Entangled mobilities and rural transformations in climate-vulnerable Chile

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Drawing on a multi-method study in central-southern Chile, an area marked by intensifying droughts and forest fires, we analyze the entangled effects of two seemingly opposing mobility dynamics: outward climate mobilities driven by environmental stress and livelihood disruptions, and inward amenity and return migrations motivated by rural lifestyle aspirations, health concerns, and rural tranquility. Through a place-based approach, we show how the convergence of these flows reshapes local demographics, economies and land use, intensifies pressures on scarce resources, and alters community cohesion and vulnerability to climate hazards. We argue that these ‘entangled mobilities’ illuminate how climate change interacts with broader socioeconomic and territorial transformations. Rather than separate and oppositional, climate and amenity mobilities emerge as mutually constitutive forces that both reflect and reproduce wider processes of rural de-agrarianization, land commodification, and the redefinition of what it means to inhabit rural Chile under climate change. The study highlights the value of place-based, historically informed approaches to understanding human mobilities in the context of climate change. climate mobilities amenity migration Chile drought forest fires rural transformations Figures Figure 1 Figure 2 1. Introduction Research on climate (im)mobilities, or human mobilities and immobilities in the context of a changing climate, has expanded exponentially in recent years (Piguet 2022 ). This includes research into displacement, long-term migration, short-term mobility and relocation, as well as the experiences of those who stay in place, covering a broad spectrum of autonomy in (im)mobility decision-making (Boas et al. 2022 ; IPCC 2022 ). In this field, empirical studies tend to focus on the drivers behind these mobilities, often set in rural contexts, on their impacts on communities and on the role of perceptions of climate change, risks and habitability in (im)mobility decision-making (Zickgraf 2021a ; Daoust and Selby 2024 ). While academic debates have largely moved beyond earlier reductionist understandings of the climate change-migration nexus, current-day literature still considers rural contexts primarily as areas of departure (Paprocki 2020 ; Chung et al. 2022 ) However, empirical evidence shows that climate-vulnerable rural areas can simultaneously be areas of arrival for return and amenity migrants (Azócar et al. 2025 ). In contrast to climate mobilities linked to livelihood disruptions and economic needs, in-migration to rural areas tends to be motivated by the search for rural lifestyles, health and tranquility, home ownership or even economic opportunities (Hidalgo et al. 2014 ; Marchant and Rojas 2018 ; Nicolas-Artero et al. 2025 ). Rural areas have thus become areas where departure mobilities (such as climate mobilities) and arrival mobilities (amenity and returnee mobilities) converge and intersect. While existing academic and policy discourses tend to treat these mobilities as separate, even oppositional, phenomena, such conceptual and analytical silos limit our understanding of the complex ways in which they intersect and shape both daily life and mid- to long-term rural transformations. This article addresses this gap by delving into the entangled impacts of departure and arrival mobilities under climate change through a place-based perspective (Wyss and Dahinden, 2022 ). We illustrate this with the example of central-southern Chile, a primarily agricultural and forestry area heavily affected by droughts and forest fires, where (permanent and temporary) outward mobilities have become a widespread response to the declining profitability of natural resource-based livelihoods (Azócar et al. 2025 ). At the same time, the area has seen a significant increase in new residents constructing primary or secondary homes outside of traditional settlements (CECT 2024 ). Based on mixed-methods research in four rural municipalities, we show how these entangled mobilities shape rural population dynamics such as demographic aging and community dispersion, land and resource use, family and community ties as well as climate vulnerabilities, reflecting and reinforcing ongoing socio-spatial, economic and environmental transformations. The article is structured as follows: We start with a literature review on climate and amenity mobilities in rural contexts in Latin America and Chile, then introduce the concept of ‘entangled mobilities’. Following a description of the case study and the research methodology, we present our analysis of climate mobilities, arrival mobilities and their entangled impacts. We end with a discussion on how place-based research approaches can overcome silo-thinking and environmental determinism in climate mobility studies, and how the field can be enriched through engagement with social habitability and critical agrarian studies. 2. Literature review 2.1. Climate mobilities Climate mobilities are human mobilities directly or indirectly impacted by the extreme weather events or permanent biophysical changes associated with climate change (Boas et al. 2022 ). The term encompasses a wide variety of mobility dynamics with different degrees of autonomy, duration and distance covered. These include permanent migration or temporary mobilities of households or family members, short or long-term displacements following rapid-onset events or the planned relocation of whole communities in the face of permanent environmental changes (McLeman and Gemenne 2018 ; McMichael 2023 ). Also non-migration, in both more and less voluntary forms, has become an important research interest (Zickgraf 2018 ; Mallick and Schanze 2020 ; Sengupta 2025 ). Earlier research on climate mobilities was characterized by a more simplistic (and often alarmist) interpretation of climate change inevitably causing migration and displacement (Biermann and Boas, 2010 ; Myers, 2002 ). However, in the past decade, the multicausality of migration and the difficulty of isolating climate change impacts from other macro- and meso-level drivers of mobilities have become widely accepted, particularly in the context of slow-onset events such as droughts, land degradation and rising temperatures (Foresight 2011 ; Zickgraf 2021a ). Recent work on power-sensitive approaches to climate mobilities emphasizes how the severity of climate change impacts and capacities for adaptation – including mobilities – are shaped by historical and current-day political, economic and socio-cultural structures that (re)produce marginalization and intersectional inequalities (Klepp and Herbeck 2016 ; Bettini 2017 ; Radel et al. 2018 ; Sheller 