Indigenous Practices and Biodiversity Stewardship: Comparative Insights from Malaysia and Indonesia

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This study indicates that customary practices govern the management of natural landscapes among the forest-dwelling communities of Southeast Asia. Fieldwork was conducted among the Batek tribe in Taman Negara, Pahang, as well as the Semaq Beri near Kenyir Lake, Terengganu, and the Baduy tribe in Banten, Indonesia. Ethnographic methodologies elucidate forest resource utilization, informal ecological education, and medicinal knowledge within the study. Research indicates that forest-derived resources governed by rituals serve as vital cultural and economic lifelines. The Batek and Semaq Beri utilize natural resources for sustenance and informal commerce. Nonetheless, the Baduy emphasize the maintenance of spiritual forests guided by pikukuh, a customary law that upholds restricted preservation systems. These behaviors demonstrate how indigenous knowledge serves as an environmental service by facilitating the sustainable utilization of biodiversity. The study promotes the establishment of policy frameworks. The frameworks must integrate indigenous ecological systems into community-based eco-tourism and biodiversity conservation, as this knowledge is essential for inclusive and sustainable environmental governance. Indigenous ecological knowledge (TEK) Biodiversity stewardship Scared ecology Environmental governance Cultural ecology 1. Introduction In light of the rapid deterioration of biodiversity caused by climate change, academic and governmental dialogues increasingly recognize the vital contribution of indigenous tribes to the conservation of natural ecosystems. Indigenous peoples bring profound insights into ecosystems due to their generational interactions with the land, allowing them to sustain spiritual connections and offer unique models of environmental stewardship frequently overlooked by conventional conservation approaches. In Southeast Asia, especially in Malaysia and Indonesia, forest-dependent indigenous communities maintained intricate ecological practices that supported cultural identity and biodiversity. This research examines the biodiversity management practices of the Batek and Semaq Beri communities in Peninsular Malaysia, as well as the Baduy people in Banten, Indonesia, in relation to current ecological and developmental concerns. These indigenous techniques were influenced by historical and cultural difficulties. These particular circumstances are delineated in regional areas. The Batek and Semaq Beri in Malaysia are components of the larger Orang Asli demographic, residing in forested areas and upholding semi-nomadic ways of life. Despite heightened external pressures such as land encroachment, logging, and tourism development, numerous Orang Asli communities continue to depend on traditional forest-based knowledge to sustain their livelihoods and community well-being. The Baduy performance displays a distinctive expression of spiritual ecology within their Indonesian heritage. The pikukuh governs them as it is a traditional law. This legislation regulates social conduct and environmental responsibilities, compelling the Baduy to deliberately isolate themselves from modern technology and to eschew the industrial exploitation of natural resources. Their spiritual beliefs influence forest conservation by limiting land development, pesticide use, and extensive cultivation within their sacred area. These indigenous activities serve as strategies that enhance biodiversity conservation and cultural expression. Adaptive solutions efficiently reconcile human requirements with ecological sustainability, as demonstrated by the harvesting of non-timber forest products (NTFPs), the use of medicinal plants, shifting farming, sacred groves, and diverse landscape management techniques. Oral tradition, combined with experiential knowledge, conveys these customs throughout generations. This procedure is typically designated as traditional ecological knowledge (TEK). TEK frequently has a comprehensive grasp of natural processes, including anticipation, interaction, and regulation, as opposed to harmful models. Nonetheless, a rising threat is presented to indigenous knowledge systems. Globalization reduces autonomy and propagates these behaviors; hence, state-led development aspirations lead to socio-political marginalization. In Malaysia and Indonesia, legal and legislative frameworks have often failed to recognize indigenous land rights, including systems of forest administration. This negligence has resulted in resource disputes, depletion, and cultural erosion. Conservation initiatives generally encompass laudable objectives but frequently utilize hierarchical methodologies. The local agency weakens when these tactics undermine indigenous perspectives. In this situation, we must ethically incorporate indigenous ecological knowledge into current sustainable development strategies. Formal conservation requires pragmatic implementations. This paper seeks to examine how indigenous ecological practices can function as mechanisms for biodiversity stewardship in many sociopolitical and ecological situations, addressing a gap in comparative research. Ethnographic research reveals that Indigenous strategies vary among Pahang National Park (Batek), Kenyir Lake (Semaq Beri), and Banten (Baduy). Collective ownership, environmental ethics, and ceremonial engagements with nature constitute essential principles underpinning these strategies. These notions offer insights that allow us to amend biodiversity policies to be inclusive, culturally attuned, and ecologically sustainable.. This research is significant as it has the potential to influence governmental initiatives that prioritize and leverage local wisdom for the sake of preservation and community advancement. This report emphasizes the significance of indigenous populations in the active preservation of biodiversity. Assistance is neither actively rendered to them nor is protection actively afforded. By prioritizing their voices through practices, it aims to assist people in creating a more equitable and resilient framework for environmental governance, in accordance with global sustainability objectives, such as the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). 2. Literature Review 2.1 Traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) and wild food security Tradistional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) means ecological perception, which is location-specific and gathered over centuries by Indigenous groups via environmental interactions (Peloquin & Berkes, 2009). TEK throughout Southeast Asia is an important basis for subsistence strategies and biodiversity conservation, notably among the Orang Asli and the Baduy. TEK is shown a lot by the Batek, a subgroup among the Orang Asli of Peninsular Malaysia, most notably in their great knowledge about wild tubers of the Dioscorea genus . The Batek can identify more than 11 species, including D. orbiculata, D. prainiana, and D. hispida , each being tied to microhabitats in addition to seasonal growth (Tedong et al., 2022). Often led by women, their harvesting methods are also gender-specific and ecologically aware, informed by signs from animals, soil texture, and patterns within leaf litter. Cultural traditions reflect an ecological wisdom rooted deeply (Abdullah et al., 2019; Abdullah et al., 2021b). Rootstock preservation helps maintain sustainable practice. The Inner Baduy ( Baduy Dalam ) in Indonesia belong to the Baduy community. Their food system is, in fact, deeply rooted within TEK. The Baduy engage themselves in diversified agroforestry and rotational swidden farming ( huma ), informed as it is by lunar cycles, soil fertility, and spiritual indicators. However, their reliance is on wild tubers that are diminished (Permana et al., 2018.). For the practice of foraging for NTFPs, such as forest honey, wild fruits, and medicinal herbs, it adheres to customary regulations enshrined in the pikukuh , which is a customary moral-ecological code that governs land use and resource access (Khairani et al., 2024; Yusoh et al., 2024.) Both communities show food security strategies against reliance on external agricultural markets. TEK makes subsistence models self-sufficient and climate-resilient by sustaining the environment and promoting biodiversity. These practices can provide perceptions that are meaningful for incorporating Indigenous knowledge. This incorporation can aid broader frameworks of food sovereignty and environmental governance (Aditya & Al-Fatih, 2023). 2.2 Ritual-zoned forest landscapes and sacred ecology Within the indigenous communities, there exist spiritual cosmologies along with ethical frameworks that frequently influence ecological stewardship practice and dictate access to the natural environment. Such belief systems lead to what researcher’s term ritual-zoned forest landscapes, which are sacred areas where spiritual, moral, or ancestral rules ban or limit resource use (Brosius, 1997; Posey, 2004). Various Orang Asli subgroups in Peninsular Malaysia recognize keramat as their sacred forest areas. The Temuan, Semai, and Batek are among these subgroups, and they also believe guardian spirits inhabit these areas ( penunggu, datuk keramat, or hantu hutan ). Particular groves, rivers, and hilltops are locations with activities such as hunting, tree cutting, or even passage that are considered taboo. Studies from 53 Orang Asli villages show older male members are primary knowledge custodians since they know about sacred areas (Abdullah et al., 2021a). These regions work like biodiversity refuges. These regions are often situated along ecological corridors like riverbanks and ridgelines so flora and fauna can regenerate in that location without any disturbance (Abdullah et al., 2019) A similar system exists among the Baduy people. This system has been formally codified, and it is located within Indonesia's Banten Province. The Baduy classify their territory into several land-use zones. This inherited forest is the most sacred zone, and the pikukuh governs it according to customary, legal, and spiritual codes. These forests are completely off-limits in terms of extraction or alteration, including tree felling, agricultural use, or water diversion (Permana et al., 2018). For all ceremonial purposes, only the spiritual elders may enter in there. It is thought that any violation of all rules in leuweung titipan can cause some spiritual and ecological imbalance, and this then manifests as some illness, crop failure, or maybe community discord (Khairani et al., 2024). Scientific studies support the conservation efficacy within these sacred zones. Analyses of remote sensing did indeed show that the leuweung titipan areas do have a higher biodiversity. These areas do show thicker vegetation, similar to that found in nearby state-managed forest reserves (Ichsan et al., 2022). Endangered species missing from nearby logged areas were found in sacred Orang Asli groves in Perak (Abdullah et al., 2021a). The relational ontology of humans along with nature is affirmed within the Orang Asli and Baduy cosmologies. Forests are regarded as sentient entities to which humans have mutual responsibilities, rather than just objects. This worldview represents environmental governance that is culturally rooted while sustaining de facto conservation areas in the absence of external enforcement (Gavin et al., 2018; Aditya & Al-Fatih, 2023). 2.3 Forest governance and co-management The involvement of Indigenous Peoples and Local Communities (IPLCs) in forest governance has obtained greater scholarly and policy attention, especially since centralized conservation systems present weaknesses. Co-management strategies, where indigenous groups partner with entities, have shown ecological and social advantages in both Malaysia and Indonesia. Nevertheless, obstacles persist and they are greatly concerned with legally acknowledging, bureaucratically marginalizing, and culturally freeing (Peloquin & Berkes, 2009; Aditya & Al-Fatih, 2023). Even though the constitution provides protections, Malaysia's Orang Asli are still, for the most part, excluded from forest governance systems. Orang Asli Reserves can be established as per the Aboriginal Peoples Act of 1954; however, revoking these state properties requires no compensation. As a result of this legal uncertainty, there has been wide-ranging land dispossession. Particularly in regions designated for projects, logging, agriculture, or infrastructure, there have been adverse effects (Nicholas, 2000). The High Court, acknowledging the Temuan Orang Asli's native title over their ancestral territories, set an important milestone with the pivotal (Wook, 2017). This ruling affirmed that common law recognizes customary land rights, setting precedent for later claims that arise (Aditya & Al-Fatih, 2023). This progress is prominent. However, the enforcement and replication of such rulings remain limited. Numerous Orang Asli communities continue to be displaced and are also sidelined when environmental decisions are made (Abdullah et al., 2021b). Ecological results improve since Orang Asli are actively engaged in co-management, such as community forest monitoring and rotational harvesting. For example, illegal logging decreases, and forest regeneration is improved (Abdullah et al., 2019). These initiatives, however, are frequently driven by NGOs and are susceptible to political changes, lacking formal policy backing. However, Indonesia has created key institutional improvements by initiating the Social Forestry Program ( Perhutanan Sosial ). Legal frameworks like the Hutan Adat (customary forests) do officially acknowledge community forest rights (Wang et al., 2018). This structure aligns well with Baduy's customary governance model, based on pikukuh , which regulates land use via designated areas like leuweung titipan (sacred forest), huma (swidden plots), and kebun (home gardens) (Permana et al., 2018). The Indonesian government does legally acknowledge Baduy forest practices, and it eases the formal incorporation of customary law into national conservation and development strategies. Biodiversity metrics as well as forest health within leuweung titipan zones, empirical research indicates, do frequently exceed those that are found within state-managed reserves (Ichsan et al., 2022). This integration makes ecosystems more resilient and ensures that culture continues, and people transfer TEK (Khairani et al., 2024). Due to the detailed bureaucratic procedure for securing Hutan Adat recognition, NGOs or academic intermediaries are often needed. Emerging market-driven pressures pose a risk to commodifying indigenous governance systems. Such pressures do include carbon credits as well as eco-tourism, but still appropriate safeguards are required, according to (Peluso & Vandergeest, 2001). 