently, migration frequently represents not a choice but a necessity shaped by structural exclusion and gendered power imbalances. Migration Experiences: Exploitation across the Continuum The migration trajectory—from pre-departure to transit and employment—is fraught with risks that disproportionately affect female migrants. One of the study’s critical findings is the widespread financial exploitation faced by women even before departure. Many informants reported borrowing money at exorbitant interest rates, thereby entering cycles of debt and dependency. These financial pressures are further exacerbated by exploitative recruitment practices and weak regulatory oversight. Accounts of abuse—encompassing sexual and psychological violence as well as cultural and religious discrimination—highlight the vulnerability of Ethiopian domestic workers in Middle Eastern host countries. These abuses are systemic rather than isolated, rooted in global labor hierarchies where migrant women occupy the lowest strata. Employers frequently exploit migrant workers with impunity, enabled by inadequate legal protections and a lack of accountability in destination countries. Post-Return Challenges and Institutional Gaps A further concern emerging from this study is the institutional failure to support returnee women effectively. Government agencies, religious institutions, NGOs, and community groups were largely unprepared or unwilling to provide meaningful reintegration assistance. The absence of coordinated rehabilitation programs forces many returnees to rely on informal networks or manage independently, perpetuating cycles of disempowerment and vulnerability. Previous research corroborates these findings. Studies by Selamawit ( 2013 ) and Katulis et al. (2015) emphasize how the absence of protective mechanisms abroad and at home prolongs women’s exploitation. The inability of Ethiopian embassies to intervene effectively, alongside the silence or complicity of brokers, reflects a broader institutional void. As noted by Emebet ( 2002 ) and Tamrat ( 2016 ), without targeted policies and reintegration strategies, returnee women remain marginalized and vulnerable to risky remigration. Overall, this study underscores that female migration from Ethiopia to the Middle East is not simply a matter of individual agency or economic necessity. Rather, it is a complex phenomenon rooted in entrenched gender inequality, structural poverty, and governance deficits. The lived experiences of returnees reveal systemic failures at every stage—pre-departure, during employment, and upon return. Addressing these challenges demands a multi-pronged approach involving policy reform, robust protection mechanisms, and the empowerment of women through enhanced local opportunities and legal safeguards. Migration should be reframed not as a default survival strategy but as a last resort—one no woman is compelled to pursue due to systemic neglect and gendered exclusion. Conclusion The primary drivers motivating young Ethiopian females to migrate to Middle Eastern countries include economic necessity, rooted in poverty, high unemployment, and limited local employment opportunities. Emotional distress, personal loss, and the desire to escape difficult living conditions also significantly influence their decisions. Additionally, return migrants who often depict an idealized vision of life abroad encourage others to follow, fueled by hopes of improved opportunities. The migration process involves both documented and undocumented channels. Many migrants rely on legal brokers for migration procedures, yet these brokers often engage in corrupt practices, such as falsifying ages to recruit minors. Undocumented migrants frequently resort to informal smuggling networks, exposing themselves to heightened risks and exploitation. Financing migration often involves taking loans from informal lenders charging exorbitant interest rates, imposing heavy financial burdens on migrants. Young Ethiopian female domestic workers face numerous hardships throughout their migration journey, including financial exploitation, physical exhaustion, sexual and psychological abuse, and harsh working conditions. Discrimination based on race, religion, and nationality further exacerbates these challenges, leading to wage disparities and poor treatment by employers. Migrants traveling via undocumented routes suffer from a lack of protection and support, increasing their vulnerability. Government bodies and other stakeholders—including families, religious institutions, and NGOs—have demonstrated limited effectiveness in addressing the challenges faced by young Ethiopian female domestic workers. While regulatory frameworks exist for legal migration, their enforcement remains weak. A lack of coordination and awareness among stakeholders hinders adequate protection, support, and rehabilitation for returnees. Furthermore, embassies in destination countries often fail to uphold their responsibilities, contributing to the vulnerability of Ethiopian migrants abroad. In conclusion, this study highlights the complex interplay of economic, social, and emotional factors driving young Ethiopian females to migrate to the Middle East. The recruitment process, though critical, accompanies significant challenges impacting migrants’ well-being and safety. The insufficient support systems and limited stakeholder capacity underscore the urgent need for systemic reforms and comprehensive efforts to protect and assist migrant domestic workers both during and after migration. Recommendations Based on the major findings of this study, the following recommendations are proposed to address the challenges faced by female migrants and improve their overall migration experience: Accountability of Legal Brokers and Destination Embassies : Legal brokers and embassies in destination countries must strictly adhere to existing laws and ethical guidelines governing migration processes. The Ethiopian government should develop and enforce specific policies to hold these actors accountable, ensuring the safety, rights, and well-being of female migrants and migrants in general. Collaborative Efforts Among Stakeholders : Relevant stakeholders—including religious institutions, political organizations, social institutions, and charitable organizations—should strengthen cooperation to mitigate challenges faced by both documented and undocumented migrants, both before departure and upon return. Government Initiatives and International Cooperation : The Ethiopian government should adopt comprehensive measures inspired by successful models from countries such as the Philippines and Indonesia, which have established bilateral and multilateral agreements to protect the rights and welfare of domestic workers abroad. Additionally, Ethiopia should consider creating returnee associations to facilitate the economic reintegration of migrants and maximize the benefits of their return. Enhanced Support for Returnees : Charitable organizations and relevant stakeholders need to invest more resources in the rehabilitation and reintegration of migrant returnees from the Middle East. Local communities should also foster stronger social and cultural connections with returnees to improve their acceptance and social integration. Role of Religious Institutions : Religious leaders and institutions should actively educate their communities about the realities and challenges of migration. Given their significant influence, religious institutions can play a critical role in shaping community attitudes and raising awareness regarding the risks and implications of migration. Addressing Patriarchal Structures and Societal Attitudes : Efforts should be made at all levels of society to challenge and dismantle patriarchal norms that restrict women’s opportunities and perpetuate their migration as an economic necessity. Promoting gender equality and empowering women can reduce the pressure on young women to migrate and improve their access to local employment and education. Media Awareness Campaigns : Broadcast media and social media platforms should launch widespread campaigns to raise public awareness about the hardships faced by female migrants in the Middle East. Increasing public knowledge can help families and communities better understand the risks involved and contribute to safeguarding future generations of potential migrants. Declarations Clinical Trial Number: Not applicable. Consent to Participate: All participants were informed about the purpose of the study and voluntarily agreed to participate. Written informed consent was obtained from each participant before data collection. Ethics Approval: Ethical approval for this study was obtained from the College of Social Sciences and Humanities Coordinating Committee, Woldia University. Funding Declaration: This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors. Human Ethics and Consent to Participate Declarations: This study was conducted in accordance with ethical standards involving human participants. Oral informed consent was obtained from all participants. The study protocol was reviewed and approved by the College of Social Sciences and Humanities Coordinating Committee, Woldia University. References Adhikari P. (2012). The plight of the forgotten ones: Civil war and involuntary migration. International Studies, 56(3), 590-606. Alase A. (2016). The impact of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act on small-sized publicly traded organizations and their communities, Northeastern University, Europe. Arango J. (2000). A critical view for explaining migration, International Social Science publication Journal 52(165). Baxter P., & Jack S. (2008). Study design and implementation for novice researchers, Qualitative case study, the qualitative report, 544-559. Beyene J. (2005). A case study of women, migration and housing in three house holders of Ethiopian and Eritrean female migrant workers in Beirut and Naba’a, American University, USA. Birikis J. and Sinclair C. (1979).: The changing perspective of the poor Middle East countries for migration and development, Journal of International Affairs. Boubakri H. (2013). Revolution and international migration in Tunisia, migration policy center research: European University institute. Florence, Robert Schuman centre for advanced studies. Chant S. (2003). Female household headship and the feminization of poverty facts, fictions and strategic policies. Chant S. (2006). Re-thinking feminization of poverty in relation to Aggregate Gender Indices, Journal of Human Development, 201-220. Crenshaw K. (1993). Intersectionality, identity politics and violence against women of color in the Middle East, University of California, Los Angeles. Creswell J. (2007). Qualitative inquiry and research methods, choosing among five approaches (2 nd ed), Thousand oaks, sage publications, Inc. Creswell J. (2012). Planning, conducting and evaluating Quantitative and Qualitative research methods (4th Ed.), Boston, MA: Pearson. Creswell J. (2013). Qualitative Inquiry and research methods and choosing among five approaches (3rd Ed), thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Davis N. (2006). Intersectionality and feminist politics, European journal of female studies. Davis K. (2008). Sociology of Science Perspective on what makes a Feminist Theory Successful, Los Angeles: Sage Publication. de Haas H. (2009). Human migration and development a theoretical perspective, international migration institute working paper, Oxford University. de Haas H. (2010). The determinants of international migration, conceptualizing policy, origin and destination effects, Oxford, International Migration Institute. de