2018 ; Vigil 2024 ). Mobilities as a household-level response mechanism to the impacts of climate change on rural, natural resource-dependent livelihoods are among the most-researched dynamics in the climate mobilities literature (Cundill et al. 2021 ; Zickgraf 2021a ). Empirical studies show that such mobilities, often directed towards urban centers, have increased under climate change and have become an integral part of rural lives and livelihoods in many parts of the world (see e.g. Borderon et al., 2019 ; Nawrotzki et al., 2015 ; Radel et al., 2018 ; Thongchaithanawut et al., 2024 ). Resulting impacts on sending areas include rural population aging and abandonment of remote villages, the decline of the rural workforce, remittance dependency, but also, in some cases, increased decision-making power for non-migrant married women (Porst and Sakdapolrak 2018 ; Tripathy Furlong et al. 2022 ; Upadhyay et al. 2023 ; Sakdapolrak et al. 2023 ). Compared to south and south-east Asia, sub-Saharan Africa and Oceania, Latin America has been less covered in (English-language) climate mobilities literature (Piguet et al. 2018 ), despite its high urbanization rate of 82% (UNDP 2024 ), the well-documented precarity of small-scale farmers (CEPAL, FAO & IICA, 2024) and the severe climate change impacts over the past decade (IPCC 2022 ). Even fewer studies have focused on Chile, although the available evidence from academic and grey literature indicates that also here, climate mobilities have become integral to rural livelihoods (Sapiains et al. 2023 ; Wiegel 2023 ). Over the past two decades, intensifying droughts, forest fires and floods have significantly impaired agricultural production of both smallholders and the agricultural industry in a large part of the country (González et al. 2020 ; Pérez-Silva and Castillo 2025 ; Boisier et al. 2025 ; Garreaud et al. 2025 ). Typical mobility patterns in response to livelihood disruptions are permanent rural-urban migration, especially of younger generations, in search of educational and employment opportunities, as well as temporary, repetitive labor mobilities towards the mining, construction or agroindustry sectors (IOM 2017 ; Wiegel 2023 ; Azócar et al. 2025 ). 2.2. Return and amenity migration Not only rural outmigration, but also urban-rural mobility dynamics have gained momentum over the recent years, and particularly during the Covid-19 pandemic (Martin and Bergmann 2021 ; Nicolas-Artero et al. 2025 ). These movements encompass the return migration of rural-turned-urban residents, the temporary occupation of rural second homes by urban dwellers, and more permanent forms of urban-rural amenity or lifestyle migration. Such dynamics are driven by the pursuit of specific rural attributes, such as scenic landscapes, better air quality, favorable climates, and a slower pace of life (Matarrita-Cascante et al. 2017 ; Millán-Otero and Torrejón Cardona 2023 ). For migrants without prior family or social connections to their destinations, decisions to relocate are often motivated by idealized representations of nature and rural culture (Marchant Santiago 2017 ). Amenity migration, occurring both within and across national borders, typically involves affluent and highly skilled urban residents, whose livelihoods are based on remote or commutable employment, retirement funds or – to a lesser degree – integration into the local economy through employment or new enterprises (Matarrita-Cascante et al. 2015 ; Marchant and Rojas 2018 ). While this migration can stimulate local economies and contribute to rural revitalization, amenity migration has also been associated with broader territorial and socio-economic restructuring of rural destination areas, involving rising land and living costs, gentrification and growing inequalities, land use change and the displacement of rural extractive economies (agriculture, mining) with service jobs (Millán-Otero and Torrejón Cardona 2023 ). It can also cause changes to the local culture and community identity and negatively impact the natural environment that attracted the migrants in the first place (Matarrita-Cascante 2017 ; Marchant Santiago 2017 ). Although much of the literature on amenity migration has historically focused on the Global North, recent research highlights the growing importance of this phenomenon in Latin America, where especially mountain and coastal landscapes attract both domestic and international amenity migrants (Millán-Otero and Torrejón Cardona 2023 ). A notable trend involves migration from North to Central America (Matarrita-Cascante 2017 ), which has been critically examined in relation to post-colonial power asymmetries (Benson 2013 ). In Chile, amenity migration has become particularly pronounced in peri-urban areas near major economic centers and in regions characterized by high landscape value – mountains, lakes, volcanoes, and coastal zones – as well as ‘spiritual’ sites (Hidalgo et al. 2014 ; Nicolas-Artero et al. 2025 ). Contemporary amenity migration is closely associated with the boom of so-called parcelas de agrado (“pleasure lots”), resulting from the subdivision of former agricultural or forestry land into individual lots. This is based on a legal framework developed during the military dictatorship (1973–1990) enabling land-market liberalization. The resulting conversion of agricultural to residential use has led to environmental degradation and the fragmentation of rural landscapes, as well as the replacement of agricultural production with speculative real-estate development, particularly profitable in the context of increasing water scarcity (Marchant and Rojas 2018 ; CECT 2024 ). Given Chile’s pronounced socio-economic inequality and limited integrative territorial planning, amenity migration, and particularly the construction of rural or peri-urban gated communities, has deepened existing spatial divisions (Hidalgo et al. 2014 ). During the Covid-19 pandemic, the ‘parcellation boom’ intensified as confinement measures, health concerns, and the possibility of remote work encouraged a surge in the purchase of parcelas de agrado and the construction of rural homes (Millán-Otero and Torrejón Cardona 2023 ; Nicolas-Artero et al. 2025 ). Today, parcellations are widespread across the country, often straining municipalities’ ability to provide essential infrastructure and services such as water, sanitation, and waste management (CECT 2024 ). Although a new law was introduced in 2022 to curb the “rampant construction of housing in rural areas” (Nicolas-Artero et al. 2025 , p. 2) by regulating the subdivision of rural properties, data from the latest population census (INE, 2024 ) suggests that the dynamics of urban-rural migration continue. 