2.4 Cultural belief systems as ecological regulators Indigenous ecological stewardship fundamentally intertwines with the belief systems that encapsulate the moral, the spiritual, and the cosmological perceptions of nature. Indigenous environmental practices are greatly shaped by animism, ritual codes, and spiritual ethics, which function as unwritten but powerful ecological governance systems beyond mere subsistence strategies (Posey, 2004; Gavin et al., 2018). Among Malaysia's Orang Asli and Indonesia's Baduy, biodiversity utilization is governed, intergenerational knowledge continuity is ensured, and the sustainability of land-based livelihoods is strengthened. Animism serves as the base of the ecological view for the Temiar, Dusun, and Iban of Malaysia. It shapes their view. Forests have guardian spirits, including penunggu, semangat , or hantu hutan ; they are viewed as sacred places that require respect through taboos and ritual acts. Spiritual beliefs are deeply connected with how plants are used. Ethnobotanical research reveals this connection within the Belum-Temengor rainforest. Medicinal plants, for example, are gathered exclusively from regions devoid of spirit inhabitants that follow specific rituals that often align with prayer recitations or lunar phases (Lambin et al., 2019). This spiritual governance framework promotes resource conservation. Harvesting practices are often designed to prevent overexploitation, such as keeping rootstock safe or rotating sites. Additionally, people manage pests via herbal repellents, and they utilize resources through oral traditions that highlight reciprocity, humility, and the interdependence between humans and the natural world (Abdullah et al., 2021b) Pikukuh Tilu, which is a triadic ethical-spiritual framework dictating social, spiritual, and ecological behavior, is the core by which the Baduy community in Banten province structures their entire way of life. The core tenets unify with ancestors and with nature by way of Ngabarakat ; self-restraint is apparent in consumption by way of Ngawuwuh ; and they collectively hold environmental welfare and communal welfare accountable by way of Ngajaga (Permana et al., 2018). Daily activities do show these principles here. The Inner Baduy reject modern technological advancements, abstaining from plastic use. Also, they eschew chemical inputs; they do not change nature. Managed areas join sacred areas and semi-cultivated areas in their land use categorization. This categorization depicts spiritual-moral distinctions that align with sustainability as well (Khairani et al., 2024). Pikukuh Tilu operates by way of community norms with social sanctions and perceived spiritual consequences, imposing ecological boundaries as a symbolic framework. Baduy manages areas showing higher biodiversity and disrupting ecology less than state regions, empirical studies indicate (Ichsan et al., 2022). Indonesia and Malaysia possess belief systems culturally ingrained as conservation strategies, not of the state. They offer a relational ontology. They regard nature as a kin entity rather than just extracting resources from it. These belief systems do not compartmentalize culture and ecology, unlike Western environmental models. Moral sanctions act as safeguards against unsustainable development, greatly since they direct behavior rather than legal enforcement (Aditya & Al-Fatih, 2023; Gavin et al., 2018). Technical integration is needed for formal conservation initiatives. They require ethical and epistemological acknowledgment through the incorporation of diverse perspectives. Spiritual ecologies risk appropriation through dilution via market or state interests if superficially acknowledged and misinterpreted. 2.5 Intergenerational transmission and knowledge erosion The TEK systems not only amass a wealth of experience and information but also successfully transmit knowledge across generations, mainly because people tell oral stories, practice rituals, apprentice, and interact daily with the environment. For the Orang Asli and Baduy communities, elders serve as the guardians of High-Density TEK (HDT-TEK) since it is a thorough repository of knowledge, including taxonomy, harvesting methods, cosmology, and ecological indicators (Abdullah et al., 2021b; Abdullah et al., 2019). Changes in modern lifestyle and modernization pose some meaningful challenges. This knowledge preservation is additionally threatened through systemic exclusion regarding formal learning structures. Pikukuh's strict adherence and literacy's deliberate rejection, along with digital media and contemporary education, maintain the TEK in the Inner Baduy community. This method protects cultural integrity yet complicates adaptation, particularly when ecological states shift or when there exists a demand to connect to outside conservation structures (Khairani et al., 2024). By contrast, the Outer Baduy ( Baduy Luar ) community faces increasing influences from urban proximity, tourism, and economic incentives, which affect the youth, leading them to question or even abandon ancestral restrictions. Pikukuh is orally passed down through rituals. Additionally, lacking written records or backing, it is at risk of dilution. It is the younger generation that increasingly misunderstands or disregards moral boundaries, ritual taboos, and ecological concepts, as elders have expressed (Ichsan et al., 2022). 2.6 External threats to indigenous stewardship Even though the TEK systems embed ecological wisdom, Orang Asli and Baduy communities face external threats that accelerate the weakening of their capacity to sustainably manage biodiversity. Land conversion, legal dispossession, unsustainable development, extractive industries, together with centralized conservation policies that marginalize Indigenous voices, stem from all these threats (Aditya & Al-Fatih, 2023; Gavin et al., 2018). Malaysia's Orang Asli territories face repeated targeting from logging concessions, plantations, and infrastructure projects. For these projects, Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC) could not be obtained. Native title was upheld in such cases as Sagong Tasi v. Selangor (2002). Gains stay restricted, and wider reforms system-wide are behind even in key cases (Nicholas, 2000). Even inside designated "reserves," the Orang Asli communities face eviction, limited consultation, and restricted forest access. Cultural plus spiritual values are hardly considered in environmental impact assessments (Ahmad et al., 2024). Roads and dams often can cause those sacred groves that are associated with penunggu spirits to be cleared without a comprehension of their importance. Logging roads fragment habitats, degrade water quality, and reduce the availability of medicinal and edible plants. They do weaken ecological integrity as well as cultural survival [Abdullah et al., 2019]. The Indonesian Constitution recognizes Masyarakat Adat . Nevertheless, applying this acceptance remains erratic. The Inner Baduy are facing an increasing number of pressures coming from unregulated eco-tourism, an encroachment of infrastructure, and commercial interests involved in the commodification of their culture (Khairani et al., 2024). These pressures affect the Inner Baduy, who eschew external contact along with technological advancements. Settlements grow, cellular towers go up, and roads appear near the Leuweung Titipan (sacred forest), polluting water sources, disturbing wildlife corridors, and disrupting ritual boundaries (Patana et al., 2025). Marketers perform cultural performances as well as craft artisanal works more frequently without communities consent, thereby stripping these practices of their spiritual importance while reinforcing extractive tourism's dynamics (Ichsan et al., 2022; Peluso & Vandergeest, 2001; Nasution et al., 2025). 3. Methodology 3.1 Research design and philosophical orientation In this study, a multi-sited ethnographic research design was utilized to conduct a comparative analysis of indigenous ecological knowledge and biodiversity stewardship among three forest-dependent communities. These communities were the Batek, located in Pahang National Park in Malaysia; the Semaq Beri, located in Kenyir Lake in Malaysia; and the Baduy, located in Banten, Indonesia. The research was conducted using a constructivist-interpretivist epistemology (Guba & Lincoln, 1994). It emphasizes the fact that meaning and knowledge are co-created through the course of cultural experience and conversation. Ethnography was chosen as the primary methodology since the transfer of indigenous knowledge occurs through oral traditions, ritual activities, and lived relationships with nature. Ethnography is particularly adept at revealing the emplaced, symbolic, and performative dimensions of ecological knowledge systems. The comparative method facilitated the discovery of similarities and differences in cultural-ecological systems across various geographic and socio-political contexts. 3.2 Field sites and participant selection Fieldwork was conducted from May 2024 to May 2025 for 12 months. The chosen field areas reflect three biologically interconnected indigenous populations that, while culturally unique, depend on forest environments for their spiritual sustenance and socio-cultural needs. These were (i) the Batek community, renowned for its ecological ethics rooted in mobility, animistic cosmology, and foraging, located in Pahang National Park, Pahang (Malaysia); (ii) the Semaq Beri community, a resettled group situated near Kenyir Lake, Terengganu (Malaysia), adjacent to the forest. They must reconcile traditional behaviors with external socio-economic demands; and (iii) The Baduy community is an example of an inland agrarian civilization. It is situated in the province of Banten in Indonesia. The pikukuh , which is a rigorous customary law that specifies environmental and social conduct, dictates how it should be conducted. To interview 35 individuals from all the locations, purposive sampling was utilized. Participants were chosen for participation based on their ability to provide explanations regarding forest activities, cultural roles, and ecological knowledge that must be respected. Elders, those who forage in the woods, traditional healers ( dukun and bomoh ), and respected members of the community were all included. The incorporation of ritual specialists was also included. There were 15 people from the Batek village, 10 from the Semaq Beri community, and 10 from the Baduy community who participated in the study. Additionally, the sampling strategy was designed to facilitate comparisons between different generations as well as between different roles, accounting for differences in age and gender where appropriate. 3.3 Data collection methods The study used four interrelated ethnographic techniques because they ensured depth through data triangulation. 3.3.1 Participant observation The researcher conducted extensive participant observation in each community, engaging in daily activities including foraging excursions, spiritual ceremonies, healing rituals, food preparation, and community decision-making. The observational notes concentrated on techniques involving environmental contact, including verbal exchanges and spatial navigation. The notes were created as a result of observation. Reflexive recordings documented the researcher's positionality and evolving interpretations. 3.3.2 Semi-structured interviews Researchers conducted 35 semi-structured interviews utilizing a flexible and open-ended interview guide tailored to local conditions. The transmission of ecological knowledge encompassed fundamental issues such as land-use zoning, ceremonial prohibitions, knowledge of medicinal plants, utilization of forest resources, and experiences of environmental change. Researchers conducted interviews in local languages using qualified interpreters where necessary, audio-recorded them (with consent), transcribed the recordings, and translated them into English. 