Digital Wounds: The Coping Experiences of Adolescent Girls Exposed to Snuff Videos Online

Digital Wounds: The Coping Experiences of Adolescent Girls Exposed to Snuff Videos Online | Research Square window.SnipcartSettings = { analytics: { enabled: false } }; (function() { var accessVector = localStorage.getItem('access_vector') || ''; window.dataLayer = window.dataLayer || []; if (accessVector) { window.dataLayer.push({ user: { profile: { profileInfo: { snid: accessVector } } } }); } })(); (function(w,d,s,l,i){w[l]=w[l]||[];w[l].push({'gtm.start':new Date().getTime(),event:'gtm.js'});var f=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],j=d.createElement(s),dl=l!='dataLayer'?'&l='+l:'';j.async=true;j.src='https://www.googletagmanager.com/gtm.js?id='+i+dl;f.parentNode.insertBefore(j,f);})(window,document,'script','dataLayer','GTM-K279D39R'); Browse Preprints In Review Journals COVID-19 Preprints AJE Video Bytes Research Tools Research Promotion AJE Professional Editing AJE Rubriq About Preprint Platform In Review Editorial Policies Our Team Advisory Board Help Center Sign In Submit a Preprint Cite Share Download PDF Research Article Digital Wounds: The Coping Experiences of Adolescent Girls Exposed to Snuff Videos Online Michal Dolev-Cohen, Polet Kakun, Bar Toizner This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-6941022/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Published Journal Publication published 09 Feb, 2026 Read the published version in Child and Adolescent Social Work Journal → Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract Following the terrorist attack of October 7, 2023, Israeli social media platforms were inundated with uncensored, violent “snuff” videos. Adolescent girls, already sensitive to peer norms and community belonging, found themselves exposed to severe, distressing content. This study aimed to explore their emotional experiences, coping strategies, and perceptions of adult support following exposure to these traumatic online materials. A qualitative phenomenological approach was employed. Fifteen Israeli girls, aged 15–18, who had viewed war-related snuff videos on social networks, were interviewed in-depth. Interviews were recorded, transcribed, and thematically analyzed. Results: The analysis revealed four central themes: (1) Ubiquitous exposure, wherein participants felt unable to avoid violent content; (2) Intense emotional and physiological responses, including fear, horror, shivering, and vomiting, suggesting traumatic stress reactions; (3) Coping strategies and resilience, as some participants ceased viewing voluntarily or with external intervention, sought peer support, and gradually regained a sense of control; and (4) The perceived role of significant adults, with participants noting that parents and educators were sometimes emotionally unavailable due to their own distress. The lack of open dialogue and the reliance on restrictive measures rather than meaningful guidance led to frustration and unmet emotional needs. The findings highlight the importance of preventative conversations, supportive adult involvement, and the development of non-intrusive coping strategies to mitigate the harmful effects of online violent content on vulnerable youth populations. Snuff videos Adolescent Girls Violent content Internet Social media Coping strategies Introduction The rapid rise of social media has transformed how children and adolescents experience the world, granting them unprecedented access to both positive and potentially harmful content. During adolescence, peer groups have significant importance, and adolescents turn to social networks to communicate with friends and meet new ones (Antheunis et al., 2016 ). Social media enables adolescents to create direct or indirect interactions with a broader network of people outside their immediate peer group (de Felice et al., 2022 ), connections that are not bound by time or place, allowing them to feel close to anyone at any moment (Antheunis et al., 2016 ). As adolescents use social networks more frequently and acquire greater digital skills, however, they benefit from more opportunities but are also exposed to greater risks (Zilka, 2021 ). Adolescents are at higher risk of excessive use of social networks than adults, as they have greater difficulty controlling impulses and behavior because of their developmental stage (Best et al., 2014 ; O'Keeffe & Clarke-Pearson, 2011 ). The permanent availability of information on social media heightens the need, desire, and opportunity to know what others are doing and saying at all times, fostering a psychological dependence on being constantly connected to social networks while trying to fulfill the need to belong, which manifests as frequent and impulsive checking of these platforms (Joshi et al., 2023 ). During adolescence, individuals undergo profound cognitive, emotional, and social development that shapes how they perceive and respond to media content, including violent imagery. The adolescent brain is still maturing, particularly in areas responsible for executive functions such as impulse control, emotional regulation, and risk assessment (Casey et al., 2008 ). As a result, adolescents are often less adept than adults at critically evaluating and contextualizing what they see online, including distinguishing between reality and fiction (Papapicco et al., 2022 ). In addition, their heightened sensitivity to peer influence (Irani et al., 2024 ), coupled with an increased desire for social acceptance, can intensify the emotional impact of distressing content. These developmental factors not only increase adolescents’ vulnerability to harm from violent media but also influence their coping strategies (Franco & Boniel-Nissim, 2024 ), as they may lack the cognitive tools and emotional resilience to process and mitigate the effects of exposure. Snuff films on social networks While browsing social networks, children and teenagers are exposed to content that is not age-appropriate, as the Internet has broken the boundaries set by monitoring and censorship that used to exist regarding access to such content (Reid Chassiakos et al., 2016 ). The increase in news consumption on social networks leads to extensive exposure of youths to “snuff films”—video clips documenting real deaths, intentional murders, or unplanned fatal events. Unlike fictional films using special effects to depict violence and death, snuff films present actual cases where people lose their lives (Kerekes & Slater, 2016 ). The term “snuff” was coined in the 1970s, following Michael and Roberta Findlay's film, Snuff (1976), which spread the idea that the film included the documentation of a real murder. Although the production was actually a hoax, it succeeded in embedding the term in public and cultural consciousness (Kerekes & Slater, 2016 ). With the emergence of the Internet, in the 1990s, and the strengthening of social networks and online forums in the early 2000s, the propagation of snuff films became more common and the content more accessible. Online platforms allowed users to distribute and share content anonymously, which led to a rapid expansion of the phenomenon (Dilipraj, 2014 ). The motivation for creating and distributing snuff films is varied, including provocation, satisfying impulses, and potential financial gain, with some creators and distributors driven by sadistic impulses and pleasure derived from the violence itself (Cocking & Van den Hoven, 2018 ). In many countries, the distribution and possession of snuff films are considered criminal offenses, but the enforcement of these laws can be challenging because of the anonymity inherent in the network (Cocking & Van den Hoven, 2018 ). These videos also serve as a way to spread terror and fear, especially when distributed by terrorist groups (Jackson & Gouseti, 2016 ). Indeed, the use of snuff films by terrorist organizations has increased. For example, Al-Qaeda boasted of its capabilities by spreading snuff films of murder cases to demonstrate power based on extreme terror (Venkatesh et al., 2020 ). The terrorist organization ISIS also documented executions and distributed these videos on the network without censorship (Shehabat et al., 2017 ). Exposure to snuff films may have various effects such as increased heart rate and sweating, and may elicit emotional responses like fear and anxiety (Martin, 2019 ). Yet, there is also a phenomenon defined as fear enjoyment or a paradoxical attraction to horror content, despite its ability to evoke negative emotions (Martin, 2019 ; Lin et al., 2018 ). Additionally, from a psychological perspective, the consumption of violent media can affect individuals’ behavior and attitudes, which may manifest as insensitivity to violence, increased aggression, or distorted perceptions of reality resulting from prolonged exposure to violent imagery (Nayar-Akhtar, 2016 ). Furthermore, exposure to graphic and traumatic media images may contribute to the development or exacerbation of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms (Silver et al., 2013 ). PTSD elicits an anxiety response to a traumatic event, causing suffering, and affects individuals’ daily routines and quality of life (American Psychiatric Association, 1998 ). Individual background characteristics, such as demographic factors, mental health conditions, and socioeconomic status influence vulnerability and the likelihood of experiencing PTSD symptoms in response to exposure to violent content. Additional factors include physical proximity to the traumatic event, loss of loved ones, involvement in rescue efforts, and more. All these point to the complex interconnections between media exposure, personal characteristics, and trauma (Ahern et al, 2004 ). A study conducted following two significant traumatic events, the September 11 attacks and the Iraq War, examined the immediate consequences of exposure to media coverage during this period for people’s mental and physical health. The findings revealed that exposure to media images of the September 11 attacks and the Iraq War was associated with increased symptoms of depression, acute stress disorder, and PTSD. There was a clear correlation between increased exposure to media coverage of traumatic events and physical health symptoms, such as difficulty breathing. The study also found that people who avoided consuming media coverage of the events experienced fewer mental and physical health symptoms. The study concluded that there was a need to raise awareness about the potential harm of exposure to media coverage presenting traumatic events to viewers' mental and physical health (Silver et al., 2013 ). Post-traumatic symptoms in adolescents may include intrusive thoughts or memories, avoidance behaviors, hyperarousal, and emotional numbness, as well as disruption of daily functioning and wellbeing. Likewise, demographic characteristics, previous exposure to trauma, the availability or absence of social support networks, and other factors also influence adolescents' responses to traumatic events (Laufer & Solomon, 2006 ). A study examining the psychological implications of war on Israeli adolescents found that approximately 14% of 2,314 respondents suffered from mild-to-severe post-traumatic distress. In addition to direct exposure to missile attacks and knowing people who were harmed, watching news coverage was also linked to the psychological distress experienced by adolescents (Lavi et al., 2013 ). Difficult life circumstances and crisis periods, however, affect different people in different ways, and coping mechanisms may vary from person to person. This is how adolescents exposed to terrorism, political conflict, or war experience such situations (Shoshani & Slone, 2016 ). Studies also indicate that girls show higher levels of activity on social networks than boys (Rideout et al., 2010 ) and that they experience a higher level of vulnerability than boys (Savoia et al., 2021 ). At the same time, women and girls generally report higher levels of fear and anxiety than men, and tend to express greater anxiety and fear while watching horror films than boys and men. This difference may be partly explained by women’s typically higher sensitivity to disgust and a greater tendency toward anxiety, which are interconnected (Krusemark & Li, 2011 ). Women also report higher levels of empathetic concern than men, which may serve as another explanatory factor (Martin, 2019 ). In light of the above, it is important to focus on the subjective viewing experience of adolescent girls and their coping with exposure to snuff films that are becoming more accessible on social networks. What began as a marginal phenomenon in the 1970s appears to have become lately a mass propaganda tool in the hands of terrorist organizations that exploit their ability to disseminate uncensored content depicting extreme violence and cruelty on social networks (Shehabat et al., 2017 ). Moreover, girls may be more sensitive and reactive to disturbing online content than boys(Ševcˇíková et al., 2015 ). Therefore, the present study examined adolescent girls’ emotional experience of exposure to online snuff films and the implications of viewing such violent content, alongside sources of resilience in coping with snuff films. The importance of the study lies in the need to