Cultural Dislocation and Alienation Experienced by Black Children in Transracial Placements: Community Level Risk and Protective Factors from the Perspectives of Their Caregivers

Cultural Dislocation and Alienation Experienced by Black Children in Transracial Placements: Community Level Risk and Protective Factors from the Perspectives of Their Caregivers | Research Square window.SnipcartSettings = { analytics: { enabled: false } }; (function() { var accessVector = localStorage.getItem('access_vector') || ''; window.dataLayer = window.dataLayer || []; if (accessVector) { window.dataLayer.push({ user: { profile: { profileInfo: { snid: accessVector } } } }); } })(); (function(w,d,s,l,i){w[l]=w[l]||[];w[l].push({'gtm.start':new Date().getTime(),event:'gtm.js'});var f=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],j=d.createElement(s),dl=l!='dataLayer'?'&l='+l:'';j.async=true;j.src='https://www.googletagmanager.com/gtm.js?id='+i+dl;f.parentNode.insertBefore(j,f);})(window,document,'script','dataLayer','GTM-K279D39R'); Browse Preprints In Review Journals COVID-19 Preprints AJE Video Bytes Research Tools Research Promotion AJE Professional Editing AJE Rubriq About Preprint Platform In Review Editorial Policies Our Team Advisory Board Help Center Sign In Submit a Preprint Cite Share Download PDF Research Article Cultural Dislocation and Alienation Experienced by Black Children in Transracial Placements: Community Level Risk and Protective Factors from the Perspectives of Their Caregivers Heather Fox, Robin LaSota, Jennifer Manthei, Eunjee Song, Chequita Brown, and 2 more This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-7086176/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract Transracial foster placements often disrupt Black children's cultural socialization, impacting their cultural-racial identity development. Through this study we explored what resources are most needed to support healthy cultural-racial identity development among Black youth in substitute care, especially those in transracial placements. We applied a socio-ecological perspective to the risk and resilience framework to understand risks and protective factors for the cultural-racial identity development of Black children in care. Participants were 17 white and 15 Black caregivers of at least one Black child aged 5–17 in substitute care in central Illinois. One in-depth interview was conducted with each caregiver. A priori and emergent codes were used to double-code all interview data, and consensus was obtained on all applied codes. Within the community level, caregivers highlighted five risk factors and two protective factors that impact cultural-racial identity development for Black children in care. Risks include cultural-racial isolation in predominantly white communities, barriers to providing culturally appropriate hair and skin care, and cultural alienation in transracial placements. Highlighted protective factors are community resources for cultural socialization for Black children in transracial placements and community resources that support the cultural competency of transracial caregivers. Positive cultural-racial socialization for Black children and youth requires careful consideration of the community context of the foster home and caregiver access to, and engagement in, culturally affirming resources for Black racial identity development. Further research is needed to explore the long-term impacts of cultural socialization efforts on Black youth in transracial placements. Highlights Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 32 (15 Black and 17 white) caregivers, caring for Black child in care in central Illinois. Describes how cultural dislocation and cultural alienation threaten healthy racial identity development for Black youth in care. Highlights the role of the community in supporting cultural socialization and racial identify development. Identifies resources needed by same-race and transracial caregivers to support positive racial identity development for Black youth. Introduction Across the United States, it is not uncommon for children in substitute care in child welfare to be placed into transracial foster homes where their caregivers’ race(s) and ethnicity are different than their own. Despite the adoption of the Multiethnic Placement Act of 1994, many child welfare systems' efforts for diligent foster family recruitment have been rated as needing improvement, particularly concerning recruiting culturally diverse foster and adoptive parents (Office of the Assistant Secretary, 2020 ). In fact, 28% of all adoptions from child welfare in the United States between 2017 and 2019 were transracial, and 90% of those involved children of color (Kalisher et al., 2020 ). An analysis of the Illinois Department of Children and Family Services’ placement data found that in August of 2022, 27.5% of all children in out-of-home, non-relative placements were living in transracial homes (Fox et al., 2023 ). A substantially larger proportion of Black children (42.5%, n = 1,170) than white children (14.1%, n = 463) were living in transracial homes (Fox et al., 2023 ). Further, this analysis showed that high rates of transracial placement were common for Black youth across the state, with many of the highest rates being located throughout the Central region of the state. Studies have found that children in substitute care who are placed in homes with same-race parents are more likely to have higher placement stability and higher levels of mental health resilience and social well-being (LaBrenz et al., 2022 ; Anderson & Linares, 2012 ). This may be in part because placement in non-relative transracial foster homes for most Black children in substitute care involves disruptions to their cultural socialization and experiences of cultural dislocation. Cultural socialization “refers to the developmental processes through which children learn about histories and traditions of a culture, acquire cultural beliefs and values, and develop positive attitudes toward that culture” (Wang & Benner, 2017 , p. 2). Cultural dislocation is “the removal of a person from a location organized by a particular set of cultural practices and placing them in another location organized by a substantially different set of cultural practices” (Danjani, 2018, p.18). Cultural-racial social isolation is a consequence of separation from same-race social structures and networks that provide the child with behavioral patterns, feedback, material and emotional support, as well as opportunities and resources to cope with the adverse effects of stress (Gracia & Musitu, 2003 ; Nguyen et al., 2022 ). Further, cultural dislocation and disruptions in racial-cultural social isolation can lead to cultural alienation (Krishnappa, 2020 ). Cultural alienation refers to the process of devaluing or abandoning one's own culture or cultural background. A person who is culturally alienated “places little value on their culture and instead hungers for that of an imposed colonizing nation" (Krishnappa, 2020 , p. 1262). One of the research questions we addressed was, “What are the primary risks to cultural and racial identity development of Black children and youth in care?” This analysis seeks to explore the risk of cultural alienation related to the cultural dislocation of Black children placed in transracial placements in predominantly white communities. This focus on the community level acknowledges that cultural dislocation is not limited to the home and family environments. Instead, it extends to neighborhoods, schools, churches, providers, and other community-based systems that the child experiences. As such, this analysis explores the role of the community in threatening and supporting the healthy racial identity development of Black children in substitute care. Methods Since the goal is to understand race-related concerns of foster parents raising Black children and provide guidance to materials that support an anti-racist approach to foster caregiving, interviews with caregivers were determined to be the best vehicle for gathering this type of information. The study focused on caregivers living in Central Illinois due to the prevalence of transracial placements, variation among urban and rural communities, and inequitable socio-economic outcomes among Black Americans in Central Illinois. The study engaged the expert guidance of a broad-based team of advisors in every research stage. This includes representatives from key areas of system resources, policy, and practices interested in mitigating risks and supporting the racial identity development of Black children and youth in need of substitute care. The Institutional Review Boards at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign (IRB24-0278) and the Illinois Department of Children and Family Services approved this research, and all participants were provided with written informed consent. 5.1 Data Collection and Analysis Participants were both Black and white caregivers who lived in Central Illinois and were caring for at least one Black child (or multi-racial child including Black race) aged 5–17. Participants were identified using administrative data from the Illinois Department of Children and Family Services (DCFS). Invitations were sent via the United States Postal Service and text messaging. Caregivers signed up for the study via an online sign-up form, which also provided demographic information about themselves and the children in their homes and indicated if they wanted to participate in virtual or in-person interviews. To ensure the validity of the data to be collected, their status as a current caregiver was validated through a cross-check with administrative data. In total, 15 Black and 17 white caregivers participated in semi-structured interviews lasting between 60 and 90 minutes. The protocols were customized for each racial group to reflect the different positionality and expertise that each group could offer. Caregivers were interviewed by someone with a similar racial background (e.g., Black caregivers were interviewed by Black interviewers, and white caregivers were interviewed by white interviewers). Interviews were recorded with the consent of participants and professionally transcribed. Alternative names, as selected by the caregivers, were used in all transcripts, analyses, and reporting related to the study. Caregivers were provided with a $ 60 gift card as compensation for their participation. Following the five phases of analysis outlined by Bingham ( 2023 ) and Bingham and Witkowsky ( 2022 ), the team worked collaboratively through iterations of analysis, refining the findings over time with each iteration. Transcripts of the interviews were coded in a two-stage process. The first stage utilized simultaneous coding to apply the risk and resilience framework and ecological domains. This resulted in code reports of all risk and protective factors to Black cultural-racial identity development and promotive factors for child well-being, delineated by the ecological domains of family, community, system, and society levels. For the second stage, the code reports were iteratively coded to apply a combination of a priori and emergent codes. The research team worked collaboratively throughout the double-blind coding process for each phase of coding, working collectively to organize, sort, code, reconcile, and understand the data, to interpret the data, and to explain it. 5.2 Theory This study applied the risk and resilience framework to caregiver and parenting supports for the racial identity development of children and youth in substitute care. Risk and resilience theory is a framework for understanding how individuals, families, communities, and systems can adapt, recover, and even thrive while facing adversity. In the context of child welfare, resilience theory offers a valuable framework for understanding and promoting positive outcomes for children and families involved in the child welfare system, which includes cases of abuse, neglect, or other forms of maltreatment. Determinants of resilience include a wide range of biological, psychological, social, and cultural factors (Southwick et al., 2014 ). These determinants of resilience are contextual and occur in different ecological domains (individual, family, community, systems, and society). This analysis focuses specifically on community-level risk and protective factors related to cultural dislocation and alienation experienced by Black children in transracial placements. Mott-Stenfanidi (2014) argues that the Risk and Resilience Framework “allows a developmental, contextualized, process-oriented, and dynamic approach to describing and explaining positive identity trajectories” (p. 472). In this study, racial and cultural identity development is situated in socio-economic domains that have the potential to suppress identity development or support it through cultural resilience. Cultural resilience moves the focus from building an individual’s ability to cope against adversity to addressing the “society-level odds stacked against individuals that block their opportunities to achieve a better future” and builds toward structural resilience, where society has systems that facilitate positive outcomes for individuals and families (Southwick et al., 2014 , p.6). Following the risk and resilience framework, the results presented are separated into risk and protective factors. Risk factors can reflect traumatic experiences, adversities, barriers to resources, etc. The Child Welfare Information Gateway (2002) describes risk factors as the “conditions, events, or circumstances that increase a family’s chances of poor outcomes, including child abuse and neglect” (p. 2). Protective factors, in this study, are defined as assets that mitigate risk and promote the positive racial identity development of the child. The Child Welfare Information Gateway describes protective factors as the “strengths that help to buffer and support families” (2020, p. 1). Protective factors can include community support, educational opportunities, mental health services, and parental support. Results – Risk Factors for Black Children in Transracial Placements Caregivers shared stories that illustrated Black children experiencing cultural isolation and alienation after experiencing cultural dislocation and being placed in transracial homes in predominantly white communities. This section highlights cases where children, especially those placed in communities with minimal cultural representation, had limited opportunities to engage with Black adults and peers. Caregivers highlighted five risk factors for the cultural-racial identity development of Black children experiencing cultural dislocation: a) cultural-racial isolation in predominately white communities, b) cultural-racial isolation in educational settings, c) lack of opportunities to interact with Black professionals, d) barriers to providing culturally appropriate hair care, and e) cultural alienation in transracial placements. 