Systemic Semiotic Violence and Stereotypical Framing: Enforcing Digital Patriarchy on Pakistani Women

Systemic Semiotic Violence and Stereotypical Framing: Enforcing Digital Patriarchy on Pakistani Women | Research Square window.SnipcartSettings = { analytics: { enabled: false } }; (function() { var accessVector = localStorage.getItem('access_vector') || ''; window.dataLayer = window.dataLayer || []; if (accessVector) { window.dataLayer.push({ user: { profile: { profileInfo: { snid: accessVector } } } }); } })(); (function(w,d,s,l,i){w[l]=w[l]||[];w[l].push({'gtm.start':new Date().getTime(),event:'gtm.js'});var f=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],j=d.createElement(s),dl=l!='dataLayer'?'&l='+l:'';j.async=true;j.src='https://www.googletagmanager.com/gtm.js?id='+i+dl;f.parentNode.insertBefore(j,f);})(window,document,'script','dataLayer','GTM-K279D39R'); Browse Preprints In Review Journals COVID-19 Preprints AJE Video Bytes Research Tools Research Promotion AJE Professional Editing AJE Rubriq About Preprint Platform In Review Editorial Policies Our Team Advisory Board Help Center Sign In Submit a Preprint Cite Share Download PDF Research Article Systemic Semiotic Violence and Stereotypical Framing: Enforcing Digital Patriarchy on Pakistani Women Anam Tahir, Tahir Qayyum, Nabeela Khalid, Ambreen Rahim, Muhammad Asif Munir, and 1 more This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-7246461/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract This study examines the portrayal of women in Pakistani YouTube content, encompassing both visual and textual representations, and investigates the impact of these portrayals on online discussions related to gender. Employing Multimodal Discourse Analysis (MMDA), the research analyzes thumbnails and comment sections of three selected videos. It examines how various visual and textual elements work together to reinforce or challenge cultural beliefs about gender. The findings indicate that thumbnails often feature eye-catching or deceptive images, such as women dressed in flamboyant attire or adopting suggestive poses, to attract viewer attention, even when the video content does not correspond with these visuals. Such framing not only captivates viewers but also impacts their interpretive framework from moral or cultural perspectives. This phenomenon is further reflected in the comment sections, where numerous users engage in cyberbullying, moral judgment, or victim-blaming, frequently utilizing religious or nationalistic language. The study highlights how digital platforms perpetuate pre-existing gender hierarchies through design choices and audience interactions, and advocates for more responsible content creation and moderation. Although constrained by its limited sample size, the research provides timely insights into the intersections between visual culture, technology, and ideology in everyday digital life. Linguistics Cyberbullying Multimodal Analysis Digital Media Thumbnails Semiotics Figures Figure 1 Figure 2 Figure 3 INTRODUCTION This study exposes how semiotic violence against Pakistani women frames female visibility as a moral transgression. Drawing on Bourdieu's (1991) theory of symbolic power, we define semiotic violence as the weaponization of multimodal signs (such as thumbnails, titles, and comments) to position women as culturally deviant, thereby justifying digital punishment. In Pakistan's cyber-religious landscape, where female autonomy challenges patriarchal nationalism (Saigol, 2022), YouTube's decontextualized visuals (e.g., 'vulgar' attire thumbnails) produce moral panic, manufacturing deviance by transforming mundane acts, such as a woman speaking publicly or wearing Western clothes, into 'crimes' against Islamic modernity. Unlike Western contexts, Pakistan's digital morality converts this manufactured deviance into a collective phenomenon, framing women as being against cultural, traditional, and religious norms, rather than as individuals targeting these norms. Through multimodal discourse analysis of thumbnails/comments, we reveal how semiotic violence functions as an infrastructure for gender control. Online social media platforms have become essential spaces for public discussion, activism, and social interaction. YouTube, the second-largest search engine in the world, plays a significant role in shaping societal narratives through its close relationship with content creators and viewers (Smith & Steffgen, 2013; KhosraviNik, 2018). In places like Pakistan, where traditional media often face restrictions, digital spaces are vital for civic engagement. However, these platforms also facilitate gender-based cyber violence, with women being targeted more frequently by coordinated visual and textual attacks (Menin et al., 2020). This issue has not been thoroughly studied in non-Western contexts, especially where religious nationalism and patriarchal values intersect with digital design. Cyberbullying involves intentionally causing harm through electronic means (Menin et al., 2020) and appears on YouTube in various ways. These strategies include eye-catching thumbnails, misleading titles, and comment sections used for moral judgment. Content creators often exploit cultural sensitivities by visually portraying women in a morally questionable light, using provocative images, cropped scenes, and inflammatory text, even when the actual videos contradict these representations (Winnindiya, 2022; Machin & Mayr, 2012). These choices reflect deep-seated beliefs about gender, modesty, and national identity, leading viewers to engage in victim-blaming, slut-shaming, and harassment justified by religious beliefs (Rafi & Sarwar, 2019; Noor, 2021). In Pakistan, this situation has important and urgent consequences. As feminist movements like the Aurat March (Women’s March) challenge patriarchal systems, YouTube often reduces complex activism to oversimplified images of "vulgar" clothing or "Westernized" demands (Pihlaja, 2015). This portrayal promotes online misogyny, turning comment sections into battlegrounds where gender norms are reinforced through Urdu phrases, Quranic references, and nationalist language (Saleem et al., 2021). While some research looks into the psychological effects of cyberbullying (Kowalski et al., 2014) or analyzes textual patterns (Slonje et al., 2013), three significant gaps remain in the current literature. The role of visual semiotics in legitimizing cyberbullying in South Asian contexts, How multimodal design (thumbnails/titles/comments) synergistically reinforces patriarchal control, The absence of Urdu-language discourse analysis in cyberbullying scholarship. This study addresses these gaps through a Multimodal Discourse Analysis (MMDA) of Pakistani YouTube videos targeting women. Grounded in Kress and van Leeuwen’s (2006) social semiotic framework, we examine: How thumbnails and titles deploy visual-linguistic resources to frame women as culturally deviant, The discursive strategies enabling moral policing in Urdu comment sections, The ideological work linking digital representation to real-world gender hierarchies. In light of this context, it is crucial to explore how YouTube content creators in Pakistan engage in the cyberbullying of women through the deliberate use of visual and verbal cues. While existing research has thoroughly explored cyberbullying (e.g., Camelford & Ebrahim, 2016; Piazza, 2021), a significant research gap remains in understanding how bullying manifests in non-Western digital spaces, particularly those using Urdu. This research examines three case studies—Aurat March coverage, celebrity dressing scandals, and debates on "vulgarity"—to show how platform design, cultural biases, and religious nationalism combine to use visibility as a tool against women. Our results add to feminist digital media studies, multimodal critical discourse analysis, and policies aimed at fighting online gender violence. Literature Review Cyberbullying has emerged as a significant global issue, exacerbated by social media platforms where anonymity and lax regulation foster harmful conduct (Ybarra & Mitchell, 2004). It is characterised as intentional, recurrent aggression via electronic means (Menin et al., 2021; Steer et al., 2020), representing a pervasive form of digital violence that inflicts severe psychological harm (Wagner & Yu, 2021; Kowalski et al., 2014). The facilitation of such behaviour through social media enables harassment and intimidation on an unprecedented scale (Ray et al., 2024). However, scholarly consensus regarding its principal features remains elusive. While Slonje and Smith (2008) emphasise harm infliction, Tokunaga (2010) concentrates on power imbalance, and Olweus (2012) highlights ongoing ambiguities in distinguishing cyberbullying from traditional bullying. Patchin and Hinduja (2015) critique early frameworks for neglecting intent and power dynamics, asserting that definitional inconsistencies perpetuate misconceptions. This concern is echoed by Slonje et al. (2013), who question whether cyberbullying constitutes a novel form of aggression or merely extends offline behaviour. This study defines cyberbullying as the use of combined visual and verbal tactics targeting women across Pakistani YouTube spaces. This encompasses: Provocative thumbnails and sensational titles distorting content, Audience engagement deploying verbal abuse, victim-blaming, and religious/cultural stereotyping, Collective semiotic resources that humiliate women and reinforce patriarchal ideologies. Research globally affirms the sociopsychological effects of cyberbullying, establishing a connection between misinformation and societal polarization (Piazza, 2021), as well as linking platform-specific aggression to gendered harassment. In Pakistan, digital communication frequently employs Urdu idioms as weapons to demean women (Rafi & Sarwar, 2019), with the susceptibility of youth heightened by disparities in language, economy, and access (Saleem et al., 2021). Despite moderation policies, Youtube continues to serve as a hotspot for such aggression. Its architecture—particularly thumbnails—utilises high-contrast visuals, distorted imagery, and emotionally charged text to elicit outrage and prepare audiences for video engagement (Machin & Mayr, 2012; Winnindiya, 2022). As illustrated by Vedula et al. (2017), such strategies play on perceptions through multimodal signals, color, framing, and sound, as Singh et al. (2017) point out their importance in automatic cyberbullying detection. Notably, thumbnails tend to be of marginal connection to the content itself, instead serve as ideological gatekeepers (Sunil & Shirsat, 2015). These tactics are ideologically embedded. Van Leeuwen (2008) comments on how artists accommodate thumbnails in terms of cultural and religious expectations, whereas Fairclough (2010) highlights the way they cater to public opinion in terms of politically loaded images. In Urdu digital communities, aggression appears through culturally specific phrases that reveal gender biases (Rafi & Sarwar, 2019), similar to patterns in Muslim-majority areas like Malaysia, where cyberbullying supports religious dogma (Noor & Hamid, 2021). Pihlaja (2015) asserts that sacred texts and symbols serve to legitimize authority in thumbnails, highlighting cultural distinctions: Western thumbnails generally emphasize individualism through close-ups and direct gazes, whereas Eastern thumbnails tend to prioritize collective themes. Despite these advances, significant gaps in research remain. Few studies analyze cyberbullying from a cultural-semiotic perspective, especially in Pakistan, where gender-based multimodal aggression—covering thumbnails, titles, and comments—is still under-theorised. To fill this gap, we utilise Halliday’s (1978) social semiotics, viewing communication as multimodal meaning-making involving text, images, and space. Kress and van Leeuwen’s (2006) Multimodal Discourse Analysis (MMDA) further develops this by systematically examining how various semiotic resources- such as gaze, salience, and framing- construct ideological narratives. Kress (2011) considers MMDA essential for digital environments, where meaning arises from visual-verbal interactions, and Jewitt et al (2016) have demonstrated its effectiveness on platforms like YouTube, where audience engagement enhances ideological messages. Building upon this foundational work, our research advances MMDA within the Pakistani context to examine how thumbnails and comments collaboratively facilitate cyberbullying against women. We broaden the scope of MMDA’s application to the distinctive socioreligious environment of South Asia, where content creators incorporate gendered ideologies into multimodal design, thus reinforcing digital patriarchy. METHODOLOGY Research Design This study utilises qualitative Multimodal Discourse Analysis (MMDA), guided by the social semiotic framework of Kress and van Leeuwen (2006). MMDA is particularly appropriate for analysing how visual, textual, and interactive semiotic resources collaboratively construct gendered cyberbullying within YouTube content, considering the interaction of cultural ideologies and digital design (Jewitt, 2016; Machin & Mayr, 2012). Data Collection Sampling Strategy A purposive sampling approach was employed to target videos explicitly addressing gender controversies in Pakistan. Six culturally significant keywords were selected. Aurat March 2025, women’s harassment in Pakistan, actress dressing, Pakistani politician viral video, vulgarity in Pakistan, Pakistani actor scandals. 1. Selection criteria: Relevance: Videos that specifically focus on women’s bodies or choices. Engagement: The top 2 videos per keyword with the most views and comments (at least 100,000 views). Recency: Videos uploaded within the last 12 months (June 2024 to June 2025). 2. Dataset Construction Initial pool: 12 videos, with 2 per keyword. Final sample: 3 videos chosen for detailed MMDA analysis (Table 1), selected due to extreme visual-textual distortion and high cyberbullying comment density. 3. Data extracted includes: Thumbnails (screenshots), Top 50 comments per video (sorted using the "Top Comments" filter), Full video transcripts to check for content-thumbnail mismatches. Small-scale deep analysis enables nuanced MMDA, avoiding superficial coverage (Kress, 2011). Analytical Framework Adapted from Kress & van Leeuwen (2006), MMDA’s three metafunctions structured the analysis: Table 1: Analytical Framework Table (Adapted from Kress & van Leeuwen, 2006) Metafunction Key Elements Interpretation (Meaning in Context) Representational -Narrative Structures - Symbolic Representation What is being depicted? Who is doing what? What social meanings or roles are conveyed? Interactive - Gaze (Direct / Indirect) - Angle (High / Low / Eye-Level) - Salience How the viewer is positioned: emotionally, socially, and in terms of power or judgment Compositional - Information Value (Left/Right, Top/Bottom) - Framing - Salience (again) How the visual layout guides interpretation and emphasis Ethical Protocols Anonymization: Commenter usernames/profile images redacted. Faces in thumbnails blurred using Gaussian filters. Sensitive Content: Offensive comments quoted minimally; translations sanitized (e.g., "f ahash " → "immoral"). Researcher Well-being: 30-minute breaks between coding sessions to mitigate emotional fatigue from abusive content. The protocols align with Association of Internet Researchers (AoIR) guidelines for traumatic content (Franzke et al., 2020). Analytical Procedure Step 1: Thumbnail Deconstruction Visual Grammar: Coded for color contrast, vectors, framing, and salience (Kress & van Leeuwen, 2006). For instance, high-contrast text combined with provocative posture is used to imply "moral deviance" framing. Linguistic Analysis: Extraction of keywords from titles and text overlays (e.g., "vulgar," "naked"). Step 2: Comment Analysis Roman Urdu Comments: Translated by bilingual linguists; back-translated to ensure fidelity. Thematic coding: Table 2: Thematic Coding with Examples Category Comment Type Verbal Abuse Insults, slurs, humiliation Moral Framing Religious/cultural justification of criticism Stereotyping Reinforcing gender norms Counter Discourse Questioning/mainstream judgment or defending choice Step 3: Triangulation Compared thumbnails/titles with video content to quantify distortion (e.g., "80% of thumbnails misrepresented video narratives"). Limitations The limited sample size restricts the ability to generalize findings but enables a detailed analysis (Creswell, 2014). Video voiceovers and narratives were omitted to highlight visual-textual integration. The comments reviewed originate from actively engaged users rather than passive viewers. Methodological consistency was emphasized over scope because MMDA necessitates thorough semiotic analysis (Jewitt, 2016). ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION Applying Kress and van Leeuwen’s (2006) metafunctions, the first thumbnail was analyzed which has been chosen from Aurat March 2025, one of the main themes of this study: 1. Representational Metafunction : Narrative Structure: The microphone vector (anchor → woman) generates a misrepresentative narrative of "confrontation". The woman’s posture during speech and furrowed brows suggest hostility; however, video evidence indicates a rational exchange of dialogue. Symbolic Attribute: The traditional shalwar kameez attire is inaccurately characterized as "semi-nude" in textual descriptions, thereby exploiting cultural norms of modesty (Noor & Hamid, 2021). 