devise preventive and therapeutic measures by significant adults in an era when wars and injurious videos are being streamed live on the Internet. Methods Research paradigm The present study employs a qualitative phenomenological approach. Qualitative research enables researchers to give voice to participants' experiences, as they occur within their lived realities, and reveal their personal perspectives (Creswell & Poth, 2016 ). Phenomenological studies explore phenomena and examine their meanings (Kvale & Brinkmann, 2015 ). The focus on participants' narratives allows an unbiased perspective, enabling researchers to understand the experience from the participants' first-person point of view, as described by them (Sokolowski, 2000 ). The present study examined the phenomenon of adolescent girls' exposure to snuff videos online from their own perspectives. Using a qualitative methodology, the study gained an in-depth understanding of the adolescents' internal world, their interpretations, and their coping strategies in response to the experience of watching snuff videos online. Sample and research procedure The study included 15 Israeli girls aged 15–18. The inclusion criterion was adolescent girls who had watched violent videos from the war in Israel that broke out on October 7th. On October 7, 2023, Hamas and other Palestinian militant groups carried out a coordinated armed assault from the Gaza Strip on southern Israel, marking the beginning of a lengthy and devastating conflict (Dopelt & Houminer-Klepar, 2024 ). This unprecedented attack, one of the deadliest in modern history in the number of fatalities, inflicted widespread trauma across the Israeli population. Over 1,100 civilians, soldiers, and foreign nationals were killed, and 248 individuals, including infants, children, women, and the elderly, were abducted to Gaza. Thousands of civilians sustained injuries, and many were subjected to horrific acts of torture and sexual violence (Peleg & Gendelman, 2023 ; Katsoty et al., 2024 ). Adding to the brutality, the perpetrators recorded their atrocities and disseminated the footage widely on social media platforms (Katsoty et al., 2024 ). Study participants were recruited by various methods based on their age. Adolescents under 18 (n = 10) were contacted through their parents. Participants over 18 were approached directly, either through personal contact or acquaintances. After a candidate was identified and agreed to participate, an interview date was scheduled; 8 interviews were conducted face-to-face and 7 over Zoom. In total, 16 interviews were conducted but one adolescent decided after the interview that she did not want to be included in the research, and her participation was stopped. The sample was not designed to be representative of a larger population or to support broad generalizations. Rather, our goal was to explore the nature and complexity of individual experiences (Patton, 2002 ). For underage participants, initial contact was made with their parents. In a phone conversation, the researchers explained the objectives of the study, its nature, ethical considerations, and the conditions of the interview. Parents provided informed consent, and the interviews proceeded after they agreed to record, transcribe, and use the conversation only for research purposes. For participants over 18 (n = 5), the objectives and conditions were similarly explained to them directly, and their consent was obtained. Before beginning the interviews, each participant was informed of the purpose of the interview, its anonymous nature, and that it would be used exclusively for research purposes. The interviews lasted between 1-1.5 hours. They were conducted in Hebrew, recorded, fully transcribed, and analyzed thematically. Data processing and reliability Upon completing the data collection, the data wеre processed in three stages. First, each interview was read in its entirety to gain a holistic and coherent understanding of the participant's perspective. Second, the text was reread and portions were categorized into meaningful units, based on personal interpretation. Recurring ideas and phrases that formed themes were identified (Giorgi, 2012 ; Spinelli, 2005 ). In the third stage, these themes were structurally organized, refined, clarified, and validated. This process led to a detailed understanding of how adolescent girls perceived their exposure to online snuff videos, which was incorporated into the overall study findings. To enhance the trustworthiness of the study, we conducted member checking after data collection, asking participants to provide further clarification, details, and examples of their experiences and perceptions (Morse, 2015 ). The interviews produced genuine and detailed descriptions of the phenomenon under investigation. The findings were supported with interview excerpts and compared with prior research in the field, which added to the credibility of the study. To reduce biases in interpreting the data, the research team engaged in discussions about the findings, contributing to the reliability of the results (Connelly, 2016 ; Cope, 2013 ). Additionally, we documented the analysis process and conducted peer debriefing, further enhancing reliability (Nowell et al., 2017 ). Thematic saturation was achieved when no new information emerged, which determined the sample size (Guest et al., 2006 ). After the 13th interview, no new topics emerged. Ethics The interviews were conducted with the informed consent of both the adolescents and their parents, who signed consent forms. During the preliminary discussion, participants were explicitly informed that they could choose which questions they wished to answer and could refuse any questions if they felt uncomfortable or for any other reason. They were also told that they could stop the interview at any point without any repercussions and could withdraw their participation even after the interview was completed. All names, personal details, and other identifying information provided by the girls were kept strictly confidential, and any details that could potentially identify participants were disguised. We strove to create a sensitive and careful dialogue, grounded in empathy and ethical care. The study was approved by the Institutional Ethics Committee. Findings The purpose of the present study was to examine the viewing experience of adolescent girls exposed to snuff films of the war in Israel. From the analysis of the interviews, four central themes emerged: (a) the adolescents' encounter with snuff films; (b) the implications of viewing exposure for adolescent girls; (c) coping strategies and student resilience sources following the viewing of snuff films; and (d) perception of the significant adult's role in processing exposure to snuff films. "Excessive excessive excessive:" The adolescents' encounter with snuff films Research participants described the morning of October 7 as a shocking, overwhelming, confusing, and emotionally overflowing event. The effect of the experience was felt by the adolescents during the first period of the war even more intensely, and it was clearly etched deeply in their memory. The participants described how, almost automatically, and immediately after the initial understanding that a war had broken out, they opened their smartphones and saw a flood of messages and real-time alerts about what was happening. One of the girls described the situation: "So many messages. Flooded with messages. Tons. Every existing social network full of alerts, overflowing. Many messages from friends. Are you aware? Did you see what happened? Is everything okay? How are you? How are you doing?" The initial exposure to online content was an overwhelming experience for the adolescents, without boundaries of time and place. They felt they were being drawn into a world of videos and messages sent simultaneously across all social networks. One of the interviewees, for example, indicated: "I simply remember that in the first month I couldn't stop watching [videos] on Telegram. In groups I was following pages to see, every second entering Instagram to see what was happening, and leaving. On TikTok, all TikTok was war ..., okay let's go back to Instagram to see what's happening. From jump to jump." In their experience, the content was so ubiquitous that there was no possibility of not watching; exposure to snuff films on social networks was unavoidable. One of the girls described it this way: "Even if you don't install Telegram and try to watch it directly, you'll see it on TikTok, on Instagram, everywhere... I don't know, on Facebook. It's impossible not to. Everyone saw it." The horror videos that flooded the network evoked overwhelming feelings of fear and terror. Study participants described how their world suddenly turned upside down and they were exposed to multiple contents displaying severe violence on social networks. One of them said: "I saw a picture of a baby who was burned, and you could clearly see everything." The shock was reflected in their words, and it was evident that the emotional experience overwhelmed them during the interview. According to participants, they watched many videos, but mostly indicated that each of them had one video that was deeply etched in their memory. One adolescent described: "Then there was another video, wow, I remember it really well, the hardest one. Of a soldier in uniform who was inside the terrorists' car that I simply don't know how it got to this state... I don't know... They took knives or such things and simply cut his face, his entire face was cuts, something excessive. Excessive excessive excessive. And then they took his body kind of like a doll, because he was already not alive, he was dead." The profound impression that the exposure to these contents left on the adolescents was also related to the degree of violence and cruelty presented in these videos. Social networks allowed uploading difficult-to-watch content in live broadcasts, without censorship or age restrictions, and made the viewing experience of participants unlimited, as they described in their interviews. Severe violence, cruelty, and brutal rape were presented on social networks and massively distributed. They described how they were shocked by the sights on one hand, and continued to watch more and more videos on the other. What remained in their memory from what they saw attested to the depth of the difficult experience: "Wow, I see people's faces. It was completely unfiltered. I think this is what will stick with me forever. I see looks, I see people's eyes." The difficult content that was uploaded on that Saturday flooded not only social networks but also the souls of the participants. Many videos of severe, cruel, and shocking violence were uploaded and sent one after another, making the experience of fear, shock, and horror increasingly tangible for the adolescents. From their statements, it was evident that the depth of shock overwhelmed them and the contents to which they were exposed were etched in their memory and soul. "I started crying and felt nauseated from stress, like a panic attack:" The effects of viewing on adolescents exposed to snuff films online Exposure to snuff films evoked difficult emotions in adolescents such as confusion, fear, and anxiety, as well as physical reactions they struggled to explain in words. They described the emotional storm that overwhelmed them: "Choking. Heaviness on the heart. Like guilt feelings but not guilt feelings. Choking." Another participant said: "Nerves... I was also crying non-stop... It's terrible to think that it's real. It gave me chills." As a result of the exposure and watching the snuff films online, participants experienced uncontrollable physical reactions. The physical expression of their feelings indicates the trauma created by their exposure to this content. The exposure to difficult content, its scope, the dizzying pace of information delivery, and the sheer fear of the war taking place combined and created emotional and physical turmoil inside the girls. One interviewee described her experience: "Wow, let alone mentally—physically, the moment I put down the phone I ran to the bathroom and started vomiting like a psychopath. Really. Trembling and crying and vomiting." According to participants, the experience of watching snuff films was unbearable. In the first days of the war, curiosity and the desire to be up-to-date at every moment outweighed the emotional and physical effects described. After some time, however, an understanding emerged that in hindsight, the participants would have preferred to avoid watching these videos. The understanding that emotional distress caused by exposure to these contents gradually penetrated the adolescents' consciousness. As one interviewee said: "No matter how mentally strong you think you are, or no matter how much you say you can handle it, this is not something one should be exposed to. Even me. No matter that I'm 18 and considered to be a grown-up—in retrospect, I don't think I would want to see these videos. It simply hurts. It's not beneficial. It doesn't help." Some participants described their feelings and thoughts regarding the distant future, revealing that watching snuff films might have implications even for the next generation. They felt unable to predict