Regt M. (2006). Ethiopian females in the Middle East, the case of migrant domestic workers in Yemen, African studies center for seminar, Leiden. De Regt M./ Tafesse, M. (2015). Deported before experiencing the good sides of migration, focused on Ethiopian returnees from Saudi Arabia, African and Black Diaspora, an international journal. Emebet, K. (2001). An Assessment of the international labor migration situation, the case of female migrants to Geneva, Addis Ababa University, Ethiopia. Emebet K. (2002). An assessment on the international labor migration situation, the case of female domestic work migrants, Gender Promotion Program International Labor Office working paper, Geneva Sutherland. Fernandez B. (2010). The effect of the global economic crisis on the migration of Ethiopian female domestic workers to the Middle East, retrieved from August 19, 2020! Finlay L. (2011). Interpretative phenomenological research method, in Phenomenology for therapists, researching the lived world, John Wiley & Sons, Ltd: Gashaw M. (2014). The socio-economic impact of young women emigration from Borena woreda to the Arab world, Wollo University, Ethiopia. Human Rights Watch, (2008). Abuses against domestic workers in Saudi Arabia, available at, http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/saudiarabia0708_1.pdf retrieved on 1 August 2020. International Organization for Migration (2014). International migration law Glossary on migration, 2nd edition. ILO, (2006). Trafficking in persons overseas for domestic purposes: the case of Ethiopian domestic workers, Addis Ababa in collaborations with the ministry of labor and social affairs, the Ethiopian Employers Federations and the Confederation of Ethiopian Trade Unions. Jones, Nicola, Elizabeth P., Marshall, Bekele T., Guday E., Bethelihem G. and Kiya G. (2014). Rethinking Girls on the Move: The Intersection of Poverty, Exploitation and Violence Experienced by Ethiopian Adolescents Involved in the Middle East „Maid Trade‟. Overseas Development Institute. Kreuger L., & Neuman W. (2006). Qualitative and Quantitative social work research methods, Boston New York, Sanfrancisco. Mabogunje A.L. (1970). Systematic approach to a theory of rural-urban human Migration, geographical analysis 2(1):1-18. Mahdavi P. (2011). Involuntary return, the state and gendered migration in the Middle East countries, Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 20(3-4): 413-431. Massey, Douglas S. (1999). “Why does human migration occur? A theoretical synthesis.” In: Charles Hirschman et al. (Eds), the Handbook of International Migration, Russell Sage Foundation. Mesfin and zenawi (2019). Assessment on the lived experiences of out migrants in the case of women returnees in Raya Alamata, Addis Ababa University, Ethiopia. Mesfin D. (2011). The challenges and prospects of female labor migration to the Middle East, the case of women returnees in Girana town of Amhara region, Ethiopia. Mikkelesen B. (2005). Methods for Development Work and Research, a new guide for participation. (2nd. ed), New Delhi: Sage Publication. Naami B. (2014). Female Ethiopian migrant domestic workers, an analysis of migration, return migration and reintegration experiences. Payne G., and Payne J. (2004). Major Concepts in Social Research, London, SAGE Publications. Ratha D., Mohapatra S., Ozden C., Plaza S., Shaw W., and Abebe S. (2011). Leveraging migration for Africa, remittances, skills and investments, the international bank for reconstruction and development: the World Bank. Russell S. S. (1986). Remittances from international migration, a Review in perspective, World development. Sassen S. (2000). Women’s burden, counter-geographies of globalization and the feminization of survival, Journal of International Affairs. Selamawit B. (2013). The vulnerability of Ethiopian rural women and girls, the case of domestic workers in Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, Uppsala University. Smithson A. (2000). Reflecting the development of interpretative phenomenological analysis and its contribution to qualitative research in psychology. Smith J. A., Flowers P., & Larkin M. (2009). Theory, method and research in interpretative phenomenological analysis, Los Angeles, SAGE publications. Tamrat (2016). Assessment on the life opportunities and challenges of deported women and girls in Dessie town, Indira Gandhi National Open University. United Nations (2013). International Migration and Development, report of the Secretary-general, NewYork: UN. UN. (2019). Migration, retrieved at March 17, 2020 from: http://www.un.org/en/sections/issues-depth/migration/index.html Vanderstroep S, and Johnston D. (2009). Research methods for everyday life, Blending. Vlieger A. (2011). Domestic Workers in Saudi Arabia and the Emirates, a socio-legal study on conflicts, Quid Pro Books, Louisiana. Additional Declarations The authors declare no competing interests. Cite Share Download PDF Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Research Square lets you share your work early, gain feedback from the community, and start making changes to your manuscript prior to peer review in a journal. As a division of Research Square Company, we’re committed to making research communication faster, fairer, and more useful. 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Also discoverable on Platform About Our Team In Review Editorial Policies Advisory Board Help Center Resources Author Services Accessibility API Access RSS feed Manage Cookie Preferences © Research Square 2026 | ISSN 2693-5015 (online) Privacy Policy Terms of Service Do Not Sell My Personal Information {"props":{"pageProps":{"initialData":{"identity":"rs-6877382","acceptedTermsAndConditions":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"archivedVersions":[],"articleType":"Research Article","associatedPublications":[],"authors":[{"id":470193827,"identity":"b8926a44-f024-45bb-8de1-0a1ad739f07b","order_by":0,"name":"Sindew Asmare","email":"data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAZAAAAAyAQMAAABI0h/eAAAABlBMVEX///8AAABVwtN+AAAACXBIWXMAAA7EAAAOxAGVKw4bAAAA90lEQVRIiWNgGAWjYDADNgYGAwaGCiCLmbmBFC1nQFoYidTCANLC2AaiCWjh7z+d+LmigsGeT7p542PeebXR/O1ALT8qtuHUInEjd7PkmTMMiW0yx4qNebcdz51xmLGBsefMbdzW3ODdINnYxpDAJpFjJp277VhuA1ALM2Mbbi3y589u/tn4j8EeqMX8d+6cY7nzCWkxOJC7TbKxAehxoC3MuQ01uRsIaTG8kbvNsuGYRGKbRFqx9J9jB3I3ArUcxOcXOaDDbjbU2NjLz0je+HFGTV3uvPOHDz74UYHH+xAgAWMcBpMHCKlHBnWkKB4Fo2AUjIIRAgD94lnFT6Pu2QAAAABJRU5ErkJggg==","orcid":"https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2124-3111","institution":"Woldia University","correspondingAuthor":true,"prefix":"","firstName":"Sindew","middleName":"","lastName":"Asmare","suffix":""},{"id":470193990,"identity":"b6bfff82-9598-4bc6-b3f5-625a2cbb621b","order_by":1,"name":"Yimer Gobezie","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"Woldia University","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Yimer","middleName":"","lastName":"Gobezie","suffix":""}],"badges":[],"createdAt":"2025-06-12 07:06:30","currentVersionCode":1,"declarations":{"humanSubjects":true,"vertebrateSubjects":false,"conflictsOfInterestStatement":false,"humanSubjectEthicalGuidelines":true,"humanSubjectConsent":true,"humanSubjectClinicalTrial":false,"humanSubjectCaseReport":false,"vertebrateSubjectEthicalGuidelines":false},"doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-6877382/v1","doiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-6877382/v1","draftVersion":[],"editorialEvents":[],"editorialNote":"","failedWorkflow":false,"files":[{"id":84522393,"identity":"2ddc65f1-34d9-4930-86e8-94bc6645dbc3","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-06-13 04:07:51","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":1181549,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-6877382/v1/7280fe5d-e4ea-4a26-b5f2-2b8ce224f9f6.pdf"}],"financialInterests":"The authors declare no competing interests.","formattedTitle":"\u003cp\u003eThe Challenges and Experiences of Young Ethiopian Female Emigrants: A study of Returnee Domestic Workers in the Middle East at Mekaneselam Town, Amhara Region.\u003c/p\u003e","fulltext":[{"header":"1. Background","content":"\u003ch2\u003e1.1 Introduction\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe migration of young females has long been a defining feature of global migration patterns. According to the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (2019), the number of international migrants is increased by approximately 119\u0026nbsp;million between 1990 and 2019, with growth accelerating significantly after 2005. Specifically, the global migrant population rose from 153\u0026nbsp;million to 192\u0026nbsp;million between 1990 and 2005, and then by roughly 80\u0026nbsp;million from 2005 to 2019\u0026mdash;reflecting annual growth rates of 1.5% and 2.5%, respectively (UN, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR49\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). In 2000, the United Nations Population Division reported that 39% of international migrants were young females, with women making up as much as 61% of migrants in developing countries. While many migrate voluntarily, a substantial number are compelled to move due to conflict, civil unrest, environmental degradation, poverty, and other threats to livelihood and security (WIM, 2018).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eResearch consistently shows that young female migrants are disproportionately exposed to unemployment, exploitative labor conditions, limited access to job markets, inadequate training, and social exclusion. Thus, policy responses must consider gender, age, and educational background to ensure equitable access to employment, protection, and participation (UN, 2013). While several studies have documented the human rights abuses of domestic workers in the Middle East, comprehensive statistical data on the prevalence and forms of abuse remain scarce (HRW, 2008; ILO, 2011; Mahdavi, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eEthiopia ranks among the African countries with a high rate of young female migration to the Middle East. Drivers include prolonged drought, high unemployment, and socio-economic challenges (De Regt, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR20\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e). Ethiopian women often migrate via both formal and informal channels, making them vulnerable before, during, and after migration (DFID, 2007). Under the kafala system, many are coerced into performing tasks outside their employment contracts. Misled by brokers and driven by the desire to support their families through remittances, these women frequently face multiple forms of exploitation (Birkis \u0026amp; Sinclair, 1979; Russell, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR41\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1986\u003c/span\u003e). Major destination countries include Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar, Yemen, and the United Arab Emirates (Beyene, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2005\u003c/span\u003e; Emebet, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2001\u003c/span\u003e; De Regt, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR20\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThese women often endure physical abuse, sexual violence, forced labor, cultural marginalization, psychological trauma, and widespread human rights violations (Kuschminder, forthcoming). Many work up to 18 hours per day without rest, and in severe cases, suffer burnings and beatings. Veliger (2011) observes that even under relatively favorable conditions, domestic workers may be treated with surface-level decency while still being denied their rights. Although international attention and media coverage have increased, scholarly research remains limited\u0026mdash;especially regarding the experiences of both documented and undocumented Ethiopian female domestic workers. Most studies focus on statistical trends or undocumented migration, overlooking the lived experiences of documented workers.