2. Interpersonal Metafunction : Gaze & Power : Indirect gaze, characterised by subjects ignoring viewers, positions audiences as detached moral judges. The eye-level angle fosters an illusion of neutrality, while the prominent Urdu text ("Universatiyun se akhlaqi qawaneen khatam karu...") compels ideological alignment (Fairclough, 2010). Salience : The high-contrast yellow and black text overlay prominently occupies the "ideal" space, thereby priming moral panic prior to video engagement (Machin & Mayr, 2012).). 3. Compositional Metafunction : Framing : The anchor symbolizes institutional authority; the woman represents a cultural threat. Street crowds, blurred into the background, imply social disorder. Information Value : Text box top-center acts as ideological headline, overriding visual context (Kress & van Leeuwen, 2006). Table 3: Semiotic Thumbnail Breakdown Metafunction Key Elements Meaning Construction Representational Microphone vector; "provocative" attire Fabricated confrontation narrative Interpersonal Indirect gaze; moral panic text Viewer positioned as patriarchal enforcer Compositional Text (top/ideal); anchor (left/Given) Hierarchy: Tradition vs. deviance Video-Text Dissonance Contrary to the thumbnail’s framing, the video ( Aurat March mai ayi larki ki anchor se larai ) documents peaceful activism with no physical confrontation and participants hold placards advocating gender equality. The debated woman articulates educational rights, never demanding “abolition of moral codes” in the universities.100% of thumbnail claims (clothing, "unique demand") are unsupported by video evidence, confirming deliberate sensationalism (Winnindiya, 2022). all three meta-functions work together to construct a narrative of confrontation framed through moral judgment. Representatively, the dual frames and the vector formed by the microphone and body orientation establish an action–reaction structure, where the anchor appears to question and the woman actively responds. Symbolically, her intense facial expressions and mid-speech posture highlight a defiant stance, positioning her as a voice of protest. Interpersonally, the indirect gaze and medium shot create a socially distanced viewpoint, while the eye-level angle places both figures on equal ground. Yet this balanced framing is disrupted by the bold Urdu text overlay at the top, which reads: "Universatiyun se akhlaqi qawaneen khatam karu, Aurat March mai neem barhana libas pehnay larkiyun ka anokha mutalba" (“Remove moral codes from universities; the unique demand of girls wearing semi-nude clothing at the Aurat March”). This sensational phrasing functions as ideological framing, priming the viewer to perceive the woman’s voice as culturally deviant. Compositionally, the text is highly salient—boxed, in high-contrast colors, and placed at the “ideal” top position—immediately shaping the viewer’s interpretation. The anchor is positioned on the left (given/traditional) and the woman on the right (new/challenger), reinforcing a value hierarchy. Overall, the thumbnail visually and textually positions the woman as a transgressive figure, inviting moral scrutiny even before the video is played. Comment Section Analysis: Ideological Amplification Audience engagement directly reflects thumbnail priming through moral framing, as evidenced by 68% of top comments, such as "Taliban ko bolao and check the results" (which translates to "Call the Taliban to enforce morality"). It invokes extremist violence as a legitimate form of punishment for "deviance" (Rafi & Sarwar, 2019). Approximately 42% of theological gaslighting directly encounters the Aurat March Slogan “Mera Jism, Meri Marzi” (My Body, My choice) by enforcing divine authority as in “ Jism Allah ny Banaya hay… Jism ki Marzi Khatam Ho gayi ”. Nationalist framing (31%) draws parallels to this feminism with Western corruption while glorifying patriarchal "respect" as cultural purity. “Inko Israel Bhej do.. Pakistan mein aurat ko kitni izzat di jat hai” (send them to Israel [ they will learn], how women get respect in Pakistan) The Cyberbullying Apparatus This case shows how multimodal design acts as gendered disinformation. Thumbnails serve as bait: visual and textual distortions—like lack of confrontation and fabricated demands—stir moral outrage. Comments act as enforcement tools: viewers weaponize religious-nationalist rhetoric to punish perceived transgressions. Platform complicity is evident as YouTube’s algorithm promotes engagement-driven sensationalism, amplifying anti-feminist narratives (Pihlaja, 2015). The thumbnail condones cyberbullying by portraying rights advocacy as cultural misconduct, turning digital space into a patriarchal court. The comment section is dominated by moral framing reflect the broader trend of responses that use religion, nationalism, and cultural norms to condemn the march and its participants. Alongside moral framing, there is clear cyberbullying and verbal shaming. One comment declares, “Afsos hai hamari hukumat par jo in fahisha aurton ko is tarah fahashi karnay ki ijazat deti hai” (Shame on our government for permitting these immoral women to behave in such an indecent manner). This statement not only characterises the women as indecent but also condemns the state for facilitating such conduct. Another remark asserts, “Inko aurton ko Israel ya America bhejh do, phir inko inki auqat yaad aye gi ke Pakistan mein aurat ko kitni izzat di jati hai” (Send these women to Israel or America, then they will comprehend their true value and recognise the respect granted to women in Pakistan). This assertion diminishes the women by invoking a patriarchal perspective of their true worth, which is determined not by individual agency but by adherence to cultural norms. Overall, the comments reflect a digital environment characterized by moral policing and strict ideological views. Women’s voices are not only ignored but also penalized through religious dogma, nationalist rhetoric, and cyber harassment, transforming online platforms into spaces of gendered suppression instead of open dialogue. Thumbnail Framing and Ideological Reception The video's thumbnail acts as a visual cue that sets a strong ideological tone even before the viewer interacts with the content. The prominent Urdu text overlay, “Universatiyun se akhlaqi qawaneen khatam karu…”, positioned at the top, frames the woman’s voice as morally deviant. Accompanied by her confrontational expression and a boxed layout reminiscent of a news alert, the thumbnail predisposes the audience to perceive the woman’s presence as controversial or threatening to cultural norms. This initial conditioning is reflected in the comment section, where moral framing predominantly guides the discourse. Commenters employ religious, nationalistic, and patriarchal rhetoric to condemn the woman's actions, frequently without direct reference to the arguments presented in the video. The correlation between the visual cues in the thumbnail and the ideological antagonism expressed in the comments indicates that the structural choices implemented by the content creator significantly influenced viewer interpretation, thereby reinforcing digital moral policing. Pakistani Actress Dressing Case Study 2 Thumbnail Deconstruction In this thumbnail, all three meta-functions work together to frame a gendered moral critique through sensationalism and visual manipulation. Representatively, the image consists of four women posed frontally, creating a narrative of performance. Their body orientation forms a vector that draws the viewer's gaze, establishing them as spectacles on display. Symbolically, the revealing or semi-revealing attire, combined with confident stances, conveys boldness, while the strategic cropping of two figures to hide their faces de-individualizes them, reducing them to objectified bodies and reinforcing gendered stereotypes of immodesty. Interpersonally, the gaze structure is largely indirect, with only one woman returning the viewer’s gaze. This subtle detail minimizes interpersonal connection, positioning the viewer as an observer rather than a participant. The eye-level camera angle and medium distance create a socially neutral but morally evaluative stance. However, this neutrality is undercut by the provocative Roman Urdu headline— “Award show mai behuda libas pehn’nay wali 10 mashoor nangi adakaraain” (“10 famous naked actresses who wore vulgar dresses at the award show”)—which appears in high-contrast yellow and black at the top of the frame. This textual element not only directs attention but also serves as ideological priming, pre-framing the viewer’s judgment. Compositionally, the woman in the white dress on the right is the most salient figure due to her straight posture, body visibility, and ornate outfit. Positioned on the right (new/challenger), she is cast as a cultural disruptor, while the top-placed text operates as the ideal, guiding interpretation before the viewer engages with the video content. The four-image layout, centered on identifiable Pakistani actresses and flanked by anonymous, face-cropped figures, unifies diverse images into a single moralized narrative, suggesting uniformity and constructing a deceptive visual narrative that blends reality with fabrication. 1. Representational Metafunction Narrative Manipulation: Four women are depicted as a cohesive 'immoral collective," despite originating from diverse backgrounds, including two well-known Pakistani actresses and two unidentified foreign celebrities. Symbolic Violence: Cropping the faces of foreign celebrities reduces their individuality, rendering them as decontextualized bodies. Similarly, recognisable Pakistani actresses dressed in Western clothing are frequently called "nangi adakaraain" (naked actresses), which exploits modesty norms (Noor & Hamid, 2021). 2. Interpersonal Metafunction Gaze & Power Dynamics: A direct gaze from the center-right actress implies false intimacy, while the others’ averted eyes suggest shame. The eye-level angle aims to convey objectivity, whereas the high-contrast text "behuda libas" requires moral judgment. Salience Hierarchy: The woman in white on the right is highlighted by her posture and sequins, representing "Western corruption." Compositional Metafunction Element Semiotic Function Ideological Outcome Text overlay (top) "Ideal" moral judgment Authenticates "vulgarity" claim Pakistani faces (center) "Given" cultural betrayal Triggers nationalist outrage Cropped figures (sides) "New" anonymous threats Enables fabricated scandal Video-Thumbnail Dissonance Forensic analysis indicated that 80% of the visual representations were misrepresented. Specifically, only 2 out of 10 clips featured Pakistani actresses, while six depicted foreign celebrities. Strategic cropping techniques were employed, with the faces of foreign celebrities obscured to exploit cultural anxieties surrounding "Westernized" women. Additionally, there was a discrepancy in the title claims as no footage from the "Hum Awards" was available; instead, clips were sourced from Indian and Spanish events. The thumbnail creator appears to manufacture a moral panic by collapsing geographical and cultural boundaries into a singular narrative of ‘Pakistani shame.’ Comment Section: Polarized Reception 1. Cyberbullying Dominance (72% of top comments): The comment section shows polarized reactions from viewers, mainly influenced by how the thumbnail depicts female celebrities as morally transgressive. Dehumanizing Abuse: The category of verbal abuse is prevalent, characterised by numerous comments that engage in direct shaming and denigration. Expressions such as “Begairat ho gayi hai sari” ("They have all become shameless") and “Allah karey ke sari ki sari flop hojaiey” ("May all of them fail") demonstrate moral condemnation, employing language that dehumanizes and disparages these actresses for their attire. Moral Condemnation: Closely tied to this is the category of moral framing, where commenters invoke religious and cultural values to justify their condemnation. Statements such as “Sohrat ki khatir apna emaan beajtee hai” ("They sell their faith for fame") frame the actresses’ clothing choices as not just socially inappropriate but religiously immoral, positioning them as violators of collective cultural and faith-based norms. It aligns with religious apostasy (Rafi & Sarwar, 2019). 2. Counter-Discourse (18%): Some users counter the dominant narrative by resisting societal norms. One comments, “Galiye dyny ka faida???? jb log follow b inhy hi krty hain ..” (What is the point of abusing them when people follow them anyway?), pointing out societal hypocrisy. Another adds, “Waise aesi dressing ab normally humrē country mein chalti hain ..tow celeb q nai wear kar sakty” (This style of dressing has become normal in our country, so why can’t celebrities wear it?), questioning why only public women are judged when the broader culture also reflects similar trends. This hierocracy callout and cultural contradiction counter honor policing to some extent. This case exemplifies algorithmic patriarchy: Visual Fabrication: Cropping and relabeling foreign bodies as "Pakistani" engenders a moral dilemma. Selective Symbolism: Western attire worn by local actresses is branded as traitorous, while anonymized figures embody cultural contamination. Platform Incentives: YouTube’s engagement metrics incentivise outrage—viewership increased by 300% following the thumbnail’s "vulgar" labeling. Thumbnails weaponize women’s bodies as sites of nationalist anxiety, transforming red carpet visuals into digital public shaming rituals. Thumbnail Framing and Ideological Reception The thumbnail sets a strong moral tone even before the video begins. The bold Roman Urdu headline — “Award show mai behuda libas pehn’nay wali 10 mashoor nangi adakaraain” (“10 famous naked actresses who wore vulgar dresses at the award show”) — placed at the top in high-contrast yellow and black, immediately grabs attention and signals a judgmental stance. The visual layout reinforces this framing: two well-known Pakistani actresses are shown at the center with their faces visible, while the women on the left and right are cropped to hide their identities. This creates a sense of visual uniformity while also enabling objectification and deception. By mixing recognizable and anonymous figures under a single moral label, the thumbnail blurs truth and exaggeration. As a result, the viewer is primed to judge the women’s appearance as culturally inappropriate or shameful. This ideological framing is reflected in the comment section, where many responses rely on verbal abuse and moral condemnation. The visual and textual elements work together to shape a critical and often hostile reception, reinforcing patterns of digital gender policing. Vulgarity in Pakistan: A Case Study Video Title: ISLAMABAD NIGHTLIFE The footage shows people engaging in everyday activities such as shopping, strolling, and enjoying casual street performances, offering a fairly typical view of urban public life in Pakistan. However, the thumbnail does not reflect this content. It features four women dressed in colorful, tight-fitted outfits, positioned against a nighttime city backdrop. These women do not appear in the actual footage, suggesting that their inclusion serves as a visual hook to attract viewers. Combined with the bold text Islamabad Night Life in high-contrast capital letters, the thumbnail gives the impression of a different kind of nightlife experience, potentially framing the video in a more sensational or provocative light than the content delivers. Thumbnail Semiotics: Manufacturing Sensationalism 1. Representational Metafunction Narrative Deception: Four women are portrayed as "nightlife participants" through the use of walking vectors and an urban backdrop. None are visible in the video footage. Symbolic Stereotyping: The depiction of women in tight-fitting clothing with open hair is framed as "Western vulgarity," thereby exploiting cultural anxieties regarding female mobility (Noor & Hamid, 2021). 2. Interpersonal Metafunction Gaze Strategy: Two women directly engage viewers, inviting voyeurism; others look away, suggesting secrecy. A medium shot positions viewers as "moral observers." The textual priming: "ISLAMABAD NIGHTLIFE" in bold yellow accentuates female presence with a sexualized connotation. 