Cultural fire regime in the Comiteca Tojolabal Plateau, Chiapas, Mexico

Cultural fire regime in the Comiteca Tojolabal Plateau, Chiapas, Mexico | Research Square window.SnipcartSettings = { analytics: { enabled: false } }; (function() { var accessVector = localStorage.getItem('access_vector') || ''; window.dataLayer = window.dataLayer || []; if (accessVector) { window.dataLayer.push({ user: { profile: { profileInfo: { snid: accessVector } } } }); } })(); (function(w,d,s,l,i){w[l]=w[l]||[];w[l].push({'gtm.start':new Date().getTime(),event:'gtm.js'});var f=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],j=d.createElement(s),dl=l!='dataLayer'?'&l='+l:'';j.async=true;j.src='https://www.googletagmanager.com/gtm.js?id='+i+dl;f.parentNode.insertBefore(j,f);})(window,document,'script','dataLayer','GTM-K279D39R'); Browse Preprints In Review Journals COVID-19 Preprints AJE Video Bytes Research Tools Research Promotion AJE Professional Editing AJE Rubriq About Preprint Platform In Review Editorial Policies Our Team Advisory Board Help Center Sign In Submit a Preprint Cite Share Download PDF Research Article Cultural fire regime in the Comiteca Tojolabal Plateau, Chiapas, Mexico Laura Patricia Ponce-Calderón, Fernando Limón-Aguirre, Iokiñe Rodríguez This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-7651465/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract Background Climate change, public policies, and deterritorialization have altered cultural regimes that have historically guided the use of fire as part of productive and community practices. In the region known as the Comiteca Tojolabal Plateau, in Chiapas, Mexico, these regimes refer to the way in which fire is used in peasant and indigenous territories for productive and cultural activities, aimed at reproducing collective life according to community values and interests. This study presents a comprehensive approach to the cultural regime of fire, based on ethnographic research that included semi-structured interviews, life stories, focus groups, walking transects, social mapping exercises, and participatory observation. Based on cultural knowledge as an analytical category, local ways of understanding the cultural regimes of fire are analyzed. Results The findings show an adaptive cultural management of the territory based on the knowledge derived from the historical experience of territoriality itself, providing guidelines and tools for the most effective management of fire in the territory. Conclusions The fire regime must be understood as a component of a pyrobiocultural framework, where fire articulates relationships between nature, culture, and territory over time, integrating its symbolic and identity dimensions. The conceptual analysis of cultural fire regimes integrates the sociocultural cognitive dimension and the historical processes that have shaped them. Generalized policies of colonization and exclusion of fire have eradicated or weakened these ways of territorializing spaces, with effects during times of climate crisis. cultural knowledge pyrobiocultural territories cultural fire management intercultural fire management climate crisis Figures Figure 1 Background Rural communities around the world are increasingly affected by the climate crisis and policies that exclude the use of fire, leading to a higher incidence of fires due to alterations in their fire regimes (Sayedi et al. 2024; Clark et al. 2024). These impacts occur in ecosystems that sustain spiritual, food, and forest management practices in areas populated by indigenous communities (Roos et al. 2021). Indigenous peoples inhabit 80 % of terrestrial biodiversity (Bosques del Mundo, s/a), areas particularly vulnerable to environmental changes (Voggesser et al. 2013). In Latin America, 35 % of forest areas are occupied by these groups (Saatchi et al. 2011; Fa et al. 2020; Walker et al. 2020); However, these areas currently face an uncertain future due to vulnerability to the climate crisis, as in 2023, the warmest year ever recorded on the planet (Reschenhofer 2025). Current trends indicate that the world will face increasingly severe wildfires. Although ecological fire regimes have been extensively studied at the global level, these studies have not considered information on cultural knowledge and practices, despite 79 % of ecological studies carried out since 1900 showing an increase in biodiversity associated with fire management by indigenous peoples (Hoffman et al. 2021). These data are cause for concern, as these native communities, with ancestral knowledge rooted in their territories, are particularly vulnerable to imposed public policies that tend to respond to alien criteria that, in many cases, oppose their unique ways of life. Within the framework of pyrobiocultural territories and their significance, it is essential to establish the premise that fire should not — and cannot — be eradicated from indigenous territories as it is an integral part of the culture and livelihood of indigenous communities. Rather, it is necessary to strengthen research on this topic, incorporating sociological and ethnographic data to provide a solid baseline for understanding the use of fire (Dewerte and Crombé 2019) from the perspective of the uses and customs of native peoples. Over the past decade, cultural knowledge of fire has begun to be studied more extensively, and cultural burning practices have been documented (Ponce-Calderón et al. 2022; Huffman 2013; Rodríguez et al. 2023; Mistry et al. 2005). In some regions of the world, significant steps have been taken to incorporate indigenous knowledge into fire management policies (Goldammer 2022; Robinson et al. 2016) under an Integrated Fire Management (IFM) approach (Pasiecznik and Goldammer 2022). However, these efforts have frequently been biased towards incorporating local fire use regimes into environmental fire management policies to ensure efficient and controlled use of fire, but neglecting the territorial association, valuation, and cultural roots of fire among native peoples, aspects that confer permanence over time. This manuscript presents a comprehensive approach to the concept of cultural fire regime based on ethnographic research conducted in the Comiteca Tojolabal Plateau region, in the state of Chiapas, Mexico. This study included semi-structured interviews, life stories, focus groups, walking transects, social mapping exercises, and participatory observation. Based on cultural knowledge as an analytical category, this study analyzed the local ways of understanding cultural fire regimes. From ecological to cultural fire regimes The cultural and social perspective analyzed by Lévi-Strauss (1978) recognizes fire as a symbol of relevance in multiple cultures, whose ceremonial use reinforces social cohesion and identity. In this sense, fire is understood as a cultural factor that is integrated into the social and economic practices of human communities in their respective and diverse territories (Godelier 2000). Likewise, it is a component of territoriality, understood as the way in which people inhabit their space and interact with their environment according to their identity and historical experiences (Limón 2012; Ponce-Calderón et al. 2022), expressed in fundamental practices for ecosystem processes and for strengthening social fabrics (Ponce-Calderón et al. 2024b). Hence, it is essential to understand the regional and socio-territorial historical development, especially in regions with great biocultural richness, such as those in Mesoamerica inhabited by native peoples who possess knowledge, resources, and livelihoods that are inherited and transferred continuously (Boege 2014). As long as these communities develop their culture, they will constantly reshape the territories they inhabit, renewing their sense of connection with the entire environment (Limón 2009); hence, the importance of recognizing the explanatory and interpretive dimensions of fire use in a comprehensive and complex manner. To understand the use of fire within the framework of spatiotemporal, sociocultural, and ecosystem interactions, an integral interpretive framework is required. The fire regime is a key concept. Documented in scientific and technical literature since the nineteenth century, it accounts for meteorological and climatic variations that occur regularly in time and space following periodic cycles, such as the seasons of the year (Krebs et al. 2010). In those years, French explorers began to use the expression " régime des incendies " to describe the practice of burning grass in Senegal (Roger 1828). Later, it was used to refer to the high incidence of fires caused by African natives in their various cultural practices (Toutée 1899). In the second decade of the twentieth century, the expression “ régimen des feux ” started to appear in scientific publications, moving from the attention to fires to fire management on vegetation and forestry; the focus was still in the French colonies (de la Bâthie 1912, 1921; Humbert 1927), specifically in areas subjected to recurrent fires due to anthropogenic causes and with consequences interpreted as "destructive". These findings were later confirmed by Belgian researchers in Congo (Lebrun 1936; Offermann 1953). The concept of "fire regime" or "burning regime" (Krebs et al. 2010), used mainly by botanists, soil scientists, agronomists, and foresters, was established with a negative connotation. A paradigm shift occurred in the 1960s, encompassing social and cultural aspects, which challenged the deterministic patterns of the causes and effects of fire previously considered negative, and evaluated the positive effects of fire in ecosystems. In the United States, it was useful to recognize the ecological role of fire, which, in turn, led to the emergence of a new scientific discipline, fire ecology (Krebs et al. 2010), which studies the relationships of organisms with each other and their environment in the presence of fire (Rodríguez-Trejo 2015). This perspective was forged in parallel with other transformative social causes: women's rights, multiculturalism, and anti-colonialism (Krebs et al. 2010). Heinselman (1973) was one of the first to address the "fire regime" from the ecology of specific geographic areas, considering characteristics such as frequency, intensity, duration, and temporal and spatial patterns. This concept is essential to understanding the role of fire in ecosystems by evaluating parameters that describe the occurrence of fire in a given area and period, where this element follows a relatively homogeneous pattern (Falk and Swetnam, 2003). This conceptualization considers fire-related factors (duration and extension) and supplementary factors (causes, severity of droughts, flammability of combustible materials, wind conditions, characteristics of the smoke column, duration of slow combustion, tree mortality, firefighting costs, damage to buildings, and others) (Gill et al. 2002). Another concurrent concept that emerged in the Russian literature was "pyrological regime" (Furyaev et al. 2008; Yevdokimenko 2008). Under any of these names, the fire regime concept was simplistic, being restricted to listing the main components under an approach that focused on essential measurable parameters to describe fire recurrence patterns (Krebs et al. 2010). These were organized into three main aspects: 1) when, where, and how the fire is present (characteristics of combustible materials, meteorology, causes of fire, anthropogenic conditions, and synergies); 2) the circumstances or conditions under which fire occurs (spatio-temporal distribution and characteristics of the fire); and 3) immediate ecological and social effects (Krebs et al. 2010). Discussing the scope of the concept, Pyne et al. (1996) proposed a distinction between "anthropogenic fire regimes" and "natural fire regimes", focusing on the causes and conditions under which they develop. At a deeper level, Rodríguez-Trejo (2015) provided the concept of "baseline regimes", understood as a combination of natural regimes, which occur without human intervention, and altered regimes, modified by the excessive introduction or exclusion of fire. By that time, the alterations, known as "firing regimes" (Verran 2002), had already become a consolidated matter of concern, acknowledging alterations in the fire regime due to suppression in ecosystems (Bour-lière 1964) or intentional burning. Despite the growing complexity of the perspectives, the sociocultural component of fire in the territories was still not appreciated. The negative vision not only disregarded cultural practices related to fire management but also reinforced the colonialist vision and positions. To overcome this paradigm, ecological and economic evidence was needed to refute it (Krebs et al. 2010). Pyne (1984) and Goldammer et al. (2001) argued that the definition of fire regime, given its heterogeneous attributes, must reconcile the nature of fire with the socio-ecological context in which it occurs. This approach provides context to the scientific debate on the fire regime by incorporating more complex variables and additional parameters that favor a more complete analysis (Krebs 2010). This was supported by documenting the use of fire in Europe for hunting and improvement of pastures in the Neolithic period (Goldammer et al. 1997); whereas in Australia, the positive effects of fire to improve grazing land have been demonstrated since the mid-nineteenth century (Gill et al. 2002; Noble and Grice, 2002); and in various Latin American cultures, fire has served to improve agricultural practices and grassland health since pre-Columbian times (Rodríguez-Trejo 2015). These facts underlined the need for an approach that aims to understand how human practices have historically influenced landscapes through the use of fire, considering not only the ecological perspective, but also the social and political aspects. However, to date, few efforts have been made to examine the characteristics of the fire regime under this sociocultural approach. Introducing the concept of "cultural fire regime" from the intersection of fire ecology, sociology, anthropology, and human geography is of utmost importance to establish the cultural links of societies with fire in their historical and geographical contexts. Although the "cultural fire regime" category has been mentioned in various studies (Carcaillet et al. 2009; Saladyga 2017; Whitehair et al. 2018), a clear and agreed-upon definition remains elusive. In this sense, and based on ethical, philosophical, and scientific assumptions aimed at the production and reproduction of the collective life and culture of the Peoples, Ponce-Calderón