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eMigration brings both opportunities and challenges for migrants, their families, and countries of origin and destination (Ratha et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR40\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e; Boubakri, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e). Managing migration has become a key responsibility of governments and societies due to its multifaceted impacts. Migrants\u0026mdash;especially young women\u0026mdash;are often exposed to gender-based violence, economic exploitation, and discrimination throughout their journeys (IOM, 2014). The rising demand for low-wage domestic labor in the Middle East has led to what Crush (2008) terms the \u0026ldquo;feminization of migration.\u0026rdquo; Unfortunately, this trend is often accompanied by exploitative conditions, racial and religious bias, and denial of basic human rights (Ratha et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR40\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e; UN, 2006).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eVarious studies have examined different aspects of female migration. Naami B. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR38\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e) found that Ethiopian women experience forced assimilation during their time abroad and recommended that Ethiopia follow the model of countries like the Philippines, which have enacted protective legal frameworks and bilateral agreements. Selamawit (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR43\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e) emphasized improving recruitment practices and pre-departure orientation. Mesfin and Zenawi (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR35\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e), studying returnees in Raya Alamata, identified economic and social factors as key migration drivers and stressed the need for local job creation. Similarly, Meskerem (2011) documented the extreme abuse suffered by migrants, including mental illness, physical harm, and suicide, while Emebet K. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2002\u003c/span\u003e) noted that abuse often begins in the country of origin.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eGebrehiwot and Fekadu (2012) linked migration in Tigray to economic hardship and advocated for income-generating programs. Mesfin D. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR36\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e) highlighted the wide range of challenges migrants face throughout the migration cycle. Despite growing interest in this issue, major gaps remain. First, most prior studies focus on undocumented migrants while neglecting the challenges experienced by documented female workers. Second, few studies adopt a phenomenological approach to understand migrants\u0026rsquo; perspectives. Third, there is a lack of qualitative research on the specific experiences of young female migrants from the study area\u0026mdash;despite anecdotal evidence indicating widespread migration (Gashaw, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eBased on the researcher\u0026rsquo;s observations, nearly every household in the study area has at least one or two individuals who have migrated to the Middle East. This study, therefore, aims to fill a geographical and methodological gap and contribute both academically and practically to addressing the challenges faced by Ethiopian female migrants.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cb\u003eObjectives of the study\u003c/b\u003e:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cul\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003eTo identify the key factors motivating young Ethiopian females to migrate to the Middle East\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003eTo examine migration information sources, recruitment methods, and financing\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003eTo explore the challenges faced by young Ethiopian female domestic workers\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003eTo assess the role of government and stakeholders in addressing these challenges\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003c/ul\u003e \u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"2. Theoretical framework related to the study","content":"\u003cdiv id=\"Sec3\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e2.1 The Feminist Theory\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe concept that individuals may belong to multiple disadvantaged groups\u0026mdash;and thereby face compounded and distinct forms of discrimination\u0026mdash;was first recognized in feminist theory during the late 1980s and early 1990s. Davis (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR17\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e) emphasized that feminist theory does not reduce female vulnerability to a single structure of power. Rather, it examines the interaction of multiple hierarchies, such as gender, race, religion, and class. These intersecting forces make marginalized groups\u0026mdash;especially women of color\u0026mdash;particularly susceptible to various forms of discrimination. Similarly, Crenshaw (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1993\u003c/span\u003e), analyzing violence against women, argued that intersecting identities such as gender, religion, and ethnicity significantly shape the nature of victimization.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDavis (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e) further asserted that feminist scholarship must account for diverse experiences of subordination. Ehrenreich (2003) expanded this view by describing housework politics not merely as gendered, but also as racialized and culturally embedded. Feminist theorists argue that challenges faced by women\u0026mdash;from pre-departure stages in their home countries to experiences abroad\u0026mdash;are driven largely by gender-based vulnerabilities. Brokers and employers often exploit women because of these vulnerabilities, exposing them to a range of abuses across race, religion, and class lines.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFeminist theory also introduces the notion of the \u0026ldquo;feminization of poverty,\u0026rdquo; particularly in the Global South. Chant (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e) observed that women make up a disproportionate share of the world\u0026rsquo;s poor, a trend that continues to deepen. This imbalance contributes to the rise in female migration, especially for domestic labor. Ethiopia, for instance, ranks 173rd out of 183 countries on the Gender Inequality Index, indicating that substantial gender disparities (UNDP, 2013, as cited in Katie, 2013).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSeveral factors intensify this trend. Chant (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003\u003c/span\u003e) pointed to unequal access to education and employment, gendered impacts of neoliberal economic reforms, and weakening of kinship support systems due to conflict and migration. These factors, combined with the rise in female-headed households, leave many women with limited options for economic survival. In patriarchal rural societies like Ethiopia\u0026rsquo;s, this often drives women to migrate abroad, especially to the Middle East, where demand for domestic workers is high. As Sassen (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR42\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2000\u003c/span\u003e) notes, this trend represents a broader \u0026ldquo;feminization of survival,\u0026rdquo; whereby women become the primary earners supporting entire families and communities (p. 55).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cb\u003eMigration network theory\u003c/b\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eNetwork theory, closely linked to migration systems theory first proposed by Mabogunje (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1970\u003c/span\u003e), emphasizes that migration is not a one-time event but a transformative process that reshapes the social, economic, and institutional contexts of both origin and destination countries (de Haas, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e). While migration systems theory focuses on macro-level linkages\u0026mdash;such as trade relations and investment flows\u0026mdash;that foster sustained migration between countries (Castles \u0026amp; Miller, 2009; de Haas, 2008), network theory takes a more micro-sociological approach. It highlights how interpersonal relationships between migrants and non-migrants facilitate continued migration by lowering costs, reducing risks, and enhancing access to information (Massey et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR34\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1999\u003c/span\u003e; Arango, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2000\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn the context of female migration, especially from low-income rural communities, these human networks play a pivotal role in shaping decisions to migrate. De Haas (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR19\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e) notes that large-scale migration often occurs within relatively poor and low-skilled populations that share a moderate level of group identity\u0026mdash;strong enough to promote social clustering but flexible enough to allow new, weaker connections. This dynamic is particularly relevant for young women in patriarchal societies, where established social networks often both enable migration and reinforce gendered vulnerabilities along the way.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eNetwork theory thus offers a valuable lens for understanding how migration becomes self-perpetuating, particularly for women seeking domestic work abroad. It helps explain not only why migration persists, but also how certain jobs become \"feminized\" and stigmatized through social and cultural perceptions. However, as de Haas (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e) argues, while these theories illuminate the forces sustaining migration, they are less effective in explaining why migration flows diminish or disintegrate over time. This limitation underscores the need to integrate network theory with broader structural and gender analyses to fully capture the complexities of female migration from countries like Ethiopia.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e "},{"header":"3. Methodology","content":"\u003cdiv id=\"Sec4\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e3.1 Research Design\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eAmong the three main types of observational studies\u0026mdash;prospective, retrospective, and cross-sectional\u0026mdash;this study employed a retrospective design to examine the challenges and lived experiences of Ethiopian female migrant domestic workers, from the initial phase of migration through their return. As Bryman (1998) notes, retrospective studies involve the collection of data covering past events using samples selected for this purpose. Dean (2002) highlights their utility as pilot studies, particularly for hypothesis formulation and refining interview instruments prior to prospective investigations.