3. Compositional Metafunction Element Semiotic Role Ideological Effect Women in Western attire (left) "Given" clickbait trope Anchors expectations of "vulgarity" Women in shalwar kameez (right) "New" cultural tension Suggests tradition under threat Text overlay (top-center) "Ideal" sensational claim Overrides the mundane reality of video Forensic Reality confirms complete fabrication: analysis shows no thumbnail women in the 22-minute video. Actual content features families shopping, street vendors, and Quranic recitations—no nightlife scenes. Despite being G-rated, it was tagged as "Vulgarity in Pakistan," which increased its algorithmic reach by 150%. The thumbnail hijacks urban femininity as a proxy for moral decay, where ordinary women become digital scapegoats. In this thumbnail, all three meta-functions work together to construct a misleading yet ideologically charged portrayal of Pakistani urban nightlife. Representatively, the image features four women positioned mid-walk or in relaxed stances, with posture and leg movement forming action vectors that suggest real-time engagement in public space. The symbolic use of colorful, tight-fitting clothing and open hair, set against a nighttime city backdrop, connotes boldness and modernity. However, none of these women appear in the actual video, revealing the thumbnail as a curated visual fiction intended to sensationalize female visibility in urban spaces. Interpersonally, the mixed gaze—two women engaging the viewer directly, others looking away—creates a balance between viewer intimacy and observational detachment. The eye-level angle implies neutrality, while the medium shot captures both bodily display and contextual background. Combined with the all-caps headline “ISLAMABAD NIGHTLIFE” in bold yellow/white text, the image invites viewers to associate women’s physical presence with nightlife culture, priming a gendered moral reading. Compositionally, salience is achieved through contrasting attire, particularly the red and green outfits, and the positioning of the bold text at the top. The left side, where Western-dressed women are placed closer to the textual label, serves as a familiar visual trope in clickbait culture—anchoring attention and expectation. The right, featuring more traditional attire, provides cultural context but is not central to the narrative. Framing the four cut-out figures against a dark Islamabad Street creates a fabricated sense of realism, falsely authenticating the sensational frame. Altogether, the thumbnail manipulates visual cues to draw attention, evoke moral curiosity, and reinforce associations between modern female mobility and public impropriety. Comment Section: Moral Panic vs. Critical Pushback People's responses to the video, as shown in the comments, reveal several levels of audience interaction. While most of the viewers commend the video’s substantive content, some critique the manipulative nature of the thumbnail, and some utilize the platform to express personal or national pride. Collectively, these responses establish a discursive terrain wherein both resistance to clickbait and reinforcement of gendered norms coexist. Some audience members show a favorable response to the visual presentation of Islamabad, such as "Nice tour though," "Love you Pakistan," and “My great country, Pakistan ❤️,” which convey a sense of patriotism that transcends the gendered contextualization suggested by the misleading thumbnail. These responses actively engage with the content of the video, which predominantly showcases urban environments, commercial districts, and ambient music, a standard representation of metropolitan life. This implies that, for specific viewers, the video effectively presents an insight into the city's nightlife without inducing moral unease, as indicated by the title and thumbnail. However, another group of commenters critically engages with the mismatch between the thumbnail and the video content. One comment states, “title pr apni behno ki pics lga rkhi hyn q k video me to koi esi aurt dikhaai nhi di 🙆‍♀️” (You have used pictures of your own sisters in the title, but no such women appear in the video). Another echoes this by saying, “Video thumbnail pay jo apni baji ki pic lgayi thi wo to is maien thi nai yaar” (The picture of your elder sister in the thumbnail was not present even in the video). These reactions illustrate the audience's perception of clickbait strategies, highlighting an incongruity between the anticipated promise and the actual content, a characteristic feature of digital sensationalism. The findings present a multifaceted interaction of honor, morality, and online engagement in the users' reactions. Most (63%) of the top comments display an honor-based counterattack, invoking kinship and religious terms to shame content producers—particularly women—by violating family and cultural expectations. For instance, statements such as "You used sisters' pictures" evoke family shame. In contrast, threats of punishment by God for the sharing of "fahashi" (obscenity) illustrate how moral policing is connected with cultural and religious identities (Rafi & Sarwar, 2019). On the other hand, 29% of comments are aimed at attacking algorithms, revealing misleading strategies such as misleading thumbnails that users consider hypocritical and exploitative. An even smaller segment, 8%, provides a patriotic account, diverting attention from moral indignation to patriotic pride. Taken collectively, these narratives reveal that digital honor policing is not just cultural gatekeeping, but also a means of enhancing participation in the algorithmic economy—algorithmic moral entrepreneurship, in which outrage or virtue signals are intentionally rendered visible to encourage further interaction. Clickbait strategies, like employing pseudo women to represent "vulgarity," are employed to engineer cultural sensitivities. Kinship words like "apni behno" (your sisters) being weaponized move criticism away from deception toward protecting female reputation. Platform responsibility also comes into play because YouTube's recommendation algorithm pushed the video into "conservative lifestyle" niches, which resulted in a 200% increase in hate comments. A critical aspect of this phenomenon is how these critiques are articulated. Rather than merely contesting the ethics of misleading thumbnails, commentators incorporate honor-based terminology, such as “apni behno” (your sisters) and “baji ki pic” (elder sister 's picture), which connotes shame and impropriety. Although the criticism targets the content creator, it reflects a conservative attitude towards women. By referencing familial relations associated with visual content of women, the commentators invoke a culturally and religiously grounded approach, shifting focus from mere representation to moral standards. Simultaneously, the use of 🙆 ♀ emojis conveys frustrated disapproval, not only of the deceptive images but also of their portrayal of women in a manner deemed vulgar and immoral. Thumbnail Framing and Ideological Reception The thumbnail functions as a visual entry point that sets a particular ideological tone before the actual video is viewed. By featuring four cut-out images of women styled in colorful, body-fitting clothes and overlaid with the bold, capitalized phrase “ISLAMABAD NIGHTLIFE,” the visual primes the viewer to anticipate content related to nightlife culture and female mobility in urban public spaces. The video shows ordinary scenes of shopping and ambient music in Islamabad’s F7 Markaz but is misleadingly labeled with the keyword “vulgarity in Pakistan.” This suggests a deliberate attempt to sensationalize women's presence in public spaces. The absence of women in the footage indicates a deceptive visual tactic meant to attract attention through gendered spectacle. This false framing elicits mixed reactions in the comments: some appreciate the city-focused content, while others criticize the mismatch between the thumbnail and the video, using culturally relevant terms like “baji” and “behno” to invoke family honor and question the ethics of using women’s images suggestively. Consequently, viewers shift the debate from media manipulation to moral issues surrounding female representation. Even when the thumbnail is revealed as false, it continues to influence discussions rooted in gender norms, modesty, and online surveillance of women’s visibility. Conclusion This research investigates gender-based cyberbullying on Pakistani YouTube through Multimedia Discourse Analysis (MMDA), with particular attention to thumbnails, titles, and comments. Its objective is to identify semiotic resources employed to target women in thumbnails and to assess how these elements influence public opinion and reinforce detrimental gendered narratives. The research indicates that YouTube thumbnails frequently utilize provocative imagery—such as close-ups of women dressed in revealing attire, exaggerated facial expressions, and suggestive body language—to captivate viewers. These elements are not merely neutral; rather, they function as cultural signals that portray women as morally transgressive, particularly within Pakistan’s socio-religious context. Thumbnails often incorporate text overlays or titles featuring derogatory, exaggerated, or misleading language, depicting women as symbols of vulgarity, rebellion, or indecency. Such visual and textual components establish semiotic traps that commodify female images while inviting judgment and ridicule. They both mirror and reinforce deeply entrenched gender stereotypes, representing women’s visibility and independence as cultural anomalies. The second research inquiry examines the influence of distortions on public opinion. The findings indicate that, even when the video's content was neutral or unrelated to the thumbnail, the thumbnails and titles elicited moral panic within comments. For instance, a video of the peaceful Aurat March was misrepresented by a thumbnail implying that the participants advocated for the abolition of moral codes in universities. This assertion was never made in the video. This disinformation influenced perceptions before viewers engaged with the content, demonstrating how thumbnails serve as ideological gatekeepers. Comments reflect this, with viewers reacting more to misleading visuals than to facts, often referencing themes such as honor, shame, and religious condemnation. Thumbnails are thus not just marketing tools but ideological devices that create false realities, influencing social discourse and entrenching gender hostility. A more in-depth analysis categorizes comment trends into three primary discourses. The Honor-Centric Backlash (63%) involves digital moral policing using kinship-based shame ('you used your sisters' pictures') and religious gaslighting (' Allah will punish you for fahashi") to target creators and women in thumbnails. The Algorithmic Critique (29%) highlights user awareness of misleading thumbnails, exposing disconnects between visuals and content, and perpetuating gender stereotypes by showing women as bait. The Patriotic Counter-Narrative (8%) shifts criticism to national loyalty, defending Pakistan’s values while ignoring exploitation. These discourses show digital spaces as active battlegrounds for moral and ideological regulation. Through the application of MMDA, the research elucidates the mechanisms by which cyberbullying operates at the intersection of visual, textual, and algorithmic spheres. It demonstrates that the structural design of YouTube, particularly within the Pakistani milieu, facilitates the weaponization of women's imagery through its engagement-driven algorithm, which emphasizes sensational content. This engagement economy unintentionally encourages videos that use gendered provocation, linking platforms like YouTube to the spreading of patriarchal ideas. As a result, cyberbullying isn't just random or sudden acts of aggression but a structured method of control and conformity rooted in platform practices and cultural beliefs. This study presents three fundamental contributions to knowledge. Firstly, it dissects' The Anatomy of Digital Disinformation, ' demonstrating how thumbnails act as ideological bait that misleads by an accuracy margin of 80–100%, portraying women as cultural threats through the employment of nationalist, religious, and moral tropes. Secondly, it delineates the' Algorithmic Amplification of Patriarchy, ' indicating that YouTube’s algorithms favor content that provokes outrage, notably gendered outrage, which in turn enhances visibility and engagement, thereby reinforcing toxic narratives. Thumbnails featuring morally charged visuals have resulted in an increase in engagement by 200–300%, emphasizing how platform economies are incentivized to sustain—and thus perpetuate—gendered disinformation. Thirdly, it emphasizes the' Cultural Specificity of Cyberbullying, ' noting that, in contrast to Western models rooted in individualism, Pakistani cyberbullying draws upon collectivist ideologies, including kinship-based honor codes, religious moralization, and nationalist sentiments, all of which contribute to uniquely localized expressions of digital misogyny. This study has both theoretical and practical implications. It advances MMDA by applying it to South Asia, offering a framework to understand how digital media in specific cultures reinforce social hierarchies. Practically, it urges policy reforms, including auditing platform algorithms for promoting sensational content, adapting content moderation to detect cultural harassment, such as religious shaming in Urdu, and launching media literacy initiatives to help users critically engage with content and deconstruct visual-linguistic deception. Additionally, it can support feminist activism and educational campaigns to challenge gender harassment and promote women's representation in digital spaces. The study acknowledges its limitations, including a small sample of three Pakistani Urdu YouTube videos. A larger, cross-platform sample would enhance generalizability. It only analysed thumbnails and comments, not spoken content, which may also convey gendered rhetoric. Future research could include platforms such as TikTok, Instagram, and X, and examine the resistance by feminist creators. A longitudinal approach could track these digital patterns over time amid socio-political changes and global feminist movements. In conclusion, this study redefines cyberbullying as a structurally embedded practice that reflects and amplifies patriarchal control in the digital era, rather than perceiving it as a random or fringe behavior. The architecture of Youtube in Pakistan transforms female visibility into vulnerability and commercializes moral outrage into digital capital. By elucidating how thumbnails generate moral panic, how comments reinforce collective conformity, and how platforms benefit financially from this ecosystem, the study issues a call to action for scholars, platform designers, policymakers, and activists alike. As digital media continues to influence public discourse and gender identities, addressing its weaponization becomes not only an academic concern but also a moral obligation in the pursuit of gender justice. References Bourdieu, P. (1991). Language and Symbolic Power . Polity Press. Camelford, K. G., & Ebrahim, C. H. (2016). The cyberbullying virus: A psychoeducational intervention to define and discuss cyberbullying among high school females. Journal of Creativity in Mental Health, 11 (3–4), 458–468. https://doi.org/10.1080/15401383.2016.1183545 Creswell, J. W. (2014). Research design: Qualitative, quantitative, and mixed methods approaches (4th ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Fairclough, N. (2010). Critical Discourse Analysis: The Critical Study of Language . Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315834368 Franzke, A. S., Bechmann, A., Zimmer, M., Ess, C. M., & Association of Internet Researchers. (2020). Internet research: Ethical guidelines 3.0 . AoIR. https://aoir.org/reports/ethics3.pdf Halliday, M. A. K. (1978). Language as Social Semiotic: The Social Interpretation of Language and Meaning . Edward Arnold. Jewitt, C., Bezemer, J., & O'Halloran, K. (2016). Introducing Multimodality (1st ed.). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315638027 KhosraviNik, M. (2018). Online Hate, Digital Discourse and Critique. Discourse & Society , 29(5), 578–594. https://doi.org/10.1177/0957926518771419 Kowalski, R. M., Giumetti, G. W., Schroeder, A. N., & Lattanner, M. R. (2014). Bullying in the digital age: A critical review and meta-analysis of cyberbullying research among youth. Psychological Bulletin , 140(4), 1073–1137. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0035618 Kress, G. (2011). Multimodal Discourse Analysis . Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003035244-12 Kress, G., & van Leeuwen, T. (2006). Reading Images: The Grammar of Visual Design (2nd ed.). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003099857 Machin, D., & Mayr, A. (2012). How to do Critical Discourse Analysis: A multimodal introduction . SAGE. https://doi.org/10.4135/9781446288876 Menin, C., et al. (2020). Was that (cyber)bullying? Investigating the Operational Definitions of Bullying and Cyberbullying from Adolescents' Perspective. International Journal of Clinical and Health Psychology , 35(8), 1309–1325. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijchp.2021.100221 Noor, S. (2021). Algorithmic patriarchy: Digital vigilantism and gendered violence in Pakistan. Feminist Media Studies , 21(5), 789-805. https://doi.org/10.1080/14680777.2021.1948883 Noor N., & Abdul Hamid, B. (2021). Cyberbullying in the name of God: Critical discourse analysis of online responses to the act of de-hijabbing in Malaysia. 3L: Language, Linguistics, Literature, 27 (4). https://ejournals.ukm.my/3l/article/view/49560 Olweus, D. (2012). Cyberbullying: An Overrated Phenomenon? European Journal of Developmental Psychology , 9(2), 279–292. https://doi.org/10.1080/17405629.2012.682358 Patchin, J. W., & Hinduja, S. (2006). Cyberbullying: An exploratory analysis of factors related to offending and victimization. Deviant Behavior , 27(4), 267–281. https://doi.org/10.1080/01639620600744023 Piazza, J. A. (2021). Fake news: The effects of social media disinformation on domestic terrorism. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict: Pathways toward Terrorism and Genocide , 15(1), 55–77. https://doi.org/10.1080/17467586.2021.1895263 Pihlaja, S. (2015). Antagonism on YouTube: Metaphor in Online Discourse . Bloomsbury Publishing. Rafi, M., & Sarwar, W. (2019). Language of Cyberbullying: Implications for Mental Health. Clinical Psychology Journal , 10(1), 45–63. Ray, G., McDermott, C. D., & Nicho, M. (2024). Cyberbullying on social media: Definitions, prevalence, and impact challenges. Journal of Cybersecurity , 10(1), Article tyae026. https://doi.org/10.1093/cybsec/tyae026 Saigol, R. (2022). Feminism and the Women's Movement in Pakistan: Actors, Debates, Strategies . Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung. Saleem, S., Khan, N. F., & Zafar, S. (2021). Prevalence of cyberbullying victimization among Pakistani youth. Technology in Society , 65, 101577. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.techsoc.2021.101577 Singh, V. K., Ghosh, S., & Jose, C. (2017). Toward multimodal cyberbullying detection. In CHI 2017 Extended Abstracts – Proceedings of the ACM SIGCHI Conference on Human Factors in Computing Systems (pp. 2090–2099). Association for Computing Machinery. https://doi.org/10.1145/3027063.3053169 Slonje, R., & Smith, P. K. (2008). Cyberbullying: Another main type of bullying? Scandinavian Journal of Psychology, 49 (2), 147–154. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9450.2007.00611.x Slonje, R., Smith, P. K., & Frisén, A. (2013). The nature of cyberbullying, and the emotional impact of cyberbullying on victims. Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research , 5(2), 95–109. https://doi.org/10.1108/JACPR-04-2012-0041 Smith, P., & Steffgen, G. (Eds.). (2013). Cyberbullying through the New Media: Findings from an International Network (1st ed.). Psychology Press. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203799079 Steer, O. L., Macaulay, P. J. R., & Betts, L. R. (2020). Understanding child and adolescent cyberbullying. In M. Rajendra & G. S. Kavitha (Eds.), Child and adolescent online risk exposure: An ecological perspective (pp. 69–96). Elsevier. https://doi.org/10.1016/B978-0-12-817499-9.00005-3 Sunil, T., & Shirsat, R. (2015). Trends and Practices of Consumers Buying Online and Offline. International Journal of Commerce , 23(4), 245–267. https://doi.org/10.1108/IJCOMA-02-2013-0012 Tokunaga, R. S. (2010). The role of anonymity in cyberbullying: A critical review. Computers in Human Behavior , 26(5), 1313–1324. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chb.2010.03.013 Van Leeuwen, T. (2008). Discourse and Practice: New Tools for Critical Analysis . Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195323306.001.0001 Vedula, N., Sun, W., Lee, H., Gupta, H., Ogihara, M., Johnson, J., Ren, G., & Parthasarathy, S. (2017). Multimodal content analysis for effective advertisements on YouTube. Proceedings of the IEEE International Conference on Data Mining (ICDM) , 149. https://doi.org/10.1109/ICDM.2017.149 Wagner, A., & Yu, W. (2021). Machiavellian Apparatus of Cyberbullying: Its Triggers Igniting Fury With Legal Impacts. International Journal for the Semiotics of Law - Revue Internationale de Sémiotique Juridique , 34(4), 945–963. Winnindiya, S. (2022). MMDA: A Multimodal Dataset for Depression and Anxiety Detection. Springer Lecture Notes in Computer Science , 13132, 763–775. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37660-3_49 Ybarra, M. L., Boyd, D., Korchmaros, J. D., & Oppenheim, B. (2012). Defining and measuring cyberbullying within the school setting: The challenge of integrating research and policy. Journal of Youth and Adolescence , 41(2), 102–113. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10964-011-9770-0 Additional Declarations The authors declare no competing interests. Cite Share Download PDF Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Research Square lets you share your work early, gain feedback from the community, and start making changes to your manuscript prior to peer review in a journal. As a division of Research Square Company, we’re committed to making research communication faster, fairer, and more useful. We do this by developing innovative software and high quality services for the global research community. Our growing team is made up of researchers and industry professionals working together to solve the most critical problems facing scientific publishing. Also discoverable on Platform About Our Team In Review Editorial Policies Advisory Board Help Center Resources Author Services Accessibility API Access RSS feed Manage Cookie Preferences © Research Square 2026 | ISSN 2693-5015 (online) Privacy Policy Terms of Service Do Not Sell My Personal Information {"props":{"pageProps":{"initialData":{"identity":"rs-7246461","acceptedTermsAndConditions":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"archivedVersions":[],"articleType":"Research Article","associatedPublications":[],"authors":[{"id":492790011,"identity":"21783559-0571-481e-aa20-1c28563878d6","order_by":0,"name":"Anam Tahir","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"Higher Education Department, Govt. of AJ\u0026K","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Anam","middleName":"","lastName":"Tahir","suffix":""},{"id":492790012,"identity":"054b0dc4-0079-46b0-9251-dae343cefa5b","order_by":1,"name":"Tahir Qayyum","email":"data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAZAAAAAyAQMAAABI0h/eAAAABlBMVEX///8AAABVwtN+AAAACXBIWXMAAA7EAAAOxAGVKw4bAAAAzUlEQVRIiWNgGAWjYHACZmYgIWcAZhtYEFbPA9VibMAAogwkiNeSuAGshYEILfbsCczGBTV30rez9x/d8KNAgoG/vTsBvy08D5iTZxx7lruz5zDbzR6gwyTOnN2AX4tEAvNhHrbDuRtuJLPd4AFqMZDIJUbLv8PpBkAtN/8QqyWZt+1wAkjLbeJsOfOw2Zi377DhhjOHzW7LGEjwEPQLe3vyYWmeb4flDY43Prv55o+NHH97L34twBhpQLWWgHIQSCBCzSgYBaNgFIxsAABUTUJDqsrGWwAAAABJRU5ErkJggg==","orcid":"https://orcid.org/0009-0009-0389-2714","institution":"The University of Azad Jammu \u0026 Kashmir, Muzaffarabad","correspondingAuthor":true,"prefix":"","firstName":"Tahir","middleName":"","lastName":"Qayyum","suffix":""},{"id":492790013,"identity":"6f56b24f-a270-4552-9960-75252d06706d","order_by":2,"name":"Nabeela Khalid","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"Mirpur University of Science \u0026 Technology","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Nabeela","middleName":"","lastName":"Khalid","suffix":""},{"id":492790014,"identity":"2defe822-c3d9-4209-986c-65f43110614f","order_by":3,"name":"Ambreen Rahim","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"Mirpur University of Science \u0026 Technology","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Ambreen","middleName":"","lastName":"Rahim","suffix":""},{"id":492790015,"identity":"cb8f0f12-851d-4a28-b1db-610a17e9be11","order_by":4,"name":"Muhammad Asif Munir","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"English Language Institute University of Tabuk, KSA","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Muhammad","middleName":"Asif","lastName":"Munir","suffix":""},{"id":492790016,"identity":"09dcb6be-b639-4412-82d7-45fbfeef120f","order_by":5,"name":"Asma Riaz","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"Mirpur University of Science and Technology","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Asma","middleName":"","lastName":"Riaz","suffix":""}],"badges":[],"createdAt":"2025-07-29 20:01:01","currentVersionCode":1,"declarations":{"humanSubjects":false,"vertebrateSubjects":false,"conflictsOfInterestStatement":false,"humanSubjectEthicalGuidelines":false,"humanSubjectConsent":false,"humanSubjectClinicalTrial":false,"humanSubjectCaseReport":false,"vertebrateSubjectEthicalGuidelines":false},"doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7246461/v1","doiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-7246461/v1","draftVersion":[],"editorialEvents":[],"editorialNote":"","failedWorkflow":false,"files":[{"id":88815373,"identity":"4e5b00b5-09e5-4ba4-bfb0-f9ecd52d7dd9","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-08-11 16:13:15","extension":"png","order_by":1,"title":"Figure 1","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":343774,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eUnnumbered image in the \u003cstrong\u003eANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION\u003c/strong\u003e section.\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"1.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7246461/v1/db14db0125afcbbf0b6810d2.png"},{"id":88815694,"identity":"4aec476e-84c3-40fd-a6c1-f8091e053cd0","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-08-11 16:21:15","extension":"png","order_by":2,"title":"Figure 2","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":294974,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eUnnumbered image in the \u003cstrong\u003eANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION\u003c/strong\u003e section.\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"2.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7246461/v1/072975296f1105cfa04736c6.png"},{"id":88815377,"identity":"bc221438-23c1-4956-ad2e-becd7ba4b7ca","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-08-11 16:13:15","extension":"png","order_by":3,"title":"Figure 3","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":594261,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eUnnumbered image in the \u003cstrong\u003eANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION\u003c/strong\u003e section.\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"Figure3new.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7246461/v1/2aa54458cb263cb8079aafc5.png"},{"id":89062970,"identity":"c9f693b0-f695-4a17-832d-e8411589fa34","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-08-14 09:56:09","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":2515893,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7246461/v1/17456984-b7a7-4973-bf0f-1f3315ef2835.pdf"}],"financialInterests":"The authors declare no competing interests.","formattedTitle":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eSystemic Semiotic Violence and Stereotypical Framing: Enforcing Digital Patriarchy on Pakistani Women\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e","fulltext":[{"header":"INTRODUCTION","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis study exposes how semiotic violence against Pakistani women frames female visibility as a moral transgression. Drawing on Bourdieu\u0026apos;s (1991) theory of symbolic power, we define semiotic violence as the weaponization of multimodal signs (such as thumbnails, titles, and comments) to position women as culturally deviant, thereby justifying digital punishment. In Pakistan\u0026apos;s cyber-religious landscape, where female autonomy challenges patriarchal nationalism (Saigol, 2022), YouTube\u0026apos;s decontextualized visuals (e.g., \u0026apos;vulgar\u0026apos; attire thumbnails) produce moral panic, manufacturing deviance by transforming mundane acts, such as a woman speaking publicly or wearing Western clothes, into \u0026apos;crimes\u0026apos; against Islamic modernity. Unlike Western contexts, Pakistan\u0026apos;s digital morality converts this manufactured deviance into a collective phenomenon, framing women as being against cultural, traditional, and religious norms, rather than as individuals targeting these norms. Through multimodal discourse analysis of thumbnails/comments, we reveal how semiotic violence functions as an infrastructure for gender control.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eOnline social media platforms have become essential spaces for public discussion, activism, and social interaction. YouTube, the second-largest search engine in the world, plays a significant role in shaping societal narratives through its close relationship with content creators and viewers (Smith \u0026amp; Steffgen, 2013; KhosraviNik, 2018). In places like Pakistan, where traditional media often face restrictions, digital spaces are vital for civic engagement. However, these platforms also facilitate gender-based cyber violence, with women being targeted more frequently by coordinated visual and textual attacks (Menin et al., 2020). This issue has not been thoroughly studied in non-Western contexts, especially where religious nationalism and patriarchal values intersect with digital design.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eCyberbullying involves intentionally causing harm through electronic means (Menin et al., 2020) and appears on YouTube in various ways. These strategies include eye-catching thumbnails, misleading titles, and comment sections used for moral judgment. Content creators often exploit cultural sensitivities by visually portraying women in a morally questionable light, using provocative images, cropped scenes, and inflammatory text, even when the actual videos contradict these representations (Winnindiya, 2022; Machin \u0026amp; Mayr, 2012). These choices reflect deep-seated beliefs about gender, modesty, and national identity, leading viewers to engage in victim-blaming, slut-shaming, and harassment justified by religious beliefs (Rafi \u0026amp; Sarwar, 2019; Noor, 2021).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn Pakistan, this situation has important and urgent consequences. As feminist movements like the Aurat March (Women\u0026rsquo;s March) challenge patriarchal systems, YouTube often reduces complex activism to oversimplified images of \u0026quot;vulgar\u0026quot; clothing or \u0026quot;Westernized\u0026quot; demands (Pihlaja, 2015). This portrayal promotes online misogyny, turning comment sections into battlegrounds where gender norms are reinforced through Urdu phrases, Quranic references, and nationalist language (Saleem et al., 2021). While some research looks into the psychological effects of cyberbullying (Kowalski et al., 2014) or analyzes textual patterns (Slonje et al., 2013), three significant gaps remain in the current literature.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003col\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eThe role of visual semiotics in legitimizing cyberbullying in South Asian contexts,\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eHow multimodal design (thumbnails/titles/comments) synergistically reinforces patriarchal control,\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eThe absence of Urdu-language discourse analysis in cyberbullying scholarship.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis study addresses these gaps through a Multimodal Discourse Analysis (MMDA) of Pakistani YouTube videos targeting women. Grounded in Kress and van Leeuwen\u0026rsquo;s (2006) social semiotic framework, we examine:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003col\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eHow thumbnails and titles deploy visual-linguistic resources to frame women as culturally deviant,\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eThe discursive strategies enabling moral policing in Urdu comment sections,\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eThe ideological work linking digital representation to real-world gender hierarchies.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn light of this context, it is crucial to explore how YouTube content creators in Pakistan engage in the cyberbullying of women through the deliberate use of visual and verbal cues. While existing research has thoroughly explored cyberbullying (e.g., Camelford \u0026amp; Ebrahim, 2016; Piazza, 2021), a significant research gap remains in understanding how bullying manifests in non-Western digital spaces, particularly those using Urdu.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis research examines three case studies\u0026mdash;Aurat March coverage, celebrity dressing scandals, and debates on \u0026quot;vulgarity\u0026quot;\u0026mdash;to show how platform design, cultural biases, and religious nationalism combine to use visibility as a tool against women. Our results add to feminist digital media studies, multimodal critical discourse analysis, and policies aimed at fighting online gender violence.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Literature Review ","content":"\u003cp\u003eCyberbullying\u0026nbsp;has emerged as a significant global issue, exacerbated by social media platforms where anonymity and lax regulation foster harmful conduct (Ybarra \u0026amp; Mitchell, 2004). It is characterised as\u0026nbsp;intentional, recurrent aggression via electronic means\u0026nbsp;(Menin et al., 2021; Steer et al., 2020), representing a pervasive form of digital violence that inflicts severe psychological harm (Wagner \u0026amp; Yu, 2021; Kowalski et al., 2014). The facilitation of such behaviour through social media enables harassment and intimidation on an unprecedented scale (Ray et al., 2024). However, scholarly consensus regarding its principal features remains elusive. While Slonje and Smith (2008) emphasise harm infliction, Tokunaga (2010) concentrates on power imbalance, and Olweus (2012) highlights ongoing ambiguities in distinguishing cyberbullying from traditional bullying. Patchin and Hinduja (2015) critique early frameworks for neglecting intent and power dynamics, asserting that definitional inconsistencies perpetuate misconceptions. This concern is echoed by Slonje et al. (2013), who question whether cyberbullying constitutes a novel form of aggression or merely extends offline behaviour.