3.3.3 Focus group discussions (FGDs) Focus group discussions were conducted at each site. The objective was to facilitate collective reflection and enhance group dynamics. Each focus group discussion comprised five to eight people. Participants originated from elders, youth, or women's organizations, contingent upon the cultural context. Concerning holy forest regions, rituals, and landscape alteration, these debates facilitated the examination of collective memory, contested values, and methods of social consensus. 3.4 Data management and analysis All qualitative data, including interview transcripts, field notes, and visual materials, were administered utilizing NVivo 12 software. Thematic analysis was conducted in three stages. Initially, open coding was employed to identify significant behaviors, phrases, and symbols. Second, axial coding categorized analogous codes into overarching themes such as "sacred ecology," "ritual restriction," "knowledge erosion," and "external threat response." Selective coding synthesized predominant patterns across communities to develop grounded, theory-based interpretations. Both the intra-site analysis conducted within each community and the inter-community analysis conducted across all three communities were carried out in a comprehensive manner. This led to the identification of cultural practices that were distinct from one another. Furthermore, common motifs have emerged in the areas of ecological ethics, ritual zoning, and the transfer of knowledge when specific pressures have been applied. 3.5 Ethical considerations The Universiti Teknologi MARA (UiTM) Research Ethics Committee gave ethical approval for the study. All research activities adhered to the principles outlined within Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC). They also confirmed the global ethical standards in research involving Indigenous Peoples (Dzuranin, Shortridge, & Smith, 2013). Informed consent was obtained both orally and in writing, as the study's goal, procedures, voluntary nature, and anonymity protocols were fully articulated. Participants retained the right to withdraw at any moment. Validation of findings was sought through member-checking meetings at each site, with community leaders and gatekeepers contacted throughout all phases of the research. The study team facilitated ethical reciprocity by supplying paper versions of computerized maps. They furthermore supplied culturally suitable medical provisions alongside environmental education resources co-created with local authorities. The results are presented in a more accessible format. This version is also disseminated to each community in their language. 4. Findings and Discussion This section delineates and analyzes the principal findings derived from anthropological research conducted among the Batek, Semaq Beri, and Baduy communities from May 2024 to May 2025 (Pahang National Park, Kenyir Lake, Banten). The results revealed four interrelated themes based on participant observation, interviews, focus group discussions, and participatory mapping: (1) forest resource utilization and livelihood practices, (2) sacred ecology and ritual zoning, (3) informal ecological education and knowledge transmission, and (4) perceived environmental change and external threats. The examination of the results has been informed by literature on biodiversity conservation, indigenous governance, and TEK. The material that is now available frequently concentrates on the effects of development on Malaysian indigenous people or the stresses imposed by ecotourism on Indonesia's Baduy group. This study suggests common concerns for Southeast Asia by examining both environments and identifying analogous threats that threaten indigenous administration. 4.1 Forest resource use and livelihood practices In all three communities, their livelihood choices and land-use decisions are shaped by strong local links to forest ecosystems. The Batek in Taman Negara rely on a seasonal foraging economy. The emphasis is on wild tubers such as Dioscorea spp., forest honey, rattan, and medicinal herbs. Ecological rhythms govern their foraging paths, and customary prohibitions are observed accordingly. For example, they abstain from extraction during times of spiritual importance. These investigations highlighted the intricacy of Orang Asli foraging systems and their ecological vulnerability (Tedong et al., 2022; Abdullah et al., 2019). In addition, foraging for medicinal herbs are done by the elders with the children accompanying them. This is to ensure that the knowledge of the forest is passed down to the younger generation. During a trail walking sessin with the Batek, they showed numerous plants that can be used to treat cold and cough. In addition, a young Batek showed a tuber which he called “ubi babi” or pig tuber, and explained that the reason being they have to dig very deep extract the tuber which they hardly do now but they still know how to find them. In addition, a Batek elder said he would teach the children about the herbs despite the availability of the village clinics. “I will bring the children along when I go into the forest to look for medicinal herbs. If I do not do this, they will forget or will not know which plants can help heal some illness. Now, they like to go to the clinic” Tok Batin 1, Batek Village Notwithstanding their resettlement, the Semaq Beri tribe persists in pursuing access to the woodlands adjacent to Kenyir Lake. Participants noted that forest excursions remain essential for nutrition, medicinal supplies, and money, although tourism development and hydrological alterations have increasingly limited access. These illustrate how state-directed relocation and park management strategies inhibit Orang Asli livelihoods by marginalizing traditional subsistence techniques (Nicholas, 2000). Other models differ from the Baduy community. It is firmly rooted in spiritual governance. The Inner Baduy reject commercial agriculture, hunting, and extractive industries, opting instead for self-sufficient swidden cultivation and devotion to customary law ( pikukuh ). Access to sacred forests like Leuweung Titipan is governed by a regulated land zoning system that enables these practices. This technique illustrates a successful example of spiritually guided ecological management that maintains cultural integrity while protecting biodiversity, as detailed in (Khairani et al., 2024). “When we want to plant the paddy, we need to understand and follow the guidelines provided by the elders. They have studied our customs and know when is the right moment to plant. If we deviate from the dates that they give, we will not be getting a good harvest” Baduy Male 1 “Each family has his own designated land area for them to work on. However, the size of the land differs from one family to the other. However, we still work within the boundary that has been set by our customs” Baduy Male 2 Comparative studies with Indonesian tribes such as the Baduy are still missing, despite the fact that earlier research on the Orang Asli has focused on species recognition and survival tactics. Our research adds to the body of knowledge on the livelihoods of indigenous communities by highlighting the distinctions between the Batek's forest collecting activities and the Baduy's spiritually centred customs. 4.2 Sacred ecology and ritual zoning All three communities possess land zoning systems that are fundamentally dependent on ritual; this is a key finding. These techniques preserve land both informally and with considerable efficacy. The Batek and Semaq Beri regard sacred groves, spirit-infused rivers, and ancestral tree stands as prohibited areas based on their animistic beliefs. Transgressing these domains may result in illness, misfortune, or spiritual retribution, as per a belief system that serves as cultural enforcement. The concept of "sacred ecology" aligns with cosmological beliefs that have tangible ecological results. Sanctified habitats frequently align with regions of significant ecological importance (Gavin et al., 2018). These regions encompass old-growth forests, wildlife corridors, and salt licks. Participatory mapping efforts demonstrated a continuous collective awareness of their locations and borders, although government records have not delineated these areas. “We will not build our village near the congruents of rivers. It is not good as the congruents of rivers is where the ‘good wind’ and the ‘bad wind’ meet. These could result in bad luck to the village. We will bulit near the river but not at the mouth of the river” Batek Male 1 “When we want to cut down trees for shelter, we listen to our feelings. Sometimes when we feel that the wood or the tree is not good or have bad ‘wind’, we will not cut it. If we do, then our family will fall sick” Batek Male 2 The Baduy community formalizes a zoning model through pikukuh . Leuweung titipan is their strictly protected sacred forest, leuweung kolot is an ancient still functional forest, and huma refers to swidden fields. A multi-layered governance system has been established, reinforced by ceremonial observances, social norms, and moral consequences that uphold these categories. This system, when formally acknowledged, aligns with research on customary land tenure in Indonesia, emphasizing sustainable forest management (Ichsan et al., 2022). “We tried to plant the paddy outside the designated dates given to us. What happened after that is strange. We did not get good harvest. There were a lot of insects attacks on the field. It was terrible. After that, we always adhere to the guidelines” Baduy Male 2 This study highlights regional variations in sacred ecology by demonstrating that ritual zoning is a paradigm of collaborative ecological governance that occurs in both Malaysia and Indonesia. Previous research on Malaysia's holy woods has mostly concentrated on the Orang Asli cosmology individually. 4.3 Informal ecological education and knowledge transmission Ecological knowledge is mostly conveyed through informal experiential learning across all three populations. Among the Batek, children are permitted to accompany elders into the forest at a young age to learn plant identification, watch animal behavior, and absorb spiritual teachings through storytelling. This aligns with their argument regarding its role in education. Nevertheless, within the Semaq Beri community, resettlement and youth mobility have progressively disrupted the transfer of knowledge. Interviews with younger participants indicated a lack of familiarity with forest species, a pattern corroborated by the observation that only a small percentage of Orang Asli youth could identify medicinal plants recognized by their grandparents (Abdullah et al., 2021b) However, with the Batek, the younger generations are taught about the ways of the forest. Although they may not be as good as their elders, but they have the knowledge and continue to learn. “My dad taught me about plants and herbs and also the forest paths. But there are times when I was lost in the jungle and took me a few days to find my way back to the village. But I am learning” Batek Youth 1 The Baduy, particularly the Inner Baduy, have preserved a robust internal education system rooted in ritual and oral transmission. Ecological roles emerge from communal efforts and ritualistic cycles. Moral teachings are conveyed in this manner. Despite the system's robustness, its continuity is increasingly jeopardized by digital technologies and tourism in Outer Baduy. In an observation during the padi huma (hill paddy) ceremonial land breaking, a few of the Outer Baduy children, aged between four to six years old were kept busy by watching videos on a smartphone. This was to ensure that they would not disturbed the adults at work. In addition, at the beginning of the study period, digital payment system were not available at the Outer Baduy stalls. However, at the end of the study, most of the stalls have started using QRIS, Indonesia’s digital payment system. Prior research has mostly focused on the knowledge gap among Orang Asli groups that have been uprooted. This study emphasises the resilience and fragility of knowledge transmission over generations by drawing comparisons to the oral and ritualistic education system of the Baduy, a factor that has not gotten as much attention in cross-cultural TEK literature. 4.4 Perceived environmental changes and external threats Participants indicated evident indicators of environmental degradation in all three villages, frequently associated with foreign development initiatives. The Batek and Semaq Beri expressed concern due to the diminished availability of wild resources, as they observed a decrease in wildlife sightings and a reduction in foraging territories. Road building, forestry, and tourism development have precipitated changes that align with broader critiques regarding development-induced displacement and conservation injustice across Malaysia (Aditya & Al-Fatih, 2023; Nicholas, 2000). However, the Batek in Taman Negara live in a protected area, the National Park, hence their territory is rather safe and allow them to hunt and forage without having the need to obtain any hunting licence from the management of the park. Nonetheless, they are very concerned with illegal poachers who according to them are very dangerous. Elders in the Baduy region voiced concern over the depletion of wood in buffer zones and the rising presence of visitors and urban commodities in Outer Baduy. These invasions appear to represent both spiritual concerns and ecological disruptions, since they illustrate the interconnections between cosmological and environmental systems. The material that is now available frequently concentrates on the effects of development on Malaysian indigenous people or the stresses imposed by ecotourism on Indonesia's Baduy group. This study suggests common concerns for Southeast Asia by examining both environments and identifying analogous threats that threaten indigenous administration. 