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eGiven the study's objective\u0026mdash;exploring the lived experiences of young Ethiopian female returnees from Middle Eastern countries, particularly those residing in Mekaneselam Town\u0026mdash;a retrospective design was deemed appropriate.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec5\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e3.2 Research Method\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis study employed a qualitative research method to gain a deep understanding of the personal experiences, perceptions, and challenges faced by both documented and undocumented young female migrant domestic workers. According to Creswell (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2007\u003c/span\u003e), qualitative research emphasizes direct engagement with participants, allowing them to narrate their stories without external imposition.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eWithin the qualitative tradition, the study adopted an interpretative phenomenological approach (IPA). This methodology is concerned with how individuals make sense of their life experiences in relation to a particular phenomenon (Smith, Flowers, \u0026amp; Larkin, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR46\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e). IPA was chosen to allow participants to express their experiences in their own words, fostering authentic, in-depth insight into their social and emotional realities.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec6\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e3.3 Data Sources\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eBoth primary and secondary data sources were used. Primary data were collected through in-depth interviews, key informant interviews, and focus group discussions (FGDs). Participants included returned migrants, their family members, religious leaders, government officials, and NGO representatives. Secondary data were sourced from academic journals, books, newspapers, web-based content, and social media platforms to contextualize and support primary findings.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec7\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e3.4 Sampling Design\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis study employed a non-probability sampling design, using snowball and purposive sampling techniques. In-depth interview and FGD participants were recruited through snowball sampling to reach eligible returnees aged 18\u0026ndash;30 who had worked in the Middle East. This approach is especially useful for accessing hard-to-reach populations (Bloor \u0026amp; Wood, 2006). Key informants\u0026mdash;such as officials, parents, and community leaders\u0026mdash;were selected purposively for their specialized knowledge of migration issues (Vanderstoep \u0026amp; Johnston, 2009).\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec8\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e3.5 Sampling Procedure\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe sampling strategy prioritized informants who could provide rich, detailed narratives of migration-related experiences. The sample included young female returnees, local officials, family members, and NGO and religious leaders. According to Creswell (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e), purposive sampling helps researchers focus on those best positioned to illuminate the central phenomenon under investigation. In line with this, the researcher aimed for sample homogeneity to strengthen the depth of phenomenological insights (Smith et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR46\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec9\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e3.6 Instruments of Data Collection\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cb\u003eIn-depth Interviews\u003c/b\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn-depth interviews were conducted with 12 female returnees aged 18 to 30. An interview guide was developed based on the study objectives and translated from English into Amharic. The interviews, lasting 40\u0026ndash;60 minutes, were conducted in settings where participants felt most comfortable\u0026mdash;usually their homes or workplaces. Interviews followed a semi-structured format, allowing for flexible probing. Participants were approached through local kebele officials and provided informed consent prior to participation (Henn et al., 2006; Finlay, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR25\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cb\u003eKey Informant Interviews\u003c/b\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eKey informants included six parents of returnees, three government officials, two NGO workers, and three religious leaders (two Orthodox Christian and one Muslim). Interviews lasted 30\u0026ndash;40 minutes and followed a semi-structured guide tailored to each group. These informants provided valuable contextual and institutional perspectives on the causes and consequences of female migration (Mikkelson, 2005; Payne, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR39\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2004\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cb\u003eFocus Group Discussions (FGDs)\u003c/b\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eTwo FGDs were conducted, each comprising six returnees. These discussions explored shared challenges and coping strategies, offering a dynamic platform for collective reflection. FGDs complemented individual interviews and contributed to data triangulation (Smithson, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR44\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2000\u003c/span\u003e; Baxter \u0026amp; Jack, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e). Participants were selected using the snowball technique.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec10\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e3.7 Data Analysis\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe collected qualitative data were analyzed using interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA), following a narrative and thematic approach. Interviews and FGDs were audio-recorded, transcribed verbatim, translated into English, and repeatedly reviewed to ensure accuracy.Following Alase (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR3\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e), the analysis proceeded through three stages:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003col\u003e \u003cspan\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cb\u003eInitial coding\u003c/b\u003e: Long statements were condensed into meaningful codes.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003c/span\u003e \u003cspan\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cb\u003eTheme reduction\u003c/b\u003e: Similar codes were grouped into concise themes.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003c/span\u003e \u003cspan\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cb\u003eCategorization\u003c/b\u003e: Emergent themes were organized into overarching categories representing core aspects of participants' lived experiences.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003c/span\u003e \u003c/ol\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis process aligned with Creswell's (2013) recommendation for phenomenological research, which calls for thick descriptions and reflective interpretation. Data integrity was maintained through repeated verification and manual cross-checking of transcripts and codes.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec11\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e3.8 Ethical Considerations\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003e Ethical clearance was obtained from the relevant research ethics committee. Informed consent was secured from all participants after explaining the study's purpose and procedures. Confidentiality and anonymity were strictly maintained throughout the research process. All data were securely stored and used solely for academic purposes, following Rubin's (2012) guidelines for data protection.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"4. Data Presentation and Interpretation","content":"\u003cp\u003e \u003cstrong\u003eNote\u003c/strong\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cb\u003eAll names used in this section are pseudonyms to protect privacy.\u003c/b\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec13\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.1. Motivating Factors for Female Migration\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec14\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.1.1. Poverty and Unemployment\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003ePoverty and unemployment emerged as the primary motivating factors for young females migrating to the Middle East. The majority of informants emphasized that economic hardship was the main driver behind their decision to migrate. For instance, Zeyneba, a migrant domestic worker who spent five years in the Middle East, shared:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"I migrated to Dubai at 24 to support my siblings after our parents died. With limited income and my brother entering university, I took financial responsibility. I supported him throughout his studies and continued helping all my siblings for five years.\" (Mekaneselam, February 18, 2019)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSimilarly, Meka, a migrant returnee who stayed in the Middle East for over three years, said:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"I migrated to Saudi Arabia to support my family after my father died. My mother struggled alone to care for my three brothers and sister. To ease her burden, I decided to work abroad and send remittances, hoping to improve our family\u0026rsquo;s situation.\" (Mekaneselam, February 18, 2019)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eHabtam, another returnee from Dubai, who lived there for over four years, added:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"I graduated from Dessie College in 2007 E.C. and searched for a job in Ethiopia for more than a year but found none matching my qualifications. Finally, my family and I agreed I should go to the Middle East. My eldest brother, already in Saudi Arabia, processed my passport, and I left with a diploma due to lack of local job opportunities.\" (Mekaneselam, March 11, 2019)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThese experiences align with neoclassical migration theory, which posits that wage disparities drive human migration; individuals from less developed countries move to more developed countries seeking better employment (Massey et al., 1993). Borjas (2008) supports this, highlighting employment and wage differentials as key drivers for female migration. Lee\u0026rsquo;s (1996) migration model similarly identifies wage differences as critical motivating factors. Elias (2013) further notes that in rapidly growing poor countries like Ethiopia, limited job creation compels young females to view migration as a necessary \u0026ldquo;safety valve.