exactly how the effects of viewing and exposure to online content of extreme violence would manifest in practice: "Even if you don't see it at that moment, you will see it somewhere in the future. If you know it affected you like this, then maybe you won't give your child a phone from a young age or only from adolescence." The interviews revealed that the adolescents' feelings and thoughts have stayed with them since then to this day. The difficulty and complexity of coping with exposure to snuff films online deepened the adolescents' sense that this is a hard, incomprehensible experience, and that the process of coping with and processing this content might take a long time. "I simply said, don't tell me, I don't want to know, I don't want to hear, it makes me feel bad:" Coping strategies and sources of resilience Study participants stated that they were used to consuming diverse content on social networks and occasionally were exposed to content that was unpleasant. Still, the exposure to snuff videos was unbearable. The teenagers themselves, and at times those close to them, appear to have felt the need to proactively stop their exposure to difficult content. Indeed, among the participants were some whose family members or close friends noticed the negative effects of their exposure to snuff videos. They were the ones who set boundaries for the adolescents and even took various practical steps, such as deleting applications on which videos could be viewed or prohibiting access to social networks altogether. One interviewee stated: "I saw it at first out of curiosity and cried a lot... so my boyfriend deleted my Telegram and my father blocked the application." At the same time, some participants reported being afraid that to prevent them from accessing difficult content, their parents would disconnect them from the Internet or disallow smartphone use altogether: "I wasn't worried about not seeing more videos or not being updated, but I was afraid that they would take away my phone because I've heard, I have friends who had their phone taken away for something like a week." Sometimes the initiative to stop watching such content came from the teenagers themselves. For example, one interviewee said: "They start talking about it and I plug my ears and I simply stay silent, I run upstairs. I really ran away from it." Despite immediately disconnecting and blocking content, some participants stated that they were not able to stop being exposed to content at once, but did so gradually. One interviewee described how she proceeded: "Yes, it was, like, already after two or three months, you know, and my psychologist said to me, gave me advice, like, if you see news, see it without sound, so there's less... don't know what she told me, but, like, this way the brain absorbs less or, like, seeing without hearing. And the truth is, it really helped me, like, I saw without sound and then it had less effect on me, the less I heard, less like this... and I can tell you now that since then it faded in me, I'm not watching news, I'm avoiding watching news, I'm not following these Instagram pages and I don't want to see it daily, I don't want to see it in front of my eyes." Three interviewees stated that their way of coping with the viewing experience was to watch together with friends, which reduced the intensity of fear and allowed them to share their feelings and thoughts with each other during viewing, and thus process the experience. As one interviewee said: "When I'm with a friend, I can share and, yes, say like ‘wow’ about things. When I watched the film with my friend, we said, like, 'If we were there, there's no chance...' raising lots of thoughts that when I'm alone I stay silent." The adolescents' statements show that the ability and active choice to stop watching and avoid exposure to such content on networks, either at once or gradually, stemmed from various reasons. Some adolescents managed to mobilize internal strengths and resources, whereas others were dependent to a degree on close people who identified their emotional distress. Nevertheless, almost all of them stopped watching snuff videos and the exposure to such difficult content at one point or another. Stopping the viewing was a significant milestone for them, and they described how it reduced their sense of anxiety and increased their sense of control. As one interviewee stated: "Because I knew how to get a grip on myself. There are people who don't know how to get a grip on themselves and there are people who can't get a grip on themselves because a part of their family was murdered there." The adolescents felt how a sense of chaos and helplessness overwhelmed them. The familiar reality slipped from under their feet, and everything they had known until then changed suddenly and drastically. Despite the emotional difficulty, as time passed, they felt increasingly more convinced that they had the internal resources and strength to gradually internalize the chaotic reality surrounding them. Participants described how they sought strength and reinforcement from various sources in their lives. The immediate family constituted the primary source of such reinforcement. Some adolescents stated that they sought a source of comfort and stability in the pain, difficulty, and terrible sadness, and a confirmation that this was a temporary situation. One interviewee said: "On the afternoon of October 7, my grandmother called me... during that period, not like today, when I thought I would never be able to talk about anything other than the war, we talked about the cookies she had prepared. She told me, listen, when it's over, you'll come eat the cookies... This was very empowering because this sentence of 'when it will end' gave me a feeling that it's going to end... because always an adult is more realistic than a child. Grandmother is also older than mom and dad, so as age increases you think people are more realistic, and then if grandmother has hope, who am I to not have hope?" Alongside the difficult feelings, shock, sadness, and pain, feelings of hope and optimism also emerged from the participants' accounts. They described the efforts they made to stop watching snuff videos online. Some managed to stop watching on their own, whereas others relied on the support of their environment, family, and close friends. The adolescents' accounts also revealed that the desire to live normal lives motivated them to develop their own strengths, internal resources, and positive thinking to cope with the chaotic reality of war in general and with the experience of exposure to snuff videos online in particular. "It feels like they're kind of silencing it:" Perceptions of significant adults' roles regarding exposure to snuff videos online The feelings that overwhelmed the adolescents after broad exposure to snuff videos intensified their need to speak, share, and vent their emotions with significant adults in their lives. They claimed that in their experience, their parents, who themselves were in emotional distress because the videos were flooding the social media during the war, found it difficult to provide the needed emotional response, support their children, and address their difficulties. For example, one interviewee said: "They were busy trying to manage everything while the family was in distress, and I didn't feel comfortable approaching them with yet another difficulty." Participants shared that at the beginning of the war, parents made an effort to protect them and asked them not to watch the videos: "I think they're limiting us and it's not from a bad place, it's to protect us, like, it's okay for us to feel comfortable." Another adolescent stated that parents tried to protect them and prevent them from being exposed to videos because of their fears and anxieties about dealing with video exposure: "For mom, it's harder to watch these things, and then mom really said to stop watching these things and that it's not good, and various such things, she really demanded that we stop watching these things." At the same time, they indicated that in their opinion, there was no need to place technological limitations on children to prevent snuff video exposure because they would be exposed through alternative means. In their view, it was important for parents to explain to children the reasons for not viewing and make them feel comfortable sharing if they've been exposed: "Telling them not to watch, no, because ultimately they're exposed to it, they will be exposed. Tell them if you see such things, I think it's better for you not to watch it, it can hurt you and can do you harm." Despite referring to the educational staff at school as “significant adults” and expecting them to discuss the torrent of videos, most interviewees shared that they felt the educational staff was ignoring their emotional state and the intensity of the events they were exposed to. They felt that educators avoided listening to their distress and did not help, preferring to return to study routine and normalize the events. As one interviewee related: "It feels like they're kind of silencing it, especially now with all the pressure of exams and matriculation tests, like they're silencing it." Their accounts revealed an expectation of personal, close, and inclusive dialogue to address their emotional, personal, and family situations at school as well. A sense of frustration was evident in some interviewees who felt that no adequate response was provided to their and their classmates' need to talk and share their deep pain. In sum, the participants indicated that many of the significant adults in their lives were not always available for emotional support after viewing the traumatic videos and being exposed to war events, as these adults themselves were contending with the same difficult experiences and grappling with their own distinct forms of stress. Moreover, the adolescents' statements in the interviews reveal that school constitutes a central component of their personal-emotional and social lives. They voiced their expectation that the educational staff would lend a listening ear and serve as a guiding hand. It was apparent that the adolescents wanted to share their feelings following massive exposure to snuff videos online but did not feel they had a platform that matched their needs. Discussion After the terrorist attack of October 7, 023, social networks in Israel were flooded with snuff videos with difficult-to-watch content. The present study examined adolescent girls’ online viewing experience of snuff videos. The present research found that the interviewees watched snuff videos on social networks intensively. They were exposed to content displaying severe violence, which overwhelmed the girls with feelings of fear and horror. At the same time, they indicated that in their experience, the exposure was unavoidable because the network was flooded with such videos and there was a non-stop discussion about them. Indeed, the research literature suggests that surprising and unexpected news have the potential to go viral faster and spread across the network (Al-Rawi, 2019 ). Moreover, because this was a large-scale terrorist attack, the adolescents said that it was important for them to stay updated. In this respect, the fear of missing out (FOMO) may have led the interviewees to feel that they needed to see even more horror videos to understand what was happening and what the surrounding discourse was about. A study that examined the connection between the need for a sense of belonging and FOMO in the context of social networks found that people who felt a stronger need for belonging tended to experience FOMO (Alabri, 2022 ). Israel is a society with a collectivist dimension, characterized by intense family values and a high sense of belonging (Scharf & Natan, 2022 ). Furthermore, the interviewees were at an age when belonging and functioning according to peer group social norms is important (Dolev-Cohen, 2023 ). The present study also revealed that exposure to snuff videos caused the interviewees severe reactions of emotional flooding, as well as physical reactions such as shivering, vomiting, and more. It was evident that the emotional turmoil experienced by the adolescents was intense and even traumatic. It appears that watching horror films can evoke PTSD-like syndromes in vulnerable viewers (Araújo et al., 2019 ). Likewise, wars can create traumatic experiences (Betancourt et al., 2018 ), and girls are more vulnerable and experience more post-traumatic stress disorders (Olff, 2018 ). According to Lazarus and Folkman's stress theory (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984 ), the emotional and physiological responses of the interviewees can be understood as a reaction to events perceived as threatening to their mental and physical wellbeing. This theory suggests that stress arises when there is a gap between the perceived demands of the situation and the coping resources available to individuals. Thus, exposure to snuff videos not only served as a traumatic factor but also increased the sense of helplessness in the adolescents, who felt they could not avoid watching the content or cope with the intensity of emotions that arose from it. Their physiological system responded accordingly, with manifestations like shivering and