et al. (2022: 55) delve into the cultural fire regime, understanding it as "the fire present in territories to carry out productive and cultural practices based on collective interests [and which, as a result of] experience-based wisdom [...] provides a guiding framework for the cultural management of fire, offering criteria and resources for its controlled use in territories, when carrying out productive and cultural practices”. Recognizing the cultural character of knowledge underscores two central aspects: a) being a People (political and cultural otherness) and b) owning a territory in which the inhabitants have learned to live and for which they are responsible. Of an onto-epistemic and methodological nature, the cultural knowledge approach proposes focusing on life as experienced from a cultural perspective and in particular territories, which is defended precisely to project life as Peoples (Limón, 2012). Using the concept proposed by Ponce-Calderón et al (2022), in this study we adopted the following components to operationalize the concept of cultural fire regime: a) the historical evolution of the relationship of man with fire; b) territoriality as a lived space; c) knowledge and experiences in relation to climatic conditions, times, and adequate forms of fire management; d) identity, livelihood, and cultural values shared among community members, such as respect for the environment; e) community organization and its regulations regarding fire; f) technologies used for fire management; and g) the dynamism, transmission, and permanence of knowledge. Based on these aspects, an interpretive-explanatory approach is presented on how the cultural fire regime is experienced and expressed on the Comiteca Tojolabal Plateau in view of current tensions that threaten its continuity over time. Methods Background: context of areas In Chiapas, the southernmost Mexican state with territories inhabited by more than a dozen Mayan indigenous peoples, fire has been a central component of their territorial processes. Bordering Guatemala and home to the Chuj, Ch'ol, Q'anjob'al, Mam, Mochó, Popti', Tojol-ab'al, Tseltal, and Tsotsil peoples (INEGI, 2022), the Comiteca Tojolabal Plateau Region integrates seven municipalities: Comitán de Domínguez, La Independencia, La Trinitaria, Las Margaritas, Las Rosas, Maravilla Tenejapa, and Tzimol (Figure 1), covering an area of 7424.73 km², which includes the Lagunas de Montebello National Park. With semi-warm, humid, and sub-humid climates and as part of territorial management, the inhabitants of this region mainly cultivate the traditional milpa (corn, beans, and other crops such as zucchini). Its micro-basins, which belong to three hydrological regions, contribute to Mexico’s two largest rivers: Usumacinta and Grijalva. The fauna is highly diverse, as is the vegetation, which includes coniferous and mountain cloud forests, as well as high and low evergreen tropical forests (INEGI, 2022). Despite the importance of cultural practices in maintaining the cultural fire regime, some individuals and institutions have started to question the occurrence of fire in the territory; thus, tensions have arisen regarding this element, confronting the experience and inherited knowledge (Limón 2012) with the prohibitive logics mandated by law. The various positions include the following. Government personnel of national institutions (such as CONAFOR- Mexico's National Forestry Commission) have a relatively clear vision of cultural management of fire; in contrast, the staff at the state level in Chiapas (for instance of the Office of the State Attorney General) adopt a restrictive, controlling, and even judicializing stance (now punished with 12 years in prison for the use of fire), aiming to eradicate its use. The academic scenario also faces tensions. On the one hand, conservationists consider fire an element alien to ecosystems, whereas sociologists and anthropologists are more open to its role. Finally, rural and urban societies also display opposite postures. In cities, fire is primarily associated with wild, destructive fires, and some people living in communities have started to reject its use, influenced by institutional discourses that depict the use of fire as a negative practice. Amid these tensions and despite the harassment and repression exercised by the Chiapas authorities, who have intensified their discourses to promote the modernization of the countryside, disregarding burning practices due to ignorance (Guevara et al. 2013), the use of fire persists as a common practice. In this context of contempt and prejudice, the knowledge of fire is eroding. However, local communities frequently defend the use of fire, as doing so also supports their livelihoods and territoriality. Finally, another driver that has contributed to the transformation of cultural fire regimes is the climate crisis. This crisis directly affects the natural resources, the economy, and the sovereignty of the communities, jeopardizing their unique livelihoods. This is evident mainly in agricultural activities, where people must delay burning for the preparation of cropland because the dry season now lasts longer and the rainy season does not start in the usual months. For this reason and because cultural fire regimes can offer essential elements for adaptation to the climate crisis, it is necessary to strengthen the collaboration between governments, peoples, and local communities to ensure the protection of the resources that have been culturally managed and safeguarded by the local native communities (Voggesser et al. 2013). Sampling The fieldwork was carried out in one community from each municipality on the Comiteca Tojolabal Plateau from 2022 to 2025. The project is based on the customary rules of the participating communities, so authorization to carry out the research was obtained through an agreement with the assembly or ejido authorities. This procedure enabled us to carry out fieldwork in accordance with the principle of free, prior, and informed consent of the participating communities, thereby ensuring our commitment to maintaining confidentiality and anonymity. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 31 individuals according to four categories of analysis: (a) pyrobiocultural territories, (b) cultural knowledge of fire, (c) cultural fire regime, and (d) cultural fire management practices. Thirteen life stories were collected from individuals recognized for the richness of their experiences and practices on the use of fire, aiming to gain a deeper understanding of the data collected and the social experiences about fire, as well as to learn about the role of fire in their community and its meaning. Six focus groups were conducted to confirm and agree on ideas and perceptions about fire and its management. Five walking transects were carried out to observe, experience, know, appreciate, discover, and learn about memories of forests and croplands in various areas of the territory, and to gain insight into how people live there. These walks were enriched by the construction of the respective social cartographies. Finally, participatory observation of agricultural burning was performed, which facilitated the understanding of the practices discussed in the previous meetings. The analysis of the information is interpretative and based on phenological approaches to understand the experiences of participants and explore the meanings of fire within their cultural context, as well as on hermeneutics, to arrive at an interpretation of reality investigated in a holistic, interpretive-illustrative, and critical way. These approaches are applied through the detection of categories, synthesis, translation, and reflection of experiences, both by the researcher and by the knowledge and stories of participants (Sánchez and Mora 2019). Results Cultural fire regimes in the Comiteca Tojolabal Plateau In the Comiteca Tojolabal Plateau Region, fire is far from being a mere tool or an enemy; instead, it is a being that is respected and with which inter-subjective bonds are established, a perspective that articulates psychological, social, cultural, agroecological, and forestry aspects. Fire and its products, such as ash, have a wide range of uses in the region, including burning crop fields to clear the land in preparation for sowing and to stimulate grass growth to feed livestock, as well as serving as an aid in hunting or scaring away wildlife. The results identified key components that articulate the ecological, social, and cultural dimensions of fire use in this region. The key components of the cultural fire regime in the Comiteca Plateau are outlined below. a) Historical evolution of the relationship with fire on the Comiteca Plateau Cultural knowledge of fire is intimately linked to the territory: without territory, there is no knowledge of fire, and without this knowledge, the relationship with the territory is also weakened. In the communities that inhabit the region, the use of fire is part of a range of practices that not only have productive purposes, but also are ways of inhabiting and caring for the environment, including agricultural activities such as milpa and sugarcane; livestock raising, beekeeping, and hunting; repel insects, control of poisonous animals and pests; production of agroecological fertilizers, charcoal, and lime; pottery, as well as in the control and prevention of wildfires. Additionally, fire plays a crucial role in rituals and healing processes. Beyond its immediate applications, the uses of fire reaffirm the bond with the territory and the collective responsibility for its care. In this sense, it is not only a technical tool but an essential component of indigenous and peasant territoriality. The Comiteca Plateau reflects the resilience and adaptability of its peoples in the face of the challenges and processes they have experienced, such as colonization, state policies, and ecological transformations caused by the climate crisis. This perspective allows us to understand how the cultural regime has been modified and reshaped at different times, and how this alteration has impacts today with the growing incidence of forest fires. In this Region, the towns are located between valleys, mountains, forests, basins, and rivers, all of which facilitate agriculture and livestock raising. To provide a historical perspective, five key moments with their respective issues were identified, which allow for an understanding of the evolution and transformations in the face of diverse changes: "It is no longer the time that we lived previously" (Tzimol). - Pre-colonial period (before the sixteenth century) The archaeological sites of Tenam Puente, Chinkultic, Junchavin, and El Lagartero belong to this period, serving as architectural testimonies of Maya culture from the Late Preclassic period, between 600 and 100 B.C., to the Early Postclassic period between 900 and 1250 A.D. The pre-Columbian period is considered the time when fire was first incorporated into culture, as it was used in the daily lives of families and communities. The sacred relationship with nature is preserved to this day: "Before you plant the first seed, you have to talk to the holy earth; my grandfather and my father spoke to it in Tzeltal, [they said] mother earth forgive me, and the first thing is that one cries, so forgive me for I am going to hurt you. You are my mother, you will feed me, and we then pray to God that there are no pests, that the wind does not pass, that it rains" (Villa Las Rosas). This statement is an example of the current cognitive forms related to fire that reflect a prolongation of pre-Columbian ways of relating to nature. Fire is Tatik K'aj, "our father fire", associated with Tatik chawuk, the living and sacred beings (Villa Las Rosas). - The c olonial and hacienda period (sixteenth-nineteenth centuries). The Spanish conquest and colonization imposed a land management model based on expropriation and exploitation. Haciendas (land owned by conquerors) were established mainly in Comitán, Las Margaritas, La Trinitaria, and La Independencia, in which: "we lived like slaves" (La Trinitaria); "the little boys were enslaved [... but then...] at that time, our ancestors began to get organized, little by little, in hiding, so that the boss would not know and would not expel them. They began to reach agreements to take the farm for an ejido" (Comitán). Most of these haciendas are currently ejidos, communities, and ranches. This period marks the beginning of the dispute between cultural knowledge and knowledge imposed with rationale and interests other than those of nature and fire. The latter began to be dismissed and devalued with the advent of new exploitation dynamics of forest resources for economic purposes. - Post-revolutionary period and agrarian reform (twentieth century). With the arrival of the agrarian reform that was enacted as a result of the Mexican Revolution, the native peoples began to recover part of their land and reactivate communal organization, now based on the ejidos: "In 1945, this blessed place was legalized, this land because here we were young then, it was a farm" (Comitán). Internal structures and regulations were established that reaffirmed agreements regarding the cultural management of fire, as is known to this day. - Period of restrictive environmental policies (1980–2010). The rise of conservationist policies and the creation of Natural Protected Areas imposed an institutional vision of fire as an ecological threat: "CONANP monitors burning very closely; so people began to understand little by little. It was then that they took control... That's why the government told us no" (Maravilla Tenejapa). This led to strict regulations against the use of fire and the increasing criminalization of agricultural and forest burning. (Guevara et al. 2013). This stage, experienced during the neoliberal period, is characterized by the government's unwillingness to engage in dialogue and by public policies that excluded cultural knowledge, leading to its erosion and fissures in both intergenerational transmission and community organization. There was an increased risk of forest fires and conflicts between government authorities and communities. - Contemporary period (2010 to present). This period is characterized by a paradigm shift, which has opened a small window to recognize the value of fire. The local native communities continue using fire according to their own forms of organization and cultural knowledge; however, they do so under the constant monitoring of government authorities, still from a logic that associates the use of fire with backwardness and ignorance, especially