Mapping the language-in-identity configuration in Hong Kong today | Research Square window.SnipcartSettings = { analytics: { enabled: false } }; (function() { var accessVector = localStorage.getItem('access_vector') || ''; window.dataLayer = window.dataLayer || []; if (accessVector) { window.dataLayer.push({ user: { profile: { profileInfo: { snid: accessVector } } } }); } })(); (function(w,d,s,l,i){w[l]=w[l]||[];w[l].push({'gtm.start':new Date().getTime(),event:'gtm.js'});var f=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],j=d.createElement(s),dl=l!='dataLayer'?'&l='+l:'';j.async=true;j.src='https://www.googletagmanager.com/gtm.js?id='+i+dl;f.parentNode.insertBefore(j,f);})(window,document,'script','dataLayer','GTM-K279D39R'); Browse Preprints In Review Journals COVID-19 Preprints AJE Video Bytes Research Tools Research Promotion AJE Professional Editing AJE Rubriq About Preprint Platform In Review Editorial Policies Our Team Advisory Board Help Center Sign In Submit a Preprint Cite Share Download PDF Article Mapping the language-in-identity configuration in Hong Kong today Yufei GUO This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-5388859/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract This study explores the cognitive mechanisms through which language is progressively engaged in the flow of identity construction under power relations, based on an empirical study on Hong Kong’s media discourse from 2017 to 2022. Drawing on the concepts of collective identity and indexicality, we analyze the indexical meanings of Cantonese, Putonghua, Simplified Chinese characters and Traditional Chinese characters, uncovering four modalities within Hong Kong’s language-in-identity landscape amid changing sociopolitical conditions. The findings highlight the nuances and dynamics of Hong Kong’s language-in-identity process: while Putonghua and simplified characters are commonly associated with resistance identity against Mainland China, there is a notable trend of Putonghua being increasingly linked to national identity. Furthermore, Cantonese and traditional characters carry identity connotations at local, regional and national levels, setting the stage for their further exploitation in conscious or unconscious identity work for various purposes. In terms of theoretical contributions to the broader fields of language and identity research, this study demonstrates that a “successful” integration of language issues into identity work relies heavily on reprocessing certain language ideologies that are already embedded within the society in question. Humanities/Language and linguistics Social science/Cultural and media studies Social science/Language and linguistics language ideology collective identity media discourse Hong Kong 1. Introduction Language plays a special role in the construction of collective identities, not only because it provides the linkage between the private and the public, the past and the present (Castell, 2010:55), but also because of its nature as a dual semiotic system caring both social and referential meanings. While the identity functions of language have been extensively studied in social science, the cognitive mechanism through which language is progressively engaged in the flow of identity construction under power relations still requires further empirical and theoretical investigations. Hong Kong, a post-colonial Chinese city with diversified linguistic resources and a unique governance structure, provides us with a typical case to explore the language-in-identity process amid a changing political climate. Identity building in Hong Kong is a dynamic and intricate process. It is generally considered that a distinct Hong Kong identity, emerged during the 1970s, is rooted in consumerism and Cantonese pop culture and deeply connected to a pan-Chinese cultural identification (Veg, 2017). However, from 2008 to 2019, there has been a growing divergence between the two categorial ethnic identity—Hongkonger and Chinese—with an increasing number of young people identifying themselves exclusively as Hongkonger. Alongside the ethnic-based local identity and the pan-China cultural identity, scholars (Veg, 2017; Tang & Yuen, 2016) have noted the rise of a new mode of identification grounded in western democratic values and calling for wider political participation and deeper civic engagement. In 2019, Hong Kong witnessed the Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill Movement (hereinafter Anti-ELAB Movement), which was unprecedented in terms of scale and political consequences. Since the July 1, 2020, the city has entered a new era of governance featuring tighter control from the central government marked by the imposition of the Hong Kong National Security Law (hereinafter NSL). Along with the change in political landscape, there seems to be a new tendency in Hong Kong people’s identity construction process. Recent polls indicate that people’s self-identification as Chinese has increased and that the two categorial identities—Hongkonger and Chinese—tend to converge again (Hong Kong Public Opinion Research Institute, 1997-2022). Language has always been a salient identity mark for Hongkongers. Lots of previous studies (ex. Joseph, 2004; Shao, 2016; Edwards, 2019, Guo et al., 2020, Shum et al., 2023) have explored the way in which Cantonese, English and traditional Chinese characters are associated with local identity, while showing how Putonghua and simplified Chinese characters are seen as a mark of the otherness. However, few studies have gone beyond the ingroup-outgroup dichotomy to explore the broad picture of Hong Kong’s language-in-identity landscape. The role of language as an identity marker is mediated through ideology. The media, especially the press media, provides a public sphere where different discursive representations of language can be observed on a longitudinal basis. Drawing on Castells’ conceptualization of collective identity and Silverstein’s notion of indexicality, the study investigates the different discursive representations of language in Hong Kong’s press media from 2017 to 2022. The goal is to understand the embedded language ideologies and their roles in different kinds of identity construction amid changing sociopolitical circumstances. 2. Contextualizing the language and identity issues in Hong Kong As a post-colonial Chinese city under the special regime of “one country, two systems”, Hong Kong has emerged as a significant area of research concerning language and identity issues. The city recognizes two official languages: Chinese and English. In practice, its linguistic landscape is best characterized by the terms "biliteracy and trilingualism." Here, "trilingualism" encompasses three primary spoken languages—Cantonese, English, and Putonghua—while "biliteracy" pertains to the two principal written forms: English and Standard Modern Chinese (hereinafter “SMC”) written in traditional Chinese characters. Although the term "Chinese" as an official language is not clearly defined in the Hong Kong Basic Law, it is implicitly understood in daily usage to refer to Cantonese for spoken communication and SMC represented in TC for written communication. Research indicates that Cantonese, spoken by approximately 90% of the population as the common language in everyday life (Hong Kong Census and Statistics Department [HKCSD], 2011, 2016, 2021), holds the highest integrative value among other languages for Hong Kong people. Cantonese is widely regarded as the "mother tongue" of Hongkongers, symbolizing local culture and identity (Bacon-Shone et al., 2015; Poon, 2010). English is the second most widely spoken language in Hong Kong, with approximately 4.6% of the population self-identifying as L1 speakers (HKCSD, 2011, 2016, 2021). Historically valued for its instrumental role, English has gained increased integrative significance since Hong Kong's handover to China in 1997. The language is closely linked to Hong Kong’s prestige as an international city. Research (Joseph, 2004; Gu, 2014; Edwards, 2019) indicates that the bilingualism of Cantonese and English, or the code-mixing of these two languages, is often associated with a distinct Hong Kong identity that differentiates it from Mainland China. Putonghua is the third largest spoken language in Hong Kong, with around 2.8% of the population self-identifying as L1 speakers. Although proficiency in Putonghua has improved significantly since 1997, its social prestige remains lower than that of English and Cantonese (Lai, 2001, 2011; Poon, 2010). For many residents, Putonghua is primarily valued for its instrumental function rather than its integrative potential. Even regarding its instrumental utility, Putonghua is perceived to be less important than English among most Hongkongers. In terms of written languages, traditional characters (hereinafter “TC”) is generally regarded as the standard for writing Chinese in Hong Kong, similar to its status in Macao and Taiwan. This contrasts with Mainland China and Singapore, where simplified characters (hereinafter “SC”) is predominantly used. Previous studies indicate that SMC presented in TC is the written form of language with which Hong Kong residents feel most familiar (Bacon-Shone and Bolton, 2015). Notably, only 31.6% of 2,049 participants reported having any proficiency in reading SC. Apart from SMC, it is common to see the circulation of another written Chinese -the colloquial written Cantonese in Hong Kong society. This written form of Cantonese has evolved since the Ming Dynasty and was traditionally reserved for literature with a “light” content or aimed at lower-class readers. However, since the 1990s, the colloquial written Cantonese has seen a growth of use and prestige and is increasingly linked to the development of local identity (Snow, 2004; 李婉薇,2017). In Hong Kong, the medium of instruction (MOI) and the teaching of SC are sensitive social issues that often provoke heated social debates. Over the past few decades, the city has experienced multiple switchovers and fine-tuning concerning MOI (Evans, 2013; Li, 2017). Traditionally, Cantonese served as the MOI in Chinese language classes in most local primary and secondary schools (hereinafter “CMI education”). However, since 1999, the Hong Kong Education Bureau has encouraged the use of Putonghua as the MOI in Chinese language classes (hereinafter “PMI education”). This shift has been associated with concerns regarding the devaluation of Cantonese and the erosion of Hong Kong's identity within media discourse. Shao's (2016) analysis of media discourse surrounding PMI education reveals how local print media attempts to influence government language policy by publishing articles unfavorable to PMI education. The use of SC presents another contentious issue. Previous studies suggest that most Hongkongers encounter difficulties when reading Chinese texts in SC (Bacon-Shone and Bolton, 2015). Despite this, there is significant resistance to the adoption of SC within Hong Kong society. Guo et al. (2020) explored "language policing incidents" from 2015 to 2019, uncovering how netizens in Hong Kong employ exclusionary tactics to punish the use of SC and uphold the linguistic norms with which they identify. 3. Conceptual framework of the present study Previous studies have indicated that Cantonese, English, or a combination of both are commonly associated with the "Hong Kong ingroup," while Putonghua and SC symbolize the "Mainland outgroup." This study aims to move beyond the ingroup-outgroup dichotomy to explore the broader picture of Hong Kong's language-in-identity landscape. It departs from the conceptualization of collective identity as a fluid, contingent, and socially constructed process. While ethnicity plays a significant role in social categorization, Manuel Castells emphasizes the importance of power dynamics in shaping collective identity within modern societies characterized by globalization and cosmopolitanism. He delineates three forms of identity construction based on power relations (2010: 8): -Legitimizing identity is “introduced by the dominant institutions of society to extend and rationalize their domination vis à vis social actors”. - Resistance identity is “generated by those actors who are in positions/conditions devalued and/or stigmatized by the logic of domination, thus building trenches of resistance and survival on the basis of principles different from, or opposed to, those permeating the institutions of society”. -Project identity is developed “when social actors, on the basis of whatever cultural materials are available to them, build a new identity that redefines their position in society and, by so doing, seek the transformation of overall social structure.” Castells argues that collective identities are not static: they can shift from one form to another depending on the context. This perspective aligns with social psychologists' conceptualizations of social categorization, where group boundaries can be redefined through the mechanism of decategorization or recategorization (Brown, 2000; Hornsey, 2008). Language is widely recognized as a crucial cultural construct of collective identity. However, there has yet to be a systematic exploration of how language participates in the fluidity of identity construction amid changing power relations. The concept of indexicality in language ideology might provide a useful insight into that question. According to Silverstein (2003), the ideological mapping between linguistic forms and social meaning is hierarchically organized in people’s minds, presenting itself in a form of “order”. First-order indexicality denotes “the kind of correlation between a form and a sociodemographic identity or pragmatic function that an outsider could observe” (Johnstone et al. 2006: 81). Second-order indexicality arises “when people begin to use first-order correlations to do social work, either interpretive or performative” (Ibid: 83). Likewise, third-order indexicality is on stage when “the second-order indexicality becomes available for more reflexive and self-conscious identity work” (Ibid). “In general, n+1 th -order indexicality occurs when n th- order indexical relations are noticed, consciously or not, and given meaning, becoming pragmatically usable.” (Ibid:84). In this study, we aim to explore the cognitive process through which linguistic resources are involved in different forms of identity construction through the mediation of language ideology. Specifically, we focus on the indexical meanings of Cantonese, Putonghua, SC, and TC in media discourse. 