6.1 Cultural-Racial Isolation in Predominately White Communities Six of the white caregivers described their communities as lacking diversity and being predominantly white. Three of these caregivers had recently moved to predominantly white neighborhoods while caring for at least one Black child. One of these caregivers, Beck, shared how she felt her son struggles living in a predominantly white community. We decided we were going to adopt him, so we had to get a bigger house. …Everybody that lives in our subdivision is White. He struggles with it. — Beck Victoria shared that their community was predominantly white and had historical associations with the Ku Klux Klan. Our city has been known in the past as a racist community. I am not from [City Name], but my husband told me stories that his grandmother had a picture of a sign that hung on the bridge that said, "Welcome to [City Name]," with three Ks. — Victoria Three white caregivers shared their concerns about the cultural isolation of the Black children as a result of being placed into predominantly white communities. Lily shared how she wished there were Black people in her community for her child to interact with. She said, “I wish there was a community of Black people in the area that we could introduce them to because my Black friends don't live in this area anymore.” Ann shared that “all children from different races need positive role models and mentors from their culture.” Ann shared that she had requested Black males as mentors for her two Black sons but had not received this support. Darcy shared why having role models for children of color is essential: As kids get older, you want to make sure that they get examples of their culture and that they have people and positive role models in their lives who look like them so that they know... what they can aspire to. For example, if they see a successful doctor or a successful poet, then they can look forward and dream. — Darcy Two white caregivers shared that their churches lacked diversity. Kate shared that their church is in “a pretty white town… there’s not much racial diversity there.” Marie shared her family's explained that the larger primarily white churches in her community were not welcoming or safe places for her Black children. Some of the more conservative congregations are the larger churches that do all the mega fun, big things for kids, but they're also very heavily white churches. There's not much open-mindedness there. — Marie 6.2 Cultural-Racial Isolation in Educational Settings Caregivers talked about the racial makeup of the teachers and staff at their children's schools and the demographics of the students at those schools, contributing to cultural isolation. This section reflects their observations of the cultural-racial representation of teachers, school staff, and peers and the related cultural-racial isolation experienced by the Black children in their care. Four of the white caregivers indicated that there were no Black teachers in at least one of their Black children’s schools. One of these caregivers indicated that there was a Black wrestling coach and two biracial teachers in their children’s entire school district. Another caregiver indicated that they had one Black child in a school with “mostly brand-new white teachers out of college” and another where “maybe only a fourth [of teachers] were African American” despite a much higher proportion of the students being Black. Three of the Black caregivers (JuJu, Israel, and PDules) shared why they feel it is important for Black children to have access to Black teachers. Israel’s comment below illustrates this sentiment from a Black caregiver’s perspective: We need more Black educators… Who can relate to the work for our kids? It would be a better situation, and they'd make the kids more successful. — Israel Several white caregivers indicated that there were few Black children in their children's classes, and some of their children did not show an interest in engaging in Black friendships. This was even true in a couple of cases where the caregiver indicated that there were Black peers at their school or church. One white caregiver, Matt, admitted that he did not know if there were other Black children in the elementary school that his Black child attended. Simply stating, “I haven’t noticed.” Lily shared that one of her Black children was the only Black child in their class. Tyrus shared that his daughter “has one or two” Black children in her class. This was only the case because he had requested the school place “her in a class that was a little bit more diverse.” Kate shared her observations on how being the only Black child in the school impacted the children in her care. Seeing them [her Black children] alienate themselves from their race… Most of their classmates had long blonde hair, and they just wanted that. Yeah, I just recognized that they were out of their element. — Kate Darcy, another white caregiver, had a similar observation that all of her Black daughter’s closest friends were white. When Darcy was asked if her daughter had Black friends, she replied, “I would say it's the opposite. Even at church, I would say her closest friends are white.” Victoria and Ben, a white caregiving couple, indicated that there were a “handful” of Black children in their Black son’s school. But their son “Hasn't found any other Black kids at school.” Israel, a Black caregiver, described his frustration about the burden placed on caregivers when a Black child is placed in a predominantly white community. Specifically, caregivers are then faced with the choice to either have to raise a child who is racially isolated and alienated or have “to send them to a school that is not in their district and figure out how to get them there.” He argued for the necessity to consider the foster home’s community context to meet the child’s racial-cultural needs and not to place an undue burden on the caregivers or the children. 6.3 Lack of Opportunities to Interact with Black Professionals Caregivers shared their concerns that Black children in transracial placements have limited access to Black professionals, including caseworkers, mentors, physical and dental health providers, and barbers and hair stylists. The caregivers in this section reinforce the importance of children having positive interactions with community members from their same cultural-racial group. Multiple white and Black caregivers commented on how all their caseworkers were white. Most of the Black children in our caregivers’ homes were not cared for by a Black physician or dentist. Ten of the white caregivers indicated that their Black children are not cared for by a Black medical or dental provider. Two of these white caregivers, Eileen and Darcy, indicated that they thought it would be beneficial if their Black children had access to Black medical providers. Eileen shared, “That would be great. I don't know if that’s realistic here.” 6.4 Barriers to Providing Culturally Appropriate Hair Care for Black Children Caregivers shared two types of barriers to providing culturally appropriate hair care for the Black children in their care. The first was accessing Black barbers and hairstylists. The second was a lack of resources to help to learn to care for Black hair. The three challenges with accessing Black barbers and hair stylists were: a) identifying Black barbers and hair stylists, b) the travel distance, and c) service and product costs. Several white caregivers described challenges locating and accessing Black barbers and hair stylists, although a couple felt that Black barbers were more accessible than Black hair stylists. Several white caregivers, like Marie, described asking Black community members for referrals to Black salons and barbers. I have a Black friend who is raising her granddaughter. I asked her, 'Your granddaughter’s hair always looks so nice... Where do you guys go?' She gave me the name of a place, and she gave me their card. — Marie Many white caregivers, especially those who live in smaller communities, raised the challenge of traveling to access Black barbers and hairstylists. Matt and Marie reported traveling 45 minutes to the closest Black barber/hair stylist. Linda shared that the travel distance to the closest salon was “not feasible” for their family. Costs and lack of educational resources were substantial barriers for nearly every white caregiver. The following quote from Nancy, a white caregiver, highlights these barriers. Right now, she has box braids that cost $ 400… I feel like I can't tell her no because I know that hair is important in Black culture. I know there are reasons behind it and meaning behind it, but at the same time, $ 400, a lot of money… I don't know how to navigate finding the balance. As a white woman, how can I talk to her about the meaning behind Black hairstyles and their historical significance… I wish there were more resources for learning how to do her hair, learning how to take care of it, and learning how to talk to her about its significance. — Nancy 6.5 Cultural Alienation Observed by Caregivers of Black Children in Transracial Placements Five caregivers described observations and signs that the children in their care were experiencing cultural alienation. They described their children as disinterested or even having an aversion. developing relationships with Black adults or other Black children. Jessica, a white caregiver, shared a story where her young Black child indicated a desire to be white. We went to a friend's house, and they had a little girl who was her age, and she's white. And on the way back, she commented, “I wish I was white.” …That comment made me think I need to be more aware of making sure she isn’t the only Black kid in her class or team. — Jessica Lily, a white caregiver, shared that her adolescent Black son expressed an aversion to socializing with other Black individuals. Our 14-year-old [Black] son told us that he doesn't feel comfortable around Black people... He says that he identifies more with white people… He said he’s intimidated by adult Black people. — Lily Results – Protective Factors that Support Cultural-Racial Identity Development for Black Children Caregivers discussed two types of protective factors that support cultural-racial identity development for Black children in care. These protective factors are: a) opportunities provided by the community that facilitate cultural socialization for Black children in transracial placements, and b) community resources and relationships that support the cultural competency of transracial caregivers. 7.1 Cultural Socialization This first section focuses on cultural socialization through group activities and events, Black role models, Black mentors, and other Black relationships. There were 46 examples of cultural socialization across 17 interviews with white caregivers and 22 examples across 12 interviews with Black caregivers. This section is divided into three conceptual areas, specifically a) Black barbers and Black stylists as cultural liaisons for Black children, b) Black role models and mentors providing cultural socialization for Black children, and c) cultural engagement for Black children at predominantly Black churches. 