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn summary, both current findings and previous studies confirm that poverty and unemployment push young females toward migration to the Middle East for improved job opportunities and income. Notably, even formally employed Ethiopians often find their salaries inadequate relative to workload, intensifying migration motivation.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec15\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.1.2. Social Capital\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eSocial capital, defined as interpersonal ties linking migrants, former migrants, and non-migrants through kinship, friendship, and community networks (Massey et al., 1993, p. 448), was another important motivator. Social relationships sharing positive stories\u0026mdash;while often downplaying challenges\u0026mdash;encouraged young females to migrate.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eRoza, a return migrant, recounted:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"I migrated to Saudi Arabia through my aunt\u0026rsquo;s daughter, who had stayed there over eight years. After completing grade ten, my aunt\u0026rsquo;s daughter visited Ethiopia, convinced me to go, and even paid for my passport and transportation. My family and I agreed, and I arrived in Saudi Arabia thanks to her support.\" (Mekaneselam, March 14, 2019)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eBelay, father of a migrant returnee, described how return migrants influenced his daughter:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"My daughter and her mother visited a returnee who had worked in the Middle East and built a beautiful house. Impressed by her success, my daughter became inspired to migrate despite my advice to focus on education.\" (Mekaneselam, March 20, 2019)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eMigration network theory explains this influence, suggesting that established migrant networks reduce the risks and costs of migration and assist new migrants with housing, work, and social orientation (Massey et al., 1993). Beyond return migrants, social media and community networks also contribute by shaping perceptions and decisions about migration. Therefore, social capital is a significant factor motivating young females to migrate.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec16\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.1.3. Lack of Family Support and Community Belonging\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eLack of family support and feelings of alienation within their communities also contributed to young females\u0026rsquo; decisions to migrate.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eMeron, a returnee, shared:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"I lost my family in a car accident while in grade 11, which left me feeling hopeless and alone. Although my brother and friend discouraged me, I could not escape the emotional pain. I chose to migrate\u0026mdash;not for money, but to escape the despair I felt about my future.\" (Mekaneselam, March 18, 2019)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThus, beyond economic reasons, emotional distress and lack of familial and community belonging prompted some young females to seek migration as an escape.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec17\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.2. Migration Routes Used by Young Female Migrants\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eStudies show that after obtaining authorization, migrants generally have two main travel options to the Middle East: formal air travel and informal routes assisted by brokers and smugglers. The majority of female migrants traveled through formal air channels, while the second most common route was via brokers and smugglers. Toyiba, who migrated twice\u0026mdash;once formally and once informally\u0026mdash;shared her experiences:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"I migrated to Dubai formally in 2002 E.C., paying 25,000 birr to a broker for my visa. Despite arriving safely, I faced exploitation and abuse by employers and returned after nine months. Later, I migrated informally to Saudi Arabia and stayed three years. Both routes exposed me to challenges, showing that migrating legally or illegally does not guarantee safety.\" (Mekaneselam, April 1, 2019)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSebsebe, father of two daughters who migrated by different routes, observed:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"My daughter Mekoya migrated legally but suffered multiple abuses. I borrowed 15,000 birr to send her. Her younger sister traveled illegally with less cost but faced similar hardships. Now, I prefer the illegal route to save money because both faced exploitation.\" (Mekaneselam, April 3, 2019)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFernandez (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e) similarly noted that Ethiopian migrants typically travel through legal private employment agencies or irregular channels involving illegal brokers. This study concludes that documented migrants receive inadequate protection at destinations, suffering exploitation similar to undocumented migrants. The main difference lies in the costs paid to brokers and the degree of exploitation faced. Additionally, both documented and undocumented migrants lack sufficient protection from embassies, governments, and NGOs.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec18\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.1.1 Challenges Facing Female Migrants\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec19\" class=\"Section4\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.1.1.1 Cultural Abuse\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eCultural abuse is a significant challenge for young female domestic workers in the Middle East, manifesting through language barriers, food preferences, clothing styles, and cultural practices. For instance, Zemzem, a migrant returnee, described her struggle with food adaptation:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"Before migrating, I didn\u0026rsquo;t like meat, but my employers mainly ate meat and rice. Despite my dislike, they encouraged me to eat it. I initially discarded it secretly but eventually adapted and began to include meat in my diet.\" (Mekaneselam, March 22, 2019)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSimilarly, Meseret shared her experience with enforced clothing norms:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"As an Orthodox Christian, I used to wear trousers, but my employer insisted I wear a 'Jilbab' \u0026mdash; a long, loose-fitting garment for modesty. I disliked it because it restricted my movement, but I accepted and wore it for almost two years.\" (Mekaneselam, March 16, 2019)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eYoung female migrants frequently adapt to such cultural demands to gain acceptance, despite personal discomfort. Language barriers particularly affect rural migrants, who often lack access to global information and technology. Food, clothing, and language challenges are therefore common cultural hurdles faced by these migrants.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec20\" class=\"Section4\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.1.1.2 Physical Abuse\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003ePhysical abuse, including beating, burning, and corporal punishment, is a severe challenge reported by many informants. Zeyneba recounted:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"My employers were harsh, forbidding phone calls during work. When I answered one call, the employer threw boiling water on me. Thankfully, I wasn\u0026rsquo;t severely burned, but I never answered calls openly after that.\" (Mekaneselam, February 18, 2019)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDe Regt and Tafesse (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR21\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e) corroborate these findings, highlighting widespread physical torture and human rights violations. Migrants often return mentally ill, physically harmed, economically impoverished, and socially marginalized, yet many still choose to migrate despite these risks.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec21\" class=\"Section4\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.1.1.3 Sexual Abuse\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eSexual abuse mainly affects undocumented migrants who traverse multiple borders, exposing them to predation by brokers and travel companions. Zemzem\u0026rsquo;s account exemplifies this:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"A broker who held our passports sexually abused me, threatening to jeopardize my journey if I refused.\" (Mekaneselam, March 22, 2019)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eTigist shared a different experience with a travel companion\u0026rsquo;s unwanted romantic advances, which eventually turned into a friendship. Zeyneba also disclosed harassment from her employer\u0026rsquo;s family in Saudi Arabia, including attempted sexual assault. Vlieger (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR51\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e) similarly found Ethiopian female migrants face various forms of sexual abuse. These women face a double victimization: as females and as migrants, increasing their vulnerability to abuse before and after migration.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec22\" class=\"Section4\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.1.1.4 Religious and Racial Abuse\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eYoung female migrants face exploitation based on their religion and race, especially Christian and Black African migrants in predominantly Muslim Middle Eastern countries. Tigist recounted being forced to convert from Orthodox Christianity to Islam to keep her job:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"They changed my name and required mosque attendance, but I prayed secretly to my own God.\" (Mekaneselam, March 12, 2019)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eMeron also changed her Christian name before migration based on broker advice, highlighting exploitation beginning even in the home country. Habtam described racial discrimination, with Africans demeaned and verbally abused, often called \u0026ldquo;chimpanzees\u0026rdquo; and seen as born to serve others. These abuses severely impact migrants\u0026rsquo; mental health. Crenshaw (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1993\u003c/span\u003e) noted that racial and religious exploitation is a root cause of many migrants\u0026rsquo; hardships.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec23\" class=\"Section4\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.1.1.5 Financial Problems\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eMigration costs vary from 15,000 to 50,000 Ethiopian birr, with undocumented migrants paying less but still significant sums, often borrowed at exorbitant interest rates (usury). Toyiba shared the burden her family bore:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"My parents borrowed 24,000 birr from relatives at high interest to send me to Saudi Arabia. After six months, I returned due to abuse, and we couldn\u0026rsquo;t repay the loan fully. Now, we face losing our farmland to the usurer.\" (Mekaneselam, April 1, 2019)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe UN World Youth Report (2013) confirms financial hardship as a key barrier, with many migrants and families falling into debt and economic exploitation even before migration.