4. Methodology Our principal data consists of local newspaper articles that center on the themes of language and identity. To gather this data, we searched for articles featuring either “Putonghua” (普通话), “Cantonese” (粤语), “SC” (简体字), or “TC” (繁体字/正体字) in the headlines from sixteen Hong Kong-based newspapers published in Chinese between January 1, 2017, and December 31, 2022. This time frame was chosen to observe the situation before, during, and after significant political events in recent years, namely, the Anti-ELAB Movement in 2019 and the imposition of the National Security Law (NSL) in July 2020. In total, we collected 1,585 relevant articles: 908 contain “Putonghua” in the headline, 397 include “Cantonese,” 232 include “SC,” and 48 contain “TC”. First, we aimed to gain a general understanding of the content of these articles. We began by conducting a collocate analysis of the headlines. The data was initially tokenized using the Chinese word tokenizer Jieba in Python 3.11.2 . We examined the tokenized texts and made manual adjustments as necessary. Next, we analyzed the collocates of each keyword using AntConc 3.5.9 , applying a span of five words on either side. Second, based on the finding from the first step, we conducted a qualitative content analysis on those articles that contain the most frequent collocates for each of the four keywords. Guided by Castell’s framework of collective identity and Silverstein’s theory of indexicality, we delved into the text of each relevant article. After several rounds of intensive reading, we extracted several discourses related to language and identity issues. Finally, we complemented our data by searching for other relevant information covered by the media articles that may not have been thoroughly discussed. After identifying several social groups or individuals significantly concerned with our research questions, we investigated their backgrounds and analyzed their discourses on language and identity 5. Results: four modalities of language-in-identity process Focusing on the identity connotations of the linguistic forms in question, we discovered four modalities of language-in-identity construction in Hong Kong’s media discourse. 5.1. Language and ethnic-cultural identity This modality refers to the association of Cantonese and/or TC with ethnic and cultural identification at local, regional, and pan-China levels through their indexical meanings related to Hong Kong, Lingnan culture, and Traditional Chinese culture. 5.1.1. Indexical meaning of Cantonese/TC: Hong Kong as homeland When discussing Cantonese and/or TC, seeing them as a symbol of Hong Kong or Hongkonger is the most common ideology in the media space. This represents the first order of indexicality, which demotes the observable correlation between the linguistic form and the sociodemographic identity. Table 1 and Table 2 respectively shows the ten most frequent collocates of “Cantonese” (粤语) and “TC” (繁体字/正体字) in the news headlines. As indicated in Table 1, “Cantonese” is most frequently associated with terms related to Hong Kong, including “mother tongue” (母语) “Hong Kong” (香港)” “Hongkonger” (港人), etc. In Table 2, TC is often used in collocation with “Hong Kong” and terms related to education, such as “primary school”(小学), and “school”(学校). Why does TC often appear next to “primary school” or “school”(学校)in the news headlines? Upon examining the content, we found that the “mother tongue issue” and the teaching of SC are among the most discussed subjects in these articles. As shown in table 1, there are 60 pieces of articles with “mother tongue” next to “Cantonese” in the headlines. Most of them center around an essay 1 written by a linguist from Mainland China, which was quoted by the Hong Kong Education Bureau. In that paper, the author questioned the status of Cantonese as a “language”, suggesting that it is more of a regional variety than a language in its own rights. Hence, Cantonese should be referred to as mother tongue dialect (母言) rather than mother tongue language (母语) of Hongkongers. The article hardly got any notice when it was first published online by the Education Bureau in 2013 as a supplementary document for the pedagogy of PMI education designed for primary school teachers. Curiously, five years later, it suddenly became a media focus in early May 2018. For weeks long, public intellectuals, film stars, politicians from both pro-democracy camp and pro-Beijing camp have expressed their discontent through various media platforms, condemning not only the views expressed by the article but also the intention of Hong Kong’s Education Bureau to cite it. Many considered it ridiculous to question the nature of Cantonese as Hongkonger’s “mother tongue”. The author of the academic paper was criticized for manipulating the concept of mother tongue with the aim of downgrading Cantonese's status—from language to dialect—in order to establish legitimacy for PMI education 2 3 . The topic became so heated that it was raised by a legislative member to confront the then Chief Executive Carrie Lam during a Legislative Council conference. 4 . Teaching written Chinese in SC constitutes another heavily reported subject. In the wake of the mother tongue polemic described above, a Hong Kong-based British international school announced, in a notice to parents, that it would henceforth provide Chinese courses only in SC, replacing the previous practice of offering Chinese courses in both SC and TC, with an aim of “preparing the pupils to be fully literate in the context that Hong Kong will be in by 2047” 5 . In media discourse, the school’s message was questioned for its political implications, as it associates the language-in-education policy with Hong Kong’s future beyond 2047, when the current socio-political arrangement of “one country, two systems” may potentially come to an end after the promised “unchanged fifty years” following 1997. Moreover, the school’s new policy faced criticism for not respecting Hong Kong people’s way of life, as some parents reportedly complained about the deprivation of Hong Kong children’s right to learn their own language 6 . 5.1.2. Indexical meaning of Cantonese: Lingnan culture Cantonese is not only considered as the unquestionable mother tongue of Hongkongers; it is also the primary spoken language in Macao, as well as in the central and western parts of Guangdong Province and the southern part of Guangxi Province. Those areas belong to a traditional cultural and geographic region known as Lingnan (岭南). As shown in table 1, “Cantonese” is often used in conjunction with “culture” (文化) in the titles of news articles. These articles often discuss the history and future of Cantonese films, Cantonese pop music or other Cantonese-based art forms, expressing cultural identification not only with Hong Kong but with the broader Lingnan region 7 . 5.1.3. Indexical meaning of Cantonese/TC: traditional Chinese culture Seeing Cantonese or/and TC as an “authentic” or “purer” form of Chinese is a common language ideology embedded in discourse against the PMI education and the teaching of SC in schools. It is widely believed that Cantonese has a longer history than Putonghua. Amid the “mother-tongue controversy” explained above, a famous local singer shared a post in Facebook, triggering significant reactions first on social media and then in local press. 8 . According to the post, classical Chinese poems from the Tang and Song dynasties, dating back 1,300 years, were mostly written in Cantonese. This is why it sounds “authentic” (正宗) to read classical Chinese poetry in Cantonese. In contrast, Putonghua is described as a “hybrid language” developed during tribal wars in Northern China less than 500 years ago and is therefore considered less sophisticated and civilized compared to Cantonese. The belief that Cantonese represents the authenticity of Chinese culture, as it resembles “Medieval Chinese” (中古汉语), is not a recent phenomenon among Cantonese speakers or enthusiasts. According to Chin’s study (程美宝, 2006), this language ideology originated from local intellectuals during the Ming and Qing dynasties who, feeling ashamed of the Lingnan region's peripheral status, longed for recognition from central authorities. In writing about their region's history (地方志), they sought to reshape Lingnan's image as historically belonging to Central China (中原). Language was utilized as part of their “cultural toolkit” (metaphor borrowed from Swidler, 1986) to justify this narrative. This language belief, however, is not completely detached from linguistic facts. Due to a lack of inter-language contact, the languages spoken in the southern part of China have retained certain phonological and lexical elements of ancient Chinese that have been nearly all lost in languages of the North China (Norman 2003; Ramsey 1987). For many Cantonese lovers, this linguistic feature common to many Chinese southern languages has been simplified and overstated in a way that Cantonese is “iconized” as authentic and purer Chinese language, while the broader context of language contact, variation and change has been “erased” in mind. The correlation between language and cultural authenticity is even more pronounced in discourse defending the use of TC. It is widely believed that TC do better in preserving the logic and meaning of Chinese words, thereby representing the authenticity of traditional Chinese culture. In contrast, SC is often dismissed as “having no history”, despite its advantages in being easier for young children to learn and write, 9, and the fact that SC is already being taught in some schools in Hong Kong, especially international ones (see above). According to a pro-Beijing politician, a Chinese person who only understand SC without knowledge of TC cannot consider himself “a fully literate Chinese”. 10 Here, the association of Cantonese and/or TC with traditional Chinese culture indicates an evolution in the order of indexicality, where people utilize first-order correlations—such as viewing Cantonese as a mother tongue or cultural resource of the Lingnan region—to engage in interpretative social work. Nevertheless, this language ideology still represents a pan-China identification rooted in ethnicity, history and culture. 5. 2. Language and resistance identity This modality of language-in-identity building focuses on the defense of group boundaries. Cantonese and TC are regarded as symbols of the Hong Kong "ingroup," while Putonghua and SC are perceived as markers of the Mainland "outgroup" or indicative of Hong Kong's assimilation into Mainland China, a phenomenon referred to as "mainlandization." 5.2.1 Indexicality of Putonghua: Mainland China as outgroup Table 3 provides an overview of the words that are closely associated with "Putonghua" in news headlines. Notably, Putonghua is frequently linked to educational context, as evidenced by the common collocations such as "level" (水平), "learn well" (学好), and "education" (教育). However, the terms like “speaking (操)” “HKBU (浸大) “ “exemption test” (豁免试) appear strange associations with Putonghua, which requires further investigation into the main body of the article. Based on our content analysis, the term “speaking” refers to Putonghua-speaking man or woman. In those articles, these individuals are often depicted in a negative light, described as thieves, rule-breakers, aggressors, ill-manner or eccentric people coming to Hong Kong from Mainland China. Notably, during the 2019 Anti-Extradition Bill protest, “speaking” was commonly associated with Putonghua-speaking Mainlanders who clashed with Hong Kong protestors 11 . In brief, Putonghua is perceived as a marker of the negative outgroup. The term “HKBU” or “exemption test” all refer to a language incident that occurred at Hong Kong Baptist University (abbreviated as HKBU) in 2018. At HKBU, students are required to complete a compulsory Putonghua course and pass a proficiency test as prerequisites for obtaining a bachelor's degree. This policy, established in 2007, became increasingly contentious amidst rising grievances among pro-democracy youth against the authorities, particularly following the 2014 Umbrella Movement. In response to student requests, the university modified its initial Putonghua policy in 2017, allowing students to bypass the compulsory course if they could pass an "exemption test" demonstrating their proficiency. However, when the results of the first exemption test were released in January 2018, only 30% of students passed, leaving 70% still required to take the Putonghua course. Unsatisfied with the results, a group of 30 students stormed into the school’s language center and held an eight-hour stand-off with staff members of the center. They claimed the test results were unjust and further demanded the elimination of the “Putonghua-as-a-condition-for-graduation” policy in whole. A live video capturing students confronting teachers with aggressive language quickly went viral, resulting in extensive media coverage over the following weeks. The stand-off event has unleashed a chain of events closely monitored by the media throughout that year, including the suspension of two instigating students and subsequent protests supporting them. Ultimately, this led to adjustments in the Putonghua exemption test policy in the following year. While most newspaper articles reported on the event without explicitly linking it to anti-mainlandization sentiments, the 8-hour contentious action against a language test reveals more than mere linguistic concerns. Given Hong Kong’s sociopolitical climate from 2014 to 2019, it was apparent to many that Putonghua was somehow taken as a symbol of “mainlandization” by the protesting students. In fact, the clash at HKBU was not an isolated event but part of a broader social controversy regarding Putonghua education in schools, particularly concerning the PMI education (see Shao, 2016). As mentioned in some articles, one of the student leader of the HKUB language incident is also known as a founder of an anti-PMI education group called “港 語 學” ( Societas Linguistica Hongkongensis ). When we explored the group’s information on the Internet, we found that the group was found in 2013 on Facebook with an explicit goal of “restoring Cantonese Medium Instruction” (恢复粤语教中文) and “promoting Cantonese as a written language” (推广粤语书写). Since its inception, the group has conducted annual surveys to calculate the number of schools practicing PMI education as well as those who drop the practice and return to CMI education. Whenever they perceived a move to “marginalize” Cantonese, they launched demonstrations to express their concerns and protest, sometimes on their own, sometimes in alliance with other social groups with a localist leaning. In this context, Cantonese is associated with the Hong Kong ingroup, whereas Putonghua is taken viewed as a mark of the outgroup. Resisting Putonghua while advocating for Cantonese in education is taken as a symbolic action to reinforce the existing intergroup boundaries. 