vomiting, emphasizing the depth of the sense of threat and the effect of uncontrollable stress on the body. Another implication of exposure to snuff videos online was expressed in the feeling of the adolescents that the process of coping with and processing such content might be lengthy. Support for this finding can be found in research conceptualizing the term “vicarious traumatization”which describes the negative effects of prolonged exposure to trauma, such as adverse changes in perceptions of safety, strength, independence, and self-esteem (Pearlman, 1995 ). It is possible that prolonged exposure to snuff videos and the extreme violence and cruelty depicted in them created feelings of fear in the adolescents, manifesting as vicarious traumatization. Exposure to such content deepened the adolescents' sense of insecurity and helplessness regarding the present and uncertainty about the future. The present study also revealed that after intense exposure to snuff videos and the difficult emotions this exposure evoked, the interviewees expressed a desire to stop watching such content. Some made a conscious decision to cease watching, whereas others stopped because people close to them in their environment noticed their distress and prevented further exposure. A possible explanation lies in individual differences in how people experience life events. According to Rotter ( 1966 ), who coined the term “locus of control” (LOC), there is a distinction between internal and external loci of control. This distinction manifests in whether individuals attribute the outcomes of their behavior to personal characteristics (internal LOC) or to luck or fate, leaving control to external forces (Nowicki et al., 2021 ). Thus, it can be assumed that adolescents who independently ceased watching snuff videos possess an internal locus of control, whereas those who stopped thanks to intervention by others, external locus of control Putting an end to viewing, particularly with assistance from their close environment, served as a significant turning point for the interviewees. They described how sharing reduced anxiety and increased their sense of control. Similar research suggests that during crises, the need to belong to a group is critical and it contributes to optimal adaptation to stressful situations. A stronger social network of family and close friends enhances individuals’ ability to cope effectively with crises (Gilligan, 2000 ). The interviewees expressed a desire to process and share their experiences of watching snuff videos online with significant adults in their lives. The parent-child relationship during adolescence is crucial in this developmental stage. Parents play a vital role in adolescents' development, teaching emotional regulation, emotional expression, coping with challenges, and more, making them central figures in their children’s lives (Branje, 2018 ). Yet, in the experience of some adolescents, their parents were not available when the girls needed help. Emotional availability describes the parent's responsiveness to the child's emotions and needs, emphasizing the reciprocal influence in parent-child interactions (Mahler, 1975 ; Zimmerman & McDonald, 1995 ). In times of trauma and stress, high parental emotional availability is essential to reduce the child’s distress and support coping (Bosqui et al., 2017 ). Parental stress from exposure to traumatic events, however, may impair emotional availability (Cohen & Shulman, 2019 ). For instance, the emotional state of parents who had close family members in the area of ​​the terrorist attacks affected their ability to be emotionally present. Consequently, the interviewees expressed expectation that their educators would be there for them. Additionally, the interviewees criticized their parents' strategy of technological restrictions aimed at shielding them from harmful content in snuff videos. Previous studies examining parental mediation strategies in online spaces found that technological restrictions were not necessarily effective and could even have a boomerang effect, reinforcing adolescents' risk-taking behaviors and their desire to preserve autonomy (Dolev-Cohen, 2023 ; Shin & Ismail, 2014 ; Nathanson, 2002 ). The findings of the present study contribute to the understanding of the experiences of adolescent girls following exposure to snuff videos. The severe emotional and physiological reactions related by the interviewees may reflect a process of vicarious traumatization induced by exposure to such content. The study findings demonstrate the need for preventive conversations with adults significant in adolescents’ lives, as well as for guidance and support to mitigate and manage potentially traumatic experiences associated with exposure to violent content disseminated online. Limitations and directions for future studies The present study has several limitations. First, the small sample of 15 interviewees does not allow for the generalization of findings to broader populations, therefore future studies should rely on larger samples. In addition, the study focuses on the experiences of adolescent girls during wartime, which is an extreme and unique situation that may amplify the intensity of emotional responses. Furthermore, participants agreed to be interviewed, which may indicate that they represent adolescents with higher resilience and broader support networks, potentially making it easier for them to discuss their experiences compared to others who chose not to participate. The interviews were conducted during the war, therefore the emotional overflow experienced by the interviewees may have been more intense than it would be under normal circumstances. More studies are needed to examine the effects over time and during routine times to better understand the various dimensions of the experience. In future research, the study group should be expanded to include adolescents of all genders and ages and to examine the effects of exposure to similar content across a wider range of cultures and social contexts. Further exploration of gender-specific effects and differences between adolescent boys and girls is also required. Finally, longitudinal studies could provide insights into the long-term effects of such exposure on adolescents' educational perceptions and development over time. Declarations Author Contribution Conceptualization & Study Design: M.D-C, P.K, & B.TData Collection & Interviews: P.K & B.T.Data Analysis & Interpretation: M.D-C, P.K, & B.TManuscript Drafting: M.D-CSupervision: M.D-CAll authors are accountable for all aspects of the work, ensuring integrity and accuracy. References Ahern, J., Galea, S., Resnick, H., & Vlahov, D. (2004). Television images and probable posttraumatic stress disorder after September 11: The role of background characteristics, event exposures, and perievent panic. The Journal of nervous and mental disease , 192 (3), 217-226. https://doi.org/ 10.1097/01.nmd.0000116465.99830.ca Alabri, A. (2022). 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Also discoverable on Platform About Our Team In Review Editorial Policies Advisory Board Help Center Resources Author Services Accessibility API Access RSS feed Manage Cookie Preferences © Research Square 2026 | ISSN 2693-5015 (online) Privacy Policy Terms of Service Do Not Sell My Personal Information {"props":{"pageProps":{"initialData":{"identity":"rs-6941022","acceptedTermsAndConditions":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"archivedVersions":[],"articleType":"Research Article","associatedPublications":[],"authors":[{"id":475396255,"identity":"7a125ad6-1005-4e2e-9fa8-08aaadfac835","order_by":0,"name":"Michal Dolev-Cohen","email":"data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAZAAAAAyAQMAAABI0h/eAAAABlBMVEX///8AAABVwtN+AAAACXBIWXMAAA7EAAAOxAGVKw4bAAAA7UlEQVRIie3RvwqCQBzA8V8INx20nhj0BMHPxRqkZ/GH4BQltDQGQi1Ba4/RG3RyYFs9QItTU0NtDg6p4RQqbQ33Xe44+HD/AHS6f8wABhC61VwC1ss46SAYQDnUpLcGFG37lERVQ11BoJmMtsY9zfA67w93dpyF7hys6JxC2Ewcxcb2Dm9Lc8NRcQyWMEio9WCO4kxwvNExYZ4qTkhrMbM7iZnjhU4FibOKLF6dxOIo6cgMKflnl/YXK+7iWAP06ZD4srwLbURgH7w2clV387Ga0j6Ko1eWu7QXfvp85m4j+a76H+8HoNPpdLrv3igBTnELCLfDAAAAAElFTkSuQmCC","orcid":"","institution":"Oranim, Academic College of Education","correspondingAuthor":true,"prefix":"","firstName":"Michal","middleName":"","lastName":"Dolev-Cohen","suffix":""},{"id":475396256,"identity":"35e90752-2f62-42ad-88f8-50202447b549","order_by":1,"name":"Polet Kakun","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"Oranim, Academic College of Education","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Polet","middleName":"","lastName":"Kakun","suffix":""},{"id":475396259,"identity":"22c5e9b5-6ec9-4e9e-8fef-ca797b49d748","order_by":2,"name":"Bar Toizner","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"Oranim, Academic College of Education","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Bar","middleName":"","lastName":"Toizner","suffix":""}],"badges":[],"createdAt":"2025-06-20 18:23:13","currentVersionCode":1,"declarations":"","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-6941022/v1","doiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-6941022/v1","draftVersion":[],"editorialEvents":[{"content":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s10560-026-01087-5","type":"published","date":"2026-02-09T15:59:14+00:00"}],"editorialNote":"","failedWorkflow":false,"files":[{"id":102785939,"identity":"6d8958bf-403e-468f-879e-75f6170cecc6","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2026-02-16 16:11:06","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":634035,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-6941022/v1/8f0007b1-9a83-44ed-98d5-dcb646e21943.pdf"}],"financialInterests":"No competing interests reported.","formattedTitle":"Digital Wounds: The Coping Experiences of Adolescent Girls Exposed to Snuff Videos Online","fulltext":[{"header":"Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe rapid rise of social media has transformed how children and adolescents experience the world, granting them unprecedented access to both positive and potentially harmful content. During adolescence, peer groups have significant importance, and adolescents turn to social networks to communicate with friends and meet new ones (Antheunis et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e). Social media enables adolescents to create direct or indirect interactions with a broader network of people outside their immediate peer group (de Felice et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR17\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e), connections that are not bound by time or place, allowing them to feel close to anyone at any moment (Antheunis et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAs adolescents use social networks more frequently and acquire greater digital skills, however, they benefit from more opportunities but are also exposed to greater risks (Zilka, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR62\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). Adolescents are at higher risk of excessive use of social networks than adults, as they have greater difficulty controlling impulses and behavior because of their developmental stage (Best et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e; O'Keeffe \u0026amp; Clarke-Pearson, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR43\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e). The permanent availability of information on social media heightens the need, desire, and opportunity to know what others are doing and saying at all times, fostering a psychological dependence on being constantly connected to social networks while trying to fulfill the need to belong, which manifests as frequent and impulsive checking of these platforms (Joshi et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR27\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDuring adolescence, individuals undergo profound cognitive, emotional, and social development that shapes how they perceive and respond to media content, including violent imagery. The adolescent brain is still maturing, particularly in areas responsible for executive functions such as impulse control, emotional regulation, and risk assessment (Casey et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e). As a result, adolescents are often less adept than adults at critically evaluating and contextualizing what they see online, including distinguishing between reality and fiction (Papapicco et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR45\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). In addition, their heightened sensitivity to peer influence (Irani et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR25\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e), coupled with an increased desire for social acceptance, can intensify the emotional impact of distressing content. These developmental factors not only increase adolescents\u0026rsquo; vulnerability to harm from violent media but also influence their coping strategies (Franco \u0026amp; Boniel-Nissim, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR21\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e), as they may lack the cognitive tools and emotional resilience to process and mitigate the effects of exposure.