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec24\" class=\"Section4\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.1.1.6 Tiredness and Sickness\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eUndocumented female migrants often endure long, exhausting journeys on foot, which are particularly taxing for young women. Meseret recalled:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"During the journey, one girl collapsed from fatigue. Men left her behind, but I stayed and helped her get hospital care. The trip was exhausting, and women\u0026rsquo;s physical endurance was clearly lower than men\u0026rsquo;s.\" (Mekaneselam, March 16, 2019)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003ePhysical exhaustion and sickness are major vulnerabilities during migration, especially for females.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec25\" class=\"Section4\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.1.1.7 Exploitation\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eEmployment conditions and remuneration vary based on race, ethnicity, religion, and nationality. Zeyneba highlighted salary disparities:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"In Saudi Arabia, a Filipino worker earned 500 riyals, I received 385, and a Kenyan got 375. Filipino workers\u0026rsquo; governments have agreements protecting their workers, unlike ours.\" (Mekaneselam, February 18, 2019)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eODI (2014) similarly found Ethiopian migrants faced wage inequality, delayed payments, or no payment. Muslim migrants often have better access to employment and pay than Christian and other minorities. Working hours are extremely long, with only 3\u0026ndash;4 hours of rest daily, and employers neglect migrants\u0026rsquo; health.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec26\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.1. Motives of Stakeholders to Support Returnees\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eVarious stakeholders play direct or indirect roles in rehabilitating returnees from the Middle East, as indicated by the data collected from informants. These stakeholders include families, religious institutions, government bodies, NGOs, and the broader community. The following sections discuss each stakeholder's role in detail.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec27\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.1.1. Families\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eFamilies are the primary actors responsible for supporting migrant returnees. Informants generally agreed that families are expected to provide support to their returned relatives. However, the situation in Mekaneselam town differs. Families typically receive remittances sent by migrants working in the Middle East. Usually, employers send salaries to representatives in the migrants\u0026rsquo; home country rather than paying the workers directly. Most participants reported sending their earnings to their fathers or brothers. For instance, Habtam shared her experience:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"While in the Middle East, I regularly sent my salary to my older brother, expecting him to save it. Instead, he used most of it to support his family and educate his child. When I returned and asked for my savings, he had nothing. Upset and betrayed, I refused his offer to sell his ox and decided to migrate again to Dubai.\"\u003c/em\u003e (Mekaneselam, March 11, 2019)\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOverall, the study reveals that families often consume the money sent by migrants without their consent. Migrants usually have plans to improve their lives, requiring their families\u0026rsquo; support. However, the misuse of remittances by families undermines these plans. Upon return, migrants find that their savings have been depleted, jeopardizing their futures and motivating many young female returnees to migrate again.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec28\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.1.2. Government\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe government is another key stakeholder expected to assist returnees through various supports, such as skill training, financial aid in collaboration with microfinance institutions, and creating a conducive environment for reintegration. Nonetheless, participants reported that the government has yet to take substantial action. Habtamu, a government official in Mekaneselam, noted:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"I am aware of the challenges returnees face, including unemployment, lack of rehabilitation programs, and discrimination. However, our office has not done enough to address these issues. Returnees expect financial support and job placements, but we require them to bring their own funds. The Amhara Credit and Saving Institution provide loans with collateral. Our role is to offer job placements, but only to groups of three or more. We also provide technical and vocational training, but many returnees come individually, seeking financial support for non-productive purposes. We want the workplace used productively, but our rehabilitation efforts remain insufficient, and returnees have their own shortcomings.\"\u003c/em\u003e (Mekaneselam, February 18, 2019)\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSimilarly, Ali, another official, highlighted the issue of legal brokers:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"Documented migrant domestic workers face many challenges, similar to undocumented migrants. This is largely due to legal brokers, many of whom violate regulations to prioritize personal gain, increasing migrants\u0026rsquo; vulnerability and eroding trust in the government. I hope these corrupt practices will end and that offenders will be penalized according to the law.\"\u003c/em\u003e (Mekaneselam, February 18, 2019)\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eGashaw, another official, added:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"Returned females and residents frequently visit my office. The town administration has guidelines to support returnees, such as providing job placements for groups of three or more, including unemployed graduates. However, many returnees seek help individually. The municipality lacks sufficient land and capital to assist everyone individually. Although we explain these limitations, some fail to understand and have even verbally and physically confronted us.\"\u003c/em\u003e (Mekaneselam, February 18, 2019)\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThese testimonies show that government officials recognize the problems caused by illegal brokers and intend to address them, which could help reduce migrants\u0026rsquo; challenges and improve government legitimacy. However, limited budgets and resources severely constrain the government\u0026rsquo;s capacity to support returnees effectively. Thus, the government has not fully addressed returnees\u0026rsquo; challenges.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec29\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.1.3. Religious Institutions\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eReligious institutions are also expected to provide spiritual and economic support for migrant returnees. However, officials from these institutions demonstrated limited understanding of the vulnerabilities faced by documented migrant domestic workers, showing more awareness of undocumented migrants' hardships. Talema, an Orthodox religious leader, stated:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"The church discourages migration because many migrants are forced to change religion abroad, which is strictly prohibited by the Bible. We have provided psychological support through spiritual guidance; most who changed religion abroad have now returned to their original faith. However, we have not yet worked as extensively as needed. Due to unemployment, some returnees consider migrating again. To solve this, the government, NGOs, religious institutions, and communities must cooperate. Our future plan is to rehabilitate returnees psychologically and economically to the best of our ability.\"\u003c/em\u003e (Mekaneselam, February 22, 2019)\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSimilarly, another official, Tsegaw, admitted:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"We have not collaborated sufficiently with other stakeholders. Many followers believe migrant family members live luxuriously abroad and are unaware of their hardships. Even we did not fully understand these challenges, so we have not worked cooperatively. I hope our institution will partner more effectively to help young female migrants.\"\u003c/em\u003e (Mekaneselam, February 22, 2019)\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThese findings indicate that religious institutions have not met expectations regarding support for migrant returnees and migrants in general.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec30\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.1.4. Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs)\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eNGOs are critical stakeholders tasked with safeguarding migrants\u0026rsquo; welfare and rehabilitating returnees. Alemu, an NGO officer, explained:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"Although we promised much, we have been unable to address young women\u0026rsquo;s returnees\u0026rsquo; issues due to lack of specific funding. Our donor countries have focused on refugees from Syria and Sudan, not returned young women from the Middle East. Without funds, we cannot intervene. To solve this problem, NGOs, government, and communities need to work collaboratively.\"\u003c/em\u003e (Mekaneselam, February 27, 2019)\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSimilarly, Meseret, another NGO official, observed:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"Our cooperation with other stakeholders remains limited. We have not had enough time to address migration issues in detail. We receive returnee lists from concerned bodies when support is needed. In the future, I hope we will collaborate more effectively to reduce challenges faced by young female returnees.\"\u003c/em\u003e (Mekaneselam, February 27, 2019)\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThese findings show that NGOs have been ineffective in rehabilitating returnees, especially young female migrants, primarily due to funding shortages.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec31\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.4. Major Causes of Suffering among Young Female Migrants\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec32\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.4.1. Legal and Illegal Brokers\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eBoth legal and illegal brokers operating in the home country significantly contribute to the suffering of young female migrants, as revealed by the data collected from informants. Legal brokers, by definition, are licensed and officially recognized to recruit and select migrant domestic workers for the Middle East in accordance with established laws and regulations.