5.2.2. Indexicality of SC: Mainland China as outgroup Compared to Putonghua, SC is even more commonly associated with the Mainland outgroup or Hong Kong’s “mainlandization”. Table 4 illustrates the collocates of SC, where the term “plastic bottle” (胶樽) “rubbish” (垃圾) “package”(包装) are among the most frequently appeared. When looking into the texts of those articles, we found that SC is associated with pollution, environmental damaging behaviors or low-quality products from the mainland. One recurring topic over the past five years is the collection of discarded plastic bottles and other wastes wrapped in SC-labeled packaging found in Hong Kong’s mountains and beaches. Additionally, there is a consistent concern regarding low-quality products packaged in SC, which reportedly raised health anxieties among Hong Kong residents. Meanwhile, the negative connotation of SC as the Mainland outgroup extends beyond articles focused on Hong Kong affairs; it is also prevalent in discussions about Taiwan. Many reports highlight the “shocking presence”(惊现)of SC in public spaces in Taiwan, such as beaches 12 , public transportation bulletin board 13 and political party’s official website 14 , casting doubts on pollution or cybersecurity threats attributed to Mainland China. While the mere presence of SC in Hong Kong’s TV programs, public signage, merchandise’s packaging, or government documents can be reported as “shocking” or “uneasy”, teaching SC at schools constitute a highly sensitive issue that often trigger public backlash. When conducting content analysis text by text, we discovered a chain of language incidents concerning SC that happened in 2016 and continued to resonate in the media in 2017. On February 22, 2016, Channel J5, a Hong Kong television channel, changed its subtitles from TC to SC during a Putonghua news broadcast, sparkling unexpected public outrage. Social media was flooded with posts calling for Hong Kong residents to send complaints letters to the authorities. The following day, Hong Kong Communication Bureau received more than 10, 000 complaint letter, attracting media attention both locally and internationally 15 . Following this “media subtitle controversy”, a member of the far-right political group Civic passion (热血公民) reportedly stole some children books written in SC from a public library and threw them into a rubbish bin to express his anger over the library’s purchase of books from Mainland China. He filmed the whole process himself and shared it on social media, calling for others to follow suit. This incident not only captured media attention but also drew legal scrutiny. In 2017, the individual involved was convicted of theft of public goods and fined 3,000 Hong Kong Dollars 16 . These events highlight the deep-seated tensions surrounding the use of SC in Hong Kong, reflecting broader societal anxieties about identity and cultural integrity in the face of perceived mainlandization. The backlash against SC in various contexts underscores how language can serve as a symbol of political and cultural resistance among Hong Kong residents. The media discourse surrounding language as a symbol of group distinction has reached its peak around 2019. Since 2021, one year after the enactment of the NSL, there has been a noticeable decline in articles framing Putonghua as a symbol of ill-behaved mainland people or as an indicator of Hong Kong’s “mainlandization”. Additionally, reports addressing dramatic incidents against the use of Putonghua or SC in Hong Kong have become less frequent. Despite this shift, Putonghua continue to symbolize dominance in Hong Kong media discourse, but media attention tends to focus on language conflicts occurring elsewhere in China. For instance, many report on how residents in Inner Mongolia resist the alleged hegemony of Putonghua in favor of their mother tongue 17 . On the other side, SC remains predominantly associated with the Mainland outgroup, especially in articles discussing Taiwan-related issues.. 18 19 In sum, based on the first-order indexicality linking Cantonese and TC with local identity, social agents have consciously developed a second-order indexicality that project Putonghua and SC onto Mainland China as the negative outgroup and with a strong intention of resistance. This semiotic process contributes to the transformation of ethnic-local identity into a collective consciousness that actively resists the perceived “assimilation” from Mainland China. 5.3. Language and legitimizing identity This modality involves the construction of loyalty and identification with the established regime. By reinterpreting the indexical meanings of Putonghua, Cantonese and TC, social agents are making language a cultural construct that serves to mitigate group differences or to redefine group boundaries. 5.3.1 Indexical meaning of Putonghua: from “Mainland outgroup” to “Chinese nation” Against the backdrop of the NSL implemented since July 2020, the tone of media discourse on Putonghua and SC began to align with the authority, emphasizing the need to reinforce Putonghua and SC education in Hong Kong. This trend has become particularly evident since 2021, as numerous articles cite or comment positively on the views of mainland scholars and government officials calling for a clearer legal status for Putonghua and SC, as well as their integration into Hong Kong’s educational evaluation systems. 20 More interestingly, the indexical meaning of Putonghua has increasingly become associated with national identity and patriotism, marking is a notable new trend in Hong Kong’s media discourse since its handover to China in 1997. Among the data, we’ve found a growing number of news articles featuring terms such as “country” (国家) “patriotism”(爱国) “retrocession (回归)” “ establishment of the Party” (建党) alongside “Putonghua” in the headlines since 2021 (see table 5). Rather than seeing Putonghua as a symbol of the outgroup, those articles begin to frame it as an identity mark of a broader ingroup-the Chinese nation. This trend indicates a change in how Putonghua is represented in discourse—not merely as a symbol of the outgroup, but as an identity marker for a broader ingroup- the Chinese nation. Concerning the indexical meaning of SC, however, although there are increasing voices suggesting the importance to develop children’s literacy in SC, the discourse is largely framed pragmatically rather than ideologically. Articles often emphasize that stronger literacy in SC can facilitate work and life in Mainland China, particularly as Hongkongers may find more job opportunities in the Mainland due to enhanced cooperative ties between Hong Kong and Guangdong province. Nevertheless, there are hardly any articles framing the issue from the perspective of nationalism or patriotism. In other words, the correlation between SC and national identity has yet to be established in Hong Kong’s media discourse. 5.3.2 Indexical meaning of Cantonese/TC: from traditional Chinese culture to Chinese nation Along with Putonghua, Cantonese and TC are invested with connotations of national identity and patriotism in Hong Kong. Our data indicates that Cantonese and TC are often used in movies and ceremonies with a propaganda focus. They are also strategically deployed by China’s authorities to demonstrate support and solidarity with specific interest groups in Hong Kong. For instance, amid the social turmoil in 2019, the Commissioner’s Office of China’s Foreign Ministry in Hong Kong publicly expressed support for the Hong Kong Police through a letter posted on Facebook, which was notably written in colloquial Cantonese using TC 21 . It should be noted that using culture as a “toolkit” to forge alliances with different interest groups under the banner of patriotism has long been a component of Chinese Communist Party’s “United Front strategy” (统战工作). But the nature of Cantonese and TC as “deployable” cultural tools is grounded in an existing indexical link: the ideological connection between Cantonese/TC and a pan-Chinese cultural identity have set the stage for elevating their indexical meanings, linking these linguistics forms to nationalism and political identification with the authority. 5.3.3 Indexical meaning of Cantonese: from “Linnan culture” to “GBA” Meanwhile, the ethnic correspondence between Cantonese and Lingnan region has also seen a promotion of the indexical order, along with the establishment of the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area (hereinafter “GBA”). This largely Cantonese-speaking economic zone is rooted in the traditional Lingnan region. Since its creation, the region has also become a focal point for cultural collaboration. Media discourse has increasingly highlighted partnerships among artists from Hong Kong, Macao, and Guangdong to produce cultural products in Cantonese, including movies, music, and shows 22 23 . Some articles assert that the formation of GBA provides impetus and opportunities for revitalizing Cantonese-speaking cultural industries. 24 Here, the indexical meaning of Cantonese has been promoted from the Lingnan region to the newly found GBA. Through this semiotic process, Cantonese has become a cultural construct that helps to recategorize Hong Kong into a larger ingroup, rather than just serving as a marker of distinction between Hong Kong and Mainland China. 5.4 Language and project identity This modality refers to the construction of a new identity which sees Hong Kong as an independent political entity. By elevating the indexical meanings of Cantonese and TC, social agents are utilizing language as a tool to facilitate the project of decategorizing Hong Kong from China. 5.4.1. Indexical meanings of Cantonese/TC: from “Hong Kong ingroup” to “Hong Kong nation” As mentioned in the introduction, the period between 2008 and 2019 witnessed a growing incompatibility between Hongkonger’s local identity and national identity. Within the local identity framework, there exists a distinction between the ethnic-based localism and the more civic-based one. We now discuss how Cantonese and TC are deployed in the conceptual frameworks of these two forms of localism. The ethnic-based localism was exemplified by Chin Wan’s (陈云) conceptualization of Hong Kong as a city-state. He argued that Hong Kong’s independent cultural and linguistic system serves as a fundamental precondition for the city’s transformation into an independent political entity. The language of Hong Kong epitomizes the distinctive Hong Kong culture, which has its roots in traditional Chinese culture and is complemented by the Anglo-Saxon one. Cantonese, in particular, not only “preserves the ancient Chinese pronunciation” and “the legitimate Chinese writing”, but also “absorbs the quintessence of English” 25 26 . To facilitate Hong Kong's transformation into a city-state, Chin emphasizes the importance of defending the use of Cantonese and TC against the “encroachment” of Putonghua and SC. This defense is seen as crucial for maintaining Hong Kong's unique identity and cultural autonomy. As for the civic-based localism, an autonomous political entity is primarily defined by common values other than ethnic bonds. In the early representative work like Hong Kong Nationalism (香港民族论) 27 published by the student union of Hong Kong University in 2014, Hong Kong is imagined as a fully-fledge nation based on identification to western democratic values and the agency of its people. It is asserted that any resident of Hong Kong who identifies with the “core value” of the city should be considered a Hongkonger, regardless of their origin, culture and language. However, when it comes to define the Hong Kong Nation, ethnic resources such as land and language still hold a central place. The concept of “Hong Kong Nation” is considered as “[an entity] having its own unified language, clearly defined geographical boundaries, a shared economic life, and a common anti-communist mentality” 28 . Meanwhile, there have been conscious efforts to reinforce or create group boundaries through amplification of language differences. The Hong Kong-style Cantonese and the colloquial written Cantonese play a significant role in this process. In 2017, the student union of Hong Kong University published a collection of articles under the name of Hong Kong New Literature Movement (香港新文學運動). 29 The idea was to create and promote a unique literary genre that belongs exclusively to Hong Kong literature. To set examples, all articles in the collection are written in colloquial Cantonese. In the keynote article of this collection 30 , the author argued that the Hong Kong variety of Cantonese should be considered as a distinct language compared to other varieties spoken in Guangdong, since the former has absorbed elements of English and the latter are affected by Putonghua. He suggested that the Hong Kong variety of Cantonese should be relabeled as “the language of Hong Kong” (香港话) and used extensively in literary creation to establish an “Hong Kong literature” that differentiates itself from Chinese literature . Zooming on linguistic differences while intentionally downplaying common points, the author was consciously reprocessing the existing semiotic link between Cantonese/TC and local identity, with an aim to create a higher order indexicality that projects the language onto an imagined “Hong Kong Nation.” Following the implementation of the NSL, a significant number of local residents have left Hong Kong and relocated to other countries. The exodus has resulted in an enlarging diaspora community, accompanied by a growing number of activist groups committed to advancing the Hong Kong pro-democracy movement from abroad. Those groups vary in size and function but share a common goal: to uphold and transmit the collective identity of Hongkongers. Central to this identity is “the language of Hong Kong,” which encompasses Cantonese, Traditional Chinese (TC), and colloquial written Cantonese. These linguistic forms serve as vital carriers of meaning and symbols of Hong Kong culture, playing an important role in mobilization efforts and contentious activities. The preservation and transmission of these languages to future generations within the diaspora community is considered of great importance. How these languages are utilized in the ongoing identity work of Hongkongers’ overseas activism warrants further investigation. As Calhoun (1993: 214) noted, “[...]even the newest claims to nationalism are often rooted in a rhetoric of pre-existing ethnicity”. In Hong Kong’s case, since Cantonese and TC have been closely bonded with local identity in people’s mind, they become powerful construct of a project identity aimed for secession from China. 