7.1.1 Black Barbers and Black Stylists as Cultural Liaisons for Black Children The most common sources of cultural socialization discussed by caregivers were Black barbers and Black hairstylists. Black caregivers highlighted the importance of barbers and stylists who serve Black children, emphasizing the advantage of Black people performing hair care for Black children. Tia summed their sentiments up by saying, "Black Barbers matter, as far as the hair techs are going. I'm sorry. And that's not racism… Now, you can take a white kid to a Black barber. You cannot take a Black kid to a white barber.” Several white caregivers discussed learning that most white barbers and stylists do not have the skills necessary to cut or style Black hair. Matt shared that it was his son who taught him this. I gave him some money for him to walk across the street to go to that barber, and he came back saying, "I'm not having a White barber touch my hair." And I said, "That's fine. We'll have to find someone Black and make an appointment." — Matt Beck shared the consequences of taking her son to a white barber and the difference it made having a Black barber take care of her sons. We've changed now to a Black barber. At first, we went to the white barber who cut my youngest [white] son's hair. My oldest [Black] would get in-grown hairs terribly. I felt awful for him. Now, my youngest son and husband go to a Black barber. They all go together. My oldest’s hair is so much better. It's good for him because the barber sits and talks to him, "Man, you got to pick your hair." He tells him how to do things and jokes with him. He's a positive male remodel for him. — Beck In addition to the role models that barbers and stylists provided for these youth caregivers described that these spaces provided cultural socialization. LynnC observed how her son was learning about his culture through observation in these spaces. He picks up on what they have on their shoes, clothes, and their haircuts. A little bit of culture. "Hey, I kind of want my hair like that." So maybe there are some silent influences. - LynnC 7.1.2 Black Role Models and Mentors Providing Cultural Socialization for Black Children White caregivers described how important it was for their Black children to have Black mentors and role models. The caregivers featured in this section agreed that having Black role models and mentors was essential for their Black children's cultural-racial development. Darcy shared, “Ideally, I do think it is important for children of color to have role models who look like them, and that's not always possible.” Nancy shared how her daughter did not appear to bond with her first mentor, who was white, highlighting the contrast now that she has a Black mentor. This mentor really seems to be working out. I think it's some factor of the mentor looking like her [being Black], but also taking her out and doing things in the community. It's just like they're having fun together, and then they're also talking about those things. — Nancy Caregivers described how their children benefited from engaging with Black adult role models and mentors from DCFS, school, sports, and mentorship programs. Like Nancy, Eileen described how her daughter bonded to a Black mentor assigned through Illinois DCFS’s Intensive Placement Stabilization services. This relationship helped them better understand their daughter’s needs while assisting her through a rough period in her development. She had a Black female mentor through Intensive Placement Services… Turns out she needs a very structured schedule, and we didn't know that… They went out on outings once every two weeks for six months. — Eileen Two white caregivers, Kate and Peter, discussed how they encouraged their children to engage in sports, in part because it provides them an opportunity to engage with Black leaders and Black peers. Kate described how two of her children participated in track, which allowed them to interact with two Black male role models. We put the older two in a track program. It's run by two very strong Black men in the community. I did that because I did not see a lot of Black men stepping up and mentoring the next generation, and I wanted them to see strong Black men. — Kate Peter described how his son's participation in football and wrestling provided him with racial socialization with Black coaches and peers. He played football. His football coaches, there were four of them, were all Black. The majority of the team was Black, too... He's a wrestler, too. Two of the [wrestling] coaches are either Black or mixed-race… so he gets to experience diversity. — Peter 7.1.3 Cultural Engagement for Black Children at Predominantly Black Churches Ten caregivers, five white and five Black, talked about the church being a place where Black children can find Black role models, mentors, and peers. White caregivers mentioned the representation of Black peers in their congregations, Sunday schools, and activities. For example, Linda, a white caregiver, spoke about the support her family received from the church, including the support of several Black church members. Most of our social group is tied to our church. That's where my husband works. When we brought the girls in, most of them were instantly accepting, supportive, and asking, ‘How can we help?’... And we also have several African Americans within the church who are like, ‘Hey, do they need hair stuff? What do they need?’ — Linda 7.2 Community Resources and Relationships that Support the Cultural Competency of Transracial Caregivers This section highlights resources and relationships that foster the child’s racial identity by supporting the caregivers’ cultural competency. This section focuses on individuals who work directly with caregivers to provide advice around cultural topics and resources that caregivers tap into to learn cultural competency skills. There were 28 examples of community resources and relationships that support the cultural competency of transracial caregivers across 12 interviews with white caregivers and 11 examples across eight interviews with Black caregivers. This section is divided into two conceptual areas: a) white caregivers receiving education on culturally appropriate hair care services, and b) mentors assisting caregivers in building their cultural competence. 7.2.1 White Caregivers Receiving Education on Culturally Appropriate Hair Care Services Overwhelmingly, the most common resources referenced by both white and Black caregivers were those related to providing culturally appropriate hair care services for Black children in the care of white caregivers. This section focused on resources and services that educate caregivers to care for the hair of the Black children in their care, including a) appropriate products to use, b) how to access Black stylists and barbers, c) maintaining healthy hair, d) maintaining hairstyles set by professionals, and e) hairstyles practices and skills. Black acquaintances were an important source of information for two of the white caregivers. Similarly, Granny, a Black caregiver, related her experience of being asked about hair care by a white caregiver who was caring for her grandson. They took my grandson to get his haircut, and they said, ‘Well, okay, well, where do we go?" They started naming these places I had never heard of – Click Cuts or something. ‘No, no, no, no, we can't go there.’ She said, ‘What do you mean? They're just cutting it?’ ‘Yep. They'll cut it wrong, though.’ I had to describe the differences in the barber shops… and that it takes way more time to get hair done as a Black person than it does as a White person. — Granny Kate, a white caregiver, got assistance from the Jamaican cook at her children’s school: “She taught me a lot about hair, including how to do relaxers.” Nancy, a white caregiver, was coached by her 13-year-old’s Black daycare provider after struggling to teach herself using YouTube. I did ask her daycare provider at one point, ‘Do you know how to braid or anything? Can you show me? Because I'm trying to watch these YouTube videos, but I need someone to really help me out in person with feedback and specifics about [the child’s] hair texture and all of that.’— Kate Marie, a white caregiver, took a more relationship-based approach. She explained how she tapped the expertise of her Black daycare provider to care for her daughter’s hair. One of the providers at the daycare is Black. She said, ‘Hey, I love her, I love her hair. Can I just fool with it while she's here?’ And so, she gets a cute little fresh style every week while she's at daycare. — Marie Black stylists and barbers were a key resource for learning for white caregivers. This training happened in three different ways: a) informally while the stylist or barber served the child, b) through individual lessons, or c) through group classes. Charles, a white caregiver, described his wife learning hairstyling techniques by watching the stylist. He stated, "She's watching them do it so she can do it herself." Another white caregiver, Linda, described two stylists who provided their professional advice to her. I took them to get their homecoming hairstyle done. And while I was in there, I was like, ‘Okay, what do they need? How long should these styles last?’ I was like, ‘What should I do?’ They're very open and willing to be like, ‘Well, let me tell you. Here's how you do this, here's this and this.’ It's been nice that everyone's so willing to step up and help as long as you're willing to admit you need help. — Linda Darcy described receiving individual lessons from a Black stylist who offers these lessons to white caregivers with transracial placements. We tried to get our daughter in before school and had to go somewhere else because it was so full… If I remember correctly, I think it was a newsletter from our agency…. It [the stylist’s website] says that she's a resource in providing hair care to foster and adoptive families. She wanted to combine her talent for providing superior hair care services with a dedication to supporting families in the foster care system. — Darcy Four white caregivers shared that they participated in classes on caring for and styling Black hair. Tyrus and Jessica attended classes provided by the same stylist. Tyrus shared that his daughter got her hair done by a Black stylist who focuses on educating white people on how to do Black hair. She [the stylist] hosts classes at different times throughout the year. She has a Facebook page, and she posts YouTube videos on her YouTube channel. — Tyrus Jessica shared her motivation to attend classes on Black hair care. Hair care is super important because your appearance gives you confidence... Especially for little Black girls, if their hair isn't being taken care of… [It would be] hard for them to feel proud to be Black. As a white foster parent, it's your responsibility to figure out what to do. — Jessica LynnC learned haircare skills through a class facilitated by her agency. She [the instructor] had been in foster care, and she is a hairdresser. She would come in twice a year, and we would have a foster parent support group. She would teach African American hair care to everyone in the support group – white and Black, it doesn't matter... I learned from her… I can't do anything fancy. I can't do cornrows. But I can make sure their hair is moisturized and brushed out. I can do twisties. I can do the basics. — LynnC Three of our Black caregivers described providing classes to white caregivers on how to care for Black hair. Renett, a trained stylist, was asked to provide a class by her local agency. She shared, “I have been asked by our company [agency] to come in and teach some of the White families how to take care of Black kids' hair, or even mixed kids' hair, because sometimes they don't know how to take care of them either.” JuJu provided classes as part of her job. I did this thing called Haircare Day so that white foster parents could bring kids in to get their hair done and things… It was something I was passionate about because the agency I work for has a lot of white parents who have Black children. I’d see them come in, their hair not done, ashy skin… I knew many of them probably didn't know how to keep their children’s hair and skin. — JuJu Ms. Kay initiated a conversation with her caseworker, which resulted in her providing a class on Black haircare for white caregivers. I asked, ‘Can I just educate people on what to do?’ Because I know if I got questions about how to do this white baby's hair, they've got to have questions about how to do those Black babies’ hair. And she was like, ‘You know what, that will be a good idea.’ They got in touch with a local church, and I had the space to do it… They had these monthly foster parent gatherings where they could ask as many questions as they wanted. — Ms. Kay Challenges in providing hair care for the Black children in their care were a ubiquitous challenge among white caregivers. They sought out varied sources to learn how to care for their Black children’s hair, depending on what was available to them. In contrast, several Black caregivers in our sample have provided either coaching or classes on Black hair care for white caregivers. 7.2.2 Mentors Assisting Caregivers to Build Their Cultural Competence This section explores the relationship where white caregivers seek out knowledge and advice on racial topics from other adults. This is rarely described as mentorship by the caregivers, as many of these relationships are informal and reciprocal (e.g., foster support groups; two caregivers of children of different races, both with transracial placements). Both Black and white caregivers raised the importance of having mentors in your community. Some of these relationships started with inquiries about caring for the child’s haircare needs, but expanded beyond asking for haircare advice. JuJu, a Black caregiver, shared how she supported white caregivers, stating, ‘We were there doing the hair, and they [white caregivers] would connect. I mean, we made connections. So then if they have questions…’ Victoria, a white caregiver, emphasized how important it is to "Have a go-to person, someone to help. How do I do this? What do I need to do?” PDules, a Black caregiver, shared her experience coaching and advising a white caregiver on supporting Black children in a racist society, including the importance of a mentor for the caregiver and the child. More like from an emotional standpoint, how would she [the white caregiver] address a situation if her children were discriminated against? It's hard for her to understand because it's never happened to her. She's never been discriminated against… I told her, you need to have sympathy. Tell him right up front. ‘I've never experienced this, but mom's doing everything she can to try to understand where you're coming from.’ I said, 'You need to be willing to talk with people. Get a mentor for him. Getting a mentor for your son doesn't mean that you're not qualified to raise him. It means you want to open up opportunities for him to have a relationship with someone who may understand or be able to see things through his eyes that you're never ever going to be able to understand.' – Pdules A few of the caregivers, both Black and white, indicated that it is important for white caregivers with a transracial placement to have at least one Black mentor. Millie, a white caregiver, shared how having a Black foster parent as a mentor helped her gain acceptance at her child's preschool setting, a predominantly Black space where she had felt intimidated and unwelcome. Right around the corner is another Black foster mom who is very close to our family… I told her about my experience taking my daughter to school. She was like, ‘That's not going to happen anymore’… She came to school with us and walked me and [the child] in. She knew the head [of the school], she knew everybody. Ever since that point, the security guard rushes to open the door for me... If you get somebody credible to vouch for you, you're more easily and readily accepted. — Millie A few white caregivers indicated that other caregivers with transracial placements or adoptions were an important source of knowledge and resources. Tyrus, a white caregiver, indicated that he valued advice he had gotten from a church group that had some “families who have adopted Black children through foster care.” A couple of white caregivers indicated that they found mentorship from other sources, including a court-appointed special advocate (CASA), their caseworker, and other staff at the agency. PDules, a Black caregiver, also highlighted the importance of connections between foster parents or adoptive parents of children of different races, indicating that she would like to see agencies facilitate these types of relationships. The agencies could have asked us, 'Hey, we are building this mentorship program. Would you be willing? If someone wanted to reach out to you, would you be willing for us to connect you to them?’