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eSnuff films on social networks\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWhile browsing social networks, children and teenagers are exposed to content that is not age-appropriate, as the Internet has broken the boundaries set by monitoring and censorship that used to exist regarding access to such content (Reid Chassiakos et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR49\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e). The increase in news consumption on social networks leads to extensive exposure of youths to “snuff films”—video clips documenting real deaths, intentional murders, or unplanned fatal events. Unlike fictional films using special effects to depict violence and death, snuff films present actual cases where people lose their lives (Kerekes \u0026amp; Slater, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR29\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e). The term “snuff” was coined in the 1970s, following Michael and Roberta Findlay's film, Snuff (1976), which spread the idea that the film included the documentation of a real murder. Although the production was actually a hoax, it succeeded in embedding the term in public and cultural consciousness (Kerekes \u0026amp; Slater, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR29\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eWith the emergence of the Internet, in the 1990s, and the strengthening of social networks and online forums in the early 2000s, the propagation of snuff films became more common and the content more accessible. Online platforms allowed users to distribute and share content anonymously, which led to a rapid expansion of the phenomenon (Dilipraj, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e). The motivation for creating and distributing snuff films is varied, including provocation, satisfying impulses, and potential financial gain, with some creators and distributors driven by sadistic impulses and pleasure derived from the violence itself (Cocking \u0026amp; Van den Hoven, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). In many countries, the distribution and possession of snuff films are considered criminal offenses, but the enforcement of these laws can be challenging because of the anonymity inherent in the network (Cocking \u0026amp; Van den Hoven, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). These videos also serve as a way to spread terror and fear, especially when distributed by terrorist groups (Jackson \u0026amp; Gouseti, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e). Indeed, the use of snuff films by terrorist organizations has increased. For example, Al-Qaeda boasted of its capabilities by spreading snuff films of murder cases to demonstrate power based on extreme terror (Venkatesh et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR61\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). The terrorist organization ISIS also documented executions and distributed these videos on the network without censorship (Shehabat et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR55\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eExposure to snuff films may have various effects such as increased heart rate and sweating, and may elicit emotional responses like fear and anxiety (Martin, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR37\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). Yet, there is also a phenomenon defined as fear enjoyment or a paradoxical attraction to horror content, despite its ability to evoke negative emotions (Martin, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR37\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e; Lin et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR35\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). Additionally, from a psychological perspective, the consumption of violent media can affect individuals’ behavior and attitudes, which may manifest as insensitivity to violence, increased aggression, or distorted perceptions of reality resulting from prolonged exposure to violent imagery (Nayar-Akhtar, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR40\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFurthermore, exposure to graphic and traumatic media images may contribute to the development or exacerbation of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms (Silver et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR58\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e). PTSD elicits an anxiety response to a traumatic event, causing suffering, and affects individuals’ daily routines and quality of life (American Psychiatric Association, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1998\u003c/span\u003e). Individual background characteristics, such as demographic factors, mental health conditions, and socioeconomic status influence vulnerability and the likelihood of experiencing PTSD symptoms in response to exposure to violent content. Additional factors include physical proximity to the traumatic event, loss of loved ones, involvement in rescue efforts, and more. All these point to the complex interconnections between media exposure, personal characteristics, and trauma (Ahern et al, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2004\u003c/span\u003e). A study conducted following two significant traumatic events, the September 11 attacks and the Iraq War, examined the immediate consequences of exposure to media coverage during this period for people’s mental and physical health. The findings revealed that exposure to media images of the September 11 attacks and the Iraq War was associated with increased symptoms of depression, acute stress disorder, and PTSD. There was a clear correlation between increased exposure to media coverage of traumatic events and physical health symptoms, such as difficulty breathing. The study also found that people who avoided consuming media coverage of the events experienced fewer mental and physical health symptoms. The study concluded that there was a need to raise awareness about the potential harm of exposure to media coverage presenting traumatic events to viewers' mental and physical health (Silver et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR58\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003ePost-traumatic symptoms in adolescents may include intrusive thoughts or memories, avoidance behaviors, hyperarousal, and emotional numbness, as well as disruption of daily functioning and wellbeing. Likewise, demographic characteristics, previous exposure to trauma, the availability or absence of social support networks, and other factors also influence adolescents' responses to traumatic events (Laufer \u0026amp; Solomon, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e). A study examining the psychological implications of war on Israeli adolescents found that approximately 14% of 2,314 respondents suffered from mild-to-severe post-traumatic distress. In addition to direct exposure to missile attacks and knowing people who were harmed, watching news coverage was also linked to the psychological distress experienced by adolescents (Lavi et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e). Difficult life circumstances and crisis periods, however, affect different people in different ways, and coping mechanisms may vary from person to person. This is how adolescents exposed to terrorism, political conflict, or war experience such situations (Shoshani \u0026amp; Slone, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR57\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eStudies also indicate that girls show higher levels of activity on social networks than boys (Rideout et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR50\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e) and that they experience a higher level of vulnerability than boys (Savoia et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR52\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). At the same time, women and girls generally report higher levels of fear and anxiety than men, and tend to express greater anxiety and fear while watching horror films than boys and men. This difference may be partly explained by women’s typically higher sensitivity to disgust and a greater tendency toward anxiety, which are interconnected (Krusemark \u0026amp; Li, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR30\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e). Women also report higher levels of empathetic concern than men, which may serve as another explanatory factor (Martin, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR37\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). In light of the above, it is important to focus on the subjective viewing experience of adolescent girls and their coping with exposure to snuff films that are becoming more accessible on social networks.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eWhat began as a marginal phenomenon in the 1970s appears to have become lately a mass propaganda tool in the hands of terrorist organizations that exploit their ability to disseminate uncensored content depicting extreme violence and cruelty on social networks (Shehabat et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR55\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e). Moreover, girls may be more sensitive and reactive to disturbing online content than boys(Ševcˇíková et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR54\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e). Therefore, the present study examined adolescent girls’ emotional experience of exposure to online snuff films and the implications of viewing such violent content, alongside sources of resilience in coping with snuff films. The importance of the study lies in the need to devise preventive and therapeutic measures by significant adults in an era when wars and injurious videos are being streamed live on the Internet.\u003c/p\u003e "},{"header":"Methods","content":"\u003cp\u003eResearch paradigm\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe present study employs a qualitative phenomenological approach. Qualitative research enables researchers to give voice to participants' experiences, as they occur within their lived realities, and reveal their personal perspectives (Creswell \u0026amp; Poth, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e). Phenomenological studies explore phenomena and examine their meanings (Kvale \u0026amp; Brinkmann, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e). The focus on participants' narratives allows an unbiased perspective, enabling researchers to understand the experience from the participants' first-person point of view, as described by them (Sokolowski, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR59\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2000\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe present study examined the phenomenon of adolescent girls' exposure to snuff videos online from their own perspectives. Using a qualitative methodology, the study gained an in-depth understanding of the adolescents' internal world, their interpretations, and their coping strategies in response to the experience of watching snuff videos online.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSample and research procedure\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe study included 15 Israeli girls aged 15–18. The inclusion criterion was adolescent girls who had watched violent videos from the war in Israel that broke out on October 7th.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eOn October 7, 2023, Hamas and other Palestinian militant groups carried out a coordinated armed assault from the Gaza Strip on southern Israel, marking the beginning of a lengthy and devastating conflict (Dopelt \u0026amp; Houminer-Klepar, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR20\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). This unprecedented attack, one of the deadliest in modern history in the number of fatalities, inflicted widespread trauma across the Israeli population. Over 1,100 civilians, soldiers, and foreign nationals were killed, and 248 individuals, including infants, children, women, and the elderly, were abducted to Gaza. Thousands of civilians sustained injuries, and many were subjected to horrific acts of torture and sexual violence (Peleg \u0026amp; Gendelman, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR48\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e; Katsoty et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). Adding to the brutality, the perpetrators recorded their atrocities and disseminated the footage widely on social media platforms (Katsoty et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eStudy participants were recruited by various methods based on their age. Adolescents under 18 (n = 10) were contacted through their parents. Participants over 18 were approached directly, either through personal contact or acquaintances. After a candidate was identified and agreed to participate, an interview date was scheduled; 8 interviews were conducted face-to-face and 7 over Zoom. In total, 16 interviews were conducted but one adolescent decided after the interview that she did not want to be included in the research, and her participation was stopped.