in the context of agricultural burning. Proposals for intercultural dialogues are emerging, including those from academia and environmental institutions at the federal level in the country and at the international level, which propose a territorialization of fire. b) Territoriality The history of the Comiteca Tojolabal Plateau, marked by colonial processes and dispossession, partially compensated by agrarian distributions, is not devoid of indigenous resistance. The land now occupied by indigenous and peasant communities was recovered in the mid-twentieth century, and, in them, these communities have reclaimed their way of living and relating to nature (fire included) under a re-territorialization process. In this historical re-territorialization, fire has been - and continues to be - a part of family and community life because it is present in both the productive systems and the domestic and festive life of the community: " truly, [fire] is almost like our mother " (Comitán), and even in healing: " If your stomach is bulging, you have to massage it. I was massaged, since there is no medicine or doctor, none. [My father] told me: Come on, son, and took me near the fire. They brought warm ashes from there; and truly, [the stomach] turned less bulged. And I also ate a bit of ashes because of my illness... I had some, thoroughly sieved. It is true, it works. " (Maravilla Tenejapa). This is why people deem it essential for their existence: " You are nothing without fire " (Tzimol), but at the same time people handle it carefully because they respect nature, " because the tree is life, Mother Earth is life, and uncontrolled fire does indeed destroy our environmen t. ” (Comitán). People value several aspects of their territory that contribute to their identity and well-being: " What I like most about my community is its culture " (La Trinitaria). There are sacred places to protect and pray, where ceremonies take place for agricultural purposes: " They prayed holding candles. Let us say, just as I put my corn in, I have to light some candles, and I tell you that I give thanks for what I received. We prayed to God, for it was Him who gave us our little meal. Now, when we go planting, before leaving, we cross ourselves and grab a little salt and a little water. We blow it and say in Tseltal: kuxletijil, meaning that we are asking corn to deseed, for it to be soft, because otherwise it is very hard … We pray to the Holy Earth because we are going to punch it because it is going to feed us, in the name of God and whatever His will wants to provide us in the harvest " (Comitán). Here, people understand that they must walk with respect and wisdom, while also remembering their ancestors. They take pride in their culture: " I am 100% Tojolabal " (Las Margaritas). The way in which fire is experienced in the Lacandon tropical forest, the Highlands region, the Plateau, or the coast of Chiapas varies, since its occurrence and importance depend on the needs of the inhabitants of each region. The cultural management of fire in this region is a structuring element in the construction of various territorialities, exemplifying that fire is managed according to the logic of reproducing the distinct cultures and diverse, geographically located territorialities. The construction of territoriality around fire is based on the value that native communities assign to this element, its meaning, and their need to relate and dialog with it: " Fire means a word, a message " (La Trinitaria). c) Knowledge and experiences The communities of the Comiteca Plateau build, communicate, and update their knowledge about fire based on their experiences, knowledge, and cultural practices. Their knowledge lies in accumulated experience, intergenerational dialogue, and the link with the environment, as the use of fire is related to broader environmental knowledge: "Indeed, if the moon is well settled, that is the one that will provide heat. When she is skinny, it will rain” (Comitán). Therefore, the knowledge and experiences of relating to fire compel us to pay attention to the everyday, the productive, the ritual, and all things essential to thrive, especially because it is a vital element for life and to endorse its territoriality. Thus, this knowledge implies understanding the capacity to generate life, unite communities, mark the cycles and rhythms of nature, and signify a memory that is inherited more through growing up with the shared experience of being there than through formal learning. Therefore, understanding the testimony of fire contributes to maintaining knowledge and understanding between humans, nature, and the sacred. In the Comiteca Tojolabal Plateau, cultural knowledge of fire gives meaning to fire management practices. Such is the case of agricultural burning, needed to maintain food sovereignty, as it facilitates getting the land ready for planting basic crops (corn and beans) through an efficient and sustainable process that responds to secular knowledge. In the same sense, livestock-related grass burning seeks to increase pasture and control pests, while sugarcane burning facilitates its harvest and care. Another practice is the use of fire in Chuje localities to perform chib'al , a hunting technique consisting of lighting fires on the tops of hills to attract birds. Also important are the burning of stones to produce lime (necessary for cooking corn) and road construction, the use of stove ash in agroecological management to disinfect farm pens and make homemade fertilizers, among other uses. These are just a few practices that illustrate how fire is linked to activities that sustain everyday life in local communities. Cultural knowledge of fire requires knowledge of nature. People know that in cold land: " there are differences; for example, some burn their plots at this hour of the day. Here, in cold land, we do not. " (Comitán). The same thing happens in warm areas: " I ask my father, why is this burned?, why is it burned with fire?, why, dad? It is burned so that the earth warms, then we sow and the corn emerges beautiful... Here the climate is different because here the land is warm, it is always warm, and that is what makes the earth warm " (Maravilla Tenejapa). Fire always interacts with other elements in addition to weather, such as slope, humidity, and, primarily, the wind. In the Mayan context, native communities consider cycles in addition to paying attention to the signs of nature, such as the moon, songs of wildlife, and the movement of the wind, to manage fire. People understand these are ways of inhabiting, building, and taking good care of the land based on their knowledge of life and nature around fire (Ponce-Calderón et al. 2024a). There is a direct connection between natural cycles, the careful application of cultural knowledge of fire, and the inherited community responsibility to protect the land and life: " On occasions, I ask my daddy... how do we know [the direction] where we are going [to ignite the fire], is it here where we are going to start the fire? No, son, if it is a ravine or hill, and if the wind is blowing this way [on this side], you should grab some litter or dust and spread it like this [and you see the direction where it is flowing] to light the fire. If the wind flows this way, light the fire here first, and then it advances little by little. If the wind carries the litter here, burn it first downward and then up, so [when] it reaches here, it will encounter it half consumed, and there is no danger " (Maravilla Tenejapa). This knowledge guides the practices to carry out the burns, to determine where they should start the fire depending on the wind and the slope, and thus prevent the fire from going out of control: " It is like if we lit a candle now, we would realize in which direction the air is blowing; if the flame leans in this direction, it is [here] where we have to make the rounds " (Maravilla Tenejapa). d) Identity, livelihood, and cultural values Livelihoods, which for each of the native communities are grounded on their cultural knowledge and shared values and identity, set the basis for the reproduction of their communal life. The culturally significant relationship with fire generates gratitude and dependence on it; for this reason, it is underlined as essential for daily survival, a vital component of identity and livelihood: " We all use fire, and, if we don’t have it, we lose everything ” (Tzimol). For most individuals, the relationship with fire acquires a significant spiritual dimension: " The blessed fire is the spirit that God decided to be good " (Tzimol); it is considered a subjective entity with a divine and essential purpose, a source of life, connecting the material with the spiritual, and bringing vitality and energy to existence. Given that these are cultures with a relational rationality of dialogue, intersubjective relationships are established with the elements/beings of the environment. This willingness to dialogue is confirmed in the treatment, which must be respectful and dignified to live in harmony. This is how society-nature relations are typically understood. Since truthfulness is one of the most precious values in indigenous communities, " giving one's word " and accompanying it with consequent actions represents assuming a commitment and fulfilling it. It is a way of characterizing responsibility in their territory, encompassing everything it entails: "if they are not responsible, they cannot manage fire" (La Trinitaria). In other words, it is not enough to know when and where to burn; managing fire requires responsibility, as evidenced by understanding the implications of the use of fire when making decisions. Solidarity and friendship are equally valued because in times of need, people support each other to carry out any task. Such is the case to make firebreaks, put out fires, or any other incident in the community that requires a collective action of solidarity: " If someone already helped me, I had to help someone else, and so we all help each other " (Comitán). " Togetherness " is evident not only for work, but also during festivities or when facing events that can jeopardize the harmony of community life. For this reason, when it is the case, reconciliation is sought, appealing to concord, acknowledging that " the very heart [of each one, including that of fire] senses it" (La Trinitaria); this may refer to knowledge that transcends reason and guides their actions, so as not to provoke revenge or punishments. " Respect " is one of the highest values, to be experienced between individuals and nature, in this case with fire: "For me, there are three kinds of respect: water, fire, and earth. First, we must show respect for fire because if it gets out of control, we will not be able to put it out, and everything will be destroyed; because, more than anything, if we do not have respect for fire, many things can happen. And water is the same, for the same reason, because more than anything else, we must show respect for everything that is called nature. In my case, I am highly respectful of water because it comes from the earth and is living. Think about it: if we deserve respect from each other, nature also deserves respect." (Comitán). These are values that must be reaffirmed because that is how the people work and live: " Well, because, even though we say that people were more ignorant in the past, we are wrong, they were wise, and wisdom shows in their way of thinking, of behaving, of showing respect ." (Villa las Rosas). "Conscience ” about protecting the forest at the time of burning, which is the application of values and knowledge, becomes apparent in every action because when speaking of "conscience", people speak of themselves, of honesty, integrity, simplicity, and learning: " Conscience has its own conscience " (La Trinitaria). When there is a lack of conscience, negative behaviors emerge that affect everything, from caring for oneself to caring for Mother Earth. Each value becomes an essential basis for caring for and inhabiting the territory that provides the essentials for life: land to cultivate, water to irrigate and drink, and fire to live: " Each individual must look for his/her fire, which must be tended. Everyone tends their fire, and that is how it is " (La Trinitaria). The prevailing thought is " If I like living here, then I am going to serve here " (Trinitaria). This willingness contributes to knowing the community and its territory, assuming responsibility, taking care of the community, and preserving peace and well-being. The value of living in harmony with nature is practiced in respectful forms of relationship, such as with water, since everything has its own soul and, therefore, must be respected and cared for. e) Community organization and regulations The native communities of the Comiteca Plateau have maintained order within their communities and have worked hard to preserve their forms of organization. Accordingly, they have established the necessary regulations to live in peace and behave correctly in the community: " What I like most about the ejido is its people, the region, how we are organized, the way we take care of each other. It is something significant in every society; in many places this has been broken, but it remains here, and this is good " (Comitán), asserting their rights to self-determination and territoriality. This conviction reflects the care and trust they have in their own organization and in the ruling of the current community authorities. Community organization, vindicated and defended after regaining its freedom (following the end of labor work on haciendas between the 1930s and 1990s), occurs mostly under the ejido modality. The people elect their representatives in assemblies. In addition to the authorities, such as the municipal agents (legal affairs) and the ejido commissioner (land-related matters), they form committees, including those for water, civil protection, the church, and the fair. This model favors collective planning and cooperation. Agreements are reached in assemblies, including those related to fire management, guided by cultural criteria, based on previous experience, and projections for future life. For example: • Informative meetings and burn notices: Before carrying out agricultural burns, community meetings are held to inform and coordinate the actions received from the different government authorities, a mechanism through which they adapt the provisions, such as reporting agricultural burns and signing up to get organized in shifts. • Use of fire and fire management: The specifications for using fire in burns include considering the weather, the time of day, and setting firebreaks. Likewise, people are organized in case of fires with their own community brigades to manage them, strengthening their response capacity. • Internal sanctions and conflict resolution: If a community member sets a fire that gest pout of control, the ejido authorities impose internal sanctions. These sanctions aim to resolve the issue and avoid prosecution, also serving as a collective learning mechanism. Community members, mainly men, agree on the organization of burning and wildfire prevention: " I have to recruit four or more people to prevent [burning] from happening on the [land of] another fellow [...]