… That could be something that they could do. Build a mentorship distribution list. ‘Let me get you connected with someone willing to have these candid conversations about what needs to be done when you're raising a child that's different than your own race.’ — PDules According to our caregivers, mentors are essential for any transracial placement. This is especially true for white caregivers with Black children. These mentors assist white caregivers in being well-equipped to support Black children in their homes. Discussion The caregivers in this study confirmed that Black children and youth in substitute care are adversely affected by cultural dislocation and affirmed the importance of cultural-racial socialization for these same youth. Many Black children and youth become isolated in predominantly white communities with little opportunity for connection and positive racial socialization with the Black community. While there are emerging resources for supporting transracial adoption, trauma-informed resources for transracial foster placements are limited and are often not readily accessible to transracial caregivers. To support Black children’s cultural identity development, transracial caregivers need community resources that help them build effective support systems, learn Black affirmations and history, engage with the Black community, support the children’s cultural-racial socialization, and provide guidance for these children to navigate microaggressions and systemic racial biases. This study also confirms that the community in which a child is placed plays a critical role in the extent to which they experience racial-cultural socialization, dislocation, isolation, and alienation. As such, one of the critical lessons of this study is that a focus on the racial match of the home is insufficient for understanding the suitability of a placement for Black children. It is essential to avoid placing children in homes in communities that are predominantly white, where there are limited or no opportunities for same-race socialization, and Black barbers and stylists are not available. Licensing and permanency staff need to work with caregivers to effectively assess the suitability of their communities to support the cultural-racial identity development of Black children. Though this study offers valuable perspectives from both white and Black caregivers in varied central Illinois communities, this analysis does not include the perspectives of Black youth themselves, their biological parents, caseworkers, or individuals in the community invested in the well-being of Black youth impacted by the child welfare system. From these multiple perspectives, we would obtain a broader understanding of adversities experienced to positive race identity development, and desired supports. This study sample derives from central Illinois, which reflects a variety of community contexts including predominantly white rural areas or metro area neighborhoods, and racially diverse communities in mid-size metro areas. While there is a great deal of information that applies to a wide range of community contexts, especially in the United States from this study sample, the study findings would not generalize to the full diversity of community contexts in the United States, or around the world. Additionally, these perspectives were shared in the context of one in-depth interview with a same-race researcher in 2022–2023, which reflected the social, economic, and political context of that time period. The openness of caregivers in sharing their experiences during this time period, and their opinions shared, may not be the same as the current or future social, economic, and political environments. In the broader study, four critical areas of system support have been identified for child-identity-affirming support while children are in substitute care. These areas are: 1) recruitment of diverse foster caregivers aligned with the needs of children and youth entering care, 2) improved efforts to identify and support same-race caregiving options, 3) preparation and training of caregivers on the physical care needs of Black children and the importance of cultural-racial socialization, and 4) improved processes for identifying substitute caregivers that support healthy cultural-racial identity development. 7.1 Conclusion The study engaged complementary strengths of Illinois family advocates and race equity leaders, child welfare leaders and practitioners, and training specialists to translate the research findings into practice, and researchers. Illinois DCFS has committed to increasing access and support for Black kinship networks to become foster parents and utilize subsidized guardianship options that would help place more Black children with Black foster care providers. While DCFS builds out these supports to reduce racial disparities in foster care recruitment and retention, white foster caregivers also need support to parent Black children effectively. This study encourages broader consideration of the resources and opportunities that different communities do or do not provide to support the well-being of children in substitute care. Declarations Author Contribution H.F. and R.L. wrote the manuscript text. All authors participated in data collection and analysis. All authors reviewed the final manuscript. References Anderson, M., & Linares, L. O. (2012). The role of cultural dissimilarity factors in child adjustment following foster placement. Children and Youth Services Review , 34 (4), 597–601. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4498390/ Bingham, A. J. (2023). From data management to actionable findings: A five-phase process of qualitative data analysis. International Journal of Qualitative Methods , 22 , 1–11. https://doi.org/10.1177/16094069231183620 Bingham, A. J., & Witkowsky, P. (2022). Deductive and inductive approaches to qualitative data analysis. In C. Vanover, P. Mihas, & J. Saldaña (Eds.), Analyzing and interpreting qualitative data: After the interview . Sage. Child Welfare Information Gateway (2020). Protective factors approaches in child welfare. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Administration for Children and Families, Children’s Bureau. https://www.childwelfare.gov/resources/protective-factors-approaches-child-welfare Dajani, K. (2018). Cultural dislocation and ego functions: Some considerations in the analysis of bi-cultural patients. International Journal of Applied Psychoanalytic Studies , 15 . https://doi.org/10.1002/aps.1562 Fox, H. L., LaSota, R., & Manthei, J. (2023). An exploratory analysis of transracial placements in Illinois. Research Report . University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. https://socialwork.illinois.edu/community-partnerships/agency-based-partnerships/translational-research-in-child-welfare/resources Gracia, E., & Musitu, G. (2003). Social isolation from communities and child maltreatment: A cross-cultural comparison. Child Abuse & Neglect , 27 (2), 153–168. https://doi.org/10.1016/s0145-2134(02)00538-0 Kalisher, A., Gosciak, J., & Spielfogel, J. (2020). The multiethnic placement act 25 years later: Trends in adoption and transracial adoption project. Office of the Assistant Secretary for Planning and Evaluation U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. https://aspe.hhs.gov/sites/default/files/private/pdf/264526/MEPA-Data-report.pdf Krishnappa, P. (2020). Ineludible cultural alienation. Journal of interdisciplinary cycle research XII , 1262–1266. LaBrenz, C. A., Kim, J., Harris, M. S., Crutchfield, J., Choi, M., Robinson, E. D., Findley, & Ryan, S. D. (2022). Racial matching in foster care placements and subsequent placement stability: A national study. Child and Adolescent Social Work Journal , 39 , 583–594. article/10.1007/s10560-022-00831-x . https://link.springer.com/ Motti-Stefanidi, F. (2014). Identity development in the context of the risk and resilience framework. In K. C. Mclean editor and M. Syed (Eds.)., The Oxford handbook of identity development (pp. 472–489). Oxford Academic. https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199936564.013.014 Nguyen, A. W., Taylor, H. O., Keith, V. M., Qin, W., & Mitchell, U. A. (2022). Discrimination and social isolation among African Americans: The moderating role of skin tone. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, (Nov 28 ). https://doi.org/10.1037/cdp0000569 Office of the Assistant Secretary (2020). The Multiethnic Placement Act 25 years later . Washington, DC: US Department of Health and Human Services. https://aspe.hhs.gov/sites/default/files/private/pdf/264526/MEPA-Research-summary.pdf Southwick, S. M., Bonanno, G. A., Masten, A. S., Panter-Brick, C., & Yehuda, R. (2014). Resilience definitions, theory, and challenges: interdisciplinary perspectives. European Journal of Psychotraumatology , Special Issue: Resilience and Trauma. https://doi.org/10.3402/ejpt.v5.25338 Wang, Y., & Benner, A. D. (2017). Cultural socialization across contexts: Family-peer congruence and adolescent well-being. Journal of Youth and Adolescence , 45 (3), 594–611. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10964-016-0426-1 Additional Declarations No competing interests reported. Cite Share Download PDF Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Research Square lets you share your work early, gain feedback from the community, and start making changes to your manuscript prior to peer review in a journal. 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Also discoverable on Platform About Our Team In Review Editorial Policies Advisory Board Help Center Resources Author Services Accessibility API Access RSS feed Manage Cookie Preferences © Research Square 2026 | ISSN 2693-5015 (online) Privacy Policy Terms of Service Do Not Sell My Personal Information {"props":{"pageProps":{"initialData":{"identity":"rs-7086176","acceptedTermsAndConditions":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"archivedVersions":[],"articleType":"Research Article","associatedPublications":[],"authors":[{"id":542734404,"identity":"fe06e85f-4f13-45e3-a3e8-3b4fb5aa08fe","order_by":0,"name":"Heather 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10:49:02","extension":"html","order_by":4,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"acdc-reference","size":88553,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"earlyproof.html","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7086176/v1/336e9c5be56725431d173411.html"},{"id":95822449,"identity":"82d7e1a4-72cd-4344-8ab8-beb75317f96c","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-11-13 10:49:15","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":943727,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7086176/v1/6017a931-61ea-4765-b064-69f51ee7718d.pdf"}],"financialInterests":"No competing interests reported.","formattedTitle":"Cultural Dislocation and Alienation Experienced by Black Children in Transracial Placements: Community Level Risk and Protective Factors from the Perspectives of Their Caregivers","fulltext":[{"header":"Highlights","content":"\u003cul\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eSemi-structured interviews were conducted with 32 (15 Black and 17 white) caregivers, caring for Black child in care in central Illinois.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eDescribes how cultural dislocation and cultural alienation threaten healthy racial identity development for Black youth in care.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eHighlights the role of the community in supporting cultural socialization and racial identify development.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eIdentifies resources needed by same-race and transracial caregivers to support positive racial identity development for Black youth.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ul\u003e"},{"header":"Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003eAcross the United States, it is not uncommon for children in substitute care in child welfare to be placed into transracial foster homes where their caregivers\u0026rsquo; race(s) and ethnicity are different than their own. Despite the adoption of the Multiethnic Placement Act of 1994, many child welfare systems' efforts for diligent foster family recruitment have been rated as needing improvement, particularly concerning recruiting culturally diverse foster and adoptive parents (Office of the Assistant Secretary, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). In fact, 28% of all adoptions from child welfare in the United States between 2017 and 2019 were transracial, and 90% of those involved children of color (Kalisher et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). An analysis of the Illinois Department of Children and Family Services\u0026rsquo; placement data found that in August of 2022, 27.5% of all children in out-of-home, non-relative placements were living in transracial homes (Fox et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). A substantially larger proportion of Black children (42.5%, \u003cem\u003en\u003c/em\u003e\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;1,170) than white children (14.1%, \u003cem\u003en\u003c/em\u003e\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;463) were living in transracial homes (Fox et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). Further, this analysis showed that high rates of transracial placement were common for Black youth across the state, with many of the highest rates being located throughout the Central region of the state.