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe sample was not designed to be representative of a larger population or to support broad generalizations. Rather, our goal was to explore the nature and complexity of individual experiences (Patton, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR46\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2002\u003c/span\u003e). For underage participants, initial contact was made with their parents. In a phone conversation, the researchers explained the objectives of the study, its nature, ethical considerations, and the conditions of the interview. Parents provided informed consent, and the interviews proceeded after they agreed to record, transcribe, and use the conversation only for research purposes. For participants over 18 (n = 5), the objectives and conditions were similarly explained to them directly, and their consent was obtained.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e Before beginning the interviews, each participant was informed of the purpose of the interview, its anonymous nature, and that it would be used exclusively for research purposes. The interviews lasted between 1-1.5 hours. They were conducted in Hebrew, recorded, fully transcribed, and analyzed thematically.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eData processing and reliability\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eUpon completing the data collection, the data wеre processed in three stages. First, each interview was read in its entirety to gain a holistic and coherent understanding of the participant's perspective. Second, the text was reread and portions were categorized into meaningful units, based on personal interpretation. Recurring ideas and phrases that formed themes were identified (Giorgi, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e; Spinelli, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR60\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2005\u003c/span\u003e). In the third stage, these themes were structurally organized, refined, clarified, and validated. This process led to a detailed understanding of how adolescent girls perceived their exposure to online snuff videos, which was incorporated into the overall study findings.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eTo enhance the trustworthiness of the study, we conducted member checking after data collection, asking participants to provide further clarification, details, and examples of their experiences and perceptions (Morse, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR38\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e). The interviews produced genuine and detailed descriptions of the phenomenon under investigation. The findings were supported with interview excerpts and compared with prior research in the field, which added to the credibility of the study. To reduce biases in interpreting the data, the research team engaged in discussions about the findings, contributing to the reliability of the results (Connelly, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e; Cope, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR15\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e). Additionally, we documented the analysis process and conducted peer debriefing, further enhancing reliability (Nowell et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR41\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThematic saturation was achieved when no new information emerged, which determined the sample size (Guest et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e). After the 13th interview, no new topics emerged.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eEthics\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e The interviews were conducted with the informed consent of both the adolescents and their parents, who signed consent forms. During the preliminary discussion, participants were explicitly informed that they could choose which questions they wished to answer and could refuse any questions if they felt uncomfortable or for any other reason. They were also told that they could stop the interview at any point without any repercussions and could withdraw their participation even after the interview was completed. All names, personal details, and other identifying information provided by the girls were kept strictly confidential, and any details that could potentially identify participants were disguised. We strove to create a sensitive and careful dialogue, grounded in empathy and ethical care. The study was approved by the Institutional Ethics Committee.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Findings","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe purpose of the present study was to examine the viewing experience of adolescent girls exposed to snuff films of the war in Israel. From the analysis of the interviews, four central themes emerged: (a) the adolescents' encounter with snuff films; (b) the implications of viewing exposure for adolescent girls; (c) coping strategies and student resilience sources following the viewing of snuff films; and (d) perception of the significant adult's role in processing exposure to snuff films.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cb\u003e\"Excessive excessive excessive:\" The adolescents' encounter with snuff films\u003c/b\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eResearch participants described the morning of October 7 as a shocking, overwhelming, confusing, and emotionally overflowing event. The effect of the experience was felt by the adolescents during the first period of the war even more intensely, and it was clearly etched deeply in their memory. The participants described how, almost automatically, and immediately after the initial understanding that a war had broken out, they opened their smartphones and saw a flood of messages and real-time alerts about what was happening. One of the girls described the situation: \"So many messages. Flooded with messages. Tons. Every existing social network full of alerts, overflowing. Many messages from friends. Are you aware? Did you see what happened? Is everything okay? How are you? How are you doing?\"\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe initial exposure to online content was an overwhelming experience for the adolescents, without boundaries of time and place. They felt they were being drawn into a world of videos and messages sent simultaneously across all social networks. One of the interviewees, for example, indicated: \"I simply remember that in the first month I couldn't stop watching [videos] on Telegram. In groups I was following pages to see, every second entering Instagram to see what was happening, and leaving. On TikTok, all TikTok was war ..., okay let's go back to Instagram to see what's happening. From jump to jump.\"\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn their experience, the content was so ubiquitous that there was no possibility of not watching; exposure to snuff films on social networks was unavoidable. One of the girls described it this way: \"Even if you don't install Telegram and try to watch it directly, you'll see it on TikTok, on Instagram, everywhere... I don't know, on Facebook. It's impossible not to. Everyone saw it.\"\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe horror videos that flooded the network evoked overwhelming feelings of fear and terror. Study participants described how their world suddenly turned upside down and they were exposed to multiple contents displaying severe violence on social networks. One of them said: \"I saw a picture of a baby who was burned, and you could clearly see everything.\" The shock was reflected in their words, and it was evident that the emotional experience overwhelmed them during the interview. According to participants, they watched many videos, but mostly indicated that each of them had one video that was deeply etched in their memory. One adolescent described: \"Then there was another video, wow, I remember it really well, the hardest one. Of a soldier in uniform who was inside the terrorists' car that I simply don't know how it got to this state... I don't know... They took knives or such things and simply cut his face, his entire face was cuts, something excessive. Excessive excessive excessive. And then they took his body kind of like a doll, because he was already not alive, he was dead.\"\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe profound impression that the exposure to these contents left on the adolescents was also related to the degree of violence and cruelty presented in these videos. Social networks allowed uploading difficult-to-watch content in live broadcasts, without censorship or age restrictions, and made the viewing experience of participants unlimited, as they described in their interviews. Severe violence, cruelty, and brutal rape were presented on social networks and massively distributed. They described how they were shocked by the sights on one hand, and continued to watch more and more videos on the other. What remained in their memory from what they saw attested to the depth of the difficult experience: \"Wow, I see people's faces. It was completely unfiltered. I think this is what will stick with me forever. I see looks, I see people's eyes.\"\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe difficult content that was uploaded on that Saturday flooded not only social networks but also the souls of the participants. Many videos of severe, cruel, and shocking violence were uploaded and sent one after another, making the experience of fear, shock, and horror increasingly tangible for the adolescents. From their statements, it was evident that the depth of shock overwhelmed them and the contents to which they were exposed were etched in their memory and soul.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cb\u003e\"I started crying and felt nauseated from stress, like a panic attack:\" The effects of viewing on adolescents exposed to snuff films online\u003c/b\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eExposure to snuff films evoked difficult emotions in adolescents such as confusion, fear, and anxiety, as well as physical reactions they struggled to explain in words. They described the emotional storm that overwhelmed them: \"Choking. Heaviness on the heart. Like guilt feelings but not guilt feelings. Choking.\" Another participant said: \"Nerves... I was also crying non-stop... It's terrible to think that it's real. It gave me chills.\"\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAs a result of the exposure and watching the snuff films online, participants experienced uncontrollable physical reactions. The physical expression of their feelings indicates the trauma created by their exposure to this content. The exposure to difficult content, its scope, the dizzying pace of information delivery, and the sheer fear of the war taking place combined and created emotional and physical turmoil inside the girls. One interviewee described her experience: \"Wow, let alone mentally\u0026mdash;physically, the moment I put down the phone I ran to the bathroom and started vomiting like a psychopath. Really. Trembling and crying and vomiting.\"\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAccording to participants, the experience of watching snuff films was unbearable. In the first days of the war, curiosity and the desire to be up-to-date at every moment outweighed the emotional and physical effects described. After some time, however, an understanding emerged that in hindsight, the participants would have preferred to avoid watching these videos. The understanding that emotional distress caused by exposure to these contents gradually penetrated the adolescents' consciousness. As one interviewee said: \"No matter how mentally strong you think you are, or no matter how much you say you can handle it, this is not something one should be exposed to. Even me. No matter that I'm 18 and considered to be a grown-up\u0026mdash;in retrospect, I don't think I would want to see these videos. It simply hurts. It's not beneficial. It doesn't help.\"\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSome participants described their feelings and thoughts regarding the distant future, revealing that watching snuff films might have implications even for the next generation. They felt unable to predict exactly how the effects of viewing and exposure to online content of extreme violence would manifest in practice: \"Even if you don't see it at that moment, you will see it somewhere in the future. If you know it affected you like this, then maybe you won't give your child a phone from a young age or only from adolescence.\"\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe interviews revealed that the adolescents' feelings and thoughts have stayed with them since then to this day. The difficulty and complexity of coping with exposure to snuff films online deepened the adolescents' sense that this is a hard, incomprehensible experience, and that the process of coping with and processing this content might take a long time.