6. Concluding discussions This study explored the complexity and dynamism of the language-in-identity process through a semiotic lens. Based on a case study of Hong Kong’s media discourse, the paper illustrates how different linguistic resources are actively engaged in the construction of collective identity by drawing on pre-existing indexical meanings. Through the investigation into the ideological connections between linguistic forms and social meanings, we identify four modalities of language-in-identity construction in Hong Kong, summarized in table 6. We also identify new trends of discursive representation of language in media discourse under changing power dynamics. While Putonghua has always been primarily associated with the Mainland outgroup, this correlation appears to be weakening in local press discourse since 2021, shortly after the implementation of the Hong Kong National Security Law. Conversely, a new connection is being established between Putonghua and Chinese nation at the discursive level. In media discourse since 2021, Putonghua is increasingly infused with notions of national identity and patriotism, which is a new phenomenon in Hong Kong society where Putonghua had been appreciated only for pragmatic reasons. However, as discussed above, the correspondence between SC and national identity hasn’t been established yet. To date, SC continues to carry a negative connotation- either perceived as lack of historic and cultural roots or as a trait of the mainland outgroup. Furthermore, the study reveals that Cantonese and TC is linked to ethnic-cultural identity at local, regional and pan-China levels through their indexical meanings associated with Hong Kong, Linnan culture and Traditional Chinese culture. These broad ethnic connotations provide a foundation for their further engagement with various identity work. In terms of legitimizing identity, Cantonese and TC have long been used as cultural tool in China’s United Front Strategy for the promotion of patriotism and nationalism. Meanwhile, Cantonese has nowadays become associated with GBA, acting as a symbolic resource for redefining the intergroup relationship between Hong Kong and Mainland China. Regarding project identity, Cantonese and TC are utilized in conceptualizing localism (or nationalism) with secessionist learnings. By emphasizing the distinctiveness of Hong Kong-style Cantonese and further developing the colloquial written Cantonese, Hong Kong activists leverage linguistic resources as symbol and strategy in their efforts to decategorize Hong Kong from China. In summary, our study provides a nuanced analysis of the semiotic process through which language resources contribute to the flow of identity construction in relation to power dynamics. It demonstrates that the effective deployment of linguistic resources in conscious or unconscious identity work relies on the reinterpretation of existing language ideologies within the society in question. The current study acknowledges its limitations: in attempting to provide a comprehensive overview of the language-in-identity landscape in Hong Kong, we were unable to include some in-depth textual analyses due to space constraints. Future research will focus on specific aspects of language-in-identity construction. It would be particularly insightful to examine the roles of English, Hong Kong-style Cantonese, and written Cantonese in shaping project identities aimed at independence. Additionally, exploring how Putonghua and SC are further engaged in legitimizing identity and reinforcing national identity would be valuable. Declarations Author Contribution There is only one author in this study. 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American sociological review, 273-286. Tables Tables 1 to 6 are available in the Supplementary Files section Additional Declarations No competing interests reported. Supplementary Files Tables.docx Data.xlsx Cite Share Download PDF Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Research Square lets you share your work early, gain feedback from the community, and start making changes to your manuscript prior to peer review in a journal. As a division of Research Square Company, we’re committed to making research communication faster, fairer, and more useful. We do this by developing innovative software and high quality services for the global research community. Our growing team is made up of researchers and industry professionals working together to solve the most critical problems facing scientific publishing. Also discoverable on Platform About Our Team In Review Editorial Policies Advisory Board Help Center Resources Author Services Accessibility API Access RSS feed Manage Cookie Preferences © Research Square 2026 | ISSN 2693-5015 (online) Privacy Policy Terms of Service Do Not Sell My Personal Information {"props":{"pageProps":{"initialData":{"identity":"rs-5388859","acceptedTermsAndConditions":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"archivedVersions":[],"articleType":"Article","associatedPublications":[],"authors":[{"id":410687494,"identity":"0254da5a-fe48-4486-b365-59375c48525b","order_by":0,"name":"Yufei GUO","email":"data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAZAAAAAyAQMAAABI0h/eAAAABlBMVEX///8AAABVwtN+AAAACXBIWXMAAA7EAAAOxAGVKw4bAAAAzUlEQVRIiWNgGAWjYDAC5gMMB4CUHIh94AFRWtgSwFqMwVoSiNUCAokNIJIoLQbHmA8e/Npmkz4/7PBDoC12croNBLWwJRyWbUvL3Xg7zQCoJdnY7AAhLfd7DA5Lth3O3Tg7AaTlQOI2glqO8X8AaUk3nJ3+gVgtPAwHP7YdTpCXziHSFsljbAaHGc6lGW6Qzik4kGBAhF/4jjE//vijzEZefnb65g8fKuzkCGpRACpg5gG5EKzSgIByEJBvYGBg/AFljIJRMApGwSjACgDrZUxNvNo4YgAAAABJRU5ErkJggg==","orcid":"","institution":"Sun Yat-sen University","correspondingAuthor":true,"prefix":"","firstName":"Yufei","middleName":"","lastName":"GUO","suffix":""}],"badges":[],"createdAt":"2024-11-04 14:23:26","currentVersionCode":1,"declarations":"","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-5388859/v1","doiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-5388859/v1","draftVersion":[],"editorialEvents":[],"editorialNote":"","failedWorkflow":false,"files":[{"id":75489560,"identity":"8b3b0a79-8888-40e9-a41f-4d9ae3d75344","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-02-05 07:00:22","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":730312,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-5388859/v1/4c421025-ae1b-466d-8b94-c06fb3dd3f96.pdf"},{"id":75489546,"identity":"ac7538fa-0d52-469b-bdaf-4647a4df4e5b","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-02-05 07:00:17","extension":"docx","order_by":1,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"supplement","size":357426,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"Tables.docx","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-5388859/v1/c05ddfd6b9f66d03c20bed3b.docx"},{"id":75487849,"identity":"c8fb4542-1779-4354-9175-0bb57fec8999","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-02-05 06:44:17","extension":"xlsx","order_by":2,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"supplement","size":1390453,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"Data.xlsx","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-5388859/v1/2f88475baed6dc39d4c77476.xlsx"}],"financialInterests":"No competing interests reported.","formattedTitle":"Mapping the language-in-identity configuration in Hong Kong today","fulltext":[{"header":"1. Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003eLanguage plays a special role in the construction of collective identities, not only because it provides the linkage between the private and the public, the past and the present (Castell, 2010:55), but also because of its nature as a dual semiotic system caring both social and referential meanings. While the identity functions of language have been extensively studied in social science, the cognitive mechanism through which language is progressively engaged in the flow of identity construction under power relations still requires further empirical and theoretical investigations.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eHong Kong, a post-colonial Chinese city with diversified linguistic resources and a unique governance structure, provides us with a typical case to explore the language-in-identity process amid a changing political climate.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIdentity building in Hong Kong is a dynamic and intricate process. It is generally considered that a distinct Hong Kong identity, emerged during the 1970s, is rooted in consumerism and Cantonese pop culture and deeply connected to a pan-Chinese cultural identification (Veg, 2017). However, from 2008 to 2019, there has been a growing divergence between the two categorial ethnic identity—Hongkonger and Chinese—with an increasing number of young people identifying themselves exclusively as Hongkonger. Alongside the ethnic-based local identity and the pan-China cultural identity, scholars (Veg, 2017; Tang \u0026amp; Yuen, 2016) have noted the rise of a new mode of identification grounded in western democratic values and calling for wider political participation and deeper civic engagement. In 2019, Hong Kong witnessed the Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill Movement (hereinafter Anti-ELAB Movement), which was unprecedented in terms of scale and political consequences. Since the July 1, 2020, the city has entered a new era of governance featuring tighter control from the central government marked by the imposition of the Hong Kong National Security Law (hereinafter NSL). Along with the change in political landscape, there seems to be a new tendency in Hong Kong people’s identity construction process. Recent polls indicate that people’s self-identification as Chinese has increased and that the two categorial identities—Hongkonger and Chinese—tend to converge again (Hong Kong Public Opinion Research Institute, 1997-2022).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eLanguage has always been a salient identity mark for Hongkongers. Lots of previous studies (ex. Joseph, 2004; Shao, 2016; Edwards, 2019, Guo et al., 2020, Shum et al., 2023) have explored the way in which Cantonese, English and traditional Chinese characters are associated with local identity, while showing how Putonghua and simplified Chinese characters are seen as a mark of the otherness. However, few studies have gone beyond the ingroup-outgroup dichotomy to explore the broad picture of Hong Kong’s language-in-identity landscape.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe role of language as an identity marker is mediated through ideology. The media, especially the press media, provides a public sphere where different discursive representations of language can be observed on a longitudinal basis. Drawing on Castells’ conceptualization of collective identity and Silverstein’s notion of indexicality, the study investigates the different discursive representations of language in Hong Kong’s press media from 2017 to 2022. The goal is to understand the embedded language ideologies and their roles in different kinds of identity construction amid changing sociopolitical circumstances.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"2. Contextualizing the language and identity issues in Hong Kong","content":"\u003cp\u003eAs a post-colonial Chinese city under the special regime of \u0026ldquo;one country, two systems\u0026rdquo;, Hong Kong has emerged as a significant area of research concerning language and identity issues. The city recognizes two official languages: Chinese and English. In practice, its linguistic landscape is best characterized by the terms \u0026quot;biliteracy and trilingualism.\u0026quot; Here, \u0026quot;trilingualism\u0026quot; encompasses three primary spoken languages\u0026mdash;Cantonese, English, and Putonghua\u0026mdash;while \u0026quot;biliteracy\u0026quot; pertains to the two principal written forms: English and Standard Modern Chinese (hereinafter \u0026ldquo;SMC\u0026rdquo;) written in traditional Chinese characters.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAlthough the term \u0026quot;Chinese\u0026quot; as an official language is not clearly defined in the Hong Kong Basic Law, it is implicitly understood in daily usage to refer to Cantonese for spoken communication and SMC represented in TC for written communication. Research indicates that Cantonese, spoken by approximately 90% of the population as the common language in everyday life (Hong Kong Census and Statistics Department [HKCSD], 2011, 2016, 2021), holds the highest integrative value among other languages for Hong Kong people. Cantonese is widely regarded as the \u0026quot;mother tongue\u0026quot; of Hongkongers, symbolizing local culture and identity (Bacon-Shone et al., 2015; Poon, 2010).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eEnglish is the second most widely spoken language in Hong Kong, with approximately 4.6% of the population self-identifying as L1 speakers (HKCSD, 2011, 2016, 2021). Historically valued for its instrumental role, English has gained increased integrative significance since Hong Kong\u0026apos;s handover to China in 1997.\u0026nbsp;The language is closely linked to Hong Kong\u0026rsquo;s prestige as an international city. Research (Joseph, 2004; Gu, 2014; Edwards, 2019) indicates that the bilingualism of Cantonese and English, or the code-mixing of these two languages, is often associated with a distinct Hong Kong identity that differentiates it from Mainland China.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ePutonghua is the third largest spoken language in Hong Kong, with around 2.8% of the population self-identifying as L1 speakers.\u0026nbsp;Although proficiency in Putonghua has improved significantly since 1997, its social prestige remains lower than that of English and Cantonese (Lai, 2001, 2011; Poon, 2010). For many residents, Putonghua is primarily valued for its instrumental function rather than its integrative potential. Even regarding its instrumental utility, Putonghua is perceived to be less important than English among most Hongkongers.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn terms of written languages, traditional characters (hereinafter \u0026ldquo;TC\u0026rdquo;) is generally regarded as the standard for writing Chinese in Hong Kong, similar to its status in Macao and Taiwan. This contrasts with Mainland China and Singapore, where simplified characters (hereinafter \u0026ldquo;SC\u0026rdquo;) is predominantly used. Previous studies indicate that SMC presented in TC is the written form of language with which Hong Kong residents feel most familiar (Bacon-Shone and Bolton, 2015). Notably, only 31.6% of 2,049 participants reported having any proficiency in reading SC.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eApart from SMC, it is common to see the circulation of another written Chinese -the colloquial written Cantonese in Hong Kong society. This written form of Cantonese has evolved since the Ming Dynasty and was traditionally reserved for literature with a \u0026ldquo;light\u0026rdquo; content or aimed at lower-class readers. However, since the 1990s, the colloquial written Cantonese has seen a growth of use and prestige and is increasingly linked to the development of local identity (Snow, 2004; 李婉薇,2017).