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eStudies have found that children in substitute care who are placed in homes with same-race parents are more likely to have higher placement stability and higher levels of mental health resilience and social well-being (LaBrenz et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Anderson \u0026amp; Linares, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e). This may be in part because placement in non-relative transracial foster homes for most Black children in substitute care involves disruptions to their cultural socialization and experiences of cultural dislocation. Cultural socialization \u0026ldquo;refers to the developmental processes through which children learn about histories and traditions of a culture, acquire cultural beliefs and values, and develop positive attitudes toward that culture\u0026rdquo; (Wang \u0026amp; Benner, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR15\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e, p. 2). Cultural dislocation is \u0026ldquo;the removal of a person from a location organized by a particular set of cultural practices and placing them in another location organized by a substantially different set of cultural practices\u0026rdquo; (Danjani, 2018, p.18). Cultural-racial social isolation is a consequence of separation from same-race social structures and networks that provide the child with behavioral patterns, feedback, material and emotional support, as well as opportunities and resources to cope with the adverse effects of stress (Gracia \u0026amp; Musitu, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003\u003c/span\u003e; Nguyen et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). Further, cultural dislocation and disruptions in racial-cultural social isolation can lead to cultural alienation (Krishnappa, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). Cultural alienation refers to the process of devaluing or abandoning one's own culture or cultural background. A person who is culturally alienated \u0026ldquo;places little value on their culture and instead hungers for that of an imposed colonizing nation\" (Krishnappa, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e, p. 1262).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eOne of the research questions we addressed was, \u0026ldquo;What are the primary risks to cultural and racial identity development of Black children and youth in care?\u0026rdquo; This analysis seeks to explore the risk of cultural alienation related to the cultural dislocation of Black children placed in transracial placements in predominantly white communities. This focus on the community level acknowledges that cultural dislocation is not limited to the home and family environments. Instead, it extends to neighborhoods, schools, churches, providers, and other community-based systems that the child experiences. As such, this analysis explores the role of the community in threatening and supporting the healthy racial identity development of Black children in substitute care.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Methods","content":"\u003cp\u003eSince the goal is to understand race-related concerns of foster parents raising Black children and provide guidance to materials that support an anti-racist approach to foster caregiving, interviews with caregivers were determined to be the best vehicle for gathering this type of information. The study focused on caregivers living in Central Illinois due to the prevalence of transracial placements, variation among urban and rural communities, and inequitable socio-economic outcomes among Black Americans in Central Illinois.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe study engaged the expert guidance of a broad-based team of advisors in every research stage. This includes representatives from key areas of system resources, policy, and practices interested in mitigating risks and supporting the racial identity development of Black children and youth in need of substitute care. The Institutional Review Boards at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign (IRB24-0278) and the Illinois Department of Children and Family Services approved this research, and all participants were provided with written informed consent.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec3\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e5.1 Data Collection and Analysis\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eParticipants were both Black and white caregivers who lived in Central Illinois and were caring for at least one Black child (or multi-racial child including Black race) aged 5\u0026ndash;17. Participants were identified using administrative data from the Illinois Department of Children and Family Services (DCFS). Invitations were sent via the United States Postal Service and text messaging. Caregivers signed up for the study via an online sign-up form, which also provided demographic information about themselves and the children in their homes and indicated if they wanted to participate in virtual or in-person interviews. To ensure the validity of the data to be collected, their status as a current caregiver was validated through a cross-check with administrative data. In total, 15 Black and 17 white caregivers participated in semi-structured interviews lasting between 60 and 90 minutes. The protocols were customized for each racial group to reflect the different positionality and expertise that each group could offer. Caregivers were interviewed by someone with a similar racial background (e.g., Black caregivers were interviewed by Black interviewers, and white caregivers were interviewed by white interviewers). Interviews were recorded with the consent of participants and professionally transcribed. Alternative names, as selected by the caregivers, were used in all transcripts, analyses, and reporting related to the study. Caregivers were provided with a \u003cspan\u003e$\u003c/span\u003e60 gift card as compensation for their participation.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eFollowing the five phases of analysis outlined by Bingham (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e) and Bingham and Witkowsky (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR3\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e), the team worked collaboratively through iterations of analysis, refining the findings over time with each iteration. Transcripts of the interviews were coded in a two-stage process. The first stage utilized simultaneous coding to apply the risk and resilience framework and ecological domains. This resulted in code reports of all risk and protective factors to Black cultural-racial identity development and promotive factors for child well-being, delineated by the ecological domains of family, community, system, and society levels. For the second stage, the code reports were iteratively coded to apply a combination of a priori and emergent codes. The research team worked collaboratively throughout the double-blind coding process for each phase of coding, working collectively to organize, sort, code, reconcile, and understand the data, to interpret the data, and to explain it.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec4\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e5.2 Theory\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis study applied the risk and resilience framework to caregiver and parenting supports for the racial identity development of children and youth in substitute care. Risk and resilience theory is a framework for understanding how individuals, families, communities, and systems can adapt, recover, and even thrive while facing adversity. In the context of child welfare, resilience theory offers a valuable framework for understanding and promoting positive outcomes for children and families involved in the child welfare system, which includes cases of abuse, neglect, or other forms of maltreatment. Determinants of resilience include a wide range of biological, psychological, social, and cultural factors (Southwick et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e). These determinants of resilience are contextual and occur in different ecological domains (individual, family, community, systems, and society). This analysis focuses specifically on community-level risk and protective factors related to cultural dislocation and alienation experienced by Black children in transracial placements.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eMott-Stenfanidi (2014) argues that the Risk and Resilience Framework \u0026ldquo;allows a developmental, contextualized, process-oriented, and dynamic approach to describing and explaining positive identity trajectories\u0026rdquo; (p. 472). In this study, racial and cultural identity development is situated in socio-economic domains that have the potential to suppress identity development or support it through cultural resilience. Cultural resilience moves the focus from building an individual\u0026rsquo;s ability to cope against adversity to addressing the \u0026ldquo;society-level odds stacked against individuals that block their opportunities to achieve a better future\u0026rdquo; and builds toward structural resilience, where society has systems that facilitate positive outcomes for individuals and families (Southwick et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e, p.6).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eFollowing the risk and resilience framework, the results presented are separated into risk and protective factors. Risk factors can reflect traumatic experiences, adversities, barriers to resources, etc. The Child Welfare Information Gateway (2002) describes risk factors as the \u0026ldquo;conditions, events, or circumstances that increase a family\u0026rsquo;s chances of poor outcomes, including child abuse and neglect\u0026rdquo; (p. 2). Protective factors, in this study, are defined as assets that mitigate risk and promote the positive racial identity development of the child. The Child Welfare Information Gateway describes protective factors as the \u0026ldquo;strengths that help to buffer and support families\u0026rdquo; (2020, p. 1). Protective factors can include community support, educational opportunities, mental health services, and parental support.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Results – Risk Factors for Black Children in Transracial Placements","content":"\u003cp\u003eCaregivers shared stories that illustrated Black children experiencing cultural isolation and alienation after experiencing cultural dislocation and being placed in transracial homes in predominantly white communities. This section highlights cases where children, especially those placed in communities with minimal cultural representation, had limited opportunities to engage with Black adults and peers. Caregivers highlighted five risk factors for the cultural-racial identity development of Black children experiencing cultural dislocation: a) cultural-racial isolation in predominately white communities, b) cultural-racial isolation in educational settings, c) lack of opportunities to interact with Black professionals, d) barriers to providing culturally appropriate hair care, and e) cultural alienation in transracial placements.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec6\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e6.1 Cultural-Racial Isolation in Predominately White Communities\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eSix of the white caregivers described their communities as lacking diversity and being predominantly white. Three of these caregivers had recently moved to predominantly white neighborhoods while caring for at least one Black child. One of these caregivers, Beck, shared how she felt her son struggles living in a predominantly white community.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eWe decided we were going to adopt him, so we had to get a bigger house. \u0026hellip;Everybody that lives in our subdivision is White. He struggles with it. \u0026mdash; Beck\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eVictoria shared that their community was predominantly white and had historical associations with the Ku Klux Klan.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eOur city has been known in the past as a racist community. I am not from [City Name], but my husband told me stories that his grandmother had a picture of a sign that hung on the bridge that said, \"Welcome to [City Name],\" with three Ks. \u0026mdash; Victoria\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThree white caregivers shared their concerns about the cultural isolation of the Black children as a result of being placed into predominantly white communities. Lily shared how she wished there were Black people in her community for her child to interact with. She said, \u0026ldquo;I wish there was a community of Black people in the area that we could introduce them to because my Black friends don't live in this area anymore.\u0026rdquo; Ann shared that \u0026ldquo;all children from different races need positive role models and mentors from their culture.\u0026rdquo; Ann shared that she had requested Black males as mentors for her two Black sons but had not received this support. Darcy shared why having role models for children of color is essential:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eAs kids get older, you want to make sure that they get examples of their culture and that they have people and positive role models in their lives who look like them so that they know... what they can aspire to. For example, if they see a successful doctor or a successful poet, then they can look forward and dream. \u0026mdash; Darcy\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eTwo white caregivers shared that their churches lacked diversity. Kate shared that their church is in \u0026ldquo;a pretty white town\u0026hellip; there\u0026rsquo;s not much racial diversity there.