5. Conclusion From a theoretical standpoint, this research enhances the wider discussion surrounding indigenous ecological knowledge by highlighting that TEK serves not only as a means of survival but also as a method of environmental governance grounded in cosmology, ritual spaces, and relational ontology. Through the examination of the Batek, Semaq Beri, and Baduy communities, this research broadens the theories related to commons governance and sacred ecology, illustrating how spiritual and cultural institutions act as alternative frameworks for biodiversity conservation. This comparative approach deepens theoretical insights by situating indigenous governance within a transnational context, underscoring its significance not just for local practices but also for global conversations regarding sustainable development. Indigenous environmental initiatives are not merely local traditions but also dynamic, adaptable frameworks. This study represents ecological intelligence, cultural memory, and ethical stewardship. Cultural resilience and biodiversity conservation are interconnected ideas. All three communities exhibit spiritual zoning systems, seasonal knowledge, and intergenerational transmission. These societies face threats such as land appropriation and tourism pressure, highlighting the vulnerabilities of these systems in the face of external developmental agendas. The literature emphasizes the integration of TEK into conservation research; nevertheless, the study indicates that legal acknowledgment, community leadership, and cultural respect are also essential. Future conservation methods must transcend technological solutions and incorporate relational ideas that emphasize indigenous viewpoints. This includes planners for identifying holy woods in spatial frameworks, advocates for indigenous educational institutions and ecological curricula, and developers for creating co-governance models that respect both customary law and biodiversity objectives. Indigenous knowledge can serve as a foundational element, rather than only an adjunct to science, for ethical and sustainable environmental stewardship. Declarations Funding This research was funded under the International Strategic Research Partnership (SRP) grant scheme between Universitas Indonesia, Indonesia, and Universiti Teknologi MARA (UiTM) Selangor Branch, Malaysia (RMI File No.: 600-TNCPI 5/3/DDN (10) (003/2024)) and Universitas Indonesia, Depok, Indonesia, through Grant No S-2781/UN2.F7.D/HKP.05.01/2024. Ethics and Disclosures The ethical approval for this study was obtained from the Universiti Teknologi MARA (UiTM) Research Ethics Committee. All procedures performed in this study involving human participants were in accordance with institutional and international ethical standards. Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) was obtained from all informants prior to data collection. Participants were voluntary and had the right to withdraw at any time. Competing interest The authors declare no competing interests. References Abdullah, M. F., Othman, A., Edo, J., & Jani, R. (2019). Multidimensional poverty index of marginalized Orang Asli in Terengganu, Malaysia. Pertanika Journal of Social Sciences & Humanities, 27(2). Abdullah, M. F., Othman, A., Jani, R., Edo, J., & Abdullah, M. T. (2021a). Socio-economic development and sustainable livelihood of the Orang Asli. In Resource use and sustainability of Orang Asli: Indigenous communities in Peninsular Malaysia (pp. 201–214). Abdullah, M. F., Pesiu, E., Noor, M. I. M., Zaini, A. A., Azzeri, A., & Abdullah, M. T. (2021b). Exploring ethnomedicine plants used by the indigenous communities in Terengganu, Malaysia: Human health and the environment. Malaysian Journal of Public Health Medicine, 21(2), 409–425. Aditya, Z. F., & Al-Fatih, S. (2023). The legal protection system of indigenous peoples in Southeast Asia. Legality: Jurnal Ilmiah Hukum, 31(2), 285–309. Ahmad, B. E., Abdullah, M. A., Ismail, M. R., Abd Latif, Z., Abdullah, M. F., & Noor, M. I. M. (2024). Walking the trails of Taman Negara: Past, present and future footpath of the indigenous Batek. JATI-Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 29(1), 94–117. Brosius, J. P. (1997). Endangered forest, endangered people: Environmentalist representations of indigenous knowledge. Human Ecology, 25, 47–69. Dzuranin, A. C., Shortridge, R. T., & Smith, P. A. (2013). Building ethical leaders: A way to integrate and assess ethics education. Journal of Business Ethics, 115, 101–114. Gavin, M. C., McCarter, J., Berkes, F., Mead, A. T. P., Sterling, E. J., Tang, R., & Turner, N. J. (2018). Effective biodiversity conservation requires dynamic, pluralistic, partnership-based approaches. Sustainability, 10(6), 1846. Guba, E. G., & Lincoln, Y. S. (1994). Competing paradigms in qualitative research. In N. K. Denzin & Y. S. Lincoln (Eds.), Handbook of qualitative research (pp. 105–117). Ichsan, A. C., Anwar, H., Waru, T., Aji, I. M. L., Ardiantari, L. D., Andayani, I., & Wulan, G. I. T. (2022). Analysis of the implementation of regional regulation no. 14 of 2019 concerning forest management to drive improvements of forest resources governance in the province of West Nusa Tenggara. In IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science (Vol. 1107, No. 1, p. 012094). IOP Publishing. Khairani, C., Fuady, F., & Barmadi, M. R. (2024). Interaction patterns of the Baduy society in term of an anthropological aspect. In Proceedings of Malikussaleh International Conference on Education Social Humanities and Innovation (MICESHI) (Vol. 1, pp. 44–44). Lambin, R., Wahab, N. A., Mustapha, R., Choo, G. S., Abdullah, R., & Sharif, M. P. M. (2019). Sustainability of Orang Asli indigenous knowledge and practices of green technology in medicine. Journal of Asian Vocational Education and Training, 2, 74–89. Nasution, M. A., Purwoko, A., Kuswanda, W., Sulistiyono, N., Abdullah, M. F., Gandaseca, S., Ahmad, B. E., Ahmad, Y., Nisfiary, R. K., Adinda, R. A., & Daulay, U. A. (2025). Development priority policies for impact control and the recovery of natural tourism in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic in North Sumatra Province, Indonesia. Sustainability, 17(8), 3497. Nicholas, C. (2000). The Orang Asli and the contest for resources: Indigenous politics, development and identity in Peninsular Malaysia (IWGIA Document No. 95). Patana, P., Ali, K. A., Thoha, A. S., Purwoko, A., Alikodra, H. S., Kuswanda, W., Situmorang, R. O. P., Suntornvongsagul, K., Abdullah, M. F., & Suratman, M. N. (2025). Land use of buffer zone in accommodating between community livelihood and habitat of Sumatran tiger (Panthera tigris sumatrae) at Lau Damak Village, North Sumatera. In IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science (Vol. 1445, No. 1, p. 012107). IOP Publishing. Peloquin, C., & Berkes, F. (2009). Local knowledge, subsistence harvests, and social–ecological complexity in James Bay. Human Ecology, 37(5), 533–545. Peluso, N. L., & Vandergeest, P. (2001). Genealogies of the political forest and customary rights in Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand. The Journal of Asian Studies, 60(3), 761–812. Permana, R. C. E., Nawangningrum, D., & Nasution, I. P. (2018). Pengetahuan dan kearifan lokal masyarakat Baduy tentang pengobatan tradisional berbasis tanaman. Posey, D. A. (2004). Indigenous knowledge and ethics: A Darrell Posey reader (Vol. 10). Psychology Press. Tedong, P. A., Abdullah, M. F., Jani, R., & Md Dali, M. (2022). Multidimensional poverty and wellbeing of Iban community in East Malaysia. Asia Pacific Journal of Social Work and Development, 32(2), 113–130. Wang, X., Wiegand, T., Anderson-Teixeira, K. J., Bourg, N. A., Hao, Z., Howe, R., Jin, G., Orwig, D. A., Spasojevic, M. J., Wang, S., & Wolf, A. (2018). Ecological drivers of spatial community dissimilarity, species replacement and species nestedness across temperate forests. Global Ecology and Biogeography, 27(5), 581–592. Wook, I. (2017). Acknowledging land rights of the Orang Asli: A historical perspective of laws in Peninsular Malaysia. IIUMLJ, 25, 93. Yusoh, M. P., Abdullah, M. F., Suratman, M. N., Roslan, M. N. H., & Ahmad, B. E. (2024). Non-timber forest as an alternative economic survival for indigenous community in Terengganu, Malaysia: A case study of rattan. P lanning Malaysia, 22 . Additional Declarations No competing interests reported. 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Also discoverable on Platform About Our Team In Review Editorial Policies Advisory Board Help Center Resources Author Services Accessibility API Access RSS feed Manage Cookie Preferences © Research Square 2026 | ISSN 2693-5015 (online) Privacy Policy Terms of Service Do Not Sell My Personal Information {"props":{"pageProps":{"initialData":{"identity":"rs-9236806","acceptedTermsAndConditions":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"archivedVersions":[],"articleType":"Research Article","associatedPublications":[],"authors":[{"id":637874524,"identity":"d35cdd3c-49e8-486a-9613-7fdd07b6748a","order_by":0,"name":"Nor Aziah Abd Kadir","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"Universiti Teknologi MARA","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Nor","middleName":"Aziah Abd","lastName":"Kadir","suffix":""},{"id":637874525,"identity":"d84e2fc8-069a-4879-98c9-e9a5ac0cd140","order_by":1,"name":"Muhammad Fuad 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Indah","lastName":"Setyani","suffix":""},{"id":637874534,"identity":"093c706b-01a4-46c0-9079-f45955fae6d4","order_by":9,"name":"Badli Esham Ahmad","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"Universiti Teknologi MARA","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Badli","middleName":"Esham","lastName":"Ahmad","suffix":""},{"id":637874536,"identity":"02b8ce3e-3fcd-44d8-8719-7d74b4423601","order_by":10,"name":"Mohammad Nasrul Hakim Roslan","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"Universiti Teknologi MARA","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Mohammad","middleName":"Nasrul Hakim","lastName":"Roslan","suffix":""},{"id":637874538,"identity":"ccdd4e04-55c5-477d-80a8-5f4c3cfb6cda","order_by":11,"name":"Faezah Pardi","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"Universiti Teknologi MARA","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Faezah","middleName":"","lastName":"Pardi","suffix":""},{"id":637874539,"identity":"ae5348ef-342f-4847-89ec-4dac317b6b74","order_by":12,"name":"Siti Aekbal Salleh","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"Universiti Teknologi MARA","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Siti","middleName":"Aekbal","lastName":"Salleh","suffix":""}],"badges":[],"createdAt":"2026-03-26 17:08:58","currentVersionCode":1,"declarations":"","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-9236806/v1","doiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-9236806/v1","draftVersion":[],"editorialEvents":[],"editorialNote":"","failedWorkflow":false,"files":[{"id":109288622,"identity":"078fcd75-a3b6-47d3-810b-67bc63875988","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2026-05-15 05:41:08","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":177075,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-9236806/v1/0078ae7c-5c21-4abe-94b7-1f38f3c5eb96.pdf"}],"financialInterests":"No competing interests reported.","formattedTitle":"Indigenous Practices and Biodiversity Stewardship: Comparative Insights from Malaysia and Indonesia","fulltext":[{"header":"1. Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003eIn light of the rapid deterioration of biodiversity caused by climate change, academic and governmental dialogues increasingly recognize the vital contribution of indigenous tribes to the conservation of natural ecosystems. Indigenous peoples bring profound insights into ecosystems due to their generational interactions with the land, allowing them to sustain spiritual connections and offer unique models of environmental stewardship frequently overlooked by conventional conservation approaches. In Southeast Asia, especially in Malaysia and Indonesia, forest-dependent indigenous communities maintained intricate ecological practices that supported cultural identity and biodiversity. This research examines the biodiversity management practices of the Batek and Semaq Beri communities in Peninsular Malaysia, as well as the Baduy people in Banten, Indonesia, in relation to current ecological and developmental concerns.