. Otherwise, if I make that mistake, if I burn the land on the other side, then it becomes an issue. That is why it must be managed properly. " (Tzimol). Finally, these organizational frameworks not only regulate internal life but also sustain knowledge, responsibilities, and ways to build from the experience of the territory. f) Fire management technologies Technology optimizes work to facilitate field work. Labor is carried out using techniques, skills, and methods that are consistent not only with the economic and productive requirements, but also with the available resources and tools, community agreements, and environmental and cultural conditions. Cultural burning practices involve the use of a range of hand tools with distinct functions. The most common tools are the machete for cutting vegetation and making rustic instruments, a hoe for removing earth, a coa for cutting roots, a rake for distributing dry vegetation before and during burning, and a shovel for putting out the fire by covering it with soil. Other less rustic instruments are the sprinkler pump or backpack to control the spread of fire with water. Branches are used as an alternative to the pump to control and redirect the flames within the plot. After agricultural burns, the yoke is used to complete the preparation of the soil: a pair of oxen pulls the plow to turn the soil, fulfilling a function similar to that of a tractor. It is also used to incorporate ashes into the soil after burning and, in some cases, to trace the firebreak. These technologies, used for generations despite their apparent simplicity, are constantly evolving, guided by the careful observation of the environment and the experience of those who have applied them for many generations: "Here, for example, as parents, I take the child to the cornfield, and [he] is going to hang on the backpack. And the boy observes that his father cuts his sweeping stick, the manzanito stick, as we call it, because there was no rake or any wood tools [before], [so we use] a branch that has three segments, we cut the vine, and that [is used] as a rake. I don't bother buying a rake, I don't worry about anything because I will find the tools in the mountains." (Comitán). However, in recent decades, native peasants have been forced to adapt to the new climatic conditions and interference from the state and alien companies that aim to modernize the countryside, which launch campaigns to disregard the benefits of burning and, in turn, make people more dependent on various types of agrochemicals, some of which are toxic, that replace local technologies with adverse effects. g) Vitality, transmission, and permanence of knowledge Vitality refers to the vigor and strength that keep fire-related knowledge and practices alive. To keep them relevant and vigorous, implementation is required: "You have to burn, even a little bit, but it must be practiced" (La Trinitaria). There are collective spaces that revitalize the use of fire, including the countryside and family gatherings. People believe that they can work in professional positions without leaving agriculture because both activities are compatible. The transfer of knowledge is essential as family inheritance in their customs; the continuity of the cultural management of fire is thereby ensured as part of a process through which information, experiences, skills, and knowledge are communicated: "it is necessary to reactivate those customs that are being lost, because children are another generation that is growing up, and those traditions are no longer preserved" (Comitán). In this transfer process, knowledge or wisdom about fire is learned, accumulated, built, improved, and adapted: "For example, when we already have grown children, we will inherit to them the little knowledge we have as farmers, above all so [they know] when and at what time to burn, not just any time of the day” (Maravilla Tenejapa). For their part, the elderly maintain their willingness to transmit their knowledge to the young; in this regard, key elements should be considered, such as the ability to listen respectfully and attentively, as well as the willingness to establish a dialogue between generations. Once the interest and need have been stirred up, practices remain because they are reinforced through the teaching method exercised, which involves accompanying parents or older siblings to the plot to learn: "We gradually learn... that way one realizes when it is good to burn or when the wind is in good condition" (La Trinitaria). This teaching approach always involves the accompaniment and supervision of peasants with more experience: "All this knowledge is given little by little, because I think that, as children, well, we don't know much, but over time we watch and experience how our parents do it. From there we learn." (La Trinitaria). This is how the process takes place: the grandparents mention that they learned directly in the field, where they accompanied their grandparents and parents. When they grew up, they kept doing it out of habit and because it worked for them: "One is not born a teacher; teachers are made, then, that is how he learns to burn in a certain time.” (La Trinitaria). Discussion and conclusions Several studies have suggested integrating the knowledge of indigenous peoples into fire management initiatives (Whitehead et al. 2008; Rodríguez-Trejo et al. 2022), highlighting the importance of transdisciplinary collaboration to incorporate local knowledge into the analysis and improved management of fire regimes (Roos et al. 2021). However, little is discussed on how to strengthen cultural fire regimes to ensure better fire management from a local perspective, thereby helping to strengthen the identity, self-determination, and territoriality of native communities. In this sense, we hereby propose to elaborate on the concept of cultural fire regime, defining it from the set of practices, knowledge, values, and sociocultural standards that guide the use of fire within specific territorial contexts (Ponce-Calderón et al. 2022). Our contribution highlights that this regime should be understood not only as a technical or functional dimension, but as part of a pyrobiocultural framework where fire articulates relationships between nature, culture, and territory over time. We emphasize that this complex approach to the notion of cultural fire regime should integrate the symbolic, territorial, and identity dimensions that constitute it. Thus, these regimes will be understood as systems that have resulted from adaptation between human communities and landscapes throughout history. The cultural fire regime is part of a broader territorial system that articulates knowledge, values, and historical practices, and that, in contrast, the generalized colonization and fire-exclusion policies have weakened these forms of territorializing spaces, leading to disruptions in times of climate crisis. The conceptual analysis of cultural fire regimes integrates the sociocultural cognitive dimension that configures it and the historical processes that have shaped it. In this framework, we propose to recognize the Comiteca Tojolabal Plateau as a pyrobiocultural territory where the use of fire is not a negligent, reckless, irresponsible, or marginal practice, but a central component of the peoples that mediates social relations and intergenerational knowledge for the cultural, agroecological, and ecosystem management of the territories integrated therein. Likewise, as illustrated in this work, communities have developed their own forms of organization, regulation, and transmission of knowledge about fire, adapting to social, political, and environmental transformations. Therefore, the elements that make up the cultural fire regime provide guidelines to understand the capacity of communities to adapt to environmental changes throughout history and highlight that it is necessary to maintain a balance of these elements for the well-being and territorial continuity of the peoples of the Comiteca Tojolabal Plateau so as not to repeat megafire events. Finally, it is evident that each culture and people in its territory, with its unique history and values, despite tensions with powerful groups, lives and defends its territoriality, including the use and management of fire. 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1","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":312619,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eTerritory of the Comiteca Tojolabal Plateau, state of Chiapas, Mexico. Created by Jorge Eduardo Hernández Reyes.\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"1.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7651465/v1/24147a558637fafffa9be553.png"},{"id":92987199,"identity":"a4921796-802c-4ed0-ba8d-186c7c9a3148","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-10-07 23:16:36","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":850323,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7651465/v1/361a87fd-c596-424c-b8e8-e2051c3e5e61.pdf"}],"financialInterests":"No competing interests reported.","formattedTitle":"Cultural fire regime in the Comiteca Tojolabal Plateau, Chiapas, Mexico","fulltext":[{"header":"Background","content":"\u003cp\u003eRural communities around the world are increasingly affected by the climate crisis and policies that exclude the use of fire, leading to a higher incidence of fires due to alterations in their fire regimes (Sayedi et al. 2024; Clark et al. 2024). These impacts occur in ecosystems that sustain spiritual, food, and forest management practices in areas populated by indigenous communities (Roos et al. 2021).\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIndigenous peoples inhabit 80\u0026nbsp;% of terrestrial biodiversity (Bosques del Mundo, s/a), areas particularly vulnerable to environmental changes (Voggesser et al. 2013). In Latin America, 35\u0026nbsp;% of forest areas are occupied by these groups (Saatchi et al. 2011; Fa et al. 2020; Walker et al. 2020); However, these areas currently face an uncertain future due to vulnerability to the climate crisis, as in 2023, the warmest year ever recorded on the planet (Reschenhofer 2025).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eCurrent trends indicate that the world will face increasingly severe wildfires. Although ecological fire regimes have been extensively studied at the global level, these studies have not considered information on cultural knowledge and practices, despite 79 % of ecological studies carried out since 1900 showing an increase in biodiversity associated with fire management by indigenous peoples (Hoffman et al. 2021). These data are cause for concern, as these native communities, with ancestral knowledge rooted in their territories, are particularly vulnerable to imposed public policies that tend to respond to alien criteria that, in many cases, oppose their unique ways of life.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWithin the framework of pyrobiocultural territories and their significance, it is essential to establish the premise that fire should not — and cannot — be eradicated from indigenous territories as it is an integral part of the culture and livelihood of indigenous communities. Rather, it is necessary to strengthen research on this topic, incorporating sociological and ethnographic data to provide a solid baseline for understanding the use of fire (Dewerte and Crombé 2019) from the perspective of the uses and customs of native peoples.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eOver the past decade, cultural knowledge of fire has begun to be studied more extensively, and cultural burning practices have been documented (Ponce-Calderón et al. 2022; Huffman 2013; Rodríguez et al. 2023; Mistry et al. 2005). In some regions of the world, significant steps have been taken to incorporate indigenous knowledge into fire management policies (Goldammer 2022; Robinson et al. 2016) under an Integrated Fire Management (IFM) approach (Pasiecznik and Goldammer 2022). However, these efforts have frequently been biased towards incorporating local fire use regimes into environmental fire management policies to ensure efficient and controlled use of fire, but neglecting the territorial association, valuation, and cultural roots of fire among native peoples, aspects that confer permanence over time.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis manuscript presents a comprehensive approach to the concept of cultural fire regime based on ethnographic research conducted in the Comiteca Tojolabal Plateau region, in the state of Chiapas, Mexico. This study included semi-structured interviews, life stories, focus groups, walking transects, social mapping exercises, and participatory observation. Based on cultural knowledge as an analytical category, this study analyzed the local ways of understanding cultural fire regimes.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eFrom ecological to cultural fire regimes\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe cultural and social perspective analyzed by Lévi-Strauss (1978) recognizes fire as a symbol of relevance in multiple cultures, whose ceremonial use reinforces social cohesion and identity. In this sense, fire is understood as a cultural factor that is integrated into the social and economic practices of human communities in their respective and diverse territories (Godelier 2000). Likewise, it is a component of territoriality, understood as the way in which people inhabit their space and interact with their environment according to their identity and historical experiences (Limón 2012; Ponce-Calderón et al. 2022), expressed in fundamental practices for ecosystem processes and for strengthening social fabrics (Ponce-Calderón et al. 2024b). Hence, it is essential to understand the regional and socio-territorial historical development, especially in regions with great biocultural richness, such as those in Mesoamerica inhabited by native peoples who possess knowledge, resources, and livelihoods that are inherited and transferred continuously (Boege 2014).