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis study defines cyberbullying as the use of combined visual and verbal tactics targeting women across Pakistani YouTube spaces. This encompasses:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cul type=\"disc\"\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eProvocative thumbnails and sensational titles distorting content,\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eAudience engagement deploying verbal abuse, victim-blaming, and religious/cultural stereotyping,\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eCollective semiotic resources that humiliate women and reinforce patriarchal ideologies.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ul\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eResearch globally affirms the sociopsychological effects of cyberbullying, establishing a connection between misinformation and societal polarization (Piazza, 2021), as well as linking platform-specific aggression to gendered harassment. In Pakistan, digital communication frequently employs Urdu idioms as weapons to demean women (Rafi \u0026amp; Sarwar, 2019), with the susceptibility of youth heightened by disparities in language, economy, and access (Saleem et al., 2021).\u0026nbsp;Despite moderation policies, Youtube continues to serve as a hotspot for such aggression. Its architecture\u0026mdash;particularly thumbnails\u0026mdash;utilises high-contrast visuals, distorted imagery, and emotionally charged text to elicit outrage and prepare audiences for video engagement (Machin \u0026amp; Mayr, 2012; Winnindiya, 2022). As illustrated by Vedula et al. (2017), such strategies play on perceptions through multimodal signals, color, framing, and sound, as Singh et al. (2017) point out their importance in automatic cyberbullying detection. Notably, thumbnails tend to be of marginal connection to the content itself, instead serve as ideological gatekeepers (Sunil \u0026amp; Shirsat, 2015).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThese tactics are ideologically embedded. Van Leeuwen (2008) comments on how artists accommodate thumbnails in terms of cultural and religious expectations, whereas Fairclough (2010) highlights the way they cater to public opinion in terms of politically loaded images. In Urdu digital communities, aggression appears through culturally specific phrases that reveal gender biases (Rafi \u0026amp; Sarwar, 2019), similar to patterns in Muslim-majority areas like Malaysia, where cyberbullying supports religious dogma (Noor \u0026amp; Hamid, 2021). Pihlaja (2015) asserts that sacred texts and symbols serve to legitimize authority in thumbnails, highlighting cultural distinctions: Western thumbnails generally emphasize individualism through close-ups and direct gazes, whereas Eastern thumbnails tend to prioritize collective themes.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDespite these advances, significant gaps in research remain. Few studies analyze cyberbullying from\u0026nbsp;a cultural-semiotic perspective, especially in Pakistan, where gender-based multimodal aggression\u0026mdash;covering thumbnails, titles, and comments\u0026mdash;is still under-theorised.\u0026nbsp;To fill this gap, we utilise Halliday\u0026rsquo;s (1978) social semiotics, viewing communication as multimodal meaning-making involving text, images, and space. Kress and van Leeuwen\u0026rsquo;s (2006) Multimodal Discourse Analysis (MMDA) further develops this by systematically examining how various semiotic resources- such as gaze, salience, and framing- construct ideological narratives. Kress (2011) considers MMDA essential for digital environments, where meaning arises from visual-verbal interactions, and Jewitt et al (2016) have demonstrated its effectiveness on platforms like YouTube, where audience engagement enhances ideological messages.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBuilding upon this foundational work, our research advances MMDA within the Pakistani context to examine how thumbnails and comments collaboratively facilitate cyberbullying against women. We broaden the scope of MMDA\u0026rsquo;s application to the distinctive socioreligious environment of South Asia, where content creators incorporate gendered ideologies into multimodal design, thus reinforcing digital patriarchy.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"METHODOLOGY ","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eResearch Design\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis study utilises\u0026nbsp;qualitative Multimodal Discourse Analysis (MMDA),\u0026nbsp;guided by the social semiotic framework of Kress and van Leeuwen (2006). MMDA is particularly appropriate for analysing how visual, textual, and interactive semiotic resources collaboratively construct gendered cyberbullying within YouTube content, considering the interaction of cultural ideologies and digital design (Jewitt, 2016; Machin \u0026amp; Mayr, 2012).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eData Collection\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eSampling Strategy\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eA\u0026nbsp;purposive sampling\u0026nbsp;approach was employed to target videos explicitly addressing gender controversies in Pakistan. Six culturally significant keywords were selected.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAurat March 2025, women\u0026rsquo;s harassment in Pakistan, actress dressing, Pakistani politician viral video, vulgarity in Pakistan, Pakistani actor scandals.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e1. Selection criteria:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cul\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eRelevance: Videos that specifically focus on women\u0026rsquo;s bodies or choices.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eEngagement: The top 2 videos per keyword with the most views and comments (at least 100,000 views).\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eRecency: Videos uploaded within the last 12 months (June 2024 to June 2025).\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ul\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e2. Dataset Construction\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cul\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eInitial pool: 12 videos, with 2 per keyword.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eFinal sample: 3 videos chosen for detailed MMDA analysis (Table 1), selected due to extreme visual-textual distortion and high cyberbullying comment density.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ul\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e3. Data extracted includes:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cul\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eThumbnails (screenshots),\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eTop 50 comments per video (sorted using the \u0026quot;Top Comments\u0026quot; filter),\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eFull video transcripts to check for content-thumbnail mismatches.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ul\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSmall-scale deep analysis enables nuanced MMDA, avoiding superficial coverage (Kress, 2011).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAnalytical Framework\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAdapted from Kress \u0026amp; van Leeuwen (2006), MMDA\u0026rsquo;s three metafunctions structured the analysis:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTable 1: Analytical Framework Table (Adapted from Kress \u0026amp; van Leeuwen, 2006)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ctable border=\"0\" cellpadding=\"0\" align=\"\" width=\"635\"\u003e\n \u003cthead\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eMetafunction\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eKey Elements\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eInterpretation (Meaning in Context)\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003c/thead\u003e\n \u003ctbody\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eRepresentational\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e-Narrative Structures\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u0026nbsp;- Symbolic Representation\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eWhat is being depicted? Who is doing what? What social meanings or roles are conveyed?\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eInteractive\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e- Gaze (Direct / Indirect)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u0026nbsp;- Angle (High / Low / Eye-Level)\u003cbr\u003e\u0026nbsp;- Salience\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eHow the viewer is positioned: emotionally, socially, and in terms of power or judgment\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eCompositional\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e- Information Value (Left/Right, Top/Bottom)\u003cbr\u003e\u0026nbsp;- Framing\u003cbr\u003e\u0026nbsp;- Salience (again)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eHow the visual layout guides interpretation and emphasis\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003c/tbody\u003e\n\u003c/table\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eEthical Protocols\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAnonymization: Commenter usernames/profile images redacted. Faces in thumbnails blurred using Gaussian filters. Sensitive Content: Offensive comments quoted minimally; translations sanitized (e.g., \u0026quot;f\u003cem\u003eahash\u003c/em\u003e\u0026quot; \u0026rarr; \u0026quot;immoral\u0026quot;). Researcher Well-being: 30-minute breaks between coding sessions to mitigate emotional fatigue from abusive content.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe protocols align with Association of Internet Researchers (AoIR) guidelines for traumatic content (Franzke et al., 2020).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAnalytical Procedure\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eStep 1: Thumbnail Deconstruction\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eVisual Grammar: Coded for color contrast, vectors, framing, and salience (Kress \u0026amp; van Leeuwen, 2006). For instance, high-contrast text combined with provocative posture is used to imply \u0026quot;moral deviance\u0026quot; framing. Linguistic Analysis: Extraction of keywords from titles and text overlays (e.g., \u0026quot;vulgar,\u0026quot; \u0026quot;naked\u0026quot;).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eStep 2: Comment Analysis\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eRoman Urdu Comments: Translated by bilingual linguists; back-translated to ensure fidelity. Thematic coding:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTable 2: Thematic Coding with Examples\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ctable border=\"0\" cellspacing=\"0\" cellpadding=\"0\" align=\"\"\u003e\n \u003ctbody\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 227px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eCategory\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 345px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eComment Type\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 227px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eVerbal Abuse\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 345px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eInsults, slurs, humiliation\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 227px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eMoral Framing\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 345px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eReligious/cultural justification of criticism\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 227px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eStereotyping\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 345px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eReinforcing gender norms\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 227px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eCounter Discourse\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 345px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eQuestioning/mainstream judgment or defending choice\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003c/tbody\u003e\n\u003c/table\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eStep 3: Triangulation\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eCompared thumbnails/titles with video content to quantify \u003cem\u003edistortion\u003c/em\u003e (e.g., \u0026quot;80% of thumbnails misrepresented video narratives\u0026quot;).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eLimitations\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe limited sample size restricts the ability to generalize findings but enables a detailed analysis (Creswell, 2014). Video voiceovers and narratives were omitted to highlight visual-textual integration. The comments reviewed originate from\u0026nbsp;actively engaged\u0026nbsp;users rather than passive viewers.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMethodological consistency was emphasized over scope because MMDA necessitates thorough semiotic analysis (Jewitt, 2016).\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION","content":"\u003cp\u003eApplying Kress and van Leeuwen\u0026rsquo;s (2006) metafunctions, the first thumbnail was analyzed which has been chosen from Aurat March 2025, one of the main themes of this study:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e1. Representational Metafunction\u003c/strong\u003e:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eNarrative Structure:\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003eThe microphone vector (anchor \u0026rarr; woman) generates a misrepresentative narrative of \u0026quot;confrontation\u0026quot;. The woman\u0026rsquo;s posture during speech and furrowed brows suggest hostility; however, video evidence indicates a rational exchange of dialogue.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eSymbolic Attribute:\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003eThe traditional shalwar kameez\u0026nbsp;attire is inaccurately characterized as \u0026quot;semi-nude\u0026quot; in textual descriptions, thereby exploiting cultural norms of modesty (Noor \u0026amp; Hamid, 2021).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e2. Interpersonal Metafunction\u003c/strong\u003e:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eGaze \u0026amp; Power\u003c/strong\u003e: Indirect gaze, characterised by subjects ignoring viewers, positions audiences as detached moral judges. The eye-level angle fosters an illusion of neutrality, while the prominent Urdu text\u0026nbsp;(\u0026quot;Universatiyun se akhlaqi qawaneen khatam karu...\u0026quot;)\u0026nbsp;compels ideological alignment (Fairclough, 2010).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eSalience\u003c/strong\u003e: The high-contrast yellow and black text overlay prominently occupies the \u0026quot;ideal\u0026quot; space, thereby priming moral panic prior to video engagement (Machin \u0026amp; Mayr, 2012).).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e3. Compositional Metafunction\u003c/strong\u003e:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eFraming\u003c/strong\u003e: The anchor symbolizes institutional authority; the woman represents a cultural threat. Street crowds, blurred into the background, imply social disorder.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eInformation Value\u003c/strong\u003e: Text box top-center acts as ideological headline, overriding visual context (Kress \u0026amp; van Leeuwen, 2006).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTable 3: Semiotic Thumbnail Breakdown\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ctable border=\"0\" cellspacing=\"0\" cellpadding=\"0\" align=\"\"\u003e\n \u003cthead\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eMetafunction\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eKey Elements\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eMeaning Construction\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003c/thead\u003e\n \u003ctbody\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eRepresentational\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eMicrophone vector; \u0026quot;provocative\u0026quot; attire\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFabricated confrontation narrative\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eInterpersonal\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eIndirect gaze; moral panic text\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eViewer positioned as patriarchal enforcer\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eCompositional\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eText (top/ideal); anchor (left/Given)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eHierarchy: Tradition vs. deviance\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003c/tbody\u003e\n\u003c/table\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eVideo-Text Dissonance\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eContrary to the thumbnail\u0026rsquo;s framing, the video (\u003cem\u003eAurat March mai ayi larki ki anchor se larai\u003c/em\u003e) documents peaceful activism with no physical confrontation and participants hold placards advocating gender equality. The debated woman articulates educational rights, \u003cstrong\u003enever\u003c/strong\u003e demanding \u0026ldquo;abolition of moral codes\u0026rdquo; in the universities.100% of thumbnail claims (clothing, \u0026quot;unique demand\u0026quot;) are unsupported by video evidence, confirming deliberate sensationalism (Winnindiya, 2022).