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFor example, one informant, Zeyneba, shared her experience:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"I migrated legally to Kuwait when I was 16 years old. The legal broker was a relative of ours, and he promised my father that he would prepare a legal passport, although he illegally altered my age. He prepared the passport, and I traveled to Kuwait, but my experience there was distressing. Being very young and having never seen a city before, I missed my family terribly. This, combined with other factors, led to depression and frustration. Even when my family tried to call me, I avoided answering because I was overwhelmed with sadness. After two months, my family decided to bring me back to Ethiopia. I still feel shocked thinking about that moment. However, when I was 23, I migrated again, this time to Saudi Arabia.\"\u003c/em\u003e (Mekaneselam, February 18, 2019)\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSimilarly, Silima recounted:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"I had a best friend from Dessie while I was in Saudi Arabia. He was a legal migrant. He had previously worked at the Amhara Credit and Savings Institution (ACSI) and borrowed 70,000 birr. His older brother owned a license to recruit legal migrants, with an office in Addis Ababa. He told his brother he wanted to migrate and borrow money. His brother agreed and helped him obtain a legal passport. He migrated to Saudi Arabia with his brother\u0026rsquo;s assistance and said that no one ever asked him about his debt because of the support from his hometown.\"\u003c/em\u003e (Mekaneselam, February 25, 2019)\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFrom these accounts, it is evident that legal brokers play a significant role in the hardships faced by young female domestic workers throughout the migration process. Despite being licensed, many brokers fail to comply with national and international laws. For instance, recruiting teenagers is prohibited, yet brokers often falsify ages through corrupt practices. Several returned migrants in this study revealed they did not meet legal age requirements but paid informal fees to brokers who nevertheless arranged their passports. This practice contravenes both national legislation and international conventions, with the Human Rights Commission classifying it as \"child labor abuse.\" Additionally, some brokers have prepared passports for individuals with criminal records, further endangering migrants, their families, and the country\u0026rsquo;s reputation.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eMoreover, prior research supports these findings. For example, Selamawit's (2013) study, \u003cem\u003eThe Vulnerability of Ethiopian Rural Females in Saudi Arabia and Kuwait\u003c/em\u003e, examines the impact of undocumented brokers on female migrants\u0026rsquo; vulnerability in detail.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec33\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.4.2. Destination Embassies\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eDestination embassies are designated authorities tasked with safeguarding the rights and welfare of their citizens abroad. However, respondents indicated that some embassies in the Middle East neglect these responsibilities, exacerbating the suffering of migrant domestic workers.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFor instance, Silima shared her experience in Bahrain:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"I stayed in Bahrain for over two years. I had two close friends, one Filipino and one Ethiopian. I was surprised by the special treatment Filipino citizens received. Every Sunday, we had a day off to relax, often going to a restaurant. One day, the police arrested us without explanation and imprisoned us. While the Filipino friend was released shortly through her embassy's intervention, we Ethiopians were detained for over 15 days without charges. Eventually, we obtained the embassy\u0026rsquo;s phone number and called for help, but no one answered. We remained imprisoned for nearly a month.\"\u003c/em\u003e (Mekaneselam, February 25, 2019)\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOverall, these testimonies reveal that some embassies in the Middle East fail to adequately protect their citizens. While embassy protection is a core responsibility, it is not consistently fulfilled. It should be noted, however, that not all embassies neglect their duties; some actively support and safeguard the rights and welfare of migrant workers.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cspan type=\"BoldUnderline\" class=\"BoldUnderline\" name=\"Emphasis\"\u003eDiscussion of Selected Findings\u003c/span\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe migration of young Ethiopian females to the Middle East has surged considerably in recent years. According to the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs (MoLSA, 2013), 187,931 females migrated through official channels in 2012 alone. While this statistic underscores the growing prominence of this migration flow, it also reveals deeper systemic shortcomings within Ethiopia\u0026rsquo;s socio-economic and governance frameworks, which compel young women to seek precarious employment abroad. This study critically explores the drivers of migration, the lived experiences during migration, and the post-return challenges faced by Ethiopian female domestic workers, focusing on returnees in Mekaneselam town.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cb\u003eMigration Drivers: Structural and Social Determinants\u003c/b\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe motivations behind female migration extend beyond mere individual economic aspirations. While return migrants and community networks strongly influence migration decisions, these factors operate within broader contexts of economic exclusion and gender inequality. High unemployment rates, limited livelihood options, and chronic poverty serve as primary push factors. The findings of this study align with international research (ILO, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR29\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e; Adhikari, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e), which demonstrates that young women migrate in response to intertwined economic needs and social pressures. However, interpreting migration solely through an economic lens risks oversimplification unless critically linked to systemic, gendered marginalization.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFeminist theoretical frameworks provide valuable insight into these dynamics. In Ethiopia, entrenched patriarchal structures severely restrict women\u0026rsquo;s access to formal employment, education, and political participation (Emebet, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2001\u003c/span\u003e; Selamawit, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR43\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e). Under such constraints, migration emerges as one of the few viable pathways to agency\u0026mdash;albeit often within exploitative labor markets abroad. Consequently, migration frequently represents not a choice but a necessity shaped by structural exclusion and gendered power imbalances.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cb\u003eMigration Experiences: Exploitation across the Continuum\u003c/b\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe migration trajectory\u0026mdash;from pre-departure to transit and employment\u0026mdash;is fraught with risks that disproportionately affect female migrants. One of the study\u0026rsquo;s critical findings is the widespread financial exploitation faced by women even before departure. Many informants reported borrowing money at exorbitant interest rates, thereby entering cycles of debt and dependency. These financial pressures are further exacerbated by exploitative recruitment practices and weak regulatory oversight.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAccounts of abuse\u0026mdash;encompassing sexual and psychological violence as well as cultural and religious discrimination\u0026mdash;highlight the vulnerability of Ethiopian domestic workers in Middle Eastern host countries. These abuses are systemic rather than isolated, rooted in global labor hierarchies where migrant women occupy the lowest strata. Employers frequently exploit migrant workers with impunity, enabled by inadequate legal protections and a lack of accountability in destination countries.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cb\u003ePost-Return Challenges and Institutional Gaps\u003c/b\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eA further concern emerging from this study is the institutional failure to support returnee women effectively. Government agencies, religious institutions, NGOs, and community groups were largely unprepared or unwilling to provide meaningful reintegration assistance. The absence of coordinated rehabilitation programs forces many returnees to rely on informal networks or manage independently, perpetuating cycles of disempowerment and vulnerability.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003ePrevious research corroborates these findings. Studies by Selamawit (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR43\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e) and Katulis et al. (2015) emphasize how the absence of protective mechanisms abroad and at home prolongs women\u0026rsquo;s exploitation. The inability of Ethiopian embassies to intervene effectively, alongside the silence or complicity of brokers, reflects a broader institutional void. As noted by Emebet (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2002\u003c/span\u003e) and Tamrat (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR47\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e), without targeted policies and reintegration strategies, returnee women remain marginalized and vulnerable to risky remigration.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOverall, this study underscores that female migration from Ethiopia to the Middle East is not simply a matter of individual agency or economic necessity. Rather, it is a complex phenomenon rooted in entrenched gender inequality, structural poverty, and governance deficits. The lived experiences of returnees reveal systemic failures at every stage\u0026mdash;pre-departure, during employment, and upon return. Addressing these challenges demands a multi-pronged approach involving policy reform, robust protection mechanisms, and the empowerment of women through enhanced local opportunities and legal safeguards. Migration should be reframed not as a default survival strategy but as a last resort\u0026mdash;one no woman is compelled to pursue due to systemic neglect and gendered exclusion.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Conclusion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe primary drivers motivating young Ethiopian females to migrate to Middle Eastern countries include economic necessity, rooted in poverty, high unemployment, and limited local employment opportunities. Emotional distress, personal loss, and the desire to escape difficult living conditions also significantly influence their decisions. Additionally, return migrants who often depict an idealized vision of life abroad encourage others to follow, fueled by hopes of improved opportunities.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe migration process involves both documented and undocumented channels. Many migrants rely on legal brokers for migration procedures, yet these brokers often engage in corrupt practices, such as falsifying ages to recruit minors. Undocumented migrants frequently resort to informal smuggling networks, exposing themselves to heightened risks and exploitation. Financing migration often involves taking loans from informal lenders charging exorbitant interest rates, imposing heavy financial burdens on migrants.