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cb\u003e\"I simply said, don't tell me, I don't want to know, I don't want to hear, it makes me feel bad:\" Coping strategies and sources of resilience\u003c/b\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eStudy participants stated that they were used to consuming diverse content on social networks and occasionally were exposed to content that was unpleasant. Still, the exposure to snuff videos was unbearable. The teenagers themselves, and at times those close to them, appear to have felt the need to proactively stop their exposure to difficult content. Indeed, among the participants were some whose family members or close friends noticed the negative effects of their exposure to snuff videos. They were the ones who set boundaries for the adolescents and even took various practical steps, such as deleting applications on which videos could be viewed or prohibiting access to social networks altogether. One interviewee stated: \"I saw it at first out of curiosity and cried a lot... so my boyfriend deleted my Telegram and my father blocked the application.\" At the same time, some participants reported being afraid that to prevent them from accessing difficult content, their parents would disconnect them from the Internet or disallow smartphone use altogether: \"I wasn't worried about not seeing more videos or not being updated, but I was afraid that they would take away my phone because I've heard, I have friends who had their phone taken away for something like a week.\"\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSometimes the initiative to stop watching such content came from the teenagers themselves. For example, one interviewee said: \"They start talking about it and I plug my ears and I simply stay silent, I run upstairs. I really ran away from it.\"\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDespite immediately disconnecting and blocking content, some participants stated that they were not able to stop being exposed to content at once, but did so gradually. One interviewee described how she proceeded: \"Yes, it was, like, already after two or three months, you know, and my psychologist said to me, gave me advice, like, if you see news, see it without sound, so there's less... don't know what she told me, but, like, this way the brain absorbs less or, like, seeing without hearing. And the truth is, it really helped me, like, I saw without sound and then it had less effect on me, the less I heard, less like this... and I can tell you now that since then it faded in me, I'm not watching news, I'm avoiding watching news, I'm not following these Instagram pages and I don't want to see it daily, I don't want to see it in front of my eyes.\"\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThree interviewees stated that their way of coping with the viewing experience was to watch together with friends, which reduced the intensity of fear and allowed them to share their feelings and thoughts with each other during viewing, and thus process the experience. As one interviewee said: \"When I'm with a friend, I can share and, yes, say like \u0026lsquo;wow\u0026rsquo; about things. When I watched the film with my friend, we said, like, 'If we were there, there's no chance...' raising lots of thoughts that when I'm alone I stay silent.\"\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe adolescents' statements show that the ability and active choice to stop watching and avoid exposure to such content on networks, either at once or gradually, stemmed from various reasons. Some adolescents managed to mobilize internal strengths and resources, whereas others were dependent to a degree on close people who identified their emotional distress. Nevertheless, almost all of them stopped watching snuff videos and the exposure to such difficult content at one point or another. Stopping the viewing was a significant milestone for them, and they described how it reduced their sense of anxiety and increased their sense of control. As one interviewee stated: \"Because I knew how to get a grip on myself. There are people who don't know how to get a grip on themselves and there are people who can't get a grip on themselves because a part of their family was murdered there.\" The adolescents felt how a sense of chaos and helplessness overwhelmed them. The familiar reality slipped from under their feet, and everything they had known until then changed suddenly and drastically. Despite the emotional difficulty, as time passed, they felt increasingly more convinced that they had the internal resources and strength to gradually internalize the chaotic reality surrounding them.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e Participants described how they sought strength and reinforcement from various sources in their lives. The immediate family constituted the primary source of such reinforcement. Some adolescents stated that they sought a source of comfort and stability in the pain, difficulty, and terrible sadness, and a confirmation that this was a temporary situation. One interviewee said: \"On the afternoon of October 7, my grandmother called me... during that period, not like today, when I thought I would never be able to talk about anything other than the war, we talked about the cookies she had prepared. She told me, listen, when it's over, you'll come eat the cookies... This was very empowering because this sentence of 'when it will end' gave me a feeling that it's going to end... because always an adult is more realistic than a child. Grandmother is also older than mom and dad, so as age increases you think people are more realistic, and then if grandmother has hope, who am I to not have hope?\"\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAlongside the difficult feelings, shock, sadness, and pain, feelings of hope and optimism also emerged from the participants' accounts. They described the efforts they made to stop watching snuff videos online. Some managed to stop watching on their own, whereas others relied on the support of their environment, family, and close friends. The adolescents' accounts also revealed that the desire to live normal lives motivated them to develop their own strengths, internal resources, and positive thinking to cope with the chaotic reality of war in general and with the experience of exposure to snuff videos online in particular.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cb\u003e\"It feels like they're kind of silencing it:\" Perceptions of significant adults' roles regarding exposure to snuff videos online\u003c/b\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe feelings that overwhelmed the adolescents after broad exposure to snuff videos intensified their need to speak, share, and vent their emotions with significant adults in their lives. They claimed that in their experience, their parents, who themselves were in emotional distress because the videos were flooding the social media during the war, found it difficult to provide the needed emotional response, support their children, and address their difficulties. For example, one interviewee said: \"They were busy trying to manage everything while the family was in distress, and I didn't feel comfortable approaching them with yet another difficulty.\"\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e Participants shared that at the beginning of the war, parents made an effort to protect them and asked them not to watch the videos: \"I think they're limiting us and it's not from a bad place, it's to protect us, like, it's okay for us to feel comfortable.\" Another adolescent stated that parents tried to protect them and prevent them from being exposed to videos because of their fears and anxieties about dealing with video exposure: \"For mom, it's harder to watch these things, and then mom really said to stop watching these things and that it's not good, and various such things, she really demanded that we stop watching these things.\" At the same time, they indicated that in their opinion, there was no need to place technological limitations on children to prevent snuff video exposure because they would be exposed through alternative means. In their view, it was important for parents to explain to children the reasons for not viewing and make them feel comfortable sharing if they've been exposed: \"Telling them not to watch, no, because ultimately they're exposed to it, they will be exposed. Tell them if you see such things, I think it's better for you not to watch it, it can hurt you and can do you harm.\"\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDespite referring to the educational staff at school as \u0026ldquo;significant adults\u0026rdquo; and expecting them to discuss the torrent of videos, most interviewees shared that they felt the educational staff was ignoring their emotional state and the intensity of the events they were exposed to. They felt that educators avoided listening to their distress and did not help, preferring to return to study routine and normalize the events. As one interviewee related: \"It feels like they're kind of silencing it, especially now with all the pressure of exams and matriculation tests, like they're silencing it.\" Their accounts revealed an expectation of personal, close, and inclusive dialogue to address their emotional, personal, and family situations at school as well. A sense of frustration was evident in some interviewees who felt that no adequate response was provided to their and their classmates' need to talk and share their deep pain.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn sum, the participants indicated that many of the significant adults in their lives were not always available for emotional support after viewing the traumatic videos and being exposed to war events, as these adults themselves were contending with the same difficult experiences and grappling with their own distinct forms of stress. Moreover, the adolescents' statements in the interviews reveal that school constitutes a central component of their personal-emotional and social lives. They voiced their expectation that the educational staff would lend a listening ear and serve as a guiding hand. It was apparent that the adolescents wanted to share their feelings following massive exposure to snuff videos online but did not feel they had a platform that matched their needs.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Discussion","content":"\u003cp\u003eAfter the terrorist attack of October 7, 023, social networks in Israel were flooded with snuff videos with difficult-to-watch content. The present study examined adolescent girls\u0026rsquo; online viewing experience of snuff videos.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe present research found that the interviewees watched snuff videos on social networks intensively. They were exposed to content displaying severe violence, which overwhelmed the girls with feelings of fear and horror. At the same time, they indicated that in their experience, the exposure was unavoidable because the network was flooded with such videos and there was a non-stop discussion about them. Indeed, the research literature suggests that surprising and unexpected news have the potential to go viral faster and spread across the network (Al-Rawi, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR3\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). Moreover, because this was a large-scale terrorist attack, the adolescents said that it was important for them to stay updated. In this respect, the fear of missing out (FOMO) may have led the interviewees to feel that they needed to see even more horror videos to understand what was happening and what the surrounding discourse was about. A study that examined the connection between the need for a sense of belonging and FOMO in the context of social networks found that people who felt a stronger need for belonging tended to experience FOMO (Alabri, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). Israel is a society with a collectivist dimension, characterized by intense family values and a high sense of belonging (Scharf \u0026amp; Natan, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR53\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). Furthermore, the interviewees were at an age when belonging and functioning according to peer group social norms is important (Dolev-Cohen, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR19\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe present study also revealed that exposure to snuff videos caused the interviewees severe reactions of emotional flooding, as well as physical reactions such as shivering, vomiting, and more. It was evident that the emotional turmoil experienced by the adolescents was intense and even traumatic. It appears that watching horror films can evoke PTSD-like syndromes in vulnerable viewers (Ara\u0026uacute;jo et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). Likewise, wars can create traumatic experiences (Betancourt et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e), and girls are more vulnerable and experience more post-traumatic stress disorders (Olff, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR44\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). According to Lazarus and Folkman's stress theory (Lazarus \u0026amp; Folkman, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR34\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1984\u003c/span\u003e), the emotional and physiological responses of the interviewees can be understood as a reaction to events perceived as threatening to their mental and physical wellbeing. This theory suggests that stress arises when there is a gap between the perceived demands of the situation and the coping resources available to individuals. Thus, exposure to snuff videos not only served as a traumatic factor but also increased the sense of helplessness in the adolescents, who felt they could not avoid watching the content or cope with the intensity of emotions that arose from it. Their physiological system responded accordingly, with manifestations like shivering and vomiting, emphasizing the depth of the sense of threat and the effect of uncontrollable stress on the body.