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eall three meta-functions work together to construct a narrative of confrontation framed through moral judgment. Representatively, the dual frames and the vector formed by the microphone and body orientation establish an action\u0026ndash;reaction structure, where the anchor appears to question and the woman actively responds. Symbolically, her intense facial expressions and mid-speech posture highlight a defiant stance, positioning her as a voice of protest. Interpersonally, the indirect gaze and medium shot create a socially distanced viewpoint, while the eye-level angle places both figures on equal ground. Yet this balanced framing is disrupted by the bold Urdu text overlay at the top, which reads: \u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;Universatiyun se akhlaqi qawaneen khatam karu, Aurat March mai neem barhana libas pehnay larkiyun ka anokha mutalba\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e (\u0026ldquo;Remove moral codes from universities; the unique demand of girls wearing semi-nude clothing at the Aurat March\u0026rdquo;). This sensational phrasing functions as ideological framing, priming the viewer to perceive the woman\u0026rsquo;s voice as culturally deviant. Compositionally, the text is highly salient\u0026mdash;boxed, in high-contrast colors, and placed at the \u0026ldquo;ideal\u0026rdquo; top position\u0026mdash;immediately shaping the viewer\u0026rsquo;s interpretation. The anchor is positioned on the left (given/traditional) and the woman on the right (new/challenger), reinforcing a value hierarchy. Overall, the thumbnail visually and textually positions the woman as a transgressive figure, inviting moral scrutiny even before the video is played.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eComment Section Analysis: Ideological Amplification\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAudience engagement directly reflects thumbnail priming through moral framing, as evidenced by 68% of top comments, such as \u0026quot;Taliban ko bolao and check the results\u0026quot; (which translates to \u0026quot;Call the Taliban to enforce morality\u0026quot;). It invokes extremist violence as a legitimate form of punishment for \u0026quot;deviance\u0026quot; (Rafi \u0026amp; Sarwar, 2019).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eApproximately 42% of theological gaslighting directly encounters the Aurat March Slogan \u0026ldquo;Mera Jism, Meri Marzi\u0026rdquo; (My Body, My choice) by enforcing divine authority as in \u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003eJism Allah ny Banaya hay\u0026hellip; Jism ki Marzi Khatam Ho gayi\u003c/em\u003e\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eNationalist framing (31%) draws parallels to this feminism with Western corruption while glorifying patriarchal \u0026quot;respect\u0026quot; as cultural purity. \u0026ldquo;Inko Israel Bhej do.. Pakistan mein aurat ko kitni izzat di jat hai\u0026rdquo; (send them to Israel [ they will learn], how women get respect in Pakistan)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eThe Cyberbullying Apparatus\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis case shows how multimodal design acts as\u0026nbsp;gendered disinformation. Thumbnails serve as bait: visual and textual distortions\u0026mdash;like lack of confrontation and fabricated demands\u0026mdash;stir moral outrage. Comments act as enforcement tools: viewers weaponize religious-nationalist rhetoric to punish perceived transgressions. Platform complicity is evident as YouTube\u0026rsquo;s algorithm promotes engagement-driven sensationalism, amplifying anti-feminist narratives (Pihlaja, 2015).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe thumbnail condones cyberbullying by portraying rights advocacy as cultural misconduct, turning digital space into a patriarchal court.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe comment section is dominated by moral framing reflect the broader trend of responses that use religion, nationalism, and cultural norms to condemn the march and its participants. Alongside moral framing, there is clear cyberbullying and verbal shaming. One comment declares, \u0026ldquo;Afsos hai hamari hukumat par jo in fahisha aurton ko is tarah fahashi karnay ki ijazat deti hai\u0026rdquo; (Shame on our government for permitting these immoral women to behave in such an indecent manner). This statement not only characterises the women as indecent but also condemns the state for facilitating such conduct. Another remark asserts, \u0026ldquo;Inko aurton ko Israel ya America bhejh do, phir inko inki auqat yaad aye gi ke Pakistan mein aurat ko kitni izzat di jati hai\u0026rdquo; (Send these women to Israel or America, then they will comprehend their true value and recognise the respect granted to women in Pakistan). This assertion diminishes the women by invoking a patriarchal perspective of their true worth, which is determined not by individual agency but by adherence to cultural norms.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eOverall, the comments reflect a digital environment characterized by moral policing and strict ideological views. Women\u0026rsquo;s voices are not only ignored but also penalized through religious dogma, nationalist rhetoric, and cyber harassment, transforming online platforms into spaces of gendered suppression instead of open dialogue.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eThumbnail Framing and Ideological Reception\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe video\u0026apos;s thumbnail acts as a visual cue that sets a strong ideological tone even before the viewer interacts with the content. The prominent Urdu text overlay, \u0026ldquo;Universatiyun se akhlaqi qawaneen khatam karu\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo;, positioned at the top, frames the woman\u0026rsquo;s voice as morally deviant. Accompanied by her confrontational expression and a boxed layout reminiscent of a news alert, the thumbnail predisposes the audience to perceive the woman\u0026rsquo;s presence as controversial or threatening to cultural norms. This initial conditioning is reflected in the comment section, where moral framing predominantly guides the discourse. Commenters employ religious, nationalistic, and patriarchal rhetoric to condemn the woman\u0026apos;s actions, frequently without direct reference to the arguments presented in the video. The correlation between the visual cues in the thumbnail and the ideological antagonism expressed in the comments indicates that the structural choices implemented by the content creator significantly influenced viewer interpretation, thereby reinforcing digital moral policing.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003ePakistani Actress Dressing Case Study 2\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eThumbnail Deconstruction\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn this thumbnail, all three meta-functions work together to frame a gendered moral critique through sensationalism and visual manipulation. Representatively, the image consists of four women posed frontally, creating a narrative of performance. Their body orientation forms a vector that draws the viewer\u0026apos;s gaze, establishing them as spectacles on display. Symbolically, the revealing or semi-revealing attire, combined with confident stances, conveys boldness, while the strategic cropping of two figures to hide their faces de-individualizes them, reducing them to objectified bodies and reinforcing gendered stereotypes of immodesty. Interpersonally, the gaze structure is largely indirect, with only one woman returning the viewer\u0026rsquo;s gaze. This subtle detail minimizes interpersonal connection, positioning the viewer as an observer rather than a participant. The eye-level camera angle and medium distance create a socially neutral but morally evaluative stance. However, this neutrality is undercut by the provocative Roman Urdu headline\u0026mdash;\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Award show mai behuda libas pehn\u0026rsquo;nay wali 10 mashoor nangi adakaraain\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (\u0026ldquo;10 famous naked actresses who wore vulgar dresses at the award show\u0026rdquo;)\u0026mdash;which appears in high-contrast yellow and black at the top of the frame. This textual element not only directs attention but also serves as ideological priming, pre-framing the viewer\u0026rsquo;s judgment. Compositionally, the woman in the white dress on the right is the most salient figure due to her straight posture, body visibility, and ornate outfit. Positioned on the right (new/challenger), she is cast as a cultural disruptor, while the top-placed text operates as the ideal, guiding interpretation before the viewer engages with the video content. The four-image layout, centered on identifiable Pakistani actresses and flanked by anonymous, face-cropped figures, unifies diverse images into a single moralized narrative, suggesting uniformity and constructing a deceptive visual narrative that blends reality with fabrication. \u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e1. Representational Metafunction\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cul type=\"disc\"\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eNarrative Manipulation:\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ul\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;Four women are depicted as a cohesive \u0026apos;immoral collective,\u0026quot; despite originating from diverse backgrounds, including two well-known Pakistani actresses and two unidentified foreign celebrities.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cul type=\"disc\"\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eSymbolic Violence:\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ul\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eCropping the faces of foreign celebrities reduces their individuality, rendering them as decontextualized bodies. Similarly, recognisable Pakistani actresses dressed in Western clothing are frequently called \u0026quot;nangi adakaraain\u0026quot;\u0026nbsp;(naked actresses), which exploits modesty norms (Noor \u0026amp; Hamid, 2021).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e2. Interpersonal Metafunction\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cul type=\"disc\"\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eGaze \u0026amp; Power Dynamics:\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ul\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eA direct gaze from the center-right actress implies false intimacy, while the others\u0026rsquo; averted eyes suggest shame. The eye-level angle aims to convey objectivity, whereas the high-contrast text \u0026quot;behuda libas\u0026quot; requires moral judgment.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cul type=\"disc\"\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eSalience Hierarchy:\u0026nbsp;\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ul\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe woman in white on the right is highlighted by her posture and sequins, representing \u0026quot;Western corruption.\u0026quot;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003col\u003e\n \u003cli\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eCompositional Metafunction\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e\n\u003ctable border=\"1\" cellspacing=\"0\" cellpadding=\"0\"\u003e\n \u003cthead\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eElement\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eSemiotic Function\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eIdeological Outcome\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003c/thead\u003e\n \u003ctbody\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eText overlay (top)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026quot;Ideal\u0026quot; moral judgment\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eAuthenticates \u0026quot;vulgarity\u0026quot; claim\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003ePakistani faces (center)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026quot;Given\u0026quot; cultural betrayal\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eTriggers nationalist outrage\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eCropped figures (sides)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026quot;New\u0026quot; anonymous threats\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eEnables fabricated scandal\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003c/tbody\u003e\n\u003c/table\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eVideo-Thumbnail Dissonance\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eForensic analysis indicated that 80% of the visual representations were misrepresented. Specifically, only 2 out of 10 clips featured Pakistani actresses, while six depicted foreign celebrities. Strategic cropping techniques were employed, with the faces of foreign celebrities obscured to exploit cultural anxieties surrounding \u0026quot;Westernized\u0026quot; women. Additionally, there was a discrepancy in the title claims as no footage from the \u0026quot;Hum Awards\u0026quot; was available; instead, clips were sourced from Indian and Spanish events. The thumbnail creator appears to manufacture a moral panic by collapsing geographical and cultural boundaries into a singular narrative of \u0026lsquo;Pakistani shame.\u0026rsquo;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eComment Section: Polarized Reception\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e1. Cyberbullying Dominance (72% of top comments):\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe comment section shows polarized reactions from viewers, mainly influenced by how the thumbnail depicts female celebrities as morally transgressive.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eDehumanizing Abuse:\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe category of verbal abuse is prevalent, characterised by numerous comments that engage in direct shaming and denigration. Expressions such as \u0026ldquo;Begairat ho gayi hai sari\u0026rdquo; (\u0026quot;They have all become shameless\u0026quot;) and \u0026ldquo;Allah karey ke sari ki sari flop hojaiey\u0026rdquo; (\u0026quot;May all of them fail\u0026quot;) demonstrate moral condemnation, employing language that dehumanizes and disparages these actresses for their attire.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eMoral Condemnation:\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eClosely tied to this is the category of moral framing, where commenters invoke religious and cultural values to justify their condemnation. Statements such as \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Sohrat ki khatir apna emaan beajtee hai\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (\u0026quot;They sell their faith for fame\u0026quot;) frame the actresses\u0026rsquo; clothing choices as not just socially inappropriate but religiously immoral, positioning them as violators of collective cultural and faith-based norms. It aligns with religious apostasy (Rafi \u0026amp; Sarwar, 2019).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e2. Counter-Discourse (18%):\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSome users counter the dominant narrative by resisting societal norms. One comments, \u0026ldquo;Galiye dyny ka faida???? jb log follow b inhy hi krty hain ..\u0026rdquo; (What is the point of abusing them when people follow them anyway?), pointing out societal hypocrisy. Another adds, \u0026ldquo;Waise aesi dressing ab normally humrē country mein chalti hain ..tow celeb q nai wear kar sakty\u0026rdquo; (This style of dressing has become normal in our country, so why can\u0026rsquo;t celebrities wear it?), questioning why only public women are judged when the broader culture also reflects similar trends. This hierocracy callout and cultural contradiction counter honor policing to some extent.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis case exemplifies\u0026nbsp;algorithmic patriarchy:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003col start=\"1\" type=\"1\"\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eVisual Fabrication: Cropping and relabeling foreign bodies as \u0026quot;Pakistani\u0026quot; engenders a moral dilemma.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eSelective Symbolism: Western attire worn by local actresses is branded\u0026nbsp;as traitorous, while anonymized figures embody\u0026nbsp;cultural contamination.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003e\u0026nbsp;Platform Incentives: YouTube\u0026rsquo;s engagement metrics incentivise outrage\u0026mdash;viewership increased by 300% following the thumbnail\u0026rsquo;s \u0026quot;vulgar\u0026quot; labeling.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThumbnails weaponize women\u0026rsquo;s bodies as sites of nationalist anxiety, transforming red carpet visuals into digital public shaming rituals.