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn Hong Kong, the medium of instruction (MOI) and the teaching of SC are sensitive social issues that often provoke heated social debates. Over the past few decades, the city has experienced multiple switchovers and fine-tuning concerning MOI (Evans, 2013; Li, 2017). Traditionally, Cantonese served as the MOI in Chinese language classes in most local primary and secondary schools (hereinafter \u0026ldquo;CMI education\u0026rdquo;). However, since 1999, the Hong Kong Education Bureau has encouraged the use of Putonghua as the MOI in Chinese language classes (hereinafter \u0026ldquo;PMI education\u0026rdquo;). This shift has been associated with concerns regarding the devaluation of Cantonese and the erosion of Hong Kong\u0026apos;s identity within media discourse. Shao\u0026apos;s (2016) analysis of media discourse surrounding PMI education reveals how local print media attempts to influence government language policy by publishing articles unfavorable to PMI education.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe use of SC presents another contentious issue. Previous studies suggest that most Hongkongers encounter difficulties when reading Chinese texts in SC (Bacon-Shone and Bolton, 2015). Despite this, there is significant resistance to the adoption of SC within Hong Kong society. Guo et al. (2020) explored \u0026quot;language policing incidents\u0026quot; from 2015 to 2019, uncovering how netizens in Hong Kong employ exclusionary tactics to punish the use of SC and uphold the linguistic norms with which they identify.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"3. Conceptual framework of the present study","content":"\u003cp\u003ePrevious studies have indicated that Cantonese, English, or a combination of both are commonly associated with the \u0026quot;Hong Kong ingroup,\u0026quot; while Putonghua and SC symbolize the \u0026quot;Mainland outgroup.\u0026quot; This study aims to move beyond the ingroup-outgroup dichotomy to explore the broader picture of Hong Kong\u0026apos;s language-in-identity landscape. It departs from the conceptualization of collective identity as a fluid, contingent, and socially constructed process.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWhile ethnicity plays a significant role in social categorization, Manuel Castells emphasizes the importance of power dynamics in shaping collective identity within modern societies characterized by globalization and cosmopolitanism. He delineates three forms of identity construction based on power relations (2010: 8):\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e-Legitimizing identity\u003c/em\u003e is \u0026ldquo;introduced by the dominant institutions of society to extend and rationalize their domination vis \u0026agrave; vis social actors\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e-\u003cem\u003eResistance identity\u003c/em\u003e is \u0026ldquo;generated by those actors who are in positions/conditions devalued and/or stigmatized by the logic of domination, thus building trenches of resistance and survival on the basis of principles different from, or opposed to, those permeating the institutions of society\u0026rdquo;.\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e-Project identity\u003c/em\u003e is developed \u0026ldquo;when social actors, on the basis of whatever cultural materials are available to them, build a new identity that redefines their position in society and, by so doing, seek the transformation of overall social structure.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eCastells argues that collective identities are not static: they can shift from one form to another depending on the context. This perspective aligns with social psychologists\u0026apos; conceptualizations of social categorization, where group boundaries can be redefined through the mechanism of decategorization or recategorization (Brown, 2000; Hornsey, 2008). Language is widely recognized as a crucial cultural construct of collective identity. However, there has yet to be a systematic exploration of how language participates in the fluidity of identity construction amid changing power relations.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe concept of indexicality in language ideology might provide a useful insight into that question. According to Silverstein (2003), the ideological mapping between linguistic forms and social meaning is hierarchically organized in people\u0026rsquo;s minds, presenting itself in a form of \u0026ldquo;order\u0026rdquo;. First-order indexicality denotes \u0026ldquo;the kind of correlation between a form and a sociodemographic identity or pragmatic function that an outsider could observe\u0026rdquo; (Johnstone et al. 2006: 81). Second-order indexicality arises \u0026ldquo;when people begin to use first-order correlations to do social work, either interpretive or performative\u0026rdquo; (Ibid: 83). Likewise, third-order indexicality is on stage when \u0026ldquo;the second-order indexicality becomes available for more reflexive and self-conscious identity work\u0026rdquo; (Ibid). \u0026ldquo;In general,\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;n+1\u003csup\u003eth\u003c/sup\u003e-order\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003eindexicality occurs when\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003cem\u003en\u003csup\u003eth-\u003c/sup\u003eorder\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003eindexical relations are noticed, consciously or not, and given meaning, becoming pragmatically usable.\u0026rdquo; (Ibid:84).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn this study, we aim to explore the cognitive process through which linguistic resources are involved in different forms of identity construction through the mediation of language ideology. Specifically, we focus on the indexical meanings of Cantonese, Putonghua, SC, and TC in media discourse.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"4. Methodology","content":"\u003cp\u003eOur principal data consists of local newspaper articles that center on the themes of language and identity. To gather this data, we searched for articles featuring either \u0026ldquo;Putonghua\u0026rdquo; (普通话), \u0026ldquo;Cantonese\u0026rdquo; (粤语), \u0026ldquo;SC\u0026rdquo; (简体字), or \u0026ldquo;TC\u0026rdquo; (繁体字/正体字) in the headlines from sixteen Hong Kong-based newspapers published in Chinese between January 1, 2017, and December 31, 2022. This time frame was chosen to observe the situation before, during, and after significant political events in recent years, namely, the Anti-ELAB Movement in 2019 and the imposition of the National Security Law (NSL) in July 2020. In total, we collected 1,585 relevant articles: 908 contain \u0026ldquo;Putonghua\u0026rdquo; in the headline, 397 include \u0026ldquo;Cantonese,\u0026rdquo; 232 include \u0026ldquo;SC,\u0026rdquo; and 48 contain \u0026ldquo;TC\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFirst, we aimed to gain a general understanding of the content of these articles. We began by conducting a collocate analysis of the headlines. The data was initially tokenized using the Chinese word tokenizer \u003cem\u003eJieba\u003c/em\u003e in \u003cem\u003ePython 3.11.2\u003c/em\u003e. We examined the tokenized texts and made manual adjustments as necessary. Next, we analyzed the collocates of each keyword using \u003cem\u003eAntConc 3.5.9\u003c/em\u003e, applying a span of five words on either side.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSecond, based on the finding from the first step, we conducted a qualitative content analysis on those articles that contain the most frequent collocates for each of the four keywords. Guided by Castell\u0026rsquo;s framework of collective identity and Silverstein\u0026rsquo;s theory of indexicality, we delved into the text of each relevant article. After several rounds of intensive reading, we extracted several discourses related to language and identity issues.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFinally, we complemented our data by searching for other relevant information covered by the media articles that may not have been thoroughly discussed. After identifying several social groups or individuals significantly concerned with our research questions, we investigated their backgrounds and analyzed their discourses on language and identity\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"5. Results: four modalities of language-in-identity process","content":"\u003cp\u003eFocusing on the identity connotations of the linguistic forms in question, we discovered four modalities of language-in-identity construction in Hong Kong’s media discourse.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e5.1. Language and ethnic-cultural identity\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis modality refers to the association of Cantonese and/or TC with ethnic and cultural identification at local, regional, and pan-China levels through their indexical meanings related to Hong Kong, Lingnan culture, and Traditional Chinese culture.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e5.1.1. Indexical meaning of Cantonese/TC: \u0026nbsp;Hong Kong as homeland \u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWhen discussing Cantonese and/or TC, seeing them as a symbol of Hong Kong or Hongkonger is the most common ideology in the media space. This represents the first order of indexicality, which demotes the observable correlation between the linguistic form and the sociodemographic identity. Table 1 and Table 2 respectively shows the ten most frequent collocates of “Cantonese” (粤语) and “TC” (繁体字/正体字) in the news headlines. As indicated in Table 1, “Cantonese” is most frequently associated with terms related to Hong Kong, including “mother tongue” (母语) “Hong Kong” (香港)” “Hongkonger” (港人), etc. In Table 2, TC is often used in collocation with “Hong Kong” and terms related to education, such as “primary school”(小学), and “school”(学校).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWhy does TC often appear next to “primary school” or “school”(学校)in the news headlines? Upon examining the content, we found that the “mother tongue issue” and the teaching of SC are among the most discussed subjects in these articles. As shown in table 1, there are 60 pieces of articles with “mother tongue” next to “Cantonese” in the headlines. Most of them center around an essay\u003csup\u003e1\u003c/sup\u003e written by a linguist from Mainland China, which was quoted by the Hong Kong Education Bureau. In that paper, the author questioned the status of Cantonese as a “language”, suggesting that it is more of a regional variety than a language in its own rights. Hence, Cantonese should be referred to as \u003cem\u003emother tongue dialect\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e(母言) rather than \u003cem\u003emother tongue language\u003c/em\u003e (母语) of Hongkongers. The article hardly got any notice when it was first published online by the Education Bureau in 2013 as a supplementary document for the pedagogy of PMI education designed for primary school teachers. Curiously, five years later, it suddenly became a media focus in early May 2018. For weeks long, public intellectuals, film stars, politicians from both pro-democracy camp and pro-Beijing camp have expressed their discontent through various media platforms, condemning not only the views expressed by the article but also the intention of Hong Kong’s Education Bureau to cite it. Many considered it ridiculous to question the nature of Cantonese as Hongkonger’s “mother tongue”. The author of the academic paper was criticized for manipulating the concept of mother tongue with the aim of downgrading Cantonese's status—from language to dialect—in order to establish legitimacy for PMI education\u003csup\u003e2\u003c/sup\u003e \u003csup\u003e3\u003c/sup\u003e. The topic became so heated that it was raised by a legislative member to confront the then Chief Executive Carrie Lam during a Legislative Council conference.\u003csup\u003e4\u003c/sup\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTeaching written Chinese in SC constitutes another heavily reported subject. In the wake of the mother tongue polemic described above, a Hong Kong-based British international school announced, in a notice to parents, that it would henceforth provide Chinese courses only in SC, replacing the previous practice of offering Chinese courses in both SC and TC, with an aim of “preparing the pupils to be fully literate in the context that Hong Kong will be in by 2047”\u003csup\u003e5\u003c/sup\u003e. In media discourse, the school’s message was questioned for its political implications, as it associates the language-in-education policy with Hong Kong’s future beyond 2047, when the current socio-political arrangement of “one country, two systems” may potentially come to an end after the promised “unchanged fifty years” following 1997. Moreover, the school’s new policy faced criticism for not respecting Hong Kong people’s way of life, as some parents reportedly complained about the deprivation of Hong Kong children’s right to learn their own language\u003csup\u003e6\u003c/sup\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e5.1.2. Indexical meaning of Cantonese: Lingnan culture\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eCantonese is not only considered as the unquestionable mother tongue of Hongkongers; it is also the primary spoken language in Macao, as well as in the central and western parts of Guangdong Province and the southern part of Guangxi Province. Those areas belong to a traditional cultural and geographic region known as \u003cem\u003eLingnan\u003c/em\u003e (岭南). As shown in table 1, \u0026nbsp;“Cantonese” is often used in conjunction with “culture” (文化) in the titles of news articles. These articles often discuss the history and future of Cantonese films, Cantonese pop music or other Cantonese-based art forms, expressing cultural identification not only with Hong Kong but with the broader Lingnan region\u003csup\u003e7\u003c/sup\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e5.1.3. Indexical meaning of Cantonese/TC: \u0026nbsp;traditional Chinese culture\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSeeing Cantonese or/and TC as an “authentic” or “purer” form of Chinese is a common language ideology embedded in discourse against the PMI education and the teaching of SC in schools. It is widely believed that Cantonese has a longer history than Putonghua. Amid the “mother-tongue controversy” explained above, a famous local singer shared a post in Facebook, triggering significant reactions first on social media and then in local press.\u003csup\u003e8\u003c/sup\u003e. According to the post, classical Chinese poems from the Tang and Song dynasties, dating back 1,300 years, were mostly written in Cantonese. This is why it sounds “authentic” (正宗) to read classical Chinese poetry in Cantonese. In contrast, Putonghua is described as a “hybrid language” developed during tribal wars in Northern China less than 500 years ago and is therefore considered less sophisticated and civilized compared to Cantonese.