2.3. Entangled mobilities The above two sections show that rural areas can simultaneously be areas of departure for climate mobilities and areas of arrival for return or amenity migrants. While both mobility dynamics have been studied separately, their intersections and territorial implications in rural localities have not yet been the focus of analysis, despite the significant socio-economic, spatial and environmental impacts associated with both. In this article, we use Wyss and Dahinden’s ( 2022 ) concept of ‘entangled mobilities’ to analyze how these two mobility dynamics intersect and shape contemporary rural contexts, and how they reflect and contribute to medium- and long-term rural transformations. The concept of ‘entangled mobilities’ builds on the mobilities paradigm coined by John Urry and Mimi Sheller (Hannam et al. 2006 ; Sheller and Urry 2006 ). This paradigm holds that the movement of people, objects, knowledge, ideas, communication, risks etc. plays a central role in (re)producing social relations across scales (Urry 2007 ). It challenges sedentary understandings of social life, which treat mobility and migration as exceptions rather than integral features of contemporary society (SLAPE et al. 2023). Building on this framework, ‘entangled mobilities’ emphasizes the relational nature of (im)mobilities—how different forms of movement and non-movement are interconnected and mutually constitutive. The concept focuses particularly on the intersections of human mobility, including various forms of internal and international migration, each shaped by specific mobility regimes that regulate and govern them differently (Wyss and Dahinden 2022 ; Diniega 2024 ). Wyss and Dahinden ( 2022 ) propose three entry points for analyzing these entanglements: in specific localities, in the intersections and co-dependencies of different mobile persons (in terms of social ties, but also in terms of contexts of structural inequality) across time and space, and in individuals’ mobility trajectories over time and life stories. In this study, we focus on the first dimension to examine how the mobilities of different population groups – driven by distinct motivations and regulatory regimes – intersect specific locations. While the mobility dynamics are not necessarily mutually interdependent, by playing out in the same geographical area they become locally entangled and have intersecting impacts that cannot be reduced to either dynamic. While the relationality between mobilities and immobilities has been well-researched in climate mobility studies (see e.g. Farbotko, 2022 ; Zickgraf, 2022 ), the entanglements between differently categorized mobilities, such as climate and amenity mobilities, have rarely been examined. An exception is the work of Diniega ( 2024 ), who analyses the entanglements of mobilities associated with top-down climate adaptation interventions and with household-level adaptation measures in Skoura M’Daz, Morocco. Overall, however, climate mobilities studies echo the frequently criticized silo-thinking in broader migration studies (Dahinden 2016 ; Schapendonk et al. 2021 ), which has prompted critical scholars in the field to call out the persisting exceptionalization of mobilities in the climate change context, and the lacking contextualization within broader mobility dynamics (Boas et al. 2019 ; Wiegel et al. 2019 ; Parsons and Østergaard Nielsen 2020 ; Vigil 2024 ). The next section introduces how we apply the concept of entangled mobilities to concurrent climate and amenity mobilities in central-southern Chile. 3. Methodology 3.1. Case study description This study is based on empirical research in central-southern Chile, a region heavily dependent on the agricultural and forestry sectors and therefore particularly vulnerable to environmental stressors such as drought and forest fires. We studied entangled mobilities in the rural municipalities ( comunas ) of Nancagua and Paredones in the O’Higgins Region, and San Javier and Empedrado in the Maule Region (see Fig. 1 ). These territories have been heavily affected by both the long-running megadrought and recurrent wildfire events, including the 2016–2017 megafires and more localized but significant recent fires (González et al. 2020 ; Duarte et al. 2024 ; Boisier et al. 2025 ; Garreaud et al. 2025 ). The local economy in these predominantly rural municipalities is deeply rooted in silvoagropecuary activities, including agroindustry, small-scale agricultural production and the forestry industry. Many communities face structural water scarcity, relying partly on drinking water trucks (SIT Rural; Nicolas-Artero and Blanco-Wells 2025 ). These comunas , like most rural territories in central-southern Chile, have also undergone profound socio-territorial transformations over the past decades. Historically structured by the hacienda system and its unequal land tenure well into the twentieth century, the region experienced major rural–urban outmigration from the 1950s onward, driven by stagnating agricultural production and the pull of urban industrialization (Jiménez, 2021 ). Although the Agrarian Reforms of the 1960s sought to redistribute land and modernize the rural economy, these efforts were largely reversed during the military dictatorship (1973–1990), which consolidated a neoliberal, export-oriented agro-forestry model supported by policies such as the 1981 Water Code and 1974 Decree 701 on forestry (Avendaño, 2021 ). These reforms accelerated the concentration of land and water rights, expanded pine and eucalyptus monocultures, and reconfigured labor markets toward temporary and seasonal employment (Garthenlaub-González and Tello-Navarro, 2021 ; Riquelme, 2021 ). In recent decades, the persistent megadrought has intensified socio-territorial conflicts over water access (Budds, 2012 ; Castillo et al., 2023 ) and has heightened wildfire risk by drying vegetation and increasing fuel loads (Duarte et al., 2024 ). Together, these climatic and historical processes have produced a multi-risk environment that shapes the mobility patterns analyzed in this study. 