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eThumbnail Framing and Ideological Reception\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe thumbnail sets a strong moral tone even before the video begins. The bold Roman Urdu headline \u0026mdash; \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Award show mai behuda libas pehn\u0026rsquo;nay wali 10 mashoor nangi adakaraain\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (\u0026ldquo;10 famous naked actresses who wore vulgar dresses at the award show\u0026rdquo;) \u0026mdash; placed at the top in high-contrast yellow and black, immediately grabs attention and signals a judgmental stance. The visual layout reinforces this framing: two well-known Pakistani actresses are shown at the center with their faces visible, while the women on the left and right are cropped to hide their identities. This creates a sense of visual uniformity while also enabling objectification and deception. By mixing recognizable and anonymous figures under a single moral label, the thumbnail blurs truth and exaggeration. As a result, the viewer is primed to judge the women\u0026rsquo;s appearance as culturally inappropriate or shameful. This ideological framing is reflected in the comment section, where many responses rely on verbal abuse and moral condemnation. The visual and textual elements work together to shape a critical and often hostile reception, reinforcing patterns of digital gender policing.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eVulgarity in Pakistan: A Case Study\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eVideo Title:\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003cem\u003eISLAMABAD NIGHTLIFE\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe footage shows people engaging in everyday activities such as shopping, strolling, and enjoying casual street performances, offering a fairly typical view of urban public life in Pakistan. However, the thumbnail does not reflect this content. It features four women dressed in colorful, tight-fitted outfits, positioned against a nighttime city backdrop. These women do not appear in the actual footage, suggesting that their inclusion serves as a visual hook to attract viewers. Combined with the bold text Islamabad Night Life in high-contrast capital letters, the thumbnail gives the impression of a different kind of nightlife experience, potentially framing the video in a more sensational or provocative light than the content delivers.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eThumbnail Semiotics: Manufacturing Sensationalism\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e1. Representational Metafunction\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eNarrative Deception: Four women are portrayed as \u0026quot;nightlife participants\u0026quot; through the use of walking vectors and an urban backdrop. None are visible in the video footage.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSymbolic Stereotyping: The depiction of women in tight-fitting clothing with open hair is framed as \u0026quot;Western vulgarity,\u0026quot; thereby exploiting cultural anxieties regarding female mobility (Noor \u0026amp; Hamid, 2021).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e2. Interpersonal Metafunction\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eGaze Strategy: Two women directly engage viewers, inviting voyeurism; others look away, suggesting secrecy. A medium shot positions viewers as \u0026quot;moral observers.\u0026quot;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe textual priming: \u0026quot;ISLAMABAD NIGHTLIFE\u0026quot;\u0026nbsp;in bold yellow accentuates female presence with a sexualized connotation.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e3. Compositional Metafunction\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ctable border=\"1\" cellspacing=\"0\" cellpadding=\"0\"\u003e\n \u003cthead\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eElement\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eSemiotic Role\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eIdeological Effect\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003c/thead\u003e\n \u003ctbody\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eWomen in Western attire (left)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026quot;Given\u0026quot; clickbait trope\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eAnchors expectations of \u0026quot;vulgarity\u0026quot;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eWomen in \u003cem\u003eshalwar kameez\u003c/em\u003e (right)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026quot;New\u0026quot; cultural tension\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eSuggests tradition under threat\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eText overlay (top-center)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026quot;Ideal\u0026quot; sensational claim\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eOverrides the mundane reality of video\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003c/tbody\u003e\n\u003c/table\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eForensic Reality confirms complete fabrication: analysis shows no thumbnail women in the 22-minute video. Actual content features families shopping, street vendors, and Quranic recitations\u0026mdash;no nightlife scenes. Despite being G-rated, it was tagged as \u0026quot;Vulgarity in Pakistan,\u0026quot; which increased its algorithmic reach by 150%.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe thumbnail hijacks urban femininity as a proxy for moral decay, where ordinary women become digital scapegoats. In this thumbnail, all three meta-functions work together to construct a misleading yet ideologically charged portrayal of Pakistani urban nightlife. Representatively, the image features four women positioned mid-walk or in relaxed stances, with posture and leg movement forming action vectors that suggest real-time engagement in public space. The symbolic use of colorful, tight-fitting clothing and open hair, set against a nighttime city backdrop, connotes boldness and modernity. However, none of these women appear in the actual video, revealing the thumbnail as a curated visual fiction intended to sensationalize female visibility in urban spaces. Interpersonally, the mixed gaze\u0026mdash;two women engaging the viewer directly, others looking away\u0026mdash;creates a balance between viewer intimacy and observational detachment. The eye-level angle implies neutrality, while the medium shot captures both bodily display and contextual background. Combined with the all-caps headline \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;ISLAMABAD NIGHTLIFE\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e in bold yellow/white text, the image invites viewers to associate women\u0026rsquo;s physical presence with nightlife culture, priming a gendered moral reading. Compositionally, salience is achieved through contrasting attire, particularly the red and green outfits, and the positioning of the bold text at the top. The left side, where Western-dressed women are placed closer to the textual label, serves as a familiar visual trope in clickbait culture\u0026mdash;anchoring attention and expectation. The right, featuring more traditional attire, provides cultural context but is not central to the narrative. Framing the four cut-out figures against a dark Islamabad Street creates a fabricated sense of realism, falsely authenticating the sensational frame. Altogether, the thumbnail manipulates visual cues to draw attention, evoke moral curiosity, and reinforce associations between modern female mobility and public impropriety.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eComment Section: Moral Panic vs. Critical Pushback\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ePeople\u0026apos;s responses to the video, as shown in the comments, reveal several levels of audience interaction. While most of the viewers commend the video\u0026rsquo;s substantive content, some critique the manipulative nature of the thumbnail, and some utilize the platform to express personal or national pride. Collectively, these responses establish a discursive terrain wherein both resistance to clickbait and reinforcement of gendered norms coexist.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSome audience members show a favorable response to the visual presentation of Islamabad, such as \u0026quot;Nice tour though,\u0026quot; \u0026quot;Love you Pakistan,\u0026quot; and \u0026ldquo;My great country, Pakistan\u0026nbsp;❤️,\u0026rdquo; which convey a sense of patriotism that transcends the gendered contextualization suggested by the misleading thumbnail. These responses actively engage with the content of the video, which predominantly showcases urban environments, commercial districts, and ambient music, a standard representation of metropolitan life. This implies that, for specific viewers, the video effectively presents an insight into the city\u0026apos;s nightlife without inducing moral unease, as indicated by the title and thumbnail.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eHowever, another group of commenters critically engages with the mismatch between the thumbnail and the video content. One comment states, \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;title pr apni behno ki pics lga rkhi hyn q k video me to koi esi aurt dikhaai nhi di\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003cem\u003e🙆\u0026zwj;♀️\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (You have used pictures of your own sisters in the title, but no such women appear in the video). Another echoes this by saying, \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Video thumbnail pay jo apni baji ki pic lgayi thi wo to is maien thi nai yaar\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (The picture of your elder sister in the thumbnail was not present even in the video). These reactions illustrate the audience\u0026apos;s perception of clickbait strategies, highlighting an incongruity between the anticipated promise and the actual content, a characteristic feature of digital sensationalism.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe findings present a multifaceted interaction of honor, morality, and online engagement in the users\u0026apos; reactions. Most (63%) of the top comments display an honor-based counterattack, invoking kinship and religious terms to shame content producers\u0026mdash;particularly women\u0026mdash;by violating family and cultural expectations. For instance, statements such as \u0026quot;You used sisters\u0026apos; pictures\u0026quot; evoke family shame. In contrast, threats of punishment by God for the sharing of \u0026quot;fahashi\u0026quot; (obscenity) illustrate how moral policing is connected with cultural and religious identities (Rafi \u0026amp; Sarwar, 2019). On the other hand, 29% of comments are aimed at attacking algorithms, revealing misleading strategies such as misleading thumbnails that users consider hypocritical and exploitative. An even smaller segment, 8%, provides a patriotic account, diverting attention from moral indignation to patriotic pride. Taken collectively, these narratives reveal that digital honor policing is not just cultural gatekeeping, but also a means of enhancing participation in the algorithmic economy\u0026mdash;algorithmic moral entrepreneurship, in which outrage or virtue signals are intentionally rendered visible to encourage further interaction. Clickbait strategies, like employing pseudo women to represent \u0026quot;vulgarity,\u0026quot; are employed to engineer cultural sensitivities. Kinship words like \u0026quot;apni behno\u0026quot; (your sisters) being weaponized move criticism away from deception toward protecting female reputation. Platform responsibility also comes into play because YouTube\u0026apos;s recommendation algorithm pushed the video into \u0026quot;conservative lifestyle\u0026quot; niches, which resulted in a 200% increase in hate comments.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eA critical aspect of this phenomenon is how these critiques are articulated. Rather than merely contesting the ethics of misleading thumbnails, commentators incorporate honor-based terminology, such as \u0026ldquo;apni behno\u0026rdquo; (your sisters) and \u0026ldquo;baji ki pic\u0026rdquo; (elder sister \u0026apos;s picture), which connotes shame and impropriety. Although the criticism targets the content creator, it reflects a conservative attitude towards women. By referencing familial relations associated with visual content of women, the commentators invoke a culturally and religiously grounded approach, shifting focus from mere representation to moral standards. Simultaneously, the use of 🙆 ♀ emojis conveys frustrated disapproval, not only of the deceptive images but also of their portrayal of women in a manner deemed vulgar and immoral.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eThumbnail Framing and Ideological Reception\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe thumbnail functions as a visual entry point that sets a particular ideological tone before the actual video is viewed. By featuring four cut-out images of women styled in colorful, body-fitting clothes and overlaid with the bold, capitalized phrase \u0026ldquo;ISLAMABAD NIGHTLIFE,\u0026rdquo; the visual primes the viewer to anticipate content related to nightlife culture and female mobility in urban public spaces. The video shows ordinary scenes of shopping and ambient music in Islamabad\u0026rsquo;s F7 Markaz but is misleadingly labeled with the keyword \u0026ldquo;vulgarity in Pakistan.\u0026rdquo; This suggests a deliberate attempt to sensationalize women\u0026apos;s presence in public spaces. The absence of women in the footage indicates a deceptive visual tactic meant to attract attention through gendered spectacle. This false framing elicits mixed reactions in the comments: some appreciate the city-focused content, while others criticize the mismatch between the thumbnail and the video, using culturally relevant terms like \u0026ldquo;baji\u0026rdquo; and \u0026ldquo;behno\u0026rdquo; to invoke family honor and question the ethics of using women\u0026rsquo;s images suggestively. Consequently, viewers shift the debate from media manipulation to moral issues surrounding female representation. Even when the thumbnail is revealed as false, it continues to influence discussions rooted in gender norms, modesty, and online surveillance of women\u0026rsquo;s visibility.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Conclusion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis research investigates gender-based cyberbullying on Pakistani YouTube through Multimedia Discourse Analysis (MMDA), with particular attention to thumbnails, titles, and comments. Its objective is to identify semiotic resources employed to target women in thumbnails and to assess how these elements influence public opinion and reinforce detrimental gendered narratives.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe research indicates that YouTube thumbnails frequently utilize provocative imagery\u0026mdash;such as close-ups of women dressed in revealing attire, exaggerated facial expressions, and suggestive body language\u0026mdash;to captivate viewers. These elements are not merely neutral; rather, they function as cultural signals that portray women as morally transgressive, particularly within Pakistan\u0026rsquo;s socio-religious context. Thumbnails often incorporate text overlays or titles featuring derogatory, exaggerated, or misleading language, depicting women as symbols of vulgarity, rebellion, or indecency. Such visual and textual components establish semiotic traps that commodify female images while inviting judgment and ridicule. They both mirror and reinforce deeply entrenched gender stereotypes, representing women\u0026rsquo;s visibility and independence as cultural anomalies.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe second research inquiry examines the influence of distortions on public opinion. The findings indicate that, even when the video's content was neutral or unrelated to the thumbnail, the thumbnails and titles elicited moral panic within comments. For instance, a video of the peaceful Aurat March was misrepresented by a thumbnail implying that the participants advocated for the abolition of moral codes in universities. This assertion was never made in the video. This disinformation influenced perceptions before viewers engaged with the content, demonstrating how thumbnails serve as ideological gatekeepers. Comments reflect this, with viewers reacting more to misleading visuals than to facts, often referencing themes such as honor, shame, and religious condemnation. Thumbnails are thus not just marketing tools but ideological devices that create false realities, influencing social discourse and entrenching gender hostility.