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThese indigenous techniques were influenced by historical and cultural difficulties. These particular circumstances are delineated in regional areas. The Batek and Semaq Beri in Malaysia are components of the larger Orang Asli demographic, residing in forested areas and upholding semi-nomadic ways of life. Despite heightened external pressures such as land encroachment, logging, and tourism development, numerous Orang Asli communities continue to depend on traditional forest-based knowledge to sustain their livelihoods and community well-being. The Baduy performance displays a distinctive expression of spiritual ecology within their Indonesian heritage. The \u003cem\u003epikukuh\u003c/em\u003e governs them as it is a traditional law. This legislation regulates social conduct and environmental responsibilities, compelling the Baduy to deliberately isolate themselves from modern technology and to eschew the industrial exploitation of natural resources. Their spiritual beliefs influence forest conservation by limiting land development, pesticide use, and extensive cultivation within their sacred area.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThese indigenous activities serve as strategies that enhance biodiversity conservation and cultural expression. Adaptive solutions efficiently reconcile human requirements with ecological sustainability, as demonstrated by the harvesting of non-timber forest products (NTFPs), the use of medicinal plants, shifting farming, sacred groves, and diverse landscape management techniques. Oral tradition, combined with experiential knowledge, conveys these customs throughout generations. This procedure is typically designated as traditional ecological knowledge (TEK). TEK frequently has a comprehensive grasp of natural processes, including anticipation, interaction, and regulation, as opposed to harmful models.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eNonetheless, a rising threat is presented to indigenous knowledge systems. Globalization reduces autonomy and propagates these behaviors; hence, state-led development aspirations lead to socio-political marginalization. In Malaysia and Indonesia, legal and legislative frameworks have often failed to recognize indigenous land rights, including systems of forest administration. This negligence has resulted in resource disputes, depletion, and cultural erosion. Conservation initiatives generally encompass laudable objectives but frequently utilize hierarchical methodologies. The local agency weakens when these tactics undermine indigenous perspectives. In this situation, we must ethically incorporate indigenous ecological knowledge into current sustainable development strategies. Formal conservation requires pragmatic implementations.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis paper seeks to examine how indigenous ecological practices can function as mechanisms for biodiversity stewardship in many sociopolitical and ecological situations, addressing a gap in comparative research. Ethnographic research reveals that Indigenous strategies vary among Pahang National Park (Batek), Kenyir Lake (Semaq Beri), and Banten (Baduy). Collective ownership, environmental ethics, and ceremonial engagements with nature constitute essential principles underpinning these strategies. These notions offer insights that allow us to amend biodiversity policies to be inclusive, culturally attuned, and ecologically sustainable..\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis research is significant as it has the potential to influence governmental initiatives that prioritize and leverage local wisdom for the sake of preservation and community advancement. This report emphasizes the significance of indigenous populations in the active preservation of biodiversity. Assistance is neither actively rendered to them nor is protection actively afforded. By prioritizing their voices through practices, it aims to assist people in creating a more equitable and resilient framework for environmental governance, in accordance with global sustainability objectives, such as the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"2. Literature Review","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e2.1 Traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) and wild food security\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTradistional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) means ecological perception, which is location-specific and gathered over centuries by Indigenous groups via environmental interactions (Peloquin \u0026amp; Berkes, 2009). TEK throughout Southeast Asia is an important basis for subsistence strategies and biodiversity conservation, notably among the Orang Asli and the Baduy.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTEK is shown a lot by the Batek, a subgroup among the Orang Asli of Peninsular Malaysia, most notably in their great knowledge about wild tubers of the \u003cem\u003eDioscorea genus\u003c/em\u003e. The Batek can identify more than 11 species, including \u003cem\u003eD. orbiculata,\u003c/em\u003e \u003cem\u003eD. prainiana,\u003c/em\u003e and \u003cem\u003eD. hispida\u003c/em\u003e, each being tied to microhabitats in addition to seasonal growth (Tedong et al., 2022). Often led by women, their harvesting methods are also gender-specific and ecologically aware, informed by signs from animals, soil texture, and patterns within leaf litter. Cultural traditions reflect an ecological wisdom rooted deeply (Abdullah et al., 2019; Abdullah et al., 2021b). Rootstock preservation helps maintain sustainable practice.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe Inner Baduy (\u003cem\u003eBaduy Dalam\u003c/em\u003e) in Indonesia belong to the Baduy community. Their food system is, in fact, deeply rooted within TEK. The Baduy engage themselves in diversified agroforestry and rotational swidden farming (\u003cem\u003ehuma\u003c/em\u003e), informed as it is by lunar cycles, soil fertility, and spiritual indicators. However, their reliance is on wild tubers that are diminished (Permana et al., 2018.). For the practice of foraging for NTFPs, such as forest honey, wild fruits, and medicinal herbs, it adheres to customary regulations enshrined in the \u003cem\u003epikukuh\u003c/em\u003e, which is a customary moral-ecological code that governs land use and resource access (Khairani et al., 2024; Yusoh et al., 2024.)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBoth communities show food security strategies against reliance on external agricultural markets. TEK makes subsistence models self-sufficient and climate-resilient by sustaining the environment and promoting biodiversity. These practices can provide perceptions that are meaningful for incorporating Indigenous knowledge. This incorporation can aid broader frameworks of food sovereignty and environmental governance (Aditya \u0026amp; Al-Fatih, 2023).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e2.2 Ritual-zoned forest landscapes and sacred ecology\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWithin the indigenous communities, there exist spiritual cosmologies along with ethical frameworks that frequently influence ecological stewardship practice and dictate access to the natural environment. Such belief systems lead to what researcher\u0026rsquo;s term ritual-zoned forest landscapes, which are sacred areas where spiritual, moral, or ancestral rules ban or limit resource use (Brosius, 1997; Posey, 2004).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eVarious Orang Asli subgroups in Peninsular Malaysia recognize \u003cem\u003ekeramat\u003c/em\u003e as their sacred forest areas. The Temuan, Semai, and Batek are among these subgroups, and they also believe guardian spirits inhabit these areas (\u003cem\u003epenunggu, datuk keramat,\u003c/em\u003e or \u003cem\u003ehantu hutan\u003c/em\u003e). Particular groves, rivers, and hilltops are locations with activities such as hunting, tree cutting, or even passage that are considered taboo. Studies from 53 Orang Asli villages show older male members are primary knowledge custodians since they know about sacred areas (Abdullah et al., 2021a). These regions work like biodiversity refuges. These regions are often situated along ecological corridors like riverbanks and ridgelines so flora and fauna can regenerate in that location without any disturbance (Abdullah et al., 2019)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eA similar system exists among the Baduy people. This system has been formally codified, and it is located within Indonesia\u0026apos;s Banten Province. The Baduy classify their territory into several land-use zones. This inherited forest is the most sacred zone, and the \u003cem\u003epikukuh\u003c/em\u003e governs it according to customary, legal, and spiritual codes. These forests are completely off-limits in terms of extraction or alteration, including tree felling, agricultural use, or water diversion (Permana et al., 2018). For all ceremonial purposes, only the spiritual elders may enter in there. It is thought that any violation of all rules in \u003cem\u003eleuweung titipan\u003c/em\u003e can cause some spiritual and ecological imbalance, and this then manifests as some illness, crop failure, or maybe community discord (Khairani et al., 2024).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eScientific studies support the conservation efficacy within these sacred zones. Analyses of remote sensing did indeed show that the \u003cem\u003eleuweung titipan\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003eareas do have a higher biodiversity. These areas do show thicker vegetation, similar to that found in nearby state-managed forest reserves (Ichsan et al., 2022). Endangered species missing from nearby logged areas were found in sacred Orang Asli groves in Perak (Abdullah et al., 2021a).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe relational ontology of humans along with nature is affirmed within the Orang Asli and Baduy cosmologies. Forests are regarded as sentient entities to which humans have mutual responsibilities, rather than just objects. This worldview represents environmental governance that is culturally rooted while sustaining de facto conservation areas in the absence of external enforcement (Gavin et al., 2018; Aditya \u0026amp; Al-Fatih, 2023).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e2.3 Forest governance and co-management\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe involvement of Indigenous Peoples and Local Communities (IPLCs) in forest governance has obtained greater scholarly and policy attention, especially since centralized conservation systems present weaknesses. Co-management strategies, where indigenous groups partner with entities, have shown ecological and social advantages in both Malaysia and Indonesia. Nevertheless, obstacles persist and they are greatly concerned with legally acknowledging, bureaucratically marginalizing, and culturally freeing (Peloquin \u0026amp; Berkes, 2009; Aditya \u0026amp; Al-Fatih, 2023).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eEven though the constitution provides protections, Malaysia\u0026apos;s Orang Asli are still, for the most part, excluded from forest governance systems. Orang Asli Reserves can be established as per the Aboriginal Peoples Act of 1954; however, revoking these state properties requires no compensation. As a result of this legal uncertainty, there has been wide-ranging land dispossession. Particularly in regions designated for projects, logging, agriculture, or infrastructure, there have been adverse effects (Nicholas, 2000).\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe High Court, acknowledging the Temuan Orang Asli\u0026apos;s native title over their ancestral territories, set an important milestone with the pivotal (Wook, 2017). This ruling affirmed that common law recognizes customary land rights, setting precedent for later claims that arise (Aditya \u0026amp; Al-Fatih, 2023). This progress is prominent. However, the enforcement and replication of such rulings remain limited. Numerous Orang Asli communities continue to be displaced and are also sidelined when environmental decisions are made (Abdullah et al., 2021b). Ecological results improve since Orang Asli are actively engaged in co-management, such as community forest monitoring and rotational harvesting. For example, illegal logging decreases, and forest regeneration is improved (Abdullah et al., 2019). These initiatives, however, are frequently driven by NGOs and are susceptible to political changes, lacking formal policy backing.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eHowever, Indonesia has created key institutional improvements by initiating the Social Forestry Program (\u003cem\u003ePerhutanan Sosial\u003c/em\u003e). Legal frameworks like the \u003cem\u003eHutan Adat\u003c/em\u003e (customary forests) do officially acknowledge community forest rights (Wang et al., 2018). This structure aligns well with Baduy\u0026apos;s customary governance model, based on \u003cem\u003epikukuh\u003c/em\u003e, which regulates land use via designated areas like \u003cem\u003eleuweung titipan\u003c/em\u003e (sacred forest), \u003cem\u003ehuma\u003c/em\u003e (swidden plots), and \u003cem\u003ekebun\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e(home gardens) (Permana et al., 2018). The Indonesian government does legally acknowledge Baduy forest practices, and it eases the formal incorporation of customary law into national conservation and development strategies. Biodiversity metrics as well as forest health within \u003cem\u003eleuweung titipan\u003c/em\u003e zones, empirical research indicates, do frequently exceed those that are found within state-managed reserves (Ichsan et al., 2022). This integration makes ecosystems more resilient and ensures that culture continues, and people transfer TEK (Khairani et al., 2024). Due to the detailed bureaucratic procedure for securing \u003cem\u003eHutan Adat\u003c/em\u003e recognition, NGOs or academic intermediaries are often needed. Emerging market-driven pressures pose a risk to commodifying indigenous governance systems. Such pressures do include carbon credits as well as eco-tourism, but still appropriate safeguards are required, according to (Peluso \u0026amp; Vandergeest, 2001).