\u0026rdquo; Marie shared her family's explained that the larger primarily white churches in her community were not welcoming or safe places for her Black children.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eSome of the more conservative congregations are the larger churches that do all the mega fun, big things for kids, but they're also very heavily white churches. There's not much open-mindedness there. \u0026mdash; Marie\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec7\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e6.2 Cultural-Racial Isolation in Educational Settings\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003e Caregivers talked about the racial makeup of the teachers and staff at their children's schools and the demographics of the students at those schools, contributing to cultural isolation. This section reflects their observations of the cultural-racial representation of teachers, school staff, and peers and the related cultural-racial isolation experienced by the Black children in their care. Four of the white caregivers indicated that there were no Black teachers in at least one of their Black children\u0026rsquo;s schools. One of these caregivers indicated that there was a Black wrestling coach and two biracial teachers in their children\u0026rsquo;s entire school district. Another caregiver indicated that they had one Black child in a school with \u0026ldquo;mostly brand-new white teachers out of college\u0026rdquo; and another where \u0026ldquo;maybe only a fourth [of teachers] were African American\u0026rdquo; despite a much higher proportion of the students being Black.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThree of the Black caregivers (JuJu, Israel, and PDules) shared why they feel it is important for Black children to have access to Black teachers. Israel\u0026rsquo;s comment below illustrates this sentiment from a Black caregiver\u0026rsquo;s perspective:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eWe need more Black educators\u0026hellip; Who can relate to the work for our kids? It would be a better situation, and they'd make the kids more successful. \u0026mdash; Israel\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSeveral white caregivers indicated that there were few Black children in their children's classes, and some of their children did not show an interest in engaging in Black friendships. This was even true in a couple of cases where the caregiver indicated that there were Black peers at their school or church. One white caregiver, Matt, admitted that he did not know if there were other Black children in the elementary school that his Black child attended. Simply stating, \u0026ldquo;I haven\u0026rsquo;t noticed.\u0026rdquo; Lily shared that one of her Black children was the only Black child in their class. Tyrus shared that his daughter \u0026ldquo;has one or two\u0026rdquo; Black children in her class. This was only the case because he had requested the school place \u0026ldquo;her in a class that was a little bit more diverse.\u0026rdquo; Kate shared her observations on how being the only Black child in the school impacted the children in her care.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eSeeing them [her Black children] alienate themselves from their race\u0026hellip; Most of their classmates had long blonde hair, and they just wanted that. Yeah, I just recognized that they were out of their element. \u0026mdash; Kate\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDarcy, another white caregiver, had a similar observation that all of her Black daughter\u0026rsquo;s closest friends were white. When Darcy was asked if her daughter had Black friends, she replied, \u0026ldquo;I would say it's the opposite. Even at church, I would say her closest friends are white.\u0026rdquo; Victoria and Ben, a white caregiving couple, indicated that there were a \u0026ldquo;handful\u0026rdquo; of Black children in their Black son\u0026rsquo;s school. But their son \u0026ldquo;Hasn't found any other Black kids at school.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIsrael, a Black caregiver, described his frustration about the burden placed on caregivers when a Black child is placed in a predominantly white community. Specifically, caregivers are then faced with the choice to either have to raise a child who is racially isolated and alienated or have \u0026ldquo;to send them to a school that is not in their district and figure out how to get them there.\u0026rdquo; He argued for the necessity to consider the foster home\u0026rsquo;s community context to meet the child\u0026rsquo;s racial-cultural needs and not to place an undue burden on the caregivers or the children.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec8\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e6.3 Lack of Opportunities to Interact with Black Professionals\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eCaregivers shared their concerns that Black children in transracial placements have limited access to Black professionals, including caseworkers, mentors, physical and dental health providers, and barbers and hair stylists. The caregivers in this section reinforce the importance of children having positive interactions with community members from their same cultural-racial group. Multiple white and Black caregivers commented on how all their caseworkers were white.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eMost of the Black children in our caregivers\u0026rsquo; homes were not cared for by a Black physician or dentist. Ten of the white caregivers indicated that their Black children are not cared for by a Black medical or dental provider. Two of these white caregivers, Eileen and Darcy, indicated that they thought it would be beneficial if their Black children had access to Black medical providers. Eileen shared, \u0026ldquo;That would be great. I don't know if that\u0026rsquo;s realistic here.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec9\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e6.4 Barriers to Providing Culturally Appropriate Hair Care for Black Children\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eCaregivers shared two types of barriers to providing culturally appropriate hair care for the Black children in their care. The first was accessing Black barbers and hairstylists. The second was a lack of resources to help to learn to care for Black hair. The three challenges with accessing Black barbers and hair stylists were: a) identifying Black barbers and hair stylists, b) the travel distance, and c) service and product costs.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSeveral white caregivers described challenges locating and accessing Black barbers and hair stylists, although a couple felt that Black barbers were more accessible than Black hair stylists. Several white caregivers, like Marie, described asking Black community members for referrals to Black salons and barbers.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eI have a Black friend who is raising her granddaughter. I asked her, 'Your granddaughter\u0026rsquo;s hair always looks so nice... Where do you guys go?' She gave me the name of a place, and she gave me their card. \u0026mdash; Marie\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eMany white caregivers, especially those who live in smaller communities, raised the challenge of traveling to access Black barbers and hairstylists. Matt and Marie reported traveling 45 minutes to the closest Black barber/hair stylist. Linda shared that the travel distance to the closest salon was \u0026ldquo;not feasible\u0026rdquo; for their family.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eCosts and lack of educational resources were substantial barriers for nearly every white caregiver. The following quote from Nancy, a white caregiver, highlights these barriers.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eRight now, she has box braids that cost \u003cspan\u003e$\u003c/span\u003e400\u0026hellip; I feel like I can't tell her no because I know that hair is important in Black culture. I know there are reasons behind it and meaning behind it, but at the same time, \u003cspan\u003e$\u003c/span\u003e400, a lot of money\u0026hellip; I don't know how to navigate finding the balance. As a white woman, how can I talk to her about the meaning behind Black hairstyles and their historical significance\u0026hellip; I wish there were more resources for learning how to do her hair, learning how to take care of it, and learning how to talk to her about its significance. \u0026mdash; Nancy\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec10\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e6.5 Cultural Alienation Observed by Caregivers of Black Children in Transracial Placements\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003e Five caregivers described observations and signs that the children in their care were experiencing cultural alienation. They described their children as disinterested or even having an aversion.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003edeveloping relationships with Black adults or other Black children. Jessica, a white caregiver, shared a story where her young Black child indicated a desire to be white.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eWe went to a friend's house, and they had a little girl who was her age, and she's white. And on the way back, she commented, \u0026ldquo;I wish I was white.\u0026rdquo; \u0026hellip;That comment made me think I need to be more aware of making sure she isn\u0026rsquo;t the only Black kid in her class or team.\u003c/em\u003e \u0026mdash; Jessica\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eLily, a white caregiver, shared that her adolescent Black son expressed an aversion to socializing with other Black individuals.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eOur 14-year-old\u003c/em\u003e [Black] \u003cem\u003eson told us that he doesn't feel comfortable around Black people... He says that he identifies more with white people\u0026hellip; He said he\u0026rsquo;s intimidated by adult Black people.\u003c/em\u003e \u0026mdash; Lily\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eResults – Protective Factors that Support Cultural-Racial Identity Development for Black Children\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eCaregivers discussed two types of protective factors that support cultural-racial identity development for Black children in care. These protective factors are: a) opportunities provided by the community that facilitate cultural socialization for Black children in transracial placements, and b) community resources and relationships that support the cultural competency of transracial caregivers.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec12\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e7.1 Cultural Socialization\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis first section focuses on cultural socialization through group activities and events, Black role models, Black mentors, and other Black relationships. There were 46 examples of cultural socialization across 17 interviews with white caregivers and 22 examples across 12 interviews with Black caregivers. This section is divided into three conceptual areas, specifically a) Black barbers and Black stylists as cultural liaisons for Black children, b) Black role models and mentors providing cultural socialization for Black children, and c) cultural engagement for Black children at predominantly Black churches.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec13\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e7.1.1 Black Barbers and Black Stylists as Cultural Liaisons for Black Children\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe most common sources of cultural socialization discussed by caregivers were Black barbers and Black hairstylists. Black caregivers highlighted the importance of barbers and stylists who serve Black children, emphasizing the advantage of Black people performing hair care for Black children. Tia summed their sentiments up by saying, \"Black Barbers matter, as far as the hair techs are going. I'm sorry. And that's not racism\u0026hellip; Now, you can take a white kid to a Black barber. You cannot take a Black kid to a white barber.\u0026rdquo; Several white caregivers discussed learning that most white barbers and stylists do not have the skills necessary to cut or style Black hair. Matt shared that it was his son who taught him this.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eI gave him some money for him to walk across the street to go to that barber, and he came back saying, \"I'm not having a White barber touch my hair.\" And I said, \"That's fine. We'll have to find someone Black and make an appointment.\" \u0026mdash; Matt\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eBeck shared the consequences of taking her son to a white barber and the difference it made having a Black barber take care of her sons.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eWe've changed now to a Black barber. At first, we went to the white barber who cut my youngest [white] son's hair. My oldest [Black] would get in-grown hairs terribly. I felt awful for him. Now, my youngest son and husband go to a Black barber. They all go together. My oldest\u0026rsquo;s hair is so much better. It's good for him because the barber sits and talks to him, \"Man, you got to pick your hair.\" He tells him how to do things and jokes with him. He's a positive male remodel for him. \u0026mdash; Beck\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn addition to the role models that barbers and stylists provided for these youth caregivers described that these spaces provided cultural socialization. LynnC observed how her son was learning about his culture through observation in these spaces.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eHe picks up on what they have on their shoes, clothes, and their haircuts. A little bit of culture. \"Hey, I kind of want my hair like that.