3.2. Research methods For this study, a mixed-methods approach was employed, comprising 41 semi-structured interviews, a household survey with 412 responses, and four focus groups with 62 stakeholders from diverse sectors, conducted in late 2024. Interview sampling followed a snowball technique, with a focus on areas within each municipality most affected by droughts and forest fires. The study design prioritized equal representation of gender and age groups. While the interviews were limited to local residents, the focus groups (one in each comuna ) involved representatives from civil society, the public and the private sectors. The data from interviews and focus groups was coded and analyzed using Atlas.ti software. The survey was conducted in person with the household head or spouse in various rural and peri-urban localities in the regions of O’Higgins, Maule, Ñuble and Biobío that were selected for their high exposure droughts and forest fires. In total, the 412 household-level responses represent 1083 persons. The survey data was analyzed using R-Studio. To explore the increase of ‘pleasure lots’ in the studied municipalities, data was obtained from the last three national censuses (BCN, n.d.; INE, 2017 , 2024 ) as well as from Sentinel-2 RGB imagery and the Open Buildings 2.5D Temporal Dataset (Sirko et al., 2023 ), enabling large-scale analysis of the built environment between 2016 to 2023. The dataset was used to detect changes in building presence within areas previously identified through interviews as potential sites for pleasure-lot development, which was subsequently validated with Sentinel-2 RGB imagery. We compared data from 2019 and 2023 to identify areas with significant visible changes associated with increase of parcellations particularly during the Covid-19 pandemic (2020–2023). 4. Findings 4.1. Climate change impacts and mobilities in central-southern Chile 4.1.1. Local impacts of droughts and forest fires Given the dependency on natural resource-based livelihoods (both subsistence and small-scale agriculture, and employment in the agricultural and forestry industries) in the study area, the compound impacts of climate change-related extreme events affect a large part of the rural population. Over the past two decades, recurrent droughts and forest fires have significantly weakened the local economy, reduced locally available employment and increased household expenditures on basic goods and adaptive measures. Droughts worsen the situation of structural water scarcity in the area, and result in the temporary cutoffs of shared water supply, the drying of private wells and the increasing dependency on water trucks for household drinking water. The study revealed that these conditions constrain domestic water use and (subsistence) agricultural production, resulting in higher household expenditure for water, food and the construction of deeper wells. According to study participants, the insecurity of water supply negatively affects farmers’ wellbeing causing both psychological stress and anxiety about the viability of their investments, as well as interrupted sleep, since water rationing often forces them to irrigate their crops at night. Participants also reported growing social tensions and disputes over water distribution, resulting in deteriorating community relations. As a result of these conditions, some small landholders have decided to discontinue their agricultural activities and/or to sell their land. “Before, there was a lot of farming, they worked year-round in the fields, and that was enough to make a living. And then, since that stopped, they were left without work, so [...] they had to search for it elsewhere.” (Male, 51–60 years, Paredones) Research participants emphasized that the 2017 forest fires in the study area, particularly in Empedrado and Paredones, not only caused immediate material losses (of houses, productive assets such as greenhouses, gardens and plantations), but also led to long-term landscape changes such as erosion, soil depletion, and the contamination of water resources, as well as physical and mental health impacts. However, it was widely agreed that the most significant local consequence of forest fires was the drastic reduction in employment opportunities, especially in pine plantations. While employment in reforestation briefly increased in the immediate aftermath of the fires, it declined significantly thereafter due to the 15–20 year growth period before the next harvest cycle. “If there are no forests [i.e. plantations], there are no jobs. Here we depend entirely on forestry resources, and after the fires, nothing remains […] I dare say that 80% of the workforce in Empedrado depended on the forestry sector, and in 2017, all the forest raw materials were destroyed.” (Male, 61–70 years, Empedrado). In the agricultural sector, particularly in the vineyards, the fires had similar impacts, reducing employment as companies scaled back their operations. Consequently, formerly year-round jobs turned into seasonal employment limited to harvest time, which decreased household income. 4.1.2. Mobility responses to the economic impacts of droughts and fires As response to these economic challenges associated with droughts and forest fires, two main mobility patterns gain importance: 1) the permanent outmigration of the younger generations towards urban centers in search of educational and non-agricultural labor opportunities, and 2) the daily or weekly labor mobilities of agricultural and forestry workers towards southern plantations. The first pattern is an amplification of existing rural-urban migration dynamics, mostly long-term or permanent. Particularly younger generations leave the rural area in search of higher education or off-farm labor opportunities and urban lifestyles. In the study area, typical destinations are regional urban centers like Talca, Curicó, San Fernando or the national capital Santiago. Growing up in a context marked by persistent climatic and economic stress, with increasingly limited employment prospects in the agricultural and forestry sectors and the declining viability of small-scale agriculture, urban life is widely perceived as offering greater economic stability for young adults, as the following quote illustrates: “Of course, the youth are leaving, we're left with only the old people here, so […] the sectors are ending […] although many young people do like the countryside, they do like work in the fields, but I think it's going to become less common, agriculture will be less important. Because it's also more difficult with sudden rains or the droughts, so it's not something that's stable.” (Female, 41–50 years, Nancagua) A second mobility pattern emerging in the study area are the short-term labor mobilities towards agricultural or forestry plantations further south, which involve daily or weekly commutes (without a change of residence). According to the interviewees, after the 2017 fires forestry workers from Empedrado have started to commute as much as six hours daily to forestry plantations further south, on top of their regular, physically intense working days. Research participants highlighted how this negatively affects their physical health, causing severe exhaustion, and impairs their participation in family and community life. “[We feel] tired, because you arrive home late, tired, because we work with a chainsaw. We would arrive there in the evening, just to shower and go to sleep, and in the morning, already at 5:00 a.m., we had to be up, because the van would come to pick us up. We got up at 4:00 a.m.” (Male, 41–50 years, Empedrado). While