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e2.4\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003cem\u003eCultural belief systems as ecological regulators\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIndigenous ecological stewardship fundamentally intertwines with the belief systems that encapsulate the moral, the spiritual, and the cosmological perceptions of nature. Indigenous environmental practices are greatly shaped by animism, ritual codes, and spiritual ethics, which function as unwritten but powerful ecological governance systems beyond mere subsistence strategies (Posey, 2004; Gavin et al., 2018). Among Malaysia\u0026apos;s Orang Asli and Indonesia\u0026apos;s Baduy, biodiversity utilization is governed, intergenerational knowledge continuity is ensured, and the sustainability of land-based livelihoods is strengthened.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAnimism serves as the base of the ecological view for the Temiar, Dusun, and Iban of Malaysia. It shapes their view. Forests have guardian spirits, including \u003cem\u003epenunggu, semangat\u003c/em\u003e, or \u003cem\u003ehantu hutan\u003c/em\u003e; they are viewed as sacred places that require respect through taboos and ritual acts. Spiritual beliefs are deeply connected with how plants are used. Ethnobotanical research reveals this connection within the Belum-Temengor rainforest. Medicinal plants, for example, are gathered exclusively from regions devoid of spirit inhabitants that follow specific rituals that often align with prayer recitations or lunar phases (Lambin et al., 2019). This spiritual governance framework promotes resource conservation. Harvesting practices are often designed to prevent overexploitation, such as keeping rootstock safe or rotating sites. Additionally, people manage pests via herbal repellents, and they utilize resources through oral traditions that highlight reciprocity, humility, and the interdependence between humans and the natural world (Abdullah et al., 2021b)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003ePikukuh Tilu,\u003c/em\u003e which is a triadic ethical-spiritual framework dictating social, spiritual, and ecological behavior, is the core by which the Baduy community in Banten province structures their entire way of life. The core tenets unify with ancestors and with nature by way of \u003cem\u003eNgabarakat\u003c/em\u003e; self-restraint is apparent in consumption by way of \u003cem\u003eNgawuwuh\u003c/em\u003e; and they collectively hold environmental welfare and communal welfare accountable by way of \u003cem\u003eNgajaga\u003c/em\u003e (Permana et al., 2018). Daily activities do show these principles here. The Inner Baduy reject modern technological advancements, abstaining from plastic use. Also, they eschew chemical inputs; they do not change nature. Managed areas join sacred areas and semi-cultivated areas in their land use categorization. This categorization depicts spiritual-moral distinctions that align with sustainability as well (Khairani et al., 2024). \u003cem\u003ePikukuh Tilu\u003c/em\u003e operates by way of community norms with social sanctions and perceived spiritual consequences, imposing ecological boundaries as a symbolic framework. Baduy manages areas showing higher biodiversity and disrupting ecology less than state regions, empirical studies indicate (Ichsan et al., 2022).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIndonesia and Malaysia possess belief systems culturally ingrained as conservation strategies, not of the state. They offer a relational ontology. They regard nature as a kin entity rather than just extracting resources from it. These belief systems do not compartmentalize culture and ecology, unlike Western environmental models. Moral sanctions act as safeguards against unsustainable development, greatly since they direct behavior rather than legal enforcement (Aditya \u0026amp; Al-Fatih, 2023; Gavin et al., 2018). Technical integration is needed for formal conservation initiatives. They require ethical and epistemological acknowledgment through the incorporation of diverse perspectives. Spiritual ecologies risk appropriation through dilution via market or state interests if superficially acknowledged and misinterpreted.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e2.5 Intergenerational transmission and knowledge erosion\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe TEK systems not only amass a wealth of experience and information but also successfully transmit knowledge across generations, mainly because people tell oral stories, practice rituals, apprentice, and interact daily with the environment. For the Orang Asli and Baduy communities, elders serve as the guardians of High-Density TEK (HDT-TEK) since it is a thorough repository of knowledge, including taxonomy, harvesting methods, cosmology, and ecological indicators (Abdullah et al., 2021b; Abdullah et al., 2019). Changes in modern lifestyle and modernization pose some meaningful challenges. This knowledge preservation is additionally threatened through systemic exclusion regarding formal learning structures.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003ePikukuh\u0026apos;s\u003c/em\u003e strict adherence and literacy\u0026apos;s deliberate rejection, along with digital media and contemporary education, maintain the TEK in the Inner Baduy community. This method protects cultural integrity yet complicates adaptation, particularly when ecological states shift or when there exists a demand to connect to outside conservation structures (Khairani et al., 2024). By contrast, the Outer Baduy (\u003cem\u003eBaduy Luar\u003c/em\u003e) community faces increasing influences from urban proximity, tourism, and economic incentives, which affect the youth, leading them to question or even abandon ancestral restrictions. \u003cem\u003ePikukuh\u003c/em\u003e is orally passed down through rituals. Additionally, lacking written records or backing, it is at risk of dilution. It is the younger generation that increasingly misunderstands or disregards moral boundaries, ritual taboos, and ecological concepts, as elders have expressed (Ichsan et al., 2022).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e2.6 External threats to indigenous stewardship\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eEven though the TEK systems embed ecological wisdom, Orang Asli and Baduy communities face external threats that accelerate the weakening of their capacity to sustainably manage biodiversity. Land conversion, legal dispossession, unsustainable development, extractive industries, together with centralized conservation policies that marginalize Indigenous voices, stem from all these threats (Aditya \u0026amp; Al-Fatih, 2023; Gavin et al., 2018).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMalaysia\u0026apos;s Orang Asli territories face repeated targeting from logging concessions, plantations, and infrastructure projects. For these projects, Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC) could not be obtained. Native title was upheld in such cases as Sagong Tasi v. Selangor (2002). Gains stay restricted, and wider reforms system-wide are behind even in key cases (Nicholas, 2000). Even inside designated \u0026quot;reserves,\u0026quot; the Orang Asli communities face eviction, limited consultation, and restricted forest access. Cultural plus spiritual values are hardly considered in environmental impact assessments (Ahmad et al., 2024). Roads and dams often can cause those sacred groves that are associated with \u003cem\u003epenunggu\u003c/em\u003e spirits to be cleared without a comprehension of their importance. Logging roads fragment habitats, degrade water quality, and reduce the availability of medicinal and edible plants. They do weaken ecological integrity as well as cultural survival [Abdullah et al., 2019].\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe Indonesian Constitution recognizes \u003cem\u003eMasyarakat Adat\u003c/em\u003e. Nevertheless, applying this acceptance remains erratic. The Inner Baduy are facing an increasing number of pressures coming from unregulated eco-tourism, an encroachment of infrastructure, and commercial interests involved in the commodification of their culture (Khairani et al., 2024). These pressures affect the Inner Baduy, who eschew external contact along with technological advancements. Settlements grow, cellular towers go up, and roads appear near the \u003cem\u003eLeuweung Titipan\u003c/em\u003e (sacred forest), polluting water sources, disturbing wildlife corridors, and disrupting ritual boundaries (Patana et al., 2025). Marketers perform cultural performances as well as craft artisanal works more frequently without communities consent, thereby stripping these practices of their spiritual importance while reinforcing extractive tourism\u0026apos;s dynamics (Ichsan et al., 2022; Peluso \u0026amp; Vandergeest, 2001; Nasution et al., 2025).\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"3. Methodology","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e3.1 Research design and philosophical orientation\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn this study, a multi-sited ethnographic research design was utilized to conduct a comparative analysis of indigenous ecological knowledge and biodiversity stewardship among three forest-dependent communities. These communities were the Batek, located in Pahang National Park in Malaysia; the Semaq Beri, located in Kenyir Lake in Malaysia; and the Baduy, located in Banten, Indonesia. The research was conducted using a constructivist-interpretivist epistemology (Guba \u0026amp; Lincoln, 1994). It emphasizes the fact that meaning and knowledge are co-created through the course of cultural experience and conversation.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eEthnography was chosen as the primary methodology since the transfer of indigenous knowledge occurs through oral traditions, ritual activities, and lived relationships with nature. Ethnography is particularly adept at revealing the emplaced, symbolic, and performative dimensions of ecological knowledge systems. The comparative method facilitated the discovery of similarities and differences in cultural-ecological systems across various geographic and socio-political contexts.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e3.2 Field sites and participant selection\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFieldwork was conducted from May 2024 to May 2025 for 12 months. The chosen field areas reflect three biologically interconnected indigenous populations that, while culturally unique, depend on forest environments for their spiritual sustenance and socio-cultural needs. These were (i) the Batek community, renowned for its ecological ethics rooted in mobility, animistic cosmology, and foraging, located in Pahang National Park, Pahang (Malaysia); (ii) the Semaq Beri community, a resettled group situated near Kenyir Lake, Terengganu (Malaysia), adjacent to the forest. They must reconcile traditional behaviors with external socio-economic demands; and (iii) The Baduy community is an example of an inland agrarian civilization. It is situated in the province of Banten in Indonesia. The \u003cem\u003epikukuh\u003c/em\u003e, which is a rigorous customary law that specifies environmental and social conduct, dictates how it should be conducted.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTo interview 35 individuals from all the locations, purposive sampling was utilized. Participants were chosen for participation based on their ability to provide explanations regarding forest activities, cultural roles, and ecological knowledge that must be respected. Elders, those who forage in the woods, traditional healers (\u003cem\u003edukun and bomoh\u003c/em\u003e), and respected members of the community were all included. The incorporation of ritual specialists was also included. There were 15 people from the Batek village, 10 from the Semaq Beri community, and 10 from the Baduy community who participated in the study. Additionally, the sampling strategy was designed to facilitate comparisons between different generations as well as between different roles, accounting for differences in age and gender where appropriate.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e3.3 Data collection methods\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe study used four interrelated ethnographic techniques because they ensured depth through data triangulation.