\" So maybe there are some silent influences. - LynnC\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec14\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e7.1.2 Black Role Models and Mentors Providing Cultural Socialization for Black Children\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eWhite caregivers described how important it was for their Black children to have Black mentors and role models. The caregivers featured in this section agreed that having Black role models and mentors was essential for their Black children's cultural-racial development. Darcy shared, \u0026ldquo;Ideally, I do think it is important for children of color to have role models who look like them, and that's not always possible.\u0026rdquo; Nancy shared how her daughter did not appear to bond with her first mentor, who was white, highlighting the contrast now that she has a Black mentor.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis mentor really seems to be working out. I think it's some factor of the mentor looking like her [being Black], but also taking her out and doing things in the community. It's just like they're having fun together, and then they're also talking about those things. \u0026mdash; Nancy\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eCaregivers described how their children benefited from engaging with Black adult role models and mentors from DCFS, school, sports, and mentorship programs. Like Nancy, Eileen described how her daughter bonded to a Black mentor assigned through Illinois DCFS\u0026rsquo;s Intensive Placement Stabilization services. This relationship helped them better understand their daughter\u0026rsquo;s needs while assisting her through a rough period in her development.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eShe had a Black female mentor through Intensive Placement Services\u0026hellip; Turns out she needs a very structured schedule, and we didn't know that\u0026hellip; They went out on outings once every two weeks for six months. \u0026mdash; Eileen\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eTwo white caregivers, Kate and Peter, discussed how they encouraged their children to engage in sports, in part because it provides them an opportunity to engage with Black leaders and Black peers. Kate described how two of her children participated in track, which allowed them to interact with two Black male role models.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eWe put the older two in a track program. It's run by two very strong Black men in the community. I did that because I did not see a lot of Black men stepping up and mentoring the next generation, and I wanted them to see strong Black men. \u0026mdash; Kate\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003ePeter described how his son's participation in football and wrestling provided him with racial socialization with Black coaches and peers.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eHe played football. His football coaches, there were four of them, were all Black. The majority of the team was Black, too... He's a wrestler, too. Two of the\u003c/em\u003e [wrestling] \u003cem\u003ecoaches are either Black or mixed-race\u0026hellip; so he gets to experience diversity.\u003c/em\u003e \u0026mdash; Peter\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec15\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e7.1.3 Cultural Engagement for Black Children at Predominantly Black Churches\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eTen caregivers, five white and five Black, talked about the church being a place where Black children can find Black role models, mentors, and peers. White caregivers mentioned the representation of Black peers in their congregations, Sunday schools, and activities. For example, Linda, a white caregiver, spoke about the support her family received from the church, including the support of several Black church members.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eMost of our social group is tied to our church. That's where my husband works. When we brought the girls in, most of them were instantly accepting, supportive, and asking, \u0026lsquo;How can we help?\u0026rsquo;... And we also have several African Americans within the church who are like, \u0026lsquo;Hey, do they need hair stuff? What do they need?\u0026rsquo; \u0026mdash; Linda\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec16\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e7.2 Community Resources and Relationships that Support the Cultural Competency of Transracial Caregivers\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis section highlights resources and relationships that foster the child\u0026rsquo;s racial identity by supporting the caregivers\u0026rsquo; cultural competency. This section focuses on individuals who work directly with caregivers to provide advice around cultural topics and resources that caregivers tap into to learn cultural competency skills. There were 28 examples of community resources and relationships that support the cultural competency of transracial caregivers across 12 interviews with white caregivers and 11 examples across eight interviews with Black caregivers. This section is divided into two conceptual areas: a) white caregivers receiving education on culturally appropriate hair care services, and b) mentors assisting caregivers in building their cultural competence.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec17\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e7.2.1 White Caregivers Receiving Education on Culturally Appropriate Hair Care Services\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eOverwhelmingly, the most common resources referenced by both white and Black caregivers were those related to providing culturally appropriate hair care services for Black children in the care of white caregivers. This section focused on resources and services that educate caregivers to care for the hair of the Black children in their care, including a) appropriate products to use, b) how to access Black stylists and barbers, c) maintaining healthy hair, d) maintaining hairstyles set by professionals, and e) hairstyles practices and skills.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eBlack acquaintances were an important source of information for two of the white caregivers. Similarly, Granny, a Black caregiver, related her experience of being asked about hair care by a white caregiver who was caring for her grandson.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eThey took my grandson to get his haircut, and they said, \u0026lsquo;Well, okay, well, where do we go?\" They started naming these places I had never heard of \u0026ndash; Click Cuts or something. \u0026lsquo;No, no, no, no, we can't go there.\u0026rsquo; She said, \u0026lsquo;What do you mean? They're just cutting it?\u0026rsquo; \u0026lsquo;Yep. They'll cut it wrong, though.\u0026rsquo; I had to describe the differences in the barber shops\u0026hellip; and that it takes way more time to get hair done as a Black person than it does as a White person. \u0026mdash; Granny\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eKate, a white caregiver, got assistance from the Jamaican cook at her children\u0026rsquo;s school: \u0026ldquo;She taught me a lot about hair, including how to do relaxers.\u0026rdquo; Nancy, a white caregiver, was coached by her 13-year-old\u0026rsquo;s Black daycare provider after struggling to teach herself using YouTube.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eI did ask her daycare provider at one point, \u0026lsquo;Do you know how to braid or anything? Can you show me? Because I'm trying to watch these YouTube videos, but I need someone to really help me out in person with feedback and specifics about [the child\u0026rsquo;s] hair texture and all of that.\u0026rsquo;\u0026mdash; Kate\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eMarie, a white caregiver, took a more relationship-based approach. She explained how she tapped the expertise of her Black daycare provider to care for her daughter\u0026rsquo;s hair.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eOne of the providers at the daycare is Black. She said, \u0026lsquo;Hey, I love her, I love her hair. Can I just fool with it while she's here?\u0026rsquo; And so, she gets a cute little fresh style every week while she's at daycare.\u003c/em\u003e \u0026mdash; Marie\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eBlack stylists and barbers were a key resource for learning for white caregivers. This training happened in three different ways: a) informally while the stylist or barber served the child, b) through individual lessons, or c) through group classes. Charles, a white caregiver, described his wife learning hairstyling techniques by watching the stylist. He stated, \"She's watching them do it so she can do it herself.\" Another white caregiver, Linda, described two stylists who provided their professional advice to her.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eI took them to get their homecoming hairstyle done. And while I was in there, I was like, \u0026lsquo;Okay, what do they need? How long should these styles last?\u0026rsquo; I was like, \u0026lsquo;What should I do?\u0026rsquo; They're very open and willing to be like, \u0026lsquo;Well, let me tell you. Here's how you do this, here's this and this.\u0026rsquo; It's been nice that everyone's so willing to step up and help as long as you're willing to admit you need help. \u0026mdash; Linda\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDarcy described receiving individual lessons from a Black stylist who offers these lessons to white caregivers with transracial placements.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eWe tried to get our daughter in before school and had to go somewhere else because it was so full\u0026hellip; If I remember correctly, I think it was a newsletter from our agency\u0026hellip;. It [the stylist\u0026rsquo;s website] says that she's a resource in providing hair care to foster and adoptive families. She wanted to combine her talent for providing superior hair care services with a dedication to supporting families in the foster care system. \u0026mdash; Darcy\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eFour white caregivers shared that they participated in classes on caring for and styling Black hair. Tyrus and Jessica attended classes provided by the same stylist. Tyrus shared that his daughter got her hair done by a Black stylist who focuses on educating white people on how to do Black hair.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eShe [the stylist] hosts classes at different times throughout the year. She has a Facebook page, and she posts YouTube videos on her YouTube channel. \u0026mdash; Tyrus\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eJessica shared her motivation to attend classes on Black hair care.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eHair care is super important because your appearance gives you confidence... Especially for little Black girls, if their hair isn't being taken care of\u0026hellip; [It would be] hard for them to feel proud to be Black. As a white foster parent, it's your responsibility to figure out what to do. \u0026mdash; Jessica\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eLynnC learned haircare skills through a class facilitated by her agency.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eShe [the instructor] had been in foster care, and she is a hairdresser. She would come in twice a year, and we would have a foster parent support group. She would teach African American hair care to everyone in the support group \u0026ndash; white and Black, it doesn't matter... I learned from her\u0026hellip; I can't do anything fancy. I can't do cornrows. But I can make sure their hair is moisturized and brushed out. I can do twisties. I can do the basics. \u0026mdash; LynnC\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThree of our Black caregivers described providing classes to white caregivers on how to care for Black hair. Renett, a trained stylist, was asked to provide a class by her local agency. She shared, \u0026ldquo;I have been asked by our company [agency] to come in and teach some of the White families how to take care of Black kids' hair, or even mixed kids' hair, because sometimes they don't know how to take care of them either.\u0026rdquo; JuJu provided classes as part of her job.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eI did this thing called Haircare Day so that white foster parents could bring kids in to get their hair done and things\u0026hellip; It was something I was passionate about because the agency I work for has a lot of white parents who have Black children. I\u0026rsquo;d see them come in, their hair not done, ashy skin\u0026hellip; I knew many of them probably didn't know how to keep their children\u0026rsquo;s hair and skin. \u0026mdash; JuJu\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eMs. Kay initiated a conversation with her caseworker, which resulted in her providing a class on Black haircare for white caregivers.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eI asked, \u0026lsquo;Can I just educate people on what to do?\u0026rsquo; Because I know if I got questions about how to do this white baby's hair, they've got to have questions about how to do those Black babies\u0026rsquo; hair. And she was like, \u0026lsquo;You know what, that will be a good idea.\u0026rsquo; They got in touch with a local church, and I had the space to do it\u0026hellip; They had these monthly foster parent gatherings where they could ask as many questions as they wanted. \u0026mdash; Ms. Kay\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eChallenges in providing hair care for the Black children in their care were a ubiquitous challenge among white caregivers. They sought out varied sources to learn how to care for their Black children\u0026rsquo;s hair, depending on what was available to them. In contrast, several Black caregivers in our sample have provided either coaching or classes on Black hair care for white caregivers.