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAs long as these communities develop their culture, they will constantly reshape the territories they inhabit, renewing their sense of connection with the entire environment (Limón 2009); hence, the importance of recognizing the explanatory and interpretive dimensions of fire use in a comprehensive and complex manner. To understand the use of fire within the framework of spatiotemporal, sociocultural, and ecosystem interactions, an integral interpretive framework is required.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe fire regime is a key concept. Documented in scientific and technical literature since the nineteenth century, it accounts for meteorological and climatic variations that occur regularly in time and space following periodic cycles, such as the seasons of the year (Krebs et al. 2010). In those years, French explorers began to use the expression \"\u003cem\u003erégime des incendies\u003c/em\u003e\" to describe the practice of burning grass in Senegal (Roger 1828). Later, it was used to refer to the high incidence of fires caused by African natives in their various cultural practices (Toutée 1899). In the second decade of the twentieth century, the expression “\u003cem\u003erégimen des feux\u003c/em\u003e” started to appear in scientific publications, moving from the attention to fires to fire management on vegetation and forestry; the focus was still in the French colonies (de la Bâthie 1912, 1921; Humbert 1927), specifically in areas subjected to recurrent fires due to anthropogenic causes and with consequences interpreted as \"destructive\". These findings were later confirmed by Belgian researchers in Congo (Lebrun 1936; Offermann 1953).\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe concept of \"fire regime\" or \"burning regime\" (Krebs et al. 2010), used mainly by botanists, soil scientists, agronomists, and foresters, was established with a negative connotation. A paradigm shift occurred in the 1960s, encompassing social and cultural aspects, which challenged the deterministic patterns of the causes and effects of fire previously considered negative, and evaluated the positive effects of fire in ecosystems. In the United States, it was useful to recognize the ecological role of fire, which, in turn, led to the emergence of a new scientific discipline, fire ecology (Krebs et al. 2010), which studies the relationships of organisms with each other and their environment in the presence of fire (Rodríguez-Trejo 2015). This perspective was forged in parallel with other transformative social causes: women's rights, multiculturalism, and anti-colonialism (Krebs et al. 2010).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eHeinselman (1973) was one of the first to address the \"fire regime\" from the ecology of specific geographic areas, considering characteristics such as frequency, intensity, duration, and temporal and spatial patterns. This concept is essential to understanding the role of fire in ecosystems by evaluating parameters that describe the occurrence of fire in a given area and period, where this element follows a relatively homogeneous pattern (Falk and Swetnam, 2003). This conceptualization considers fire-related factors (duration and extension) and supplementary factors (causes, severity of droughts, flammability of combustible materials, wind conditions, characteristics of the smoke column, duration of slow combustion, tree mortality, firefighting costs, damage to buildings, and others) (Gill et al. 2002).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAnother concurrent concept that emerged in the Russian literature was \"pyrological regime\" (Furyaev et al. 2008; Yevdokimenko 2008). Under any of these names, the fire regime concept was simplistic, being restricted to listing the main components under an approach that focused on essential measurable parameters to describe fire recurrence patterns (Krebs et al. 2010). These were organized into three main aspects: 1) when, where, and how the fire is present (characteristics of combustible materials, \u0026nbsp; meteorology, causes of fire, anthropogenic conditions, and synergies); 2) the circumstances or conditions under which fire occurs (spatio-temporal distribution and characteristics of the fire); and 3) immediate ecological and social effects (Krebs et al. 2010).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDiscussing the scope of the concept, Pyne et al. (1996) proposed a distinction between \"anthropogenic fire regimes\" and \"natural fire regimes\", focusing on the causes and conditions under which they develop. At a deeper level, Rodríguez-Trejo (2015) provided the concept of \"baseline regimes\", understood as a combination of natural regimes, which occur without human intervention, and altered regimes, modified by the excessive introduction or exclusion of fire. By that time, the alterations, known as \"firing regimes\" (Verran 2002), had already become a consolidated matter of concern, acknowledging alterations in the fire regime due to suppression in ecosystems (Bour-lière 1964) or intentional burning. Despite the growing complexity of the perspectives, the sociocultural component of fire in the territories was still not appreciated.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe negative vision not only disregarded cultural practices related to fire management but also reinforced the colonialist vision and positions. To overcome this paradigm, ecological and economic evidence was needed to refute it (Krebs et al. 2010).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ePyne (1984) and Goldammer et al. (2001) argued that the definition of fire regime, given its heterogeneous attributes, must reconcile the nature of fire with the socio-ecological context in which it occurs. This approach provides context to the scientific debate on the fire regime by incorporating more complex variables and additional parameters that favor a more complete analysis (Krebs 2010). This was supported by documenting the use of fire in Europe for hunting and improvement of pastures in the Neolithic period (Goldammer et al. 1997); whereas in Australia, the positive effects of fire to improve grazing land have been demonstrated since the mid-nineteenth century (Gill et al. 2002; Noble and Grice, 2002); and in various Latin American cultures, fire has served to improve agricultural practices and grassland health since pre-Columbian times (Rodríguez-Trejo 2015).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThese facts underlined the need for an approach that aims to understand how human practices have historically influenced landscapes through the use of fire, considering not only the ecological perspective, but also the social and political aspects. However, to date, few efforts have been made to examine the characteristics of the fire regime under this sociocultural approach.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIntroducing the concept of \"cultural fire regime\" from the intersection of fire ecology, sociology, anthropology, and human geography is of utmost importance to establish the cultural links of societies with fire in their historical and geographical contexts.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAlthough the \"cultural fire regime\" category has been mentioned in various studies (Carcaillet et al. 2009; Saladyga 2017; Whitehair et al. 2018), a clear and agreed-upon definition remains elusive.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn this sense, and based on ethical, philosophical, and scientific assumptions aimed at the production and reproduction of the collective life and culture of the Peoples, Ponce-Calderón et al. (2022: 55) delve into the cultural fire regime, understanding it as \"the fire present in territories to carry out productive and cultural practices based on collective interests \u0026nbsp;[and which, as a result of] experience-based wisdom [...] provides a guiding framework for the cultural management of fire, offering criteria and resources for its controlled use in territories, when carrying out productive and cultural practices”.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eRecognizing the cultural character of knowledge underscores two central aspects: a) being a People (political and cultural otherness) and b) owning a territory in which the inhabitants have learned to live and for which they are responsible. Of an onto-epistemic and methodological nature, the cultural knowledge approach proposes focusing on life as experienced from a cultural perspective and in particular territories, which is defended precisely to project life as Peoples (Limón, 2012).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eUsing the concept proposed by Ponce-Calderón et al (2022), in this study we adopted the following components to operationalize the concept of cultural fire regime: a) the historical evolution of the relationship of man with fire; b) territoriality as a lived space; c) knowledge and experiences in relation to climatic conditions, times, and adequate forms of fire management; d) identity, livelihood, and cultural values shared among community members, such as respect for the environment; e) community organization and its regulations regarding fire; f) technologies used for fire management; and g) the dynamism, transmission, and permanence of knowledge. Based on these aspects, an interpretive-explanatory approach is presented on how the cultural fire regime is experienced and expressed on the Comiteca Tojolabal Plateau in view of current tensions that threaten its continuity over time.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Methods","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eBackground: context of areas\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn Chiapas, the southernmost Mexican state with territories inhabited by more than a dozen Mayan indigenous peoples, fire has been a central component of their territorial processes. Bordering Guatemala and home to the Chuj, Ch'ol, Q'anjob'al, Mam, Mochó, Popti', Tojol-ab'al, Tseltal, and Tsotsil peoples (INEGI, 2022), the Comiteca Tojolabal Plateau Region integrates seven municipalities: Comitán de Domínguez, La Independencia, La Trinitaria, Las Margaritas, Las Rosas, Maravilla Tenejapa, and Tzimol (Figure 1), covering an area of 7424.73 km², which includes the Lagunas de Montebello National Park.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWith semi-warm, humid, and sub-humid climates and as part of territorial management, the inhabitants of this region mainly cultivate the traditional \u003cem\u003emilpa\u003c/em\u003e (corn, beans, and other crops such as zucchini). Its micro-basins, which belong to three hydrological regions, contribute to Mexico’s two largest rivers: Usumacinta and Grijalva. The fauna is highly diverse, as is the vegetation, which includes coniferous and mountain cloud forests, as well as high and low evergreen tropical forests (INEGI, 2022).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDespite the importance of cultural practices in maintaining the cultural fire regime, some individuals and institutions have started to question the occurrence of fire in the territory; thus, tensions have arisen regarding this element, confronting the experience and inherited knowledge (Limón 2012) with the prohibitive logics mandated by law.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe various positions include the following. Government personnel of national institutions (such as CONAFOR- Mexico's National Forestry Commission) have a relatively clear vision of cultural management of fire; in contrast, the staff at the state level in Chiapas (for instance of the Office of the State Attorney General) adopt a restrictive, controlling, and even judicializing stance (now punished with 12 years in prison for the use of fire), aiming to eradicate its use.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe academic scenario also faces tensions. On the one hand, conservationists consider fire an element alien to ecosystems, whereas sociologists and anthropologists are more open to its role. Finally, rural and urban societies also display opposite postures. In cities, fire is primarily associated with wild, destructive fires, and some people living in communities have started to reject its use, influenced by institutional discourses that depict the use of fire as a negative practice. Amid these tensions and despite the harassment and repression exercised by the Chiapas authorities, who have intensified their discourses to promote the modernization of the countryside, disregarding burning practices due to ignorance (Guevara et al. 2013), the use of fire persists as a common practice.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn this context of contempt and prejudice, the knowledge of fire is eroding. However, local communities frequently defend the use of fire, as doing so also supports their livelihoods and territoriality.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFinally, another driver that has contributed to the transformation of cultural fire regimes is the climate crisis. This crisis directly affects the natural resources, the economy, and the sovereignty of the communities, jeopardizing their unique livelihoods. This is evident mainly in agricultural activities, where people must delay burning for the preparation of cropland because the dry season now lasts longer and the rainy season does not start in the usual months. For this reason and because cultural fire regimes can offer essential elements for adaptation to the climate crisis, it is necessary to strengthen the collaboration between governments, peoples, and local communities to ensure the protection of the resources that have been culturally managed and safeguarded by the local native communities (Voggesser et al. 2013).\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eSampling\u003c/strong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe fieldwork was carried out in one community from each municipality on the Comiteca Tojolabal Plateau from 2022 to 2025. The project is based on the customary rules of the participating communities, so authorization to carry out the research was obtained through an agreement with the assembly or ejido authorities. This procedure enabled us to carry out fieldwork in accordance with the principle of free, prior, and informed consent of the participating communities, thereby ensuring our commitment to maintaining confidentiality and anonymity.