some female interviewees also reported to participate in labor mobilities in the agricultural sector, it is particularly able-bodied men who commute to work in the forestry sector. Women with care responsibilities (such as children or elderly relatives), single-parent households and physically challenged persons cannot participate in these mobilities, and in some cases have experienced an increasing economic dependency and precarity after the fires. The interviews and focus groups underline that daily micro-mobilities (Zickgraf 2021b ; Boas et al. 2022 ), though typically invisible in census data as they do not involve change of residence, are the most prevalent form of climate mobilities. Many of the households in the study area have come to depend on them for their livelihoods. These observations are consistent with findings from central-northern Chile, such as Monte Patria and Petorca (IOM 2017 ; Sapiains et al. 2023 ; Wiegel 2023 ), and confirm that in rural Chile, recurrent labor mobilities (often rural-rural) constitute a common household strategy for securing a more stable income while maintaining long-term residence in rural areas under climate stress. 4.2. Arrival mobilities: Return and amenity migration Despite the increase of rural outmigration and labor micro-mobilities observed in the four comunas , the study area has in fact become a net receiver of internal and international migrants in recent years. According to the national population census, the number of households in the comuna of Paredones increased by 26% between 2017 and 2024; in San Javier by 18% and in Nancagua by 11%; only in Empedrado it remained unchanged (INE, 2017 , 2024 ). In our study, we identified 3 distinct types of arrival mobilities, characterized by different motivations, connections to and impacts on the area: 1) return migration, 2) internal urban-rural (amenity) mobilities and to a significantly lesser extent, 3) international migrants working in the agricultural sector. Here, we focus particularly on the first two types due to their greater scope and territorial impact. 4.2.1. Return migration This dynamic refers to the arrival of individuals who as young adults left their rural homes for urban centers, most commonly Santiago, in search of better economic opportunities, and who return to their area of origin in middle age or upon retirement. The motivations behind this type of mobility are multiple: On one hand, returnees often seek improved wellbeing, which they associate with slow-paced rural life, tranquility and safety, especially after living for decades in urban environments perceived as stressful, dangerous and/or precarious. “They left [the area] 40 years ago and returned due to the pandemic.” (Female, 61–70 years, Paredones) “To return for the family and for the well-being of all of us, because it seemed that things in Santiago were no longer looking good” (Female, 51–60 years, Paredones) Another common driver is the emotional attachment to the area and to relatives living close by, and the desire to reunite with family. The availability of land to construct a house and engage in small-scale agriculture or gardening, often inherited or donated by relatives, facilitates this type of migration and is an important motivation for returning home after many years in the constricted environments of the urban context. “When my mother was alive, she gave us all land to build houses […] And then everyone started building houses. My sister came from Nancagua [town] to live here, and she also built a house […] Here everything is spacious, they have land to plant, all of that.” (Female, 61–70 years, Nancagua) 4.2.2. Amenity mobilities Like return migration, amenity mobilities are driven by the search for improved wellbeing and tranquility, a healthier environment, lower stress levels, and a reduced sense of exposure to crime and insecurity. While typically not involving family connections in the area, some migrants may have emotional attachments and prior knowledge of the area from childhood visits, holidays, friends or similar connections. Reflecting the prevalent dynamics described in the Chilean literature on the topic (REFS), amenity migrants arriving in the study area typically did not settle in established towns or villages, but bought ‘pleasure lots’ converted from agricultural or forestry land. “People are coming from outside because they buy a little piece of land and stay there, for the peace and quiet. Well, for an older person it's good here, because it’s quiet, yes, because there's no noise at all.” (Male, 61–70 years, San Javier) In the study area, this dynamic significantly increased during the COVID-19 pandemic: During this period, many individuals accessed savings from their pension funds (through a temporary government scheme aimed at reducing economic stress for the population), which enabled them to purchase land for constructing primary or secondary homes. The widely held perception of rural areas as less contagious and less restrictive environments further strengthened this trend (see also Nicolas-Artero et al. 2025 ) Although amenity migrants generally shared similar motivations, the profiles of those who moved to the study area are diverse. Younger or middle-aged adults primarily moved to rural localities from nearby urban centers, such as Talca or Villa Alegre, which allows for daily commutes between their urban workplace and their new rural homes. Others came from more distant metropolitan areas like Santiago, often without a job, hoping to find work locally or to start a small business. However, the limited economic opportunities in the study area over time have led to the abandonment of many newly constructed houses, resulting in their sale or conversion to occasional-use properties instead of permanent residences. “Yes, there is the tranquility you’re looking for, but without work, how do you live? Because you can bring a bit of money but that will be spent after some time, and they are still young people. [Today] most of those houses are summer houses, there are very few people who live here permanently. Because many started to live here and then became aware of the reality, that there is no work.” (Female, 51–60 years, Paredones) Retired or elderly individuals, on the other hand, relocate with more preparation and financial stability. These individuals typically have no expectation of joining the local labor force, and their move was often part of a planned retirement strategy. As a result, they encounter fewer economic difficulties in settling in permanently and are more likely to build slower-paced lifestyles. “I believe that when people already have stability and want to rest and already have their pension for living, perfect, they come prepared, but people who are not prepared find themselves in a great disappointment” (Female, 51–60 years, Paredones) 4.3. Entangled impacts of departure and arrival mobilities The findings above show that the study area, heavily impacted by intensifying forest fires and droughts, is not only an area of departure for climate mobilities but is simultaneously an area of arrival for mobilities motivated by the desire for tranquility and safety associated with rural lifestyles. These mobility dynamics intersect and entangle in the study area, with diverse social, demographic, economic and environmental consequences. As we will show in this section, their impacts are associated with increasing pressure on available resources, livelihood opportunities as well as an growing vulnerability to climate change impacts. 