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eYoung Ethiopian female domestic workers face numerous hardships throughout their migration journey, including financial exploitation, physical exhaustion, sexual and psychological abuse, and harsh working conditions. Discrimination based on race, religion, and nationality further exacerbates these challenges, leading to wage disparities and poor treatment by employers. Migrants traveling via undocumented routes suffer from a lack of protection and support, increasing their vulnerability.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eGovernment bodies and other stakeholders\u0026mdash;including families, religious institutions, and NGOs\u0026mdash;have demonstrated limited effectiveness in addressing the challenges faced by young Ethiopian female domestic workers. While regulatory frameworks exist for legal migration, their enforcement remains weak. A lack of coordination and awareness among stakeholders hinders adequate protection, support, and rehabilitation for returnees. Furthermore, embassies in destination countries often fail to uphold their responsibilities, contributing to the vulnerability of Ethiopian migrants abroad.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn conclusion, this study highlights the complex interplay of economic, social, and emotional factors driving young Ethiopian females to migrate to the Middle East. The recruitment process, though critical, accompanies significant challenges impacting migrants\u0026rsquo; well-being and safety. The insufficient support systems and limited stakeholder capacity underscore the urgent need for systemic reforms and comprehensive efforts to protect and assist migrant domestic workers both during and after migration.\u003c/p\u003e "},{"header":"Recommendations","content":"\u003cp\u003eBased on the major findings of this study, the following recommendations are proposed to address the challenges faced by female migrants and improve their overall migration experience:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003cul\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eAccountability of Legal Brokers and Destination Embassies\u003c/b\u003e: Legal brokers and embassies in destination countries must strictly adhere to existing laws and ethical guidelines governing migration processes. The Ethiopian government should develop and enforce specific policies to hold these actors accountable, ensuring the safety, rights, and well-being of female migrants and migrants in general.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eCollaborative Efforts Among Stakeholders\u003c/b\u003e: Relevant stakeholders\u0026mdash;including religious institutions, political organizations, social institutions, and charitable organizations\u0026mdash;should strengthen cooperation to mitigate challenges faced by both documented and undocumented migrants, both before departure and upon return.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eGovernment Initiatives and International Cooperation\u003c/b\u003e: The Ethiopian government should adopt comprehensive measures inspired by successful models from countries such as the Philippines and Indonesia, which have established bilateral and multilateral agreements to protect the rights and welfare of domestic workers abroad. Additionally, Ethiopia should consider creating returnee associations to facilitate the economic reintegration of migrants and maximize the benefits of their return.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eEnhanced Support for Returnees\u003c/b\u003e: Charitable organizations and relevant stakeholders need to invest more resources in the rehabilitation and reintegration of migrant returnees from the Middle East. Local communities should also foster stronger social and cultural connections with returnees to improve their acceptance and social integration.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eRole of Religious Institutions\u003c/b\u003e: Religious leaders and institutions should actively educate their communities about the realities and challenges of migration. Given their significant influence, religious institutions can play a critical role in shaping community attitudes and raising awareness regarding the risks and implications of migration.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eAddressing Patriarchal Structures and Societal Attitudes\u003c/b\u003e: Efforts should be made at all levels of society to challenge and dismantle patriarchal norms that restrict women\u0026rsquo;s opportunities and perpetuate their migration as an economic necessity. Promoting gender equality and empowering women can reduce the pressure on young women to migrate and improve their access to local employment and education.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eMedia Awareness Campaigns\u003c/b\u003e: Broadcast media and social media platforms should launch widespread campaigns to raise public awareness about the hardships faced by female migrants in the Middle East. Increasing public knowledge can help families and communities better understand the risks involved and contribute to safeguarding future generations of potential migrants.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/ul\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e "},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eClinical Trial Number:\u003c/strong\u003e Not applicable.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eConsent to Participate:\u003c/strong\u003e All participants were informed about the purpose of the study and voluntarily agreed to participate. Written informed consent was obtained from each participant before data collection.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eEthics Approval:\u003c/strong\u003e Ethical approval for this study was obtained from the College of Social Sciences and Humanities Coordinating Committee, Woldia University.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eFunding Declaration:\u003c/strong\u003e This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eHuman Ethics and Consent to Participate Declarations:\u003c/strong\u003e This study was conducted in accordance with ethical standards involving human participants. Oral informed consent was obtained from all participants. The study protocol was reviewed and approved by the College of Social Sciences and Humanities Coordinating Committee, Woldia University.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eAdhikari P. (2012). The plight of the forgotten ones: Civil war and involuntary migration. International Studies, 56(3), 590-606.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eAlase A. (2016). The impact of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act on small-sized publicly traded organizations and their communities, Northeastern University, Europe.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eArango J. (2000). A critical view for explaining migration, International Social Science publication Journal 52(165).\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eBaxter P., \u0026amp; Jack S. (2008). Study design and implementation for novice researchers, Qualitative case study, the qualitative report, 544-559.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eBeyene J. (2005). 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Assessment on the life opportunities and challenges of deported women and girls in Dessie town, Indira Gandhi National Open University.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eUnited Nations (2013). International Migration and Development, report of the Secretary-general, NewYork: UN.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eUN. (2019). Migration, retrieved at March 17, 2020 from: http://www.un.org/en/sections/issues-depth/migration/index.html\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eVanderstroep S, and Johnston D. (2009). Research methods for everyday life, Blending.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eVlieger A. (2011). Domestic Workers in Saudi Arabia and the Emirates, a socio-legal study on conflicts, Quid Pro Books, Louisiana.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":true,"hideJournal":true,"highlight":"","institution":"Woldia University","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"Female migration, Exploitation, Returnees, Brokers, Reintegration","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-6877382/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-6877382/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eMigration is a global phenomenon influenced by economic, political, social, and cultural factors. This study investigates the lived experiences and challenges of young Ethiopian female domestic workers in the Middle East, with a focus on returnees in Mekaneselam Town. Employing a qualitative research design, data were gathered through in-depth interviews, key informant interviews, and focus group discussions, using snowball and purposive sampling techniques. The findings indicate that poverty, unemployment, and limited job opportunities are primary drivers of migration, alongside emotional distress and the influence of previously returned migrants. Migration occurs through both formal and informal channels; however, both documented and undocumented migrants face similar challenges, including exploitation, abuse, discrimination, and inadequate protection. Undocumented migrants, in particular, experience additional financial burdens due to debt-financed migration, as well as more severe physical and emotional hardships. Reintegration upon return is often obstructed by inadequate support from families, government agencies, NGOs, and religious institutions\u0026mdash;largely due to poor coordination and limited resources. Both legal and illegal brokers, as well as embassies, play significant roles in enabling abuse and neglect. The study recommends coordinated efforts among stakeholders to enhance migrant protection, ensure broker accountability, and increase public awareness\u0026mdash;particularly through media\u0026mdash;about the risks and realities of migration. These findings underscore the urgent need for robust policy interventions to protect female migrants across all stages of the migration cycle.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"The Challenges and Experiences of Young Ethiopian Female Emigrants: A study of Returnee Domestic Workers in the Middle East at Mekaneselam Town, Amhara Region.","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2025-06-13 03:51:46","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-6877382/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"42e00076-2803-4ddb-8d1f-795e541255a9","owner":[],"postedDate":"June 13th, 2025","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"posted","subjectAreas":[{"id":49927329,"name":"Gender Studies"},{"id":49927330,"name":"Cultural Studies"},{"id":49927331,"name":"Women's studies"},{"id":49927332,"name":"Sociology"}],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2025-06-13T03:51:46+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2025-06-13 03:51:46","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-6877382","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-6877382","identity":"rs-6877382","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"8U1c8b4HqxoKbykW_rLl7","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}