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe belief that Cantonese represents the authenticity of Chinese culture, as it resembles “Medieval Chinese” (中古汉语), is not a recent phenomenon among Cantonese speakers or enthusiasts. According to Chin’s study (程美宝, 2006), this language ideology originated from local intellectuals during the Ming and Qing dynasties who, feeling ashamed of the Lingnan region's peripheral status, longed for recognition from central authorities. In writing about their region's history (地方志), they sought to reshape Lingnan's image as historically belonging to Central China (中原). Language was utilized as part of their “cultural toolkit” (metaphor borrowed from Swidler, 1986) to justify this narrative.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis language belief, however, is not completely detached from linguistic facts. Due to a lack of inter-language contact, the languages spoken in the southern part of China have retained certain phonological and lexical elements of ancient Chinese that have been nearly all lost in languages of the North China (Norman 2003; Ramsey 1987). For many Cantonese lovers, this linguistic feature common to many Chinese southern languages has been simplified and overstated in a way that Cantonese is “iconized” as authentic and purer Chinese language, while the broader context of language contact, variation and change has been “erased” in mind.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe correlation between language and cultural authenticity is even more pronounced in discourse defending the use of TC. It is widely believed that TC do better in preserving the logic and meaning of Chinese words, thereby representing the authenticity of traditional Chinese culture. In contrast, SC is often dismissed as “having no history”, despite its advantages in being easier for young children to learn and write,\u003csup\u003e\u0026nbsp;9,\u0026nbsp;\u003c/sup\u003e and the fact that SC is already being taught in some schools in Hong Kong, especially international ones (see above). According to a pro-Beijing politician, a Chinese person who only understand SC without knowledge of TC cannot consider himself “a fully literate Chinese”. \u003csup\u003e10\u003c/sup\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eHere, the association of Cantonese and/or TC with traditional Chinese culture indicates an evolution in the order of indexicality, where people utilize first-order correlations—such as viewing Cantonese as a mother tongue or cultural resource of the Lingnan region—to engage in interpretative social work. Nevertheless, this language ideology still represents a pan-China identification rooted in ethnicity, history and culture.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e5. 2. Language and resistance identity\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis modality of language-in-identity building focuses on the defense of group boundaries. Cantonese and TC are regarded as symbols of the Hong Kong \"ingroup,\" while Putonghua and SC are perceived as markers of the Mainland \"outgroup\" or indicative of Hong Kong's assimilation into Mainland China, a phenomenon referred to as \"mainlandization.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e5.2.1 Indexicality of Putonghua: Mainland China as outgroup \u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTable 3 provides an overview of the words that are closely associated with \"Putonghua\" in news headlines. Notably, Putonghua is frequently linked to\u0026nbsp;educational context, as evidenced by the common collocations such as \"level\" (水平), \"learn well\" (学好), and \"education\" (教育). \u0026nbsp;However, the terms like “speaking (操)” “HKBU (浸大)\u0026nbsp;“\u0026nbsp;“exemption test” (豁免试) appear strange associations with Putonghua, which requires further investigation into the main body of the article.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBased on our content analysis, the term “speaking” refers to Putonghua-speaking man or woman. In those articles, these individuals are often depicted in a negative light, described as thieves, rule-breakers, aggressors, ill-manner or eccentric people coming to Hong Kong from Mainland China. Notably, during the 2019 Anti-Extradition Bill protest, “speaking” was commonly associated with Putonghua-speaking Mainlanders who clashed with Hong Kong protestors\u003csup\u003e11\u003c/sup\u003e. \u0026nbsp;In brief, Putonghua is perceived as a marker of the negative outgroup. \u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe term “HKBU” or “exemption test” all refer to a language incident that occurred at Hong Kong Baptist University (abbreviated as HKBU) in 2018. At HKBU, students are required to complete a compulsory Putonghua course and pass a proficiency test as prerequisites for obtaining a bachelor's degree. This policy, established in 2007, became increasingly contentious amidst rising grievances among pro-democracy youth against the authorities, particularly following the 2014 Umbrella Movement. In response to student requests, the university modified its initial Putonghua policy in 2017, allowing students to bypass the compulsory course if they could pass an \"exemption test\" demonstrating their proficiency. However, when the results of the first exemption test were released in January 2018, only 30% of students passed, leaving 70% still required to take the Putonghua course. Unsatisfied with the results, a group of 30 students stormed into the school’s language center and held an eight-hour stand-off with staff members of the center. They claimed the test results were unjust and further demanded the elimination of the “Putonghua-as-a-condition-for-graduation” policy in whole.\u0026nbsp;A live video capturing students confronting teachers with aggressive language quickly went viral, resulting in extensive media coverage over the following weeks.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe stand-off event has unleashed a chain of events closely monitored by the media throughout that year, including the suspension of two instigating students and subsequent protests supporting them. Ultimately, this led to adjustments in the Putonghua exemption test policy in the following year. \u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWhile most newspaper articles reported on the event without explicitly linking it to anti-mainlandization sentiments, the 8-hour contentious action against a language test reveals more than mere linguistic concerns. Given Hong Kong’s sociopolitical climate from 2014 to 2019, it was apparent to many that Putonghua was somehow taken as a symbol of “mainlandization” by the protesting students. In fact, the clash at HKBU was not an isolated event but part of a broader social controversy regarding Putonghua education in schools, particularly concerning the PMI education (see Shao, 2016). As mentioned in some articles, one of the student leader of the HKUB language incident is also known as a founder of an anti-PMI education group called \u0026nbsp;“港\u0026nbsp;語\u0026nbsp;學” (\u003cem\u003eSocietas Linguistica Hongkongensis\u003c/em\u003e). When we explored the group’s information on the Internet, we found that the group was found in 2013 on Facebook with an explicit goal of “restoring Cantonese Medium Instruction” \u0026nbsp;(恢复粤语教中文) and “promoting Cantonese as a written language” (推广粤语书写). \u0026nbsp;Since its inception, the group has conducted annual surveys to calculate the number of schools practicing PMI education as well as those who drop the practice and return to CMI education. Whenever they perceived a move to “marginalize” Cantonese, they launched demonstrations to express their concerns and protest, sometimes on their own, sometimes in alliance with other social groups with a localist leaning.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn this context, Cantonese is associated with the Hong Kong ingroup, whereas Putonghua is taken viewed as a mark of the outgroup. Resisting Putonghua while advocating for Cantonese in education is taken as a symbolic action to reinforce the existing intergroup boundaries.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e5.2.2. Indexicality of SC: \u0026nbsp;Mainland China as outgroup\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eCompared to Putonghua, SC is even more commonly associated with the Mainland outgroup or Hong Kong’s “mainlandization”. Table 4 illustrates the collocates of SC, where the term “plastic bottle” (胶樽) “rubbish” (垃圾) “package”(包装) are among the most frequently appeared. When looking into the texts of those articles, we found that SC is associated with pollution, environmental damaging behaviors or low-quality products from the mainland. \u0026nbsp;One recurring topic over the past five years is the collection of discarded plastic bottles and other wastes wrapped in SC-labeled packaging found in Hong Kong’s mountains and beaches. Additionally, there is a consistent concern regarding low-quality products packaged in SC, which reportedly raised health anxieties among Hong Kong residents.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMeanwhile, the negative connotation of SC as the Mainland outgroup extends beyond articles focused on Hong Kong affairs; it is also prevalent in discussions about Taiwan. Many reports highlight the “shocking presence”(惊现)of SC in public spaces in Taiwan, such as beaches \u003csup\u003e12\u003c/sup\u003e, public transportation bulletin board \u003csup\u003e13\u003c/sup\u003e and political party’s official website\u003csup\u003e14\u003c/sup\u003e, casting doubts on pollution or cybersecurity threats attributed to Mainland China.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWhile the mere presence of SC in Hong Kong’s TV programs, public signage, merchandise’s packaging, or government documents can be reported as “shocking” or “uneasy”, teaching SC at schools constitute a highly sensitive issue that often trigger public backlash. \u0026nbsp;When conducting content analysis text by text, we discovered a chain of language incidents concerning SC that happened in 2016 and continued to resonate in the media in 2017. On February 22, 2016, Channel J5, a Hong Kong television channel, changed its subtitles from TC to SC during a Putonghua news broadcast, sparkling unexpected public outrage. Social media was flooded with posts calling for Hong Kong residents to send complaints letters to the authorities. The following day, Hong Kong Communication Bureau received more than 10, 000 complaint letter, attracting media attention both locally and internationally\u003csup\u003e15\u003c/sup\u003e. Following this “media subtitle controversy”, a member of the far-right political group \u003cem\u003eCivic passion\u003c/em\u003e (热血公民) reportedly stole some children books written in SC from a public library and threw them into a rubbish bin to express his anger over the library’s purchase of books from Mainland China. He filmed the whole process himself and shared it on social media, calling for others to follow suit. This incident not only captured media attention but also drew legal scrutiny. In 2017, the individual involved was convicted of theft of public goods and fined 3,000 Hong Kong Dollars\u003csup\u003e16\u003c/sup\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThese events highlight the deep-seated tensions surrounding the use of SC in Hong Kong, reflecting broader societal anxieties about identity and cultural integrity in the face of perceived mainlandization. The backlash against SC in various contexts underscores how language can serve as a symbol of political and cultural resistance among Hong Kong residents.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe media discourse surrounding language as a symbol of group distinction has reached its peak around 2019. Since 2021, one year after the enactment of the NSL, there has been a noticeable decline in articles framing Putonghua as a symbol of ill-behaved mainland people or as an indicator of Hong Kong’s “mainlandization”. Additionally, reports addressing dramatic incidents against the use of Putonghua or SC in Hong Kong have become less frequent. Despite this shift, Putonghua continue to symbolize dominance in Hong Kong media discourse, but media attention tends to focus on language conflicts occurring elsewhere in China. For instance, many report on how residents in Inner Mongolia resist the alleged hegemony of Putonghua in favor of their mother tongue\u003csup\u003e17\u003c/sup\u003e. On the other side, SC remains predominantly associated with the Mainland outgroup, especially in articles discussing Taiwan-related issues..\u003csup\u003e18\u003c/sup\u003e \u003csup\u003e19\u003c/sup\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn sum, based on the first-order indexicality linking Cantonese and TC with local identity, social agents have consciously developed a second-order indexicality that project Putonghua and SC onto Mainland China as the negative outgroup and with a strong intention of resistance. This semiotic process contributes to the transformation of ethnic-local identity into a collective consciousness that actively resists the perceived “assimilation” from Mainland China.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e5.3. Language and legitimizing identity\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis modality involves the construction of loyalty and identification with the established regime. By reinterpreting the indexical meanings of Putonghua, Cantonese and TC, social agents are making language a cultural construct that serves to mitigate group differences or to redefine group boundaries.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e5.3.1 Indexical meaning of Putonghua: from “Mainland outgroup” to “Chinese nation”\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAgainst the backdrop of the NSL implemented since July 2020, the tone of media discourse on Putonghua and SC began to align with the authority, emphasizing the need to reinforce Putonghua and SC education in Hong Kong. This trend has become particularly evident since 2021, as numerous articles cite or comment positively on the views of mainland scholars and government officials calling for a clearer legal status for Putonghua and SC, as well as their integration into Hong Kong’s educational evaluation systems. \u003csup\u003e20\u003c/sup\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMore interestingly, the indexical meaning of Putonghua has increasingly become associated with national identity and patriotism, marking is a notable new trend in Hong Kong’s media discourse since its handover to China in 1997. Among the data, we’ve found a growing number of news articles featuring terms such as “country” (国家) “patriotism”(爱国) “retrocession (回归)” “ establishment of the Party” (建党) alongside “Putonghua” in the headlines since 2021 (see table 5). Rather than seeing Putonghua as a symbol of the outgroup, those articles begin to frame it as an identity mark of a broader ingroup-the Chinese nation. This trend indicates a change in how Putonghua is represented in discourse—not merely as a symbol of the outgroup, but as an identity marker for a broader ingroup- the Chinese nation.