4.3.1. Land use change The most salient entanglement of departure and arrival mobilities in the context of climate change is reflected in the changing land use, resulting from transforming agricultural or forestry land into residential parcellations. This has not only changed the economic matrix of rural localities but is also reflected in long-term socio-spatial and demographic changes. In the study area, increasing droughts hamper the profitability of agricultural production, and regular forest fires cause the degradation of crops and soils, with high costs of restoring production. In this context, affected landowners often decide to subdivide and sell their plots, considering it a way to secure significant immediate income (especially given the rising land prices in recent years) while avoiding exposure to and the financial risks of future extreme events. This trend is reinforced by the lack of generational renewal, as many young adults leave to seek urban opportunities and few are willing to take over their parents’ small-scale farms. The following quote illustrates the typical land use conversion in the study area over the past decades: “The upper area was just hills where they used to farm, then they stopped farming and planted trees [i.e. forestry plantations]. Afterwards, they sold that plot, and then some people bought the parcellations." (Male, 51–60 years, Paredones) This land-use change is illustrated in the Fig. 2 , comparing satellite data from 2019 and 2023: In the cases of San Pedro de Alcántara and El Calvario, two rural localities located in Paredones, a clear expansion of ‘ pleasure lots’ can be observed between 2019 and 2023, which coincides with the Covid-19 pandemic. This growth is evident both visually in the Sentinel-2 imagery and through the Open Buildings 2.5D Temporal Dataset, which detects the emergence of new buildings. The dataset, which identifies building presence using artificial intelligence, allows us to recognize the construction of multiple new structures during this period. The spatial pattern and arrangement of these new buildings—characterized by distinct road layouts and evenly spaced lots—suggest that they correspond to parcelas de agrado . This interpretation is consistent with the information provided by interviewees from Paredones. This trend reflects increasing development pressure and notable land-use change in rural areas where transformations have traditionally occurred more slowly. In this case, within just five years, new residential settlements have rapidly emerged, indicating an accelerated reconfiguration of the rural landscape. 4.3.2. Socio-spatial dispersion, population aging and declining social networks These parcellations lead to a significant change of traditional settlement patterns in the study area, with dispersed residential zones on formerly uninhabited agricultural and forestry land, typically without direct access to drinking water and wastewater treatment, public transport or paved roads. Furthermore, these new settlements are based on the unregulated construction of individual houses on 5000m 2 plots, and do not have typical village centers or shared public spaces, thus not contributing to the establishment of community life and social networks among the new residents (CECT 2024 ; Nicolas-Artero et al. 2025 ). The interviews and focus groups revealed a lack of integration between new arrivals and long-term residents (with the exception of returnees), which weakens the local support networks essential in the more isolated areas of the study area, and in some cases has led to feelings of distrust and insecurity. At the same time, interviewees observed population decline in established rural settlements, especially in isolated localities. This is a direct result of the pattern of the rural-urban migration of young adults which, although it has existed for decades in the Chilean countryside, has increased significantly in the context of declining agricultural activity. As young and middle-aged inhabitants leave, population aging has intensified, with older residents increasingly losing immediate family and social support networks. During the focus groups it was emphasized that this results in growing isolation, weakening community networks and – with less residents in traditional localities – declining public investments. The population aging is amplified by many of the new residents (both returnees and amenity migrants) moving to the countryside in pension age, and is reflected in recent census data: In the comuna of Paredones, the Aging Index 1 increased from 49.9 in 2002 to 120.4 in 2017 and 146.5 in 2024; in Empedrado from 28.2 in 2002, 63 in 2017 to 89.9 in 2024 (INE, 2017 , 2024 ; SIT Rural, n.d.). The socio-spatial dispersion of the population, the growing proportion of elderly residents both among long-term and new residents and the decline of social and family networks (or the lack of those among new residents) negatively affect everyday life, and increase the population’s vulnerability vis-à-vis extreme events, as we will explain below. 