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAnother implication of exposure to snuff videos online was expressed in the feeling of the adolescents that the process of coping with and processing such content might be lengthy. Support for this finding can be found in research conceptualizing the term \u0026ldquo;vicarious traumatization\u0026rdquo;which describes the negative effects of prolonged exposure to trauma, such as adverse changes in perceptions of safety, strength, independence, and self-esteem (Pearlman, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR47\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1995\u003c/span\u003e). It is possible that prolonged exposure to snuff videos and the extreme violence and cruelty depicted in them created feelings of fear in the adolescents, manifesting as vicarious traumatization. Exposure to such content deepened the adolescents' sense of insecurity and helplessness regarding the present and uncertainty about the future.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe present study also revealed that after intense exposure to snuff videos and the difficult emotions this exposure evoked, the interviewees expressed a desire to stop watching such content. Some made a conscious decision to cease watching, whereas others stopped because people close to them in their environment noticed their distress and prevented further exposure. A possible explanation lies in individual differences in how people experience life events. According to Rotter (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR51\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1966\u003c/span\u003e), who coined the term \u0026ldquo;locus of control\u0026rdquo; (LOC), there is a distinction between internal and external loci of control. This distinction manifests in whether individuals attribute the outcomes of their behavior to personal characteristics (internal LOC) or to luck or fate, leaving control to external forces (Nowicki et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR42\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). Thus, it can be assumed that adolescents who independently ceased watching snuff videos possess an internal locus of control, whereas those who stopped thanks to intervention by others, external locus of control\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003ePutting an end to viewing, particularly with assistance from their close environment, served as a significant turning point for the interviewees. They described how sharing reduced anxiety and increased their sense of control. Similar research suggests that during crises, the need to belong to a group is critical and it contributes to optimal adaptation to stressful situations. A stronger social network of family and close friends enhances individuals\u0026rsquo; ability to cope effectively with crises (Gilligan, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2000\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe interviewees expressed a desire to process and share their experiences of watching snuff videos online with significant adults in their lives. The parent-child relationship during adolescence is crucial in this developmental stage. Parents play a vital role in adolescents' development, teaching emotional regulation, emotional expression, coping with challenges, and more, making them central figures in their children\u0026rsquo;s lives (Branje, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). Yet, in the experience of some adolescents, their parents were not available when the girls needed help. Emotional availability describes the parent's responsiveness to the child's emotions and needs, emphasizing the reciprocal influence in parent-child interactions (Mahler, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR36\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1975\u003c/span\u003e; Zimmerman \u0026amp; McDonald, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR63\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1995\u003c/span\u003e). In times of trauma and stress, high parental emotional availability is essential to reduce the child\u0026rsquo;s distress and support coping (Bosqui et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e). Parental stress from exposure to traumatic events, however, may impair emotional availability (Cohen \u0026amp; Shulman, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). For instance, the emotional state of parents who had close family members in the area of ​​the terrorist attacks affected their ability to be emotionally present. Consequently, the interviewees expressed expectation that their educators would be there for them.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAdditionally, the interviewees criticized their parents' strategy of technological restrictions aimed at shielding them from harmful content in snuff videos. Previous studies examining parental mediation strategies in online spaces found that technological restrictions were not necessarily effective and could even have a boomerang effect, reinforcing adolescents' risk-taking behaviors and their desire to preserve autonomy (Dolev-Cohen, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR19\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e; Shin \u0026amp; Ismail, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR56\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e; Nathanson, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR39\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2002\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe findings of the present study contribute to the understanding of the experiences of adolescent girls following exposure to snuff videos. The severe emotional and physiological reactions related by the interviewees may reflect a process of vicarious traumatization induced by exposure to such content. The study findings demonstrate the need for preventive conversations with adults significant in adolescents\u0026rsquo; lives, as well as for guidance and support to mitigate and manage potentially traumatic experiences associated with exposure to violent content disseminated online.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eLimitations and directions for future studies\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe present study has several limitations. First, the small sample of 15 interviewees does not allow for the generalization of findings to broader populations, therefore future studies should rely on larger samples. In addition, the study focuses on the experiences of adolescent girls during wartime, which is an extreme and unique situation that may amplify the intensity of emotional responses. Furthermore, participants agreed to be interviewed, which may indicate that they represent adolescents with higher resilience and broader support networks, potentially making it easier for them to discuss their experiences compared to others who chose not to participate.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe interviews were conducted during the war, therefore the emotional overflow experienced by the interviewees may have been more intense than it would be under normal circumstances. More studies are needed to examine the effects over time and during routine times to better understand the various dimensions of the experience.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn future research, the study group should be expanded to include adolescents of all genders and ages and to examine the effects of exposure to similar content across a wider range of cultures and social contexts. Further exploration of gender-specific effects and differences between adolescent boys and girls is also required. Finally, longitudinal studies could provide insights into the long-term effects of such exposure on adolescents' educational perceptions and development over time.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003ch2\u003eAuthor Contribution\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eConceptualization \u0026amp; Study Design: M.D-C, P.K, \u0026amp; B.TData Collection \u0026amp; Interviews: P.K \u0026amp; B.T.Data Analysis \u0026amp; Interpretation: M.D-C, P.K, \u0026amp; B.TManuscript Drafting: M.D-CSupervision: M.D-CAll authors are accountable for all aspects of the work, ensuring integrity and accuracy.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eAhern, J., Galea, S., Resnick, H., \u0026amp; Vlahov, D. (2004). 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Emotional availability in infants\u0026apos; relationships with multiple caregivers. \u003cem\u003eAmerican Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 65\u003c/em\u003e(1), 147\u0026ndash;152. https://doi.org/10.1037/h0079586\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":true,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":true,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"Snuff videos, Adolescent Girls, Violent content, Internet, Social media, Coping strategies","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-6941022/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-6941022/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eFollowing the terrorist attack of October 7, 2023, Israeli social media platforms were inundated with uncensored, violent “snuff” videos. Adolescent girls, already sensitive to peer norms and community belonging, found themselves exposed to severe, distressing content. This study aimed to explore their emotional experiences, coping strategies, and perceptions of adult support following exposure to these traumatic online materials. A qualitative phenomenological approach was employed. Fifteen Israeli girls, aged 15–18, who had viewed war-related snuff videos on social networks, were interviewed in-depth. Interviews were recorded, transcribed, and thematically analyzed. Results: The analysis revealed four central themes: (1) Ubiquitous exposure, wherein participants felt unable to avoid violent content; (2) Intense emotional and physiological responses, including fear, horror, shivering, and vomiting, suggesting traumatic stress reactions; (3) Coping strategies and resilience, as some participants ceased viewing voluntarily or with external intervention, sought peer support, and gradually regained a sense of control; and (4) The perceived role of significant adults, with participants noting that parents and educators were sometimes emotionally unavailable due to their own distress. The lack of open dialogue and the reliance on restrictive measures rather than meaningful guidance led to frustration and unmet emotional needs. The findings highlight the importance of preventative conversations, supportive adult involvement, and the development of non-intrusive coping strategies to mitigate the harmful effects of online violent content on vulnerable youth populations.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"Digital Wounds: The Coping Experiences of Adolescent Girls Exposed to Snuff Videos Online","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2025-06-25 17:07:38","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-6941022/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"2a82701e-acf2-47ce-bfbf-28cf7ba55502","owner":[],"postedDate":"June 25th, 2025","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"posted","subjectAreas":[],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2026-02-16T16:08:15+00:00","versionOfRecord":{"articleIdentity":"rs-6941022","link":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s10560-026-01087-5","journal":{"identity":"child-and-adolescent-social-work-journal","isVorOnly":false,"title":"Child and Adolescent Social Work Journal"},"publishedOn":"2026-02-09 15:59:14","publishedOnDateReadable":"February 9th, 2026"},"versionCreatedAt":"2025-06-25 17:07:38","video":"","vorDoi":"10.1007/s10560-026-01087-5","vorDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s10560-026-01087-5","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-6941022","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-6941022","identity":"rs-6941022","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"8U1c8b4HqxoKbykW_rLl7","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}