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSemi-structured interviews were conducted with 31 individuals according to four categories of analysis: (a) pyrobiocultural territories, (b) cultural knowledge of fire, (c) cultural fire regime, and (d) cultural fire management practices. Thirteen life stories were collected from individuals recognized for the richness of their experiences and practices on the use of fire, aiming to gain a deeper understanding of the data collected and the social experiences about fire, as well as to learn about the role of fire in their community and its meaning.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSix focus groups were conducted to confirm and agree on ideas and perceptions about fire and its management. Five walking transects were carried out to observe, experience, know, appreciate, discover, and learn about memories of forests and croplands in various areas of the territory, and to gain insight into how people live there. These walks were enriched by the construction of the respective social cartographies. Finally, participatory observation of agricultural burning was performed, which facilitated the understanding of the practices discussed in the previous meetings.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe analysis of the information is interpretative and based on phenological approaches to understand the experiences of participants and explore the meanings of fire within their cultural context, as well as on hermeneutics, to arrive at an interpretation of reality investigated in a holistic, interpretive-illustrative, and critical way. These approaches are applied through the detection of categories, synthesis, translation, and reflection of experiences, both by the researcher and by the knowledge and stories of participants (Sánchez and Mora 2019).\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Results","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eCultural fire regimes in the Comiteca Tojolabal Plateau\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn the Comiteca Tojolabal Plateau Region, fire is far from being a mere tool or an enemy; instead, it is a being that is respected and with which inter-subjective bonds are established, a perspective that articulates psychological, social, cultural, agroecological, and forestry aspects. Fire and its products, such as ash, have a wide range of uses in the region, including burning crop fields to clear the land in preparation for sowing and to stimulate grass growth to feed livestock, as well as serving as an aid in hunting or scaring away wildlife. The results identified key components that articulate the ecological, social, and cultural dimensions of fire use in this region.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe key components of the cultural fire regime in the Comiteca Plateau are outlined below.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ea)\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;Historical evolution of the relationship with fire on the Comiteca Plateau\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eCultural knowledge of fire is intimately linked to the territory: without territory, there is no knowledge of fire, and without this knowledge, the relationship with the territory is also weakened. In the communities that inhabit the region, the use of fire is part of a range of practices that not only have productive purposes, but also are ways of inhabiting and caring for the environment, including agricultural activities such as milpa and sugarcane; livestock raising, beekeeping, and hunting; repel insects, control of poisonous animals and pests; \u0026nbsp;production of agroecological fertilizers, charcoal, and lime; pottery, as well as in the control and prevention of wildfires. Additionally, fire plays a crucial role in rituals and healing processes.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBeyond its immediate applications, the uses of fire reaffirm the bond with the territory and the collective responsibility for its care. In this sense, it is not only a technical tool but an essential component of indigenous and peasant territoriality. The Comiteca Plateau reflects the resilience and adaptability of its peoples in the face of the challenges and processes they have experienced, such as colonization, state policies, and ecological transformations caused by the climate crisis. This perspective allows us to understand how the cultural regime has been modified and reshaped at different times, and how this alteration has impacts today with the growing incidence of forest fires.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn this Region, the towns are located between valleys, mountains, forests, basins, and rivers, all of which facilitate agriculture and livestock raising. To provide a historical perspective, five key moments with their respective issues were identified, which allow for an understanding of the evolution and transformations in the face of diverse changes: \"It is no longer the time that we lived previously\" (Tzimol).\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e-\u0026nbsp;\u003cstrong\u003ePre-colonial period\u003c/strong\u003e (before the sixteenth century)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe archaeological sites of Tenam Puente, Chinkultic, Junchavin, and El Lagartero belong to this period, serving as architectural testimonies of Maya culture from the Late Preclassic period, between 600 and 100 B.C., to the Early Postclassic period between 900 and 1250 A.D. The pre-Columbian period is considered the time when fire was first incorporated into culture, as it was used in the daily lives of families and communities. The sacred relationship with nature is preserved to this day: \"Before you plant the first seed, you have to talk to the holy earth; my grandfather and my father spoke to it in Tzeltal, [they said] mother earth forgive me, and the first thing is that one cries, so forgive me for I am going to hurt you. You are my mother, you will feed me, and we then pray to God that there are no pests, that the wind does not pass, that it rains\" (Villa Las Rosas). This statement is an example of the current cognitive forms related to fire that reflect a prolongation of pre-Columbian ways of relating to nature. Fire is\u0026nbsp;Tatik K'aj,\u0026nbsp;\"our father fire\", associated with\u0026nbsp;Tatik chawuk, the living and sacred beings (Villa Las Rosas).\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e- \u003cstrong\u003eThe c\u003c/strong\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eolonial and hacienda period\u003c/strong\u003e (sixteenth-nineteenth centuries).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe Spanish conquest and colonization imposed a land management model based on expropriation and exploitation. Haciendas (land owned by conquerors) were established mainly in Comitán, Las Margaritas, La Trinitaria, and La Independencia, in which: \"we lived like slaves\" (La Trinitaria); \"the little boys were enslaved\u0026nbsp;[...\u0026nbsp;but then...]\u0026nbsp;at that time, our ancestors began to get organized, little by little, in hiding, so that the boss would not know and would not expel them. They began to reach agreements to take the farm for an ejido\" (Comitán). Most of these haciendas are currently ejidos, communities, and ranches.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis period marks the beginning of the dispute between cultural knowledge and knowledge imposed with rationale and interests other than those of nature and fire. The latter began to be dismissed and devalued with the advent of new exploitation dynamics of forest resources for economic purposes.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e-\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;Post-revolutionary period and agrarian reform\u003c/strong\u003e (twentieth century).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWith the arrival of the agrarian reform that was enacted as a result of the Mexican Revolution, the native peoples began to recover part of their land and reactivate communal organization, now based on the ejidos:\u0026nbsp;\"In 1945, this blessed place was legalized, this land because here we were young then, it was a farm\" (Comitán). Internal structures and regulations were established that reaffirmed agreements regarding the cultural management of fire, as is known to this day.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e- \u003cstrong\u003ePeriod of restrictive environmental policies\u003c/strong\u003e (1980–2010).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe rise of conservationist policies and the creation of Natural Protected Areas imposed an institutional vision of fire as an ecological threat: \"CONANP monitors burning very closely; so people began to understand little by little. It was then that they took control... That's why the government told us no\" (Maravilla Tenejapa). This led to strict regulations against the use of fire and the increasing criminalization of agricultural and forest burning.\u0026nbsp;(Guevara et al. 2013). \u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis stage, experienced during the neoliberal period, is characterized by the government's unwillingness to engage in dialogue and by public policies that excluded cultural knowledge, leading to its erosion and fissures in both intergenerational transmission and community organization. There was an increased risk of forest fires and conflicts between government authorities and communities.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e-\u0026nbsp;\u003cstrong\u003eContemporary period\u003c/strong\u003e (2010 to present).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis period is characterized by a paradigm shift, which has opened a small window to recognize the value of fire. The local native communities continue using fire according to their own forms of organization and cultural knowledge; however, they do so under the constant monitoring of government authorities, still from a logic that associates the use of fire with backwardness and ignorance, especially in the context of agricultural burning.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eProposals for intercultural dialogues are emerging, including those from academia and environmental institutions at the federal level in the country and at the international level, which propose a territorialization of fire.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eb)\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;Territoriality\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe history of the Comiteca Tojolabal Plateau, marked by colonial processes and dispossession, partially compensated by agrarian distributions, is not devoid of indigenous resistance. The land now occupied by indigenous and peasant communities was recovered in the mid-twentieth century, and, in them, these communities have reclaimed their way of living and relating to nature (fire included) under a re-territorialization process.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn this historical re-territorialization, fire has been - and continues to be - a part of family and community life because it is present in both the productive systems and the domestic and festive life of the community: \"\u003cem\u003etruly, [fire] is almost like our mother\u003c/em\u003e\" (Comitán), and even in healing: \u0026nbsp;\"\u003cem\u003eIf your stomach is bulging, you have to massage it. I was massaged, since there is no medicine or doctor, none. [My father] told me: Come on, son, and took me near the fire. They brought warm ashes from there; and truly, [the stomach] turned less bulged. And I also ate a bit of ashes because of my illness... I had some, thoroughly sieved. It is true, it works.\u003c/em\u003e\" (Maravilla Tenejapa). This is why people deem it essential for their existence: \"\u003cem\u003eYou are nothing without fire\u003c/em\u003e\" (Tzimol), but at the same time people handle it carefully because they respect nature, \"\u003cem\u003ebecause the tree is life, Mother Earth is life, and uncontrolled fire does indeed destroy our environmen\u003c/em\u003e\u003cem\u003et.\u003c/em\u003e” (Comitán).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ePeople value several aspects of their territory that contribute to their identity and well-being: \"\u003cem\u003eWhat I like most about my community is its culture\u003c/em\u003e\" (La Trinitaria). There are sacred places to protect and pray, where ceremonies take place for agricultural purposes: \"\u003cem\u003eThey prayed holding candles. Let us say, just as I put my corn in, I have to light some candles, and I tell you that I give thanks for what I received. We prayed to God, for it was Him who gave us our little meal. Now, when we go planting, before leaving, we cross ourselves and grab a little salt and a little water. We blow it and say in Tseltal: kuxletijil, meaning that we are asking corn to deseed, for it to be soft, because otherwise it is very hard\u003c/em\u003e\u003cem\u003e… We pray to the Holy Earth because we are going to punch it because it is going to feed us, in the name of God and whatever His will wants to provide us in the harvest\u003c/em\u003e\" (Comitán). Here, people understand that they must walk with respect and wisdom, while also remembering their ancestors. They take pride in their culture: \"\u003cem\u003eI am 100% Tojolabal\u003c/em\u003e\" (Las Margaritas).\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe way in which fire is experienced in the Lacandon tropical forest, the Highlands region, the Plateau, or the coast of Chiapas varies, since its occurrence and importance depend on the needs of the inhabitants of each region. The cultural management of fire in this region is a structuring element in the construction of various territorialities, exemplifying that fire is managed according to the logic of reproducing the distinct cultures and diverse, geographically located territorialities.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe construction of territoriality around fire is based on the value that native communities assign to this element, its meaning, and their need to relate and dialog with it: \"\u003cem\u003eFire means a word, a message\u003c/em\u003e\" (La Trinitaria).