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eConcerning the indexical meaning of SC, however, although there are increasing voices suggesting the importance to develop children’s literacy in SC, the discourse is largely framed pragmatically rather than ideologically. Articles often emphasize that stronger literacy in SC can facilitate work and life in Mainland China, particularly as Hongkongers may find more job opportunities in the Mainland due to enhanced cooperative ties between Hong Kong and Guangdong province. Nevertheless, there are hardly any articles framing the issue from the perspective of nationalism or patriotism. \u0026nbsp;In other words, the correlation between SC and national identity has yet to be established in Hong Kong’s media discourse.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e5.3.2 Indexical meaning of Cantonese/TC: from traditional Chinese culture to Chinese nation \u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAlong with Putonghua, Cantonese and TC are invested with connotations of national identity and patriotism in Hong Kong. \u0026nbsp;Our data indicates that Cantonese and TC are often used in movies and ceremonies with a propaganda focus. They are also strategically deployed by China’s authorities to demonstrate support and solidarity with specific interest groups in Hong Kong. For instance, amid the social turmoil in 2019, the Commissioner’s Office of China’s Foreign Ministry in Hong Kong publicly expressed support for the Hong Kong Police through a letter posted on Facebook, which was notably written in colloquial Cantonese using TC\u003csup\u003e21\u003c/sup\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIt should be noted that using culture as a “toolkit” to forge alliances with different interest groups under the banner of patriotism has long been a component of Chinese Communist Party’s “United Front strategy” (统战工作). But the nature of Cantonese and TC as “deployable” cultural tools is grounded in an existing indexical link: the ideological connection between Cantonese/TC and a pan-Chinese cultural identity have set the stage for elevating their indexical meanings, linking these linguistics forms to nationalism and political identification with the authority.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e5.3.3 Indexical meaning of Cantonese: from “Linnan culture” to “GBA”\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMeanwhile, the ethnic correspondence between Cantonese and Lingnan region has also seen a promotion of the indexical order, along with the establishment of the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area (hereinafter “GBA”). This largely Cantonese-speaking economic zone is rooted in the traditional Lingnan region. Since its creation, the region has also become a focal point for cultural collaboration. Media discourse has increasingly highlighted partnerships among artists from Hong Kong, Macao, and Guangdong to produce cultural products in Cantonese, including movies, music, and shows\u003csup\u003e22\u003c/sup\u003e \u003csup\u003e23\u003c/sup\u003e. Some articles assert that the formation of GBA provides impetus and opportunities for revitalizing Cantonese-speaking cultural industries.\u003csup\u003e24\u003c/sup\u003e\u0026nbsp; Here, the indexical meaning of Cantonese has been promoted from the Lingnan region to the newly found GBA. Through this semiotic process, Cantonese has become a cultural construct that helps to recategorize Hong Kong into a larger ingroup, rather than just serving as a marker of distinction between Hong Kong and Mainland China.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e5.4 Language and project identity\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis modality refers to the construction of a new identity which sees Hong Kong as an independent political entity. By elevating the indexical meanings of Cantonese and TC, social agents are utilizing language as a tool to facilitate the project of decategorizing Hong Kong from China.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e5.4.1. Indexical meanings of Cantonese/TC: from “Hong Kong ingroup” to “Hong Kong nation” \u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAs mentioned in the introduction, the period between 2008 and 2019 witnessed a growing incompatibility between Hongkonger’s local identity and national identity. Within the local identity framework, there exists a distinction between the ethnic-based localism and the more civic-based one.\u0026nbsp;We now discuss how Cantonese and TC are deployed in the conceptual frameworks of these two forms of localism.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe ethnic-based localism was exemplified by Chin Wan’s (陈云) conceptualization of Hong Kong as a city-state. He argued that Hong Kong’s independent cultural and linguistic system serves as a fundamental precondition for the city’s transformation into an independent political entity. The language of Hong Kong epitomizes the distinctive Hong Kong culture, which has its roots in traditional Chinese culture and is complemented by the Anglo-Saxon one. Cantonese, in particular, not only “preserves the ancient Chinese pronunciation” and “the legitimate Chinese writing”, but also “absorbs the quintessence of English”\u003csup\u003e25\u003c/sup\u003e \u003csup\u003e26\u003c/sup\u003e. To facilitate Hong Kong's transformation into a city-state, Chin emphasizes the importance of defending the use of Cantonese and TC against the “encroachment” of Putonghua and SC. This defense is seen as crucial for maintaining Hong Kong's unique identity and cultural autonomy.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAs for the civic-based localism, an autonomous political entity is primarily defined by common values other than ethnic bonds. In the early representative work like \u003cem\u003eHong Kong Nationalism\u003c/em\u003e (香港民族论) \u003csup\u003e27\u003c/sup\u003epublished by the student union of Hong Kong \u0026nbsp; University in 2014, Hong Kong is imagined as a fully-fledge nation based on \u0026nbsp;identification to western democratic values and the agency of its people. It is asserted that any resident of Hong Kong who identifies with the “core value” of the city should be considered a Hongkonger, regardless of their origin, culture and language. However, when it comes to define the Hong Kong Nation, ethnic resources such as land and language still hold a central place. The concept of “Hong Kong Nation” is considered as “[an entity] having its own unified language, clearly defined geographical boundaries, a shared economic life, and a common anti-communist mentality”\u003csup\u003e28\u003c/sup\u003e.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMeanwhile, there have been conscious efforts to reinforce or create group boundaries through amplification of language differences. The Hong Kong-style Cantonese and the colloquial written Cantonese play a significant role in this process. In 2017, the student union of Hong Kong University published a collection of articles under the name of \u003cem\u003eHong Kong New Literature Movement\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e(香港新文學運動).\u003csup\u003e29\u003c/sup\u003e The idea was to create and promote a unique literary genre that belongs exclusively to Hong Kong literature. To set examples, all articles in the collection are written in colloquial Cantonese. In the keynote article of this collection\u003csup\u003e30\u003c/sup\u003e, the author argued that the Hong Kong variety of Cantonese should be considered as a distinct language compared to other varieties spoken in Guangdong, since the former has absorbed elements of English and the latter are affected by Putonghua. He suggested that the Hong Kong variety of Cantonese should be relabeled as “the language of Hong Kong” (香港话) and used extensively in literary creation to establish an “Hong Kong literature” that differentiates itself from Chinese literature . Zooming on linguistic differences while intentionally downplaying common points, the author was consciously reprocessing the existing semiotic link between Cantonese/TC and local identity, with an aim to create a higher order indexicality that projects the language onto an imagined “Hong Kong Nation.”\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFollowing the implementation of the NSL, a significant number of local residents have left Hong Kong and relocated to other countries. The exodus has resulted in an enlarging diaspora community, accompanied by a growing number of activist groups committed to advancing the Hong Kong pro-democracy movement from abroad. Those groups vary in size and function but share a common goal: to uphold and transmit the collective identity of Hongkongers. Central to this identity is “the language of Hong Kong,” which encompasses Cantonese, Traditional Chinese (TC), and colloquial written Cantonese. These linguistic forms serve as vital carriers of meaning and symbols of Hong Kong culture, playing an important role in mobilization efforts and contentious activities. The preservation and transmission of these languages to future generations within the diaspora community is considered of great importance. How these languages are utilized in the ongoing identity work of Hongkongers’ overseas activism warrants further investigation.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAs Calhoun (1993: 214) noted, “[...]even the newest claims to nationalism are often rooted in a rhetoric of pre-existing ethnicity”. In Hong Kong’s case, since Cantonese and TC have been closely bonded with local identity in people’s mind, they become powerful construct of a project identity aimed for secession from China.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"6. Concluding discussions","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis study explored the complexity and dynamism of the language-in-identity process through a semiotic lens. Based on a case study of Hong Kong’s media discourse, the paper illustrates how different linguistic resources are actively engaged in the construction of collective identity by drawing on pre-existing indexical meanings. Through the investigation into the ideological connections between linguistic forms and social meanings, we identify four modalities of language-in-identity construction in Hong Kong, summarized in table 6.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWe also identify new trends of discursive representation of language in media discourse under changing power dynamics. While Putonghua has always been primarily associated with the Mainland outgroup, this correlation appears to be weakening in local press discourse since 2021, shortly after the implementation of the Hong Kong National Security Law. Conversely, a new connection is being established between Putonghua and Chinese nation at the discursive level. In media discourse since 2021, Putonghua is increasingly infused with notions of national identity and patriotism, which is a new phenomenon in Hong Kong society where Putonghua had been appreciated only for pragmatic reasons. However, as discussed above, the correspondence between SC and national identity hasn’t been established yet. To date, SC continues to carry a negative connotation- either perceived as lack of historic and cultural roots or as a trait of the mainland outgroup.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFurthermore, the study reveals that Cantonese and TC is linked to ethnic-cultural identity at local, regional and pan-China levels through their indexical meanings associated with Hong Kong, Linnan culture and Traditional Chinese culture. These broad ethnic connotations provide a foundation for their further engagement with various identity work. In terms of legitimizing identity, Cantonese and TC have long been used as cultural tool in China’s \u003cem\u003eUnited Front Strategy\u003c/em\u003e for the promotion of patriotism and nationalism. Meanwhile, Cantonese has nowadays become associated with GBA, acting as a symbolic resource for redefining the intergroup relationship between Hong Kong and Mainland China. Regarding project identity, Cantonese and TC are utilized in conceptualizing localism (or nationalism) with secessionist learnings. By emphasizing the distinctiveness of Hong Kong-style Cantonese and further developing the colloquial written Cantonese, Hong Kong activists leverage linguistic resources as symbol and strategy in their efforts to decategorize Hong Kong from China. \u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn summary, our study provides a nuanced analysis of the semiotic process through which language resources contribute to the flow of identity construction in relation to power dynamics. It demonstrates that the effective deployment of linguistic resources in conscious or unconscious identity work relies on the reinterpretation of existing language ideologies within the society in question.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe current study acknowledges its limitations: in attempting to provide a comprehensive overview of the language-in-identity landscape in Hong Kong, we were unable to include some in-depth textual analyses due to space constraints. Future research will focus on specific aspects of language-in-identity construction. It would be particularly insightful to examine the roles of English, Hong Kong-style Cantonese, and written Cantonese in shaping project identities aimed at independence. Additionally, exploring how Putonghua and SC are further engaged in legitimizing identity and reinforcing national identity would be valuable.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003ch2\u003eAuthor Contribution\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThere is only one author in this study.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eData Availability\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eData is provided within supplementary information files\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":" References","content":"\u003col\u003e\n \u003cli\u003e宋欣桥 (2013). 浅论香港普通话教育的性质与发展 (Essay on the nature and the development of Putonghua education in Hong Kong ). In 集思廣益(四輯):普通話學與教經驗分享, 227-236.Hong Kong: Hong Kong Education Bureau \u0026amp; Curriculum Development Institute.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eMingpao (2018, May 2). 教局网站载中大学者文章 指粤语非\u0026ldquo;母语\u0026rdquo;(HK Education Bureau quote a scholar\u0026rdquo;s article that says Cantonese is not \u0026ldquo;mother tongue\u0026rdquo;). http://premium.mingpao.com/cfm/Content_News.cfm?Channel=gb\u0026amp;Path=134805753364/ghc1.cfm\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eAm730. (2018, May14). 曾钰成:绝大多数港人的母语是粤语.