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec18\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e7.2.2 Mentors Assisting Caregivers to Build Their Cultural Competence\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis section explores the relationship where white caregivers seek out knowledge and advice on racial topics from other adults. This is rarely described as mentorship by the caregivers, as many of these relationships are informal and reciprocal (e.g., foster support groups; two caregivers of children of different races, both with transracial placements). Both Black and white caregivers raised the importance of having mentors in your community. Some of these relationships started with inquiries about caring for the child\u0026rsquo;s haircare needs, but expanded beyond asking for haircare advice. JuJu, a Black caregiver, shared how she supported white caregivers, stating, \u0026lsquo;We were there doing the hair, and they [white caregivers] would connect. I mean, we made connections. So then if they have questions\u0026hellip;\u0026rsquo; Victoria, a white caregiver, emphasized how important it is to \"Have a go-to person, someone to help. How do I do this? What do I need to do?\u0026rdquo; PDules, a Black caregiver, shared her experience coaching and advising a white caregiver on supporting Black children in a racist society, including the importance of a mentor for the caregiver and the child.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eMore like from an emotional standpoint, how would she [the white caregiver] address a situation if her children were discriminated against? It's hard for her to understand because it's never happened to her. She's never been discriminated against\u0026hellip; I told her, you need to have sympathy. Tell him right up front. \u0026lsquo;I've never experienced this, but mom's doing everything she can to try to understand where you're coming from.\u0026rsquo; I said, 'You need to be willing to talk with people. Get a mentor for him. Getting a mentor for your son doesn't mean that you're not qualified to raise him. It means you want to open up opportunities for him to have a relationship with someone who may understand or be able to see things through his eyes that you're never ever going to be able to understand.' \u0026ndash; Pdules\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eA few of the caregivers, both Black and white, indicated that it is important for white caregivers with a transracial placement to have at least one Black mentor. Millie, a white caregiver, shared how having a Black foster parent as a mentor helped her gain acceptance at her child's preschool setting, a predominantly Black space where she had felt intimidated and unwelcome.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eRight around the corner is another Black foster mom who is very close to our family\u0026hellip; I told her about my experience taking my daughter to school. She was like, \u0026lsquo;That's not going to happen anymore\u0026rsquo;\u0026hellip; She came to school with us and walked me and [the child] in. She knew the head [of the school], she knew everybody. Ever since that point, the security guard rushes to open the door for me... If you get somebody credible to vouch for you, you're more easily and readily accepted. \u0026mdash; Millie\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eA few white caregivers indicated that other caregivers with transracial placements or adoptions were an important source of knowledge and resources. Tyrus, a white caregiver, indicated that he valued advice he had gotten from a church group that had some \u0026ldquo;families who have adopted Black children through foster care.\u0026rdquo; A couple of white caregivers indicated that they found mentorship from other sources, including a court-appointed special advocate (CASA), their caseworker, and other staff at the agency. PDules, a Black caregiver, also highlighted the importance of connections between foster parents or adoptive parents of children of different races, indicating that she would like to see agencies facilitate these types of relationships.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe agencies could have asked us, 'Hey, we are building this mentorship program. Would you be willing? If someone wanted to reach out to you, would you be willing for us to connect you to them?\u0026rsquo;\u0026hellip; That could be something that they could do. Build a mentorship distribution list. \u0026lsquo;Let me get you connected with someone willing to have these candid conversations about what needs to be done when you're raising a child that's different than your own race.\u0026rsquo; \u0026mdash; PDules\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAccording to our caregivers, mentors are essential for any transracial placement. This is especially true for white caregivers with Black children. These mentors assist white caregivers in being well-equipped to support Black children in their homes.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Discussion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe caregivers in this study confirmed that Black children and youth in substitute care are adversely affected by cultural dislocation and affirmed the importance of cultural-racial socialization for these same youth. Many Black children and youth become isolated in predominantly white communities with little opportunity for connection and positive racial socialization with the Black community. While there are emerging resources for supporting transracial adoption, trauma-informed resources for transracial foster placements are limited and are often not readily accessible to transracial caregivers. To support Black children\u0026rsquo;s cultural identity development, transracial caregivers need community resources that help them build effective support systems, learn Black affirmations and history, engage with the Black community, support the children\u0026rsquo;s cultural-racial socialization, and provide guidance for these children to navigate microaggressions and systemic racial biases.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis study also confirms that the community in which a child is placed plays a critical role in the extent to which they experience racial-cultural socialization, dislocation, isolation, and alienation. As such, one of the critical lessons of this study is that a focus on the racial match of the home is insufficient for understanding the suitability of a placement for Black children. It is essential to avoid placing children in homes in communities that are predominantly white, where there are limited or no opportunities for same-race socialization, and Black barbers and stylists are not available. Licensing and permanency staff need to work with caregivers to effectively assess the suitability of their communities to support the cultural-racial identity development of Black children.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThough this study offers valuable perspectives from both white and Black caregivers in varied central Illinois communities, this analysis does not include the perspectives of Black youth themselves, their biological parents, caseworkers, or individuals in the community invested in the well-being of Black youth impacted by the child welfare system. From these multiple perspectives, we would obtain a broader understanding of adversities experienced to positive race identity development, and desired supports. This study sample derives from central Illinois, which reflects a variety of community contexts including predominantly white rural areas or metro area neighborhoods, and racially diverse communities in mid-size metro areas. While there is a great deal of information that applies to a wide range of community contexts, especially in the United States from this study sample, the study findings would not generalize to the full diversity of community contexts in the United States, or around the world. Additionally, these perspectives were shared in the context of one in-depth interview with a same-race researcher in 2022\u0026ndash;2023, which reflected the social, economic, and political context of that time period. The openness of caregivers in sharing their experiences during this time period, and their opinions shared, may not be the same as the current or future social, economic, and political environments.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e In the broader study, four critical areas of system support have been identified for child-identity-affirming support while children are in substitute care. These areas are: 1) recruitment of diverse foster caregivers aligned with the needs of children and youth entering care, 2) improved efforts to identify and support same-race caregiving options, 3) preparation and training of caregivers on the physical care needs of Black children and the importance of cultural-racial socialization, and 4) improved processes for identifying substitute caregivers that support healthy cultural-racial identity development.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec20\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003e7.1 Conclusion\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe study engaged complementary strengths of Illinois family advocates and race equity leaders, child welfare leaders and practitioners, and training specialists to translate the research findings into practice, and researchers. Illinois DCFS has committed to increasing access and support for Black kinship networks to become foster parents and utilize subsidized guardianship options that would help place more Black children with Black foster care providers. While DCFS builds out these supports to reduce racial disparities in foster care recruitment and retention, white foster caregivers also need support to parent Black children effectively. This study encourages broader consideration of the resources and opportunities that different communities do or do not provide to support the well-being of children in substitute care.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003ch2\u003eAuthor Contribution\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eH.F. and R.L. wrote the manuscript text. All authors participated in data collection and analysis. 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Cultural socialization across contexts: Family-peer congruence and adolescent well-being. \u003cem\u003eJournal of Youth and Adolescence\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e45\u003c/em\u003e(3), 594\u0026ndash;611. \u003cspan class=\"ExternalRef\"\u003e\u003cspan class=\"RefSource\"\u003ehttps://doi.org/10.1007/s10964-016-0426-1\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan address=\"10.1007/s10964-016-0426-1\" targettype=\"DOI\" class=\"RefTarget\"\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":true,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7086176/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-7086176/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eTransracial foster placements often disrupt Black children's cultural socialization, impacting their cultural-racial identity development. Through this study we explored what resources are most needed to support healthy cultural-racial identity development among Black youth in substitute care, especially those in transracial placements. We applied a socio-ecological perspective to the risk and resilience framework to understand risks and protective factors for the cultural-racial identity development of Black children in care. Participants were 17 white and 15 Black caregivers\u003ca class=\"FNLink\" href=\"#Fn1\" id=\"#FNLinkFn1\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e of at least one Black child aged 5\u0026ndash;17 in substitute care in central Illinois. One in-depth interview was conducted with each caregiver. A priori and emergent codes were used to double-code all interview data, and consensus was obtained on all applied codes. Within the community level, caregivers highlighted five risk factors and two protective factors that impact cultural-racial identity development for Black children in care. Risks include cultural-racial isolation in predominantly white communities, barriers to providing culturally appropriate hair and skin care, and cultural alienation in transracial placements. Highlighted protective factors are community resources for cultural socialization for Black children in transracial placements and community resources that support the cultural competency of transracial caregivers. Positive cultural-racial socialization for Black children and youth requires careful consideration of the community context of the foster home and caregiver access to, and engagement in, culturally affirming resources for Black racial identity development. Further research is needed to explore the long-term impacts of cultural socialization efforts on Black youth in transracial placements.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"Cultural Dislocation and Alienation Experienced by Black Children in Transracial Placements: Community Level Risk and Protective Factors from the Perspectives of Their Caregivers","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2025-11-13 10:46:55","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7086176/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"91cd65e9-1338-420f-a043-f0296204a875","owner":[],"postedDate":"November 13th, 2025","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"posted","subjectAreas":[],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2025-11-13T10:46:55+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2025-11-13 10:46:55","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-7086176","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-7086176","identity":"rs-7086176","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"8U1c8b4HqxoKbykW_rLl7","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}