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e3.3.1 Participant observation\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe researcher conducted extensive participant observation in each community, engaging in daily activities including foraging excursions, spiritual ceremonies, healing rituals, food preparation, and community decision-making. The observational notes concentrated on techniques involving environmental contact, including verbal exchanges and spatial navigation. The notes were created as a result of observation. Reflexive recordings documented the researcher\u0026apos;s positionality and evolving interpretations.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e3.3.2 Semi-structured interviews\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eResearchers conducted 35 semi-structured interviews utilizing a flexible and open-ended interview guide tailored to local conditions. The transmission of ecological knowledge encompassed fundamental issues such as land-use zoning, ceremonial prohibitions, knowledge of medicinal plants, utilization of forest resources, and experiences of environmental change. Researchers conducted interviews in local languages using qualified interpreters where necessary, audio-recorded them (with consent), transcribed the recordings, and translated them into English.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e3.3.3 Focus group discussions (FGDs)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFocus group discussions were conducted at each site. The objective was to facilitate collective reflection and enhance group dynamics. Each focus group discussion comprised five to eight people. Participants originated from elders, youth, or women\u0026apos;s organizations, contingent upon the cultural context. Concerning holy forest regions, rituals, and landscape alteration, these debates facilitated the examination of collective memory, contested values, and methods of social consensus.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e3.4 Data management and analysis\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAll qualitative data, including interview transcripts, field notes, and visual materials, were administered utilizing NVivo 12 software. Thematic analysis was conducted in three stages. Initially, open coding was employed to identify significant behaviors, phrases, and symbols. Second, axial coding categorized analogous codes into overarching themes such as \u0026quot;sacred ecology,\u0026quot; \u0026quot;ritual restriction,\u0026quot; \u0026quot;knowledge erosion,\u0026quot; and \u0026quot;external threat response.\u0026quot; Selective coding synthesized predominant patterns across communities to develop grounded, theory-based interpretations.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBoth the intra-site analysis conducted within each community and the inter-community analysis conducted across all three communities were carried out in a comprehensive manner. This led to the identification of cultural practices that were distinct from one another. Furthermore, common motifs have emerged in the areas of ecological ethics, ritual zoning, and the transfer of knowledge when specific pressures have been applied.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e3.5 Ethical considerations\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe Universiti Teknologi MARA (UiTM) Research Ethics Committee gave ethical approval for the study. All research activities adhered to the principles outlined within Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC). They also confirmed the global ethical standards in research involving Indigenous Peoples (Dzuranin, Shortridge, \u0026amp; Smith, 2013).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eInformed consent was obtained both orally and in writing, as the study\u0026apos;s goal, procedures, voluntary nature, and anonymity protocols were fully articulated. Participants retained the right to withdraw at any moment. Validation of findings was sought through member-checking meetings at each site, with community leaders and gatekeepers contacted throughout all phases of the research.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe study team facilitated ethical reciprocity by supplying paper versions of computerized maps. They furthermore supplied culturally suitable medical provisions alongside environmental education resources co-created with local authorities. The results are presented in a more accessible format. This version is also disseminated to each community in their language.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"4. Findings and Discussion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis section delineates and analyzes the principal findings derived from anthropological research conducted among the Batek, Semaq Beri, and Baduy communities from May 2024 to May 2025 (Pahang National Park, Kenyir Lake, Banten). The results revealed four interrelated themes based on participant observation, interviews, focus group discussions, and participatory mapping: (1) forest resource utilization and livelihood practices, (2) sacred ecology and ritual zoning, (3) informal ecological education and knowledge transmission, and (4) perceived environmental change and external threats. The examination of the results has been informed by literature on biodiversity conservation, indigenous governance, and TEK.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe material that is now available frequently concentrates on the effects of development on Malaysian indigenous people or the stresses imposed by ecotourism on Indonesia\u0026apos;s Baduy group. This study suggests common concerns for Southeast Asia by examining both environments and identifying analogous threats that threaten indigenous administration.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e4.1 Forest resource use and livelihood practices\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn all three communities, their livelihood choices and land-use decisions are shaped by strong local links to forest ecosystems. The Batek in Taman Negara rely on a seasonal foraging economy. The emphasis is on wild tubers such as Dioscorea spp., forest honey, rattan, and medicinal herbs. Ecological rhythms govern their foraging paths, and customary prohibitions are observed accordingly. For example, they abstain from extraction during times of spiritual importance. These investigations highlighted the intricacy of Orang Asli foraging systems and their ecological vulnerability (Tedong et al., 2022; Abdullah et al., 2019). In addition, foraging for medicinal herbs are done by the elders with the children accompanying them. This is to ensure that the knowledge of the forest is passed down to the younger generation. During a trail walking sessin with the Batek, they showed numerous plants that can be used to treat cold and cough. In addition, a young Batek showed a tuber which he called \u0026ldquo;ubi babi\u0026rdquo; or pig tuber, and explained that the reason being they have to dig very deep extract the tuber which they hardly do now but they still know how to find them. In addition, a Batek elder said he would teach the children about the herbs despite the availability of the village clinics.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;I will bring the children along when I go into the forest to look for medicinal herbs. If I do not do this, they will forget or will not know which plants can help heal some illness. Now, they like to go to the clinic\u0026rdquo; Tok Batin 1, Batek Village\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eNotwithstanding their resettlement, the Semaq Beri tribe persists in pursuing access to the woodlands adjacent to Kenyir Lake. Participants noted that forest excursions remain essential for nutrition, medicinal supplies, and money, although tourism development and hydrological alterations have increasingly limited access. These illustrate how state-directed relocation and park management strategies inhibit Orang Asli livelihoods by marginalizing traditional subsistence techniques (Nicholas, 2000).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eOther models differ from the Baduy community. It is firmly rooted in spiritual governance. The Inner Baduy reject commercial agriculture, hunting, and extractive industries, opting instead for self-sufficient swidden cultivation and devotion to customary law (\u003cem\u003epikukuh\u003c/em\u003e). Access to sacred forests like \u003cem\u003eLeuweung Titipan\u003c/em\u003e is governed by a regulated land zoning system that enables these practices. This technique illustrates a successful example of spiritually guided ecological management that maintains cultural integrity while protecting biodiversity, as detailed in (Khairani et al., 2024).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;When we want to plant the paddy, we need to understand and follow the guidelines provided by the elders. They have studied our customs and know when is the right moment to plant. If we deviate from the dates that they give, we will not be getting a good harvest\u0026rdquo; Baduy Male 1\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Each family has his own designated land area for them to work on. However, the size of the land differs from one family to the other. However, we still work within the boundary that has been set by our customs\u0026rdquo; Baduy Male 2\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eComparative studies with Indonesian tribes such as the Baduy are still missing, despite the fact that earlier research on the Orang Asli has focused on species recognition and survival tactics. \u0026nbsp;Our research adds to the body of knowledge on the livelihoods of indigenous communities by highlighting the distinctions between the Batek\u0026apos;s forest collecting activities and the Baduy\u0026apos;s spiritually centred customs.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e4.2 Sacred ecology and ritual zoning\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAll three communities possess land zoning systems that are fundamentally dependent on ritual; this is a key finding. These techniques preserve land both informally and with considerable efficacy. The Batek and Semaq Beri regard sacred groves, spirit-infused rivers, and ancestral tree stands as prohibited areas based on their animistic beliefs. Transgressing these domains may result in illness, misfortune, or spiritual retribution, as per a belief system that serves as cultural enforcement.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe concept of \u0026quot;sacred ecology\u0026quot; aligns with cosmological beliefs that have tangible ecological results. Sanctified habitats frequently align with regions of significant ecological importance (Gavin et al., 2018). These regions encompass old-growth forests, wildlife corridors, and salt licks. Participatory mapping efforts demonstrated a continuous collective awareness of their locations and borders, although government records have not delineated these areas.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;We will not build our village near the congruents of rivers. It is not good as the congruents of rivers is where the \u0026lsquo;good wind\u0026rsquo; and the \u0026lsquo;bad wind\u0026rsquo; meet. These could result in bad luck to the village. We will bulit near the river but not at the mouth of the river\u0026rdquo; Batek Male 1\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;When we want to cut down trees for shelter, we listen to our feelings. Sometimes when we feel that the wood or the tree is not good or have bad \u0026lsquo;wind\u0026rsquo;, we will not cut it. If we do, then our family will fall sick\u0026rdquo; Batek Male 2\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe Baduy community formalizes a zoning model through \u003cem\u003epikukuh\u003c/em\u003e. \u003cem\u003eLeuweung titipan\u003c/em\u003e is their strictly protected sacred forest, \u003cem\u003eleuweung kolot\u003c/em\u003e is an ancient still functional forest, and \u003cem\u003ehuma\u003c/em\u003e refers to swidden fields. A multi-layered governance system has been established, reinforced by ceremonial observances, social norms, and moral consequences that uphold these categories. This system, when formally acknowledged, aligns with research on customary land tenure in Indonesia, emphasizing sustainable forest management (Ichsan et al., 2022).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;We tried to plant the paddy outside the designated dates given to us. What happened after that is strange. We did not get good harvest. There were a lot of insects attacks on the field. It was terrible. After that, we always adhere to the guidelines\u0026rdquo; Baduy Male 2\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis study highlights regional variations in sacred ecology by demonstrating that ritual zoning is a paradigm of collaborative ecological governance that occurs in both Malaysia and Indonesia. Previous research on Malaysia\u0026apos;s holy woods has mostly concentrated on the Orang Asli cosmology individually.