4.3.3. Changes to the local economy The diminishing profitability of agriculture, the outmigration of young adults and resulting lack of generational renewal as well as the arrival of new residents have contributed to significant socio-economic changes in the study area. These include the decreasing significance of small-scale and subsistence agriculture, a growing competition for diminishing agricultural and forestry employment and the increasing (though still limited) importance of new economic activities. While aspiring to rural lifestyles, amenity migrants and returnees in the study area tend not to engage in typical rural, resource-based livelihoods, even when they cannot rely on income from pension funds or remote work. Their arrival has given rise to the exploration of new economic ventures in the study area, particularly in the hospitality sector. Due to the lack of formal employment opportunities, both long-term residents and new arrivals have opened small businesses primarily related to lodging and food services, such as hostels, cabins or selling snacks in food trucks or from home. “I saw that many people came, for example, to build a house and there was nowhere to stay, so I also started to build a boarding house. I first started with rooms and then with cabins, and that has been what has sustained me financially […] Now so many people have arrived from outside, so everyone invents their own business […], even if they are not profitable, because they want to survive and get by” (Female, 51–60 years, Paredones) Particularly for new arrivals without other stable forms of income, this decision often stems from economic necessity rather than entrepreneurial ambition. Research participants highlighted that due to the low population density and seasonally limited demand for these hospitality businesses, they are not always able to sustain themselves over time. Opportunities tend to be concentrated among those who already have capital, information or networks, and live in the most populated areas, not in the new parcellations. As a result, in the past years several amenity migrants have left their new rural homes again for urban areas with more economic opportunities. 4.3.4. Increasing pressure on water resources Access to drinking water in rural areas of Chile has been a historical challenge. Its supply has been provided since1964 primarily through the National Rural Drinking Water Program ( Programa Nacional de Agua Potable Rural , or APR, now renamed Rural Sanitation Service, or SSR) of the Ministry of Public Works. In semi-concentrated rural areas, however, around 50% of drinking water access is provided through private wells, rivers, estuaries, or tanker trucks ( camiones aljibes) . Structural water scarcity, intensifying droughts, and the geographical dispersion of settlements impede continuous drinking water supply (Fragkou et al. 2022 ; Nicolas-Artero and Blanco-Wells 2025 ). As new residents arrive in already water-scarce areas, particularly in the dispersed settlements created by parcellations, pressure on existing water resources exacerbates problems of access. Recent arrivals, especially those from urban areas, accustomed to unrestricted water access, tend to have a higher water consumption. For long-term residents, particularly those dependent on agriculture, this increased demand represents a direct challenge to both subsistence and commercial production, further decreasing their viability. As new homes are added to the water supply networks, they create waiting lists and intensify competition over the limited supply. This results in frustration and a sense of dispossession among local inhabitants. “And the people who come from outside are not aware that water is so valuable because if you waste it in one place it will lack somewhere else.” (Male, 71–80, San Javier) Particularly during the summer months, the study area experiences a seasonal population increase due to the arrival of second-home owners, tourists and the temporary return of family members. This creates temporary spikes in demand, putting additional strain on local infrastructure and water availability during the driest season. While this pressure on the available resources in parts of the study area generates competition and conflict over water access, research participants also mentioned new practices of solidarity and collaboration, where long-term residents with water access shared it with new neighbours unable to connect to formal systems. 4.3.5. Impacts on community resilience to forest fires Our research shows that the demographic and socio-spatial transformations in the study area decrease overall community resilience to forest fires. Residential settlements on reconverted agricultural or forestry land are often located in zones more exposed to wildfire risk than traditional villages, for instance in areas interspersed with forestry plantations. Furthermore, research participants highlighted that many of the new residents lack experience in forest fire management, which creates challenges both at the household level – such as limited awareness or capacity to establish firebreaks, clear surrounding vegetation, or respond effectively during evacuations – and at the community level, where unfamiliarity with the territory and a lack of community networks can undermine effective participation in collective organization and coordination. These difficulties are compounded by declining resilience in traditional localities where many of the younger residents have permanently left in search of urban labor and educational opportunities, and many other adults are absent during the days due to short-term labor mobilities as described in section 4.1.2 . Also here, weakening family and social networks reduce the capacity for community-based response action, even though these are considered crucial for preventing significant material and human damage in the more remote localities of the study area, which tend to experience a significant delay in the arrival of firefighters. The focus groups highlighted that these problems intensify in summer, during peak fire season, when hot and dry conditions coincide with an influx of temporary residents and tourists who are more likely to engage in risky behaviors and are less familiar with response procedures. Additionally, structural water scarcity and droughts limit the water available for firefighting. Together, these dynamics increase the probability and severity of forest fires, which apart from immediate damage to people’s health and homes can destroy local employment opportunities and household investments in the long term – thereby reinforcing patterns of outward ‘climate mobilities’ and the eventual abandonment of the area by long-term residents. Discussion This research has demonstrated that rural areas in central-southern Chile affected by climate change are not only areas of departure for different mobility dynamics that can be summarized under the umbrella term of ‘climate mobilities’, but are simultaneously areas of arrival for return and amenity migration dynamics. In this paper, we have examined these mobility dynamics and their entanglements (Wyss and Dahinden 2022 ; SLAPE et al. 2023) through a place-based perspective, centering on their joint, multidimensional impacts on the rural localities in which they play out. These impacts range from land use change to social-spatial dispersion, the decline of community integration and social networks, the economic shift away from traditional rural livelihoods as well as growing pressure on already scarce resources, all resulting in increased exposure and vulnerability to extreme events such as forest fires. Together, climate and amenity mobilities reflect and reinforce ongoing rural transformations and what it means to inhabit rural