(Jasper Tsang: Cantonese is the mother tongue for most of Hong Kong people). https://www.am730.com.hk/news/%E6%96%B0%E8%81%9E/%e6%9b%\u003cbr\u003ebe%e9%88%ba%e6%88%90%ef%bc%9a%e7%b5%95%e5%a4%a7%e5%a4%9a%e6%95\u003cbr\u003e%b8%e6%b8%af%e4%ba%ba%e7%9a%84%e6%af%8d%e8%aa%9e%e6%98%af%e7%b2%b5%e8%aa%9e-126113\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003e林大辉 (2018, May 9). 特首斥无风起浪局长母语是粤语 (The Chief Executive: the mother tongue issue is nonsense; Director of the Educational Bureau: Cantonese is mother tongue).Sing Tao Daily. http://stepaper.stheadline.com/news_content.asp?newsid=A14052.txt\u0026amp;newscat=A1\u0026amp;newsdate=2018-05-09\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eSing Tao Daily. (2018, June 6). 哈罗拟统一简体字教中文 (An international middle school plans to use SM to teach Chinese subject class ). http://stepaper.stheadline.com/news_content.asp?newsid=A02005.txt\u0026amp;newscat=A1\u0026amp;newsdate=2018-06-06\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eMingpao (2018, June 6). 【简体字风波】香港国际学校谁以繁体字教中文? (The polemic of SC: which Hong Kong-based international schools use TC to teach Chinese?). http://news.mingpao.com/ins/instantnews/web_tc/article/20180606/s00001/1528251661157.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eSing Tao Daily (2018, June 5). 发掘粤语文化之美 (Discovering the beauty of Cantonese culture). http://stepaper.stheadline.com/news_content.asp?newsid=F03201.txt\u0026amp;newscat=F\u0026amp;newsdate=2018-06-05\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eHong Kong Economic Times (2017, February 8). 陈小春撑粤语 惹网民论战 (Jordan Chan defends Cantonese, triggering debates on the Internet). http://china.hket.com/article/1656934\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eMingpao (2018, May 10). 指语文教育须检讨 港大李辉:小朋友功课多因繁体字笔划太多 操练写得辛苦. (Hong Kong \u0026ldquo;s language education needs to be reformed: scholar from Hong Kong University says too much writing in TC exhaust young kids). http://news.mingpao.com/ins/instantnews/web_tc/article/20180510/s00001/1525940928125\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eHong Kong Economic Journal (2018, June 11). 曾钰成:只懂简体字不算有十足读写能力 (Jasper Tsang: knowing only SC cannot prove a full literacy in Chinese ). http://192.168.0.5/hkejjs/2018-06-11/1863612.html\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eHong Kong Economic Journal (2019, July 24). 操普通话城大生破坏民主女神像 (Putonghua-speaking student of Hong Kong City University destroyed the Goddness of Democracy). http://www1.hkej.com/dailynews/article/id/2198775/%E6%93%8D%E6%99%\u003cbr\u003eAE%E9%80%9A%E8%A9%B1%E5%9F%8E%E5%A4%A7%E7%94%9F%E7%A0%\u003cbr\u003eB4%E5%A3%9E%E6%B0%91%E4%B8%BB%E5%A5%B3%E7%A5%9E%E5%83%8F\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eam730 (2018, September 3).内地海洋垃圾侵台港 海滩捡弃胶樽66%简体字( Rubbish from the Mainland invade the beach of Taiwan and Hong Kong: 66% discarded bottles collected have SC written package). https://www.am730.com.hk/news/%E6%96%B0%E8%81%9E/%e5%8\u003cbr\u003e5%a7%e5%9c%b0%e6%b5%b7%e6%b4%8b%e5%9e%83%e5%\u003cbr\u003e9c%be%e4%be%b5%e5%8f%b0%e6%b8%af%e6%b5%b7%e7%81%98%e6%92%bf%e6%a3\u003cbr\u003e%84%e8%86%a0%e6%a8%bd66%e7%b0%a1%e9%ab%94%e5%ad%97-140445\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eSing Tao Daily (2022, August 3) 佩洛西访台|台铁萤光幕遭黑客入侵 展现血红色简体字:伟大华夏终将统一 (Nancy Pelosi\u0026rsquo;s Taiwan visit: Taiwan Railway\u0026rsquo;s bulletin board got hacked- the appearance of \u0026ldquo;The Chinese Nation Will Eventually Reunite\u0026rdquo; written in red SC ). https://std.stheadline.com/realtime/article/1860764/%E5%8D%B3%E6%99%82-%E4%B8%AD%E5%9C%8B-%E4%BD%A9%E6%B4%9B%E8%A5%BF%E8%A8%AA%E5%8F%B0-%E5%8F%B0%E9%90%B5%E8%9E%A2%E5%85%89%E5%B9%95%E9%81%AD%E9%BB%91%E5%AE%A2%E5%85%A5%E4%BE%B5-%E5%B1%95%E7%8F%BE%E8%A1%80\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eSing Tao Daily (2018, July 3)民进党官网疑遭大陆黑客入侵现简体字标语(SC appears in DPP\u0026rdquo;s website: a sign of attack by hackers from the Mainland ). http://std.stheadline.com/instant/articles/detail/756256-%E4%B8%AD%E5%9C%8B-%E6%B0%91%E9%80%B2%E9%BB%A8%E5%AE%98%E7%B6%B2%E7%96%91%\u003cbr\u003eE9%81%AD%E5%A4%A7%E9%99%B8%E9%BB%91%E5%AE%A2%E5%85%A5\u003cbr\u003e%E4%BE%B5+%E7%8F%BE%E7%B0%A1%E9%AB%94%E5%AD%97%\u003cbr\u003eE6%A8%99%E8%AA%9E\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eBBC (2016, February 24). Hong Kong outrage over Chinese subtitle switch. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-35647861\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eSing Tao Daily (2017, September 20). 偷弃图书馆简体字书\u0026ldquo;四眼哥哥\u0026rdquo;罚款三千 (Alvin Cheng is fined 3000 HK dollars for stealing SC written book from library). http://stepaper.stheadline.com/news_content.asp?newsid=A07016.txt\u0026amp;newscat=A1\u0026amp;newsdate=2017-09-20\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eOriental Daily News (2020, September 2). 反普通话教学 传内蒙古学生冲破封锁抗议 (Anti-PMI education: students from Inner Mongalia are reportedly fighting for their right against the decision of authority). https://orientaldaily.on.cc/cnt/china_world/20200902/00178_013.html\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eSing Tao Daily (2022, August 3). 佩洛西访台|台铁萤光幕遭黑客入侵 展现血红色简体字:伟大华夏终将统一 (Nancy Pelosi\u0026rdquo;s visit to Taiwan: the network of Taiwan\u0026rdquo;s railway station is attacked by hackers with red color SC saying that \u0026ldquo;the Great Chinese Nation will eventually reunite again\u0026rdquo;) https://std.stheadline.com/realtime/article/1860764/%E5%8D%B3%E6%99%82-%E4%B8%AD%E5%9C%8B-%E4%BD%A9%E6%B4%9B%E8%A5%BF%E8%A8%AA%E5%8F%B0-%E5%8F%B0%E9%90%B5%E8%9E%A2%E5%85%89%E5%B9%95%E9%81%AD%E9%BB%91%E5%AE%A2%E5%85%A5%E4%BE%B5-%E5%B1%95%E7%8F%BE%E8%A1%80\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eSing Tao Daily (2021, September 5). 抵台\u0026ldquo;复必泰\u0026rdquo;疫苗包装药瓶有简体字 ( The BioNTech vaccine exported to Taiwan have SC in the package). https://stepaper.stheadline.com/article/271853132201665/%E4%B8%AD%E5%9C%8B-%E6%8A%B5%E5%8F%B0-%E5%BE%A9%E5%BF%85%E6%B3%B0-%E7%96%AB%E8%8B%97%E5%8C%85%E8%A3%9D%E8%97%A5%E7%93%B6%E6%9C%89%E7%B0%A1%E9%AB%94%E5%AD%97\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eMingpao (2021, June 3). 教育部倡港\u0026ldquo;明确\u0026rdquo;普通话简体字法律地位 吁普通话融入考评体系 教局:中小学已设科 (The Ministry of Education suggest that the legal status of Putonghua and SM should be clarified and Putonghua education should be better integrated into the evaluation and examination system). https://news.mingpao.com/pns/%e8%a6%81%e8%81%9e/article/20210603/s00001/\u003cbr\u003e1622657295976/%e6%95%99%e8%82%b2%e9%83%a8%e5%80%a1%e6%b8%af%e3%\u003cbr\u003e80%8c%\u003cbr\u003ee6%98%8e%e7%a2%ba%e3%80%8d%e6%99%ae%e9%80%9a%e8%a9%b1%e7%\u003cbr\u003eb0%a1%e9%ab%94%e5%ad%97%e6%b3%95%e5%be%8b%e5%9c%b0%e4%bd\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eTa Kung Pao (2019, June 30). 外交部驻港特派员公署粤语发文撑警 (The Commissioner\u0026rdquo;s Office of China\u0026rdquo;s Foreign Ministry in Hong Kong post in Cantonese to support the Hong Kong Police). http://www.takungpao.com.hk/hongkong/text/2019/0630/312977.html\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eWen Wei Po (2021, October 28). 粤语栋笃笑风靡大湾区 传播粤式幽默文化 (Cantonese stand-up comedy become popular in GBA and promote the culture of humor in the Cantonese-style). https://www.wenweipo.com/a/202110/28/AP617a6bdce4b0c0f6bc923cd0.html\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eTa Kung Pao (2020, January 15). 携手外闯 筹备湾区影视联盟 推粤语片\u0026ldquo;出海\u0026rdquo;( Artists from GBA work in collaboration to promote Cantonese films to the world ). http://117.122.212.150/a.php?f=20200115/jj-75.txt\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eTa Kung Pao (2020, Mars 21). 向雪怀:大湾区让粤语音乐人有落脚点 能再放眼世界. (XIANG Xuehuai : GBA gives Cantonese musicians a foothold and the possibility of embracing the bigger world ). http://www.takungpao.com.hk/hongkong/text/2019/0321/265636.html\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eChin, Win (2011). 香港城邦論 (Discussion on Hong Kong city-state). Hong Kong: Enrich Publishing.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eChin, Win (2014). 香港城邦论II\u0026mdash;\u0026mdash;光复本土 (Discussion on Hong Kong city-state , volume II : Revitalization of the local). Hong Kong: Enrich Publishing.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eUndergrad (2014). 香港民族论 (Essai sur la nation de Hong Kong). Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Students\u0026rdquo; Union.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eThe definition is written on the preface of the book.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eUndergrad (2017). 香港新文學運動 (Hong Kong New Literature Movement). Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Students\u0026rdquo; Union.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eWu, Shang (2017). 香港新文學運動指引芻議 (Suggestions on Hong Kong New Literature Movement). In 香港新文學運動 Hong Kong New Literature Movement, 54-61. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Students\u0026rdquo; Union.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBibliographic references\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003col\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eBacon-Shone, J., Bolton, K.\u0026amp; Luke, K. (2015). Language Use, Proficiency and Attitudes in Hong Kong. Hong Kong: Social Sciences Research Centre, The University of Hong Kong.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eBrown, R. (2000). Social Identity Theory: past achievement, current problems and future challenges. European Journal of Social Psychology, 30(6): 745-778.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eCalhoun, C. (1993). Nationalism and Ethnicity. Annual Review of Sociology, vol. 19, 211-239.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eCastell, M. (2010).\u0026nbsp;The power of identity (second edition). Wiley-Blackwell, 2011.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eEdwards, J. G. H. (2019). The Politics of English in Hong Kong: Attitudes, Identity and Use. Oxon, New York: Routledge.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eEdwards, J. G. H. (2019). The Politics of English in Hong Kong: Attitudes, Identity and Use. Oxon, New York: Routledge.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eEvans, David (2015). Introduction. In Evans David (ed) Language and Identity: Discourse in the world, 3-15. London\u0026amp; New York: Bloomsbury Academic.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eFong, Brian C.H. (2022). Diaspora formation and mobilisation: The emerging Hong Kong diaspora in the anti-extradition bill movement. Nations and Nationalism, 28: 1061-1079.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eGu, Mingyue (2014). From opposition to transcendence: The language practices and ideologies of students in a multilingual university. International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism, 17(3): 310-329.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eGuo, Quanjiang et al.(2020). Identity performance and language policing in Hong Kong\u0026rsquo;s media. Discourse, Context \u0026amp; Media, 38(2020), 100444.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eHong Kong Census and Statistics Department (2011, 2016, 2021). Population Census. https://www.censtatd.gov.hk/en/\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eHong Kong Public Opinion Research Institute. Categorial Ethnic Identity (1997-2022). https://www.pori.hk/pop-poll/ethnic-identity-en/q001.html?lang=en.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eHornsey, M. (2008). Social Identity Theory and Self-categorization theory: a historical review. Social and personal Psychology Compass, 2(1): 204-222.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eHyland, K. (1997). Language attitudes at the handover: Communication and identity in 1997 Hong Kong. English World-Wide, 18(2): 191\u0026ndash;210.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eJohnstone, Andrus and Danielson (2006). Mobility, indexicality and the enregisterment of \u0026ldquo;Pittsburghese\u0026rdquo; . Journal of English Linguistics, 34(2), 77-104.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eJoseph, J. E. (2004). Language and Identity: National, Ethnic, Religious. Hampshire, New York: Palgrave Macmillan.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eLai, Mee Ling. (2001). Hong Kong Students\u0026rdquo; Attitudes towards Cantonese, Putonghua and English after the Change of Sovereignty. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development, 22(2), 111-133.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eLai, Mee Ling. (2011) Cultural identity and language attitudes \u0026ndash; into the second decade of postcolonial Hong Kong. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development, 32(3): 249-264.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eLai, Mee Ling. (2011) Cultural identity and language attitudes \u0026ndash; into the second decade of postcolonial Hong Kong. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development, 32(3): 249-264.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eLi, David. (2017). Multilingual Hong Kong: Languages, Literacies and Identities. Switzerland: Springer.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003ePennington, M. \u0026amp; Yue, F. (1994). English and Chinese in Hong Kong: pre-1997 language attitudes.\u0026nbsp;World Englishes, 13(1): 1-20.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003ePierson, H., Fu, G.S., \u0026amp; Lee, S.Y. (1980). An analysis of the relationship between language attitudes and English attainment of secondary school students in Hong Kong. Language Learning, 30(2), 289-305.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003ePoon, Anita Y.K. (2010). Language use, and language policy and planning in Hong Kong, Current Issues in Language Planning, 11(1): 1-66.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eSilverstein, M. (2003). Indexical order and the dialectics of sociolinguistic life. Language \u0026amp; Communication, 23: 193-229.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eShao, Qing (2016). Keeping the policy window closed: framing Putonghua as a medium of instruction in Hong Kong. The\u0026nbsp;Asia-Pacific\u0026nbsp;Education Researcher, 25(5\u0026ndash;6):771\u0026ndash;779.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eShum, P. L. et al. (2023). The effects of large-scale social movements on language attitudes: Cantonese and Mandarin in Hong Kong. Journal of Language and Social Psychology, 42: 249-274.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eSnow, D. (2004). Cantonese as written language: The growth of a written Chinese vernacular. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eSwidler, A. (1986). Culture in action: Symbols and strategies. American sociological review, 273-286.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"},{"header":"Tables","content":"\u003cp\u003eTables 1 to 6 are available in the Supplementary Files section\u003c/p\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":true,"hideJournal":true,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"
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