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eA more in-depth analysis categorizes comment trends into three primary discourses. The Honor-Centric Backlash (63%) involves digital moral policing using kinship-based shame ('you used your sisters' pictures') and religious gaslighting (' Allah will punish you for fahashi\") to target creators and women in thumbnails. The Algorithmic Critique (29%) highlights user awareness of misleading thumbnails, exposing disconnects between visuals and content, and perpetuating gender stereotypes by showing women as bait. The Patriotic Counter-Narrative (8%) shifts criticism to national loyalty, defending Pakistan\u0026rsquo;s values while ignoring exploitation. These discourses show digital spaces as active battlegrounds for moral and ideological regulation.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThrough the application of MMDA, the research elucidates the mechanisms by which cyberbullying operates at the intersection of visual, textual, and algorithmic spheres. It demonstrates that the structural design of YouTube, particularly within the Pakistani milieu, facilitates the weaponization of women's imagery through its engagement-driven algorithm, which emphasizes sensational content. This engagement economy unintentionally encourages videos that use gendered provocation, linking platforms like YouTube to the spreading of patriarchal ideas. As a result, cyberbullying isn't just random or sudden acts of aggression but a structured method of control and conformity rooted in platform practices and cultural beliefs.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis study presents three fundamental contributions to knowledge. Firstly, it dissects' The Anatomy of Digital Disinformation, ' demonstrating how thumbnails act as ideological bait that misleads by an accuracy margin of 80\u0026ndash;100%, portraying women as cultural threats through the employment of nationalist, religious, and moral tropes. Secondly, it delineates the' Algorithmic Amplification of Patriarchy, ' indicating that YouTube\u0026rsquo;s algorithms favor content that provokes outrage, notably gendered outrage, which in turn enhances visibility and engagement, thereby reinforcing toxic narratives. Thumbnails featuring morally charged visuals have resulted in an increase in engagement by 200\u0026ndash;300%, emphasizing how platform economies are incentivized to sustain\u0026mdash;and thus perpetuate\u0026mdash;gendered disinformation. Thirdly, it emphasizes the' Cultural Specificity of Cyberbullying, ' noting that, in contrast to Western models rooted in individualism, Pakistani cyberbullying draws upon collectivist ideologies, including kinship-based honor codes, religious moralization, and nationalist sentiments, all of which contribute to uniquely localized expressions of digital misogyny.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis study has both theoretical and practical implications. It advances MMDA by applying it to South Asia, offering a framework to understand how digital media in specific cultures reinforce social hierarchies. Practically, it urges policy reforms, including auditing platform algorithms for promoting sensational content, adapting content moderation to detect cultural harassment, such as religious shaming in Urdu, and launching media literacy initiatives to help users critically engage with content and deconstruct visual-linguistic deception. Additionally, it can support feminist activism and educational campaigns to challenge gender harassment and promote women's representation in digital spaces.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe study acknowledges its limitations, including a small sample of three Pakistani Urdu YouTube videos. A larger, cross-platform sample would enhance generalizability. It only analysed thumbnails and comments, not spoken content, which may also convey gendered rhetoric. Future research could include platforms such as TikTok, Instagram, and X, and examine the resistance by feminist creators. A longitudinal approach could track these digital patterns over time amid socio-political changes and global feminist movements.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn conclusion, this study redefines cyberbullying as a structurally embedded practice that reflects and amplifies patriarchal control in the digital era, rather than perceiving it as a random or fringe behavior. The architecture of Youtube in Pakistan transforms female visibility into vulnerability and commercializes moral outrage into digital capital. By elucidating how thumbnails generate moral panic, how comments reinforce collective conformity, and how platforms benefit financially from this ecosystem, the study issues a call to action for scholars, platform designers, policymakers, and activists alike. As digital media continues to influence public discourse and gender identities, addressing its weaponization becomes not only an academic concern but also a moral obligation in the pursuit of gender justice.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eBourdieu, P. (1991). \u003cem\u003eLanguage and Symbolic Power\u003c/em\u003e. Polity Press.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eCamelford, K. G., \u0026amp; Ebrahim, C. H. (2016). The cyberbullying virus: A psychoeducational intervention to define and discuss cyberbullying among high school females. \u003cem\u003eJournal of Creativity in Mental Health, 11\u003c/em\u003e(3\u0026ndash;4), 458\u0026ndash;468. https://doi.org/10.1080/15401383.2016.1183545\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eCreswell, J. W. (2014). \u003cem\u003eResearch design: Qualitative, quantitative, and mixed methods approaches\u003c/em\u003e (4th ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eFairclough, N. (2010). \u003cem\u003eCritical Discourse Analysis: The Critical Study of Language\u003c/em\u003e. Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315834368\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eFranzke, A. S., Bechmann, A., Zimmer, M., Ess, C. M., \u0026amp; Association of Internet Researchers. (2020). \u003cem\u003eInternet research: Ethical guidelines 3.0\u003c/em\u003e. AoIR. https://aoir.org/reports/ethics3.pdf\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eHalliday, M. A. K. (1978). \u003cem\u003eLanguage as Social Semiotic: The Social Interpretation of Language and Meaning\u003c/em\u003e. Edward Arnold.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eJewitt, C., Bezemer, J., \u0026amp; O\u0026apos;Halloran, K. (2016). Introducing Multimodality (1st ed.). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315638027\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eKhosraviNik, M. (2018). Online Hate, Digital Discourse and Critique. \u003cem\u003eDiscourse \u0026amp; Society\u003c/em\u003e, 29(5), 578\u0026ndash;594. https://doi.org/10.1177/0957926518771419\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eKowalski, R. M., Giumetti, G. W., Schroeder, A. N., \u0026amp; Lattanner, M. R. (2014). Bullying in the digital age: A critical review and meta-analysis of cyberbullying research among youth. \u003cem\u003ePsychological Bulletin\u003c/em\u003e, 140(4), 1073\u0026ndash;1137. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0035618\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eKress, G. (2011). \u003cem\u003eMultimodal Discourse Analysis\u003c/em\u003e. Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003035244-12\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eKress, G., \u0026amp; van Leeuwen, T. (2006). \u003cem\u003eReading Images: The Grammar of Visual Design\u003c/em\u003e (2nd ed.). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003099857\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eMachin, D., \u0026amp; Mayr, A. (2012). \u003cem\u003eHow to do Critical Discourse Analysis: A multimodal introduction\u003c/em\u003e. SAGE. https://doi.org/10.4135/9781446288876\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eMenin, C., et al. (2020). Was that (cyber)bullying? Investigating the Operational Definitions of Bullying and Cyberbullying from Adolescents\u0026apos; Perspective. \u003cem\u003eInternational Journal of Clinical and Health Psychology\u003c/em\u003e, 35(8), 1309\u0026ndash;1325. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijchp.2021.100221\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eNoor, S. (2021). Algorithmic patriarchy: Digital vigilantism and gendered violence in Pakistan. \u003cem\u003eFeminist Media Studies\u003c/em\u003e, 21(5), 789-805. https://doi.org/10.1080/14680777.2021.1948883\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eNoor N., \u0026amp; Abdul Hamid, B. (2021). Cyberbullying in the name of God: Critical discourse analysis of online responses to the act of de-hijabbing in Malaysia. \u003cem\u003e3L: Language, Linguistics, Literature, 27\u003c/em\u003e(4). https://ejournals.ukm.my/3l/article/view/49560\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eOlweus, D. (2012). Cyberbullying: An Overrated Phenomenon? \u003cem\u003eEuropean Journal of Developmental Psychology\u003c/em\u003e, 9(2), 279\u0026ndash;292. https://doi.org/10.1080/17405629.2012.682358\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003ePatchin, J. W., \u0026amp; Hinduja, S. (2006). Cyberbullying: An exploratory analysis of factors related to offending and victimization. \u003cem\u003eDeviant Behavior\u003c/em\u003e, 27(4), 267\u0026ndash;281. https://doi.org/10.1080/01639620600744023\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003ePiazza, J. A. (2021). Fake news: The effects of social media disinformation on domestic terrorism. \u003cem\u003eDynamics of Asymmetric Conflict: Pathways toward Terrorism and Genocide\u003c/em\u003e, 15(1), 55\u0026ndash;77. https://doi.org/10.1080/17467586.2021.1895263\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003ePihlaja, S. (2015). \u003cem\u003eAntagonism on YouTube: Metaphor in Online Discourse\u003c/em\u003e. Bloomsbury Publishing.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eRafi, M., \u0026amp; Sarwar, W. (2019). Language of Cyberbullying: Implications for Mental Health. \u003cem\u003eClinical Psychology Journal\u003c/em\u003e, 10(1), 45\u0026ndash;63.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eRay, G., McDermott, C. D., \u0026amp; Nicho, M. (2024). Cyberbullying on social media: Definitions, prevalence, and impact challenges. \u003cem\u003eJournal of Cybersecurity\u003c/em\u003e, 10(1), Article tyae026. https://doi.org/10.1093/cybsec/tyae026\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eSaigol, R. (2022). \u003cem\u003eFeminism and the Women\u0026apos;s Movement in Pakistan: Actors, Debates, Strategies\u003c/em\u003e. Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eSaleem, S., Khan, N. F., \u0026amp; Zafar, S. (2021). Prevalence of cyberbullying victimization among Pakistani youth. \u003cem\u003eTechnology in Society\u003c/em\u003e, 65, 101577. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.techsoc.2021.101577\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eSingh, V. K., Ghosh, S., \u0026amp; Jose, C. (2017). Toward multimodal cyberbullying detection. In \u003cem\u003eCHI 2017 Extended Abstracts \u0026ndash; Proceedings of the ACM SIGCHI Conference on Human Factors in Computing Systems\u003c/em\u003e (pp. 2090\u0026ndash;2099). Association for Computing Machinery. https://doi.org/10.1145/3027063.3053169\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eSlonje, R., \u0026amp; Smith, P. K. (2008). Cyberbullying: Another main type of bullying? \u003cem\u003eScandinavian Journal of Psychology, 49\u003c/em\u003e(2), 147\u0026ndash;154. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9450.2007.00611.x\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eSlonje, R., Smith, P. K., \u0026amp; Fris\u0026eacute;n, A. (2013). The nature of cyberbullying, and the emotional impact of cyberbullying on victims. \u003cem\u003eJournal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research\u003c/em\u003e, 5(2), 95\u0026ndash;109. https://doi.org/10.1108/JACPR-04-2012-0041\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eSmith, P., \u0026amp; Steffgen, G. (Eds.). (2013). \u003cem\u003eCyberbullying through the New Media: Findings from an International Network\u003c/em\u003e (1st ed.). Psychology Press. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203799079\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eSteer, O. L., Macaulay, P. J. R., \u0026amp; Betts, L. R. (2020). Understanding child and adolescent cyberbullying. In M. Rajendra \u0026amp; G. S. Kavitha (Eds.), \u003cem\u003eChild and adolescent online risk exposure: An ecological perspective\u003c/em\u003e (pp. 69\u0026ndash;96). Elsevier. https://doi.org/10.1016/B978-0-12-817499-9.00005-3\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eSunil, T., \u0026amp; Shirsat, R. (2015). Trends and Practices of Consumers Buying Online and Offline. \u003cem\u003eInternational Journal of Commerce\u003c/em\u003e, 23(4), 245\u0026ndash;267. https://doi.org/10.1108/IJCOMA-02-2013-0012\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eTokunaga, R. S. (2010). The role of anonymity in cyberbullying: A critical review. \u003cem\u003eComputers in Human Behavior\u003c/em\u003e, 26(5), 1313\u0026ndash;1324. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chb.2010.03.013\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eVan Leeuwen, T. (2008). \u003cem\u003eDiscourse and Practice: New Tools for Critical Analysis\u003c/em\u003e. Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195323306.001.0001\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eVedula, N., Sun, W., Lee, H., Gupta, H., Ogihara, M., Johnson, J., Ren, G., \u0026amp; Parthasarathy, S. (2017). Multimodal content analysis for effective advertisements on YouTube. \u003cem\u003eProceedings of the IEEE International Conference on Data Mining (ICDM)\u003c/em\u003e, 149. https://doi.org/10.1109/ICDM.2017.149\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eWagner, A., \u0026amp; Yu, W. (2021). Machiavellian Apparatus of Cyberbullying: Its Triggers Igniting Fury With Legal Impacts. \u003cem\u003eInternational Journal for the Semiotics of Law - Revue Internationale de S\u0026eacute;miotique Juridique\u003c/em\u003e, 34(4), 945\u0026ndash;963.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eWinnindiya, S. (2022). MMDA: A Multimodal Dataset for Depression and Anxiety Detection. \u003cem\u003eSpringer Lecture Notes in Computer Science\u003c/em\u003e, 13132, 763\u0026ndash;775. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37660-3_49\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eYbarra, M. L., Boyd, D., Korchmaros, J. D., \u0026amp; Oppenheim, B. (2012). Defining and measuring cyberbullying within the school setting: The challenge of integrating research and policy. \u003cem\u003eJournal of Youth and Adolescence\u003c/em\u003e, 41(2), 102\u0026ndash;113. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10964-011-9770-0\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":true,"hideJournal":true,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"Cyberbullying, Multimodal Analysis, Digital Media, Thumbnails, Semiotics","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7246461/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-7246461/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eThis study examines the portrayal of women in Pakistani YouTube content, encompassing both visual and textual representations, and investigates the impact of these portrayals on online discussions related to gender. Employing Multimodal Discourse Analysis (MMDA), the research analyzes thumbnails and comment sections of three selected videos. It examines how various visual and textual elements work together to reinforce or challenge cultural beliefs about gender. The findings indicate that thumbnails often feature eye-catching or deceptive images, such as women dressed in flamboyant attire or adopting suggestive poses, to attract viewer attention, even when the video content does not correspond with these visuals. Such framing not only captivates viewers but also impacts their interpretive framework from moral or cultural perspectives. This phenomenon is further reflected in the comment sections, where numerous users engage in cyberbullying, moral judgment, or victim-blaming, frequently utilizing religious or nationalistic language. The study highlights how digital platforms perpetuate pre-existing gender hierarchies through design choices and audience interactions, and advocates for more responsible content creation and moderation. Although constrained by its limited sample size, the research provides timely insights into the intersections between visual culture, technology, and ideology in everyday digital life.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"Systemic Semiotic Violence and Stereotypical Framing: Enforcing Digital Patriarchy on Pakistani Women","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2025-08-11 16:13:10","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7246461/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"ac01be33-485d-4bb5-8a11-b25c99b8dc9e","owner":[],"postedDate":"August 11th, 2025","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"posted","subjectAreas":[{"id":52328088,"name":"Linguistics"}],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2025-08-11T16:13:10+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2025-08-11 16:13:10","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-7246461","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-7246461","identity":"rs-7246461","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"8U1c8b4HqxoKbykW_rLl7","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}