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e4.3 Informal ecological education and knowledge transmission\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eEcological knowledge is mostly conveyed through informal experiential learning across all three populations. Among the Batek, children are permitted to accompany elders into the forest at a young age to learn plant identification, watch animal behavior, and absorb spiritual teachings through storytelling. This aligns with their argument regarding its role in education. Nevertheless, within the Semaq Beri community, resettlement and youth mobility have progressively disrupted the transfer of knowledge. Interviews with younger participants indicated a lack of familiarity with forest species, a pattern corroborated by the observation that only a small percentage of Orang Asli youth could identify medicinal plants recognized by their grandparents (Abdullah et al., 2021b) However, with the Batek, the younger generations are taught about the ways of the forest. Although they may not be as good as their elders, but they have the knowledge and continue to learn.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;My dad taught me about plants and herbs and also the forest paths. But there are times when I was lost in the jungle and took me a few days to find my way back to the village. But I am learning\u0026rdquo; Batek Youth 1\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe Baduy, particularly the Inner Baduy, have preserved a robust internal education system rooted in ritual and oral transmission. Ecological roles emerge from communal efforts and ritualistic cycles. Moral teachings are conveyed in this manner. Despite the system\u0026apos;s robustness, its continuity is increasingly jeopardized by digital technologies and tourism in Outer Baduy. In an observation during the \u003cem\u003epadi huma\u003c/em\u003e (hill paddy) ceremonial land breaking, a few of the Outer Baduy children, aged between four to six years old were kept busy by watching videos on a smartphone. This was to ensure that they would not disturbed the adults at work. In addition, at the beginning of the study period, digital payment system were not available at the Outer Baduy stalls. However, at the end of the study, most of the stalls have started using QRIS, Indonesia\u0026rsquo;s digital payment system.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ePrior research has mostly focused on the knowledge gap among Orang Asli groups that have been uprooted. This study emphasises the resilience and fragility of knowledge transmission over generations by drawing comparisons to the oral and ritualistic education system of the Baduy, a factor that has not gotten as much attention in cross-cultural TEK literature.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e4.4 Perceived environmental changes and external threats\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eParticipants indicated evident indicators of environmental degradation in all three villages, frequently associated with foreign development initiatives. The Batek and Semaq Beri expressed concern due to the diminished availability of wild resources, as they observed a decrease in wildlife sightings and a reduction in foraging territories. Road building, forestry, and tourism development have precipitated changes that align with broader critiques regarding development-induced displacement and conservation injustice across Malaysia (Aditya \u0026amp; Al-Fatih, 2023; Nicholas, 2000). However, the Batek in Taman Negara live in a protected area, the National Park, hence their territory is rather safe and allow them to hunt and forage without having the need to obtain any hunting licence from the management of the park. Nonetheless, they are very concerned with illegal poachers who according to them are very dangerous.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eElders in the Baduy region voiced concern over the depletion of wood in buffer zones and the rising presence of visitors and urban commodities in Outer Baduy. These invasions appear to represent both spiritual concerns and ecological disruptions, since they illustrate the interconnections between cosmological and environmental systems.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe material that is now available frequently concentrates on the effects of development on Malaysian indigenous people or the stresses imposed by ecotourism on Indonesia\u0026apos;s Baduy group. This study suggests common concerns for Southeast Asia by examining both environments and identifying analogous threats that threaten indigenous administration.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"5. Conclusion","content":"\u003cp\u003eFrom a theoretical standpoint, this research enhances the wider discussion surrounding indigenous ecological knowledge by highlighting that TEK serves not only as a means of survival but also as a method of environmental governance grounded in cosmology, ritual spaces, and relational ontology. Through the examination of the Batek, Semaq Beri, and Baduy communities, this research broadens the theories related to commons governance and sacred ecology, illustrating how spiritual and cultural institutions act as alternative frameworks for biodiversity conservation. This comparative approach deepens theoretical insights by situating indigenous governance within a transnational context, underscoring its significance not just for local practices but also for global conversations regarding sustainable development.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIndigenous environmental initiatives are not merely local traditions but also dynamic, adaptable frameworks. This study represents ecological intelligence, cultural memory, and ethical stewardship. Cultural resilience and biodiversity conservation are interconnected ideas. All three communities exhibit spiritual zoning systems, seasonal knowledge, and intergenerational transmission. These societies face threats such as land appropriation and tourism pressure, highlighting the vulnerabilities of these systems in the face of external developmental agendas. The literature emphasizes the integration of TEK into conservation research; nevertheless, the study indicates that legal acknowledgment, community leadership, and cultural respect are also essential.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFuture conservation methods must transcend technological solutions and incorporate relational ideas that emphasize indigenous viewpoints. This includes planners for identifying holy woods in spatial frameworks, advocates for indigenous educational institutions and ecological curricula, and developers for creating co-governance models that respect both customary law and biodiversity objectives. Indigenous knowledge can serve as a foundational element, rather than only an adjunct to science, for ethical and sustainable environmental stewardship.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations ","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eFunding\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003eThis research was funded under the International Strategic Research Partnership (SRP) grant scheme between Universitas Indonesia, Indonesia, and Universiti Teknologi MARA (UiTM) Selangor Branch, Malaysia (RMI File No.: 600-TNCPI 5/3/DDN (10) (003/2024)) and Universitas Indonesia, Depok, Indonesia, through Grant No S-2781/UN2.F7.D/HKP.05.01/2024.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eEthics and Disclosures\u003c/strong\u003e The ethical approval for this study was obtained from the Universiti Teknologi MARA (UiTM) Research Ethics Committee. All procedures performed in this study involving human participants were in accordance with institutional and international ethical standards. Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) was obtained from all informants prior to data collection. Participants were voluntary and had the right to withdraw at any time.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eCompeting interest\u003c/strong\u003e The authors declare no competing interests.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eAbdullah, M. F., Othman, A., Edo, J., \u0026amp; Jani, R. (2019). Multidimensional poverty index of marginalized Orang Asli in Terengganu, Malaysia. Pertanika Journal of Social Sciences \u0026amp; Humanities, 27(2).\u0026nbsp;\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eAbdullah, M. F., Othman, A., Jani, R., Edo, J., \u0026amp; Abdullah, M. T. (2021a). Socio-economic development and sustainable livelihood of the Orang Asli. In Resource use and sustainability of Orang Asli: Indigenous communities in Peninsular Malaysia (pp. 201\u0026ndash;214).\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eAbdullah, M. F., Pesiu, E., Noor, M. I. 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Non-timber forest as an alternative economic survival for indigenous community in Terengganu, Malaysia: A case study of rattan. \u003cem\u003eP\u003c/em\u003e\u003cem\u003elanning Malaysia, 22\u003c/em\u003e.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":false,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"human-ecology","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"huec","sideBox":"Learn more about [Human Ecology](http://link.springer.com/journal/10745)","snPcode":"10745","submissionUrl":"https://submission.nature.com/new-submission/10745/3","title":"Human Ecology","twitterHandle":"","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":true,"editorialSystem":"em","reportingPortfolio":"Springer Hybrid","inReviewEnabled":true,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":false},"keywords":"Indigenous ecological knowledge (TEK), Biodiversity stewardship, Scared ecology, Environmental governance, Cultural ecology","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-9236806/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-9236806/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"Indigenous ecological knowledge faces escalating threats from environmental degradation, cultural loss, and external development pressures, despite its crucial role in sustaining livelihoods, protecting biodiversity, and enhancing community resilience. This study indicates that customary practices govern the management of natural landscapes among the forest-dwelling communities of Southeast Asia. Fieldwork was conducted among the Batek tribe in Taman Negara, Pahang, as well as the Semaq Beri near Kenyir Lake, Terengganu, and the Baduy tribe in Banten, Indonesia. Ethnographic methodologies elucidate forest resource utilization, informal ecological education, and medicinal knowledge within the study. Research indicates that forest-derived resources governed by rituals serve as vital cultural and economic lifelines. The Batek and Semaq Beri utilize natural resources for sustenance and informal commerce. Nonetheless, the Baduy emphasize the maintenance of spiritual forests guided by pikukuh, a customary law that upholds restricted preservation systems. These behaviors demonstrate how indigenous knowledge serves as an environmental service by facilitating the sustainable utilization of biodiversity. The study promotes the establishment of policy frameworks. The frameworks must integrate indigenous ecological systems into community-based eco-tourism and biodiversity conservation, as this knowledge is essential for inclusive and sustainable environmental governance.","manuscriptTitle":"Indigenous Practices and Biodiversity Stewardship: Comparative Insights from Malaysia and Indonesia","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2026-05-15 05:40:53","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-9236806/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"82829424687488725059985702855207607330","date":"2026-05-11T03:59:07+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewersInvited","content":"","date":"2026-05-06T03:40:01+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorAssigned","content":"","date":"2026-04-01T07:25:20+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"checksComplete","content":"","date":"2026-04-01T07:24:28+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"submitted","content":"Human Ecology","date":"2026-03-26T17:01:09+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"human-ecology","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"huec","sideBox":"Learn more about [Human Ecology](http://link.springer.com/journal/10745)","snPcode":"10745","submissionUrl":"https://submission.nature.com/new-submission/10745/3","title":"Human Ecology","twitterHandle":"","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":true,"editorialSystem":"em","reportingPortfolio":"Springer Hybrid","inReviewEnabled":true,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":false}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"4e34c09b-5b2a-4063-85d5-c2fa12157bf8","owner":[],"postedDate":"May 15th, 2026","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"82829424687488725059985702855207607330","date":"2026-05-11T03:59:07+00:00","index":12,"fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewersInvited","content":"4","date":"2026-05-06T03:40:01+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""}],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"under-review","subjectAreas":[],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2026-05-15T05:40:53+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2026-05-15 05:40:53","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-9236806","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-9236806","identity":"rs-9236806","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"XKTyCvWXoU3ODBz1xrDgd","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}