\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ec)\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;Knowledge and experiences\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe communities of the Comiteca Plateau build, communicate, and update their knowledge about fire based on their experiences, knowledge, and cultural practices. Their knowledge lies in accumulated experience, intergenerational dialogue, and the link with the environment, as the use of fire is related to broader environmental knowledge: \"Indeed, if the moon is well settled, that is the one that will provide heat. When she is skinny, it will rain” (Comitán).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTherefore, the knowledge and experiences of relating to fire compel us to pay attention to the everyday, the productive, the ritual, and all things essential to thrive, especially because it is a vital element for life and to endorse its territoriality. Thus, this knowledge implies understanding the capacity to generate life, unite communities, mark the cycles and rhythms of nature, and signify a memory that is inherited more through growing up with the shared experience of being there than through formal learning. Therefore, understanding the testimony of fire contributes to maintaining knowledge and understanding between humans, nature, and the sacred.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn the Comiteca Tojolabal Plateau, cultural knowledge of fire gives meaning to fire management practices. Such is the case of agricultural burning, needed to maintain food sovereignty, as it facilitates getting the land ready for planting basic crops (corn and beans) through an efficient and sustainable process that responds to secular knowledge. In the same sense, livestock-related grass burning seeks to increase pasture and control pests, while sugarcane burning facilitates its harvest and care.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAnother practice is the use of fire in Chuje localities to perform \u003cem\u003echib'al\u003c/em\u003e, a hunting technique consisting of lighting fires on the tops of hills to attract birds. Also important are the burning of stones to produce lime (necessary for cooking corn) and road construction, the use of stove ash in agroecological management to disinfect farm pens and make homemade fertilizers, among other uses. These are just a few practices that illustrate how fire is linked to activities that sustain everyday life in local communities.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eCultural knowledge of fire requires knowledge of nature. People know that in cold land: \"\u003cem\u003ethere are differences; for example, some burn their plots at this hour of the day. Here, in cold land, we do not.\u003c/em\u003e\" (Comitán). The same thing happens in warm areas: \"\u003cem\u003eI ask my father, why is this burned?, why is it burned with fire?, why, dad? It is burned so that the earth warms, then we sow and the corn emerges beautiful... Here the climate is different because here the land is warm, it is always warm, and that is what makes the earth warm\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\" (Maravilla Tenejapa). Fire always interacts with other elements in addition to weather, such as slope, humidity, and, primarily, the wind.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn the Mayan context, native communities consider cycles in addition to paying attention to the signs of nature, such as the moon, songs of wildlife, and the movement of the wind, to manage fire. People understand these are ways of inhabiting, building, and taking good care of the land based on their knowledge of life and nature around fire\u0026nbsp;(Ponce-Calderón et al. 2024a).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThere is a direct connection between natural cycles, the careful application of cultural knowledge of fire, and the inherited community responsibility to protect the land and life: \"\u003cem\u003eOn occasions, I ask my daddy... how do we know [the direction] where we are going [to ignite the fire], is it here where we are going to start the fire? No, son, if it is a ravine or hill, and if the wind is blowing this way [on this side], you should grab some litter or dust and spread it like this [and you see the direction where it is flowing] to light the fire.\u003c/em\u003e\u003cem\u003eIf the wind flows this way, light the fire here first, and then it advances little by little. If the wind carries the litter here, burn it first downward and then up, so [when] it reaches here, it will encounter it half consumed, and there is no danger\u003c/em\u003e\" (Maravilla Tenejapa). This knowledge guides the practices to carry out the burns, to determine where they should start the fire depending on the wind and the slope, and thus prevent the fire from going out of control: \"\u003cem\u003eIt is like if we lit a candle now, we would realize in which direction the air is blowing; if the flame leans in this direction, it is [here] where we have to make the rounds\u003c/em\u003e\"\u0026nbsp;(Maravilla Tenejapa).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ed)\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;Identity, livelihood, and cultural values\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eLivelihoods, which for each of the native communities are grounded on their cultural knowledge and shared values and identity, set the basis for the reproduction of their communal life. The culturally significant relationship with fire generates gratitude and dependence on it; for this reason, it is underlined as essential for daily survival, a vital component of identity and livelihood: \"\u003cem\u003eWe all use fire, and, if we don’t have it, we lose everything\u003c/em\u003e”\u0026nbsp;(Tzimol).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFor most individuals, the relationship with fire acquires a significant spiritual dimension: \"\u003cem\u003eThe blessed fire is the spirit that God decided to be good\u003c/em\u003e\" (Tzimol); it is considered a subjective entity with a divine and essential purpose, a source of life, connecting the material with the spiritual, and bringing vitality and energy to existence. Given that these are cultures with a relational rationality of dialogue, intersubjective relationships are established with the elements/beings of the environment. This willingness to dialogue is confirmed in the treatment, which must be respectful and dignified to live in harmony. This is how society-nature relations are typically understood.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSince truthfulness is one of the most precious values in indigenous communities, \"\u003cem\u003egiving one's word\u003c/em\u003e\" and accompanying it with consequent actions represents assuming a commitment and fulfilling it. It is a way of characterizing responsibility in their territory, encompassing everything it entails: \"if they are not responsible, they cannot manage fire\" (La Trinitaria). In other words, it is not enough to know when and where to burn; managing fire requires responsibility, as evidenced by understanding the implications of the use of fire when making decisions.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSolidarity and friendship are equally valued because in times of need, people support each other to carry out any task. Such is the case to make firebreaks, put out fires, or any other incident in the community that requires a collective action of solidarity: \"\u003cem\u003eIf someone already helped me, I had to help someone else, and so we all help each other\u003c/em\u003e\" (Comitán).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\"\u003cem\u003eTogetherness\u003c/em\u003e\" is evident not only for work, but also during festivities or when facing events that can jeopardize the harmony of community life. For this reason, when it is the case, reconciliation is sought, appealing to concord, acknowledging that \"\u003cem\u003ethe very heart [of each one, including that of fire] senses it\"\u003c/em\u003e (La Trinitaria); this may refer to knowledge that transcends reason and guides their actions, so as not to provoke revenge or punishments.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\"\u003cem\u003eRespect\u003c/em\u003e\" is one of the highest values, to be experienced between individuals and nature, in this case with fire: \u003cem\u003e\"For me, there are three kinds of respect: water, fire, and earth. First, we must show respect for fire because if it gets out of control, we will not be able to put it out, and everything will be destroyed; because, more than anything, if we do not have respect for fire, many things can happen. And water is the same, for the same reason, because more than anything else, we must show respect for everything that is called nature. In my case, I am highly respectful of water because it comes from the earth and is living. Think about it: if we deserve respect from each other, nature also deserves respect.\"\u003c/em\u003e (Comitán).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;These are values that must be reaffirmed because that is how the people work and live: \"\u003cem\u003eWell, because, even though we say that people were more ignorant in the past, we are wrong, they were wise, and wisdom shows in their way of thinking, of behaving, of showing respect\u003c/em\u003e.\" (Villa las Rosas).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\"Conscience\u003cem\u003e”\u003c/em\u003e about protecting the forest at the time of burning, which is the application of values and knowledge, becomes apparent in every action because when speaking of \"conscience\", people speak of themselves, of honesty, integrity, simplicity, and learning: \"\u003cem\u003eConscience has its own conscience\u003c/em\u003e\" (La Trinitaria). When there is a lack of conscience, negative behaviors emerge that affect everything, from caring for oneself to caring for Mother Earth. Each value becomes an essential basis for caring for and inhabiting the territory that provides the essentials for life: land to cultivate, water to irrigate and drink, and fire to live: \"\u003cem\u003eEach individual must look for his/her fire, which must be tended. Everyone tends their fire, and that is how it is\u003c/em\u003e\" (La Trinitaria).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe prevailing thought is \"\u003cem\u003eIf I like living here, then I am going to serve here\u003c/em\u003e\" (Trinitaria). This willingness contributes to knowing the community and its territory, assuming responsibility, taking care of the community, and preserving peace and well-being.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe value of living in harmony with nature is practiced in respectful forms of relationship, such as with water, since everything has its own soul and, therefore, must be respected and cared for.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ee)\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;Community organization and regulations\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe native communities of the Comiteca Plateau have maintained order within their communities and have worked hard to preserve their forms of organization. Accordingly, they have established the necessary regulations to live in peace and behave correctly in the community: \"\u003cem\u003eWhat I like most about the ejido is its people, the region, how we are organized, the way we take care of each other. It is something significant in every society; in many places this has been broken, but it remains here, and this is good\u003c/em\u003e\"\u0026nbsp;(Comitán),\u0026nbsp;asserting their rights to self-determination and territoriality. This conviction reflects the care and trust they have in their own organization and in the ruling of the current community authorities.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eCommunity organization, vindicated and defended after regaining its freedom (following the end of labor work on haciendas between the 1930s and 1990s), occurs mostly under the ejido modality. The people elect their representatives in assemblies. In addition to the authorities, such as the municipal agents (legal affairs) and the ejido commissioner (land-related matters), they form committees, including those for water, civil protection, the church, and the fair. This model favors collective planning and cooperation. Agreements are reached in assemblies, including those related to fire management, guided by cultural criteria, based on previous experience, and projections for future life. For example:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e•\u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;Informative meetings and burn notices: Before carrying out agricultural burns, community meetings are held to inform and coordinate the actions received from the different government authorities, a mechanism through which they adapt the provisions, such as reporting agricultural burns and signing up to get organized in shifts.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e•\u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;Use of fire and fire management: The specifications for using fire in burns include considering the weather, the time of day, and setting firebreaks. Likewise, people are organized in case of fires with their own community brigades to manage them, strengthening their response capacity.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e•\u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;Internal sanctions and conflict resolution: If a community member sets a fire that gest pout of control, the ejido authorities impose internal sanctions. These sanctions aim to resolve the issue and avoid prosecution, also serving as a collective learning mechanism.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eCommunity members, mainly men, agree on the organization of burning and wildfire prevention: \"\u003cem\u003eI have to recruit four or more people to prevent [burning] from happening on the [land of] another fellow [...]. Otherwise, if I make that mistake, if I burn the land on the other side, then it becomes an issue. That is why it must be managed properly.\u003c/em\u003e \" (Tzimol).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFinally, these organizational frameworks not only regulate internal life but also sustain knowledge, responsibilities, and ways to build from the experience of the territory.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ef)\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;Fire management technologies\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTechnology optimizes work to facilitate field work. Labor is carried out using techniques, skills, and methods that are consistent not only with the economic and productive requirements, but also with the available resources and tools, community agreements, and environmental and cultural conditions.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eCultural burning practices involve the use of a range of hand tools with distinct functions. The most common tools are the machete for cutting vegetation and making rustic instruments, a hoe for removing earth, a coa for cutting roots, a rake for distributing dry vegetation before and during burning, and a shovel for putting out the fire by covering it with soil.\u0026nbsp;Other less rustic instruments are the sprinkler pump or backpack to control the spread of fire with water. Branches are used as an alternative to the pump to control and redirect the flames within the plot.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAfter agricultural burns, the yoke is used to complete the preparation of the soil: a pair of oxen pulls the plow to turn the soil, fulfilling a function similar to that of a tractor. It is also used to incorporate ashes into the soil after burning and, in some cases, to trace the firebreak.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThese technologies, used for generations despite their apparent simplicity, are constantly evolving, guided by the careful observation of the environment and the experience of those who have applied them for many generations: \"Here, for example, as parents, I take the child to the cornfield, and [he] is going to hang on the backpack. And the boy observes that his father cuts his sweeping stick, the manzanito stick, as we call it, because there was no rake or any wood tools [before], [so we use] a branch that has three segments, we cut the vine, and that [is used] as a rake. I don't bother buying a rake, I don't worry about anything because I will find the tools in the mountains.\"\u0026nbsp;(Comitán).\u0026nbsp;However, in recent decades, native peasants have been forced to adapt to the new climatic conditions and interference from the state and alien companies that aim to modernize the countryside, which launch campaigns to disregard the benefits of burning and, in turn, make people more dependent on various types of agrochemicals, some of which are toxic, that replace local technologies with adverse effects.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eg)\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;Vitality, transmission, and permanence of knowledge\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eVitality refers to the vigor and strength that keep fire-related knowledge and practices alive. To keep them relevant and vigorous, implementation is required: \"You have to burn, even a little bit, but it must be practiced\" (La Trinitaria). There are collective spaces that revitalize the use of fire, including the countryside and family gatherings. People believe that they can work in professional positions without leaving agriculture because both activities are compatible.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe transfer of knowledge is essential as family inheritance in their customs; the continuity of the cultural management of fire is thereby ensured as part of a process through which information, experiences, skills, and knowledge are communicated: \"it is necessary to reactivate those customs that are being lost, because children are another generation that is growing up, \u0026nbsp;and those traditions are no longer preserved\" (Comitán). In this transfer process, knowledge or wisdom about fire is learned, accumulated, built, improved, and adapted: \"For example, when we already have grown children, we will inherit to them the little knowledge we have as farmers, above all so [they know] when and at what time to burn, not just any time of the day”\u0026nbsp;(Maravilla Tenejapa).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFor their part, the elderly maintain their willingness to transmit their knowledge to the young; in this regard, key elements should be considered, such as the ability to listen respectfully and attentively, as well as the willingness to establish a dialogue between generations.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eOnce the interest and need have been stirred up, practices remain because they are reinforced through the teaching method exercised, which involves accompanying parents or older siblings to the plot to learn: \"We gradually learn... that way one realizes when it is good to burn or when the wind is in good condition\" (La Trinitaria). This teaching approach always involves the accompaniment and supervision of peasants with more experience: \"All this knowledge is given little by little, because I think that, as children, well, we don't know much, but over time we watch and experience how our parents do it. From there we learn.\"\u0026nbsp;(La Trinitaria).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis is how the process takes place: the grandparents mention that they learned directly in the field, where they accompanied their grandparents and parents. When they grew up, they kept doing it out of habit and because it worked for them: \"One is not born a teacher; teachers are made, then, that is how he learns to burn in a certain time.” (La Trinitaria).\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Discussion and conclusions","content":"\u003cp\u003eSeveral studies have suggested integrating the knowledge of indigenous peoples into fire management initiatives (Whitehead et al. 2008; Rodríguez-Trejo et al. 2022), highlighting the importance of transdisciplinary collaboration to incorporate local knowledge into the analysis and improved management of fire regimes (Roos et al. 2021). However, little is discussed on how to strengthen cultural fire regimes to ensure better fire management from a local perspective, thereby helping to strengthen the identity, self-determination, and territoriality of native communities.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;In this sense, we hereby propose to elaborate on the concept of cultural fire regime, defining it from the set of practices, knowledge, values, and sociocultural standards that guide the use of fire within specific territorial contexts (Ponce-Calderón et al. 2022). Our contribution highlights that this regime should be understood not only as a technical or functional dimension, but as part of a pyrobiocultural framework where fire articulates relationships between nature, culture, and territory over time. We emphasize that this complex approach to the notion of cultural fire regime should integrate the symbolic, territorial, and identity dimensions that constitute it. Thus, these regimes will be understood as systems that have resulted from adaptation between human communities and landscapes throughout history.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe cultural fire regime is part of a broader territorial system that articulates knowledge, values, and historical practices, and that, in contrast, the generalized colonization and fire-exclusion policies have weakened these forms of territorializing spaces, leading to disruptions in times of climate crisis. The conceptual analysis of cultural fire regimes integrates the sociocultural cognitive dimension that configures it and the historical processes that have shaped\u0026nbsp;it.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn this framework, we propose to recognize the Comiteca Tojolabal Plateau as a pyrobiocultural territory where the use of fire is not a negligent, reckless, irresponsible, or marginal practice, but a central component of the peoples that mediates social relations and intergenerational knowledge for the cultural, agroecological, and ecosystem management of the territories integrated therein.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eLikewise, as illustrated in this work, communities have developed their own forms of organization, regulation, and transmission of knowledge about fire, adapting to social, political, and environmental transformations. Therefore, the elements that make up the cultural fire regime provide guidelines to understand the capacity of communities to adapt to environmental changes throughout history and highlight that it is necessary to maintain a balance of these elements for the well-being and territorial continuity of the peoples of the Comiteca Tojolabal Plateau so as not to repeat megafire events.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFinally, it is evident that each culture and people in its territory, with its unique history and values, despite tensions with powerful groups, lives and defends its territoriality, including the use and management of fire. Recognizing and strengthening this understanding is not only a matter of justice and autonomy, but a necessity, which positions the native communities before other majority groups.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAcknowledgments\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWe sincerely thank the people of the Comiteca Highlands communities for their generosity and the valuable reflections they shared with us.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAuthors\u0026rsquo; contributions\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eLPPC, FILA and IR conceived the study. LPPC conducted fieldwork and processed the data. LPPC, FILA and IR carried out the analysis and literature review. LPPC wrote the first draft of the manuscript. LPPC, FILA and IR revised the manuscript.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eFunding\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis research was supported by the Postdoctoral Fellowship for Academic Residency, awarded by the Secretariat of Science, Humanities, Technology, and Innovation (SECIHTI).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWe declare that the three authors of this manuscript don\u0026rsquo;t have competing interests.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eBoege, E. (2014). Las regiones bioculturales de M\u0026eacute;xico. \u003cem\u003eLa Jornada del campo\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e76\u003c/em\u003e, 1-5.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eBosques del Mundo. \u0026quot;Pueblos ind\u0026iacute;genas.\u0026quot; Bosques del Mundo, www.bosquesdelmundo.org/conservaciones-naturales/pueblos-indigenas/. Consultado el 6 de julio de 2025.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eBourlie`re F (1964) Committee Report. Management in National Parks. 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(disponible en: https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1913321117).\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eWhitehair L, Ful\u0026eacute; PZ, Meador AS, Azpeleta Taranc\u0026oacute;n A, Kim YS. Fire regime on a cultural landscape: Navajo Nation. Ecol Evol. 2018 Sep 12;8(19):9848-9858. \u003cstrong\u003ehttps://doi.org/10.1002/ece3.4470\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eWhitehead, P. J., Purdon, P., Russell‐Smith, J., Cooke, P. M., \u0026amp; Sutton, S. (2008). The management of climate change through prescribed Savanna burning: Emerging contributions of indigenous people in Northern Australia. \u003cem\u003ePublic Administration and Development: The International Journal of Management Research and Practice\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e28\u003c/em\u003e(5), 374-385.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eYevdokimenko MD (2008) Pyrogenic digression of light-conifer forests in the Transbaikalia. Geogr Nat Resour 29:178\u0026ndash;183.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":true,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"cultural knowledge, pyrobiocultural territories, cultural fire management, intercultural fire management, climate crisis","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7651465/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-7651465/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eBackground\u003c/strong\u003e Climate change, public policies, and deterritorialization have altered cultural regimes that have historically guided the use of fire as part of productive and community practices. In the region known as the Comiteca Tojolabal Plateau, in Chiapas, Mexico, these regimes refer to the way in which fire is used in peasant and indigenous territories for productive and cultural activities, aimed at reproducing collective life according to community values and interests. This study presents a comprehensive approach to the cultural regime of fire, based on ethnographic research that included semi-structured interviews, life stories, focus groups, walking transects, social mapping exercises, and participatory observation. Based on cultural knowledge as an analytical category, local ways of understanding the cultural regimes of fire are analyzed.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eResults \u003c/strong\u003eThe findings show an adaptive cultural management of the territory based on the knowledge derived from the historical experience of territoriality itself, providing guidelines and tools for the most effective management of fire in the territory.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eConclusions \u003c/strong\u003eThe fire regime must be understood as a component of a pyrobiocultural framework, where fire articulates relationships between nature, culture, and territory over time, integrating its symbolic and identity dimensions. The conceptual analysis of cultural fire regimes integrates the sociocultural cognitive dimension and the historical processes that have shaped them. Generalized policies of colonization and exclusion of fire have eradicated or weakened these ways of territorializing spaces, with effects during times of climate crisis.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"Cultural fire regime in the Comiteca Tojolabal Plateau, Chiapas, Mexico","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2025-10-03 04:41:03","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7651465/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"f8cf0947-dcd2-4818-a42f-7a90bc6d225c","owner":[],"postedDate":"October 3rd, 2025","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"posted","subjectAreas":[],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2025-10-07T23:08:29+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2025-10-03 04:41:03","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-7651465","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-7651465","identity":"rs-7651465","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"8U1c8b4HqxoKbykW_rLl7","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}