areas in central southern Chile in the context of a changing climate. Our findings challenge the persistent siloing of climate and amenity mobilities in research and policy arenas, with highly divergent meanings attached to each mobility dynamic: while climate mobilities tend to be framed as a response to the climate crisis, livelihood disruptions, and uninhabitability, amenity migration is more positively associated with the voluntary search for well-being, tranquility, and proximity to nature (Matarrita-Cascante 2017 ; Boas et al. 2019 ; Durand-Delacre 2022 ; Millán-Otero and Torrejón Cardona 2023 ). This siloing obscures the complex entanglements that unfold when both mobility dynamics converge in the same locality. In contrast, a place-based analysis helps to move the focus away from mobility drivers, centering instead on their shared territorial implications. In the Chilean central south, such an approach reveals how climate mobilities and amenity migrations can be mutually constitutive: the arrival of newcomers accelerates processes – such as the subdivision of agricultural land, increasing pressure on resources and a heightened risk of forest fires – that exacerbate the declining livelihood conditions causing long-term residents’ decisions to leave (permanently or temporarily). These findings resonate with recent debates on social habitability under climate change. As opposed to earlier geo-deterministic and materialist understandings of habitability as the ability of a place to support human life by providing food, water and shelter, recent work emphasizes the socio-cultural dimension of habitability and its relational, context-dependent properties (Merschroth et al. 2023 ; Janoth et al. 2024 ). Rather than a static environmental threshold, habitability is increasingly understood as an emergent property of the ongoing relationships between humans and their environments, shaped by risk perceptions, past experiences, livelihood practices, and social belonging (Farbotko and Campbell 2022 ; Sterly et al. 2025 ). In central southern Chile, the seemingly contradictory mobility dynamics reflect differentiated habitability perceptions: The outward mobilities of long-term residents reflect perceptions of declining habitability linked to eroding livelihood opportunities within the historically shaped configurations of uneven access to land, water, capital and employment opportunities. In contrast, newcomers perceive the same localities as desirable destinations characterized by tranquility, safety and health benefits, especially in comparison to their urban origins associated with congestion, pollution, and insecurity. This underlines that habitability of the same territory is not uniformly experienced, and not reducible to the perceptions of either social group (Farbotko and Campbell 2022 ). Our findings also raise questions about rural subjectivities, and what it means to live in the Chilean countryside today. Both inward and outward mobilities change the interactions between the urban and rural spheres in Chile, which has generated a process of hybridization (Vásquez & Vallejos, 2014). Currently, an expansion of urban areas towards their peripheries is observed, which intensifies the vulnerability to forest fires in population centers adjacent to forest plantations, such as the parceleros in the study area. Additionally, the growing interest in residing in rural areas induces alterations in the spatial configuration of these places and creates pressure on services, also affecting interpersonal and community practices and relationships (Marchant & Aros, 2018). In this regard, the entangled departure and arrival mobilities observed in central-southern Chile can be considered not as inconsistent, but rather as integral and mutually reinforcing components of broader rural transformations. Critical agrarian studies have long highlighted the ongoing decoupling of “the rural” from “the agrarian” (cf. Bryceson 1996 ), marked by the gradual replacement of subsistence or small-scale agriculture as prevalent rural livelihoods – and identities – by employment in agro-industrial or forestry sectors, outmigration to urban centers, the expansion of rural tourism and service economies, and increasing reliance on non-local income sources such as pensions and remote work (Paprocki 2020 ; Pérez Silva 2023 ). In our study, these dynamics have been observed both among long-term residents and new arrivals. These transformations in central-southern rural Chile are rooted in decades of neoliberal restructuring, privatization, and commodification, processes operating at national, regional, and global scales: The decoupling of land and water, the fragmentation of landholdings, and the flexibilization of rural labor markets, as described above, have contributed to shifting patterns of land use and ownership, rising property values, and changes in the socio-economic and spatial composition of rural communities (Budds 2013 ; Hidalgo et al. 2014 ; Marchant and Rojas 2018 ; Román et al. 2023 ). As observed in the study area, these dynamics have created the conditions that shape contemporary climate and amenity mobilities in rural central-southern Chile. In this sense, our findings challenge persistent assumptions about rural abandonment under climate change. The notion that climate impacts lead straightforwardly to outmigration reflects a climate determinism that continues, to some extent, to shape research questions and analytical frameworks in the climate mobilities field (Hulme 2011 ; Bettini et al. 2017 ; Boas et al. 2019 ; Farbotko 2025 ). Recent engagements with political ecology, postcolonial theory, and feminist scholarship have helped counter these tendencies by illuminating how mobility decisions emerge from the intersection of environmental change with long-standing inequalities, governance arrangements, and socio-territorial histories (see e.g. Baldwin and Bettini, 2017 ; Elmhirst et al., 2018 ; Farbotko, 2018 ; Radel et al., 2018 ; Vigil, 2024 ; Wiegel, 2023 ). Building on this critical scholarship, greater engagement with critical agrarian and peasant studies could further enrich analyses of climate mobilities, particularly given the predominance of rural research contexts and rural-urban mobility dynamics in this field (Piguet et al. 2018 ; Daoust and Selby 2024 ; Simpson et al. 2024 ). Such perspectives highlight how mobility patterns are deeply rooted in shifting agrarian relations, market integration, land dispossession, and the restructuring of natural resource–based livelihoods (Radel et al. 2018 ; Paprocki 2019 , 2020 ). In climate change-affected central-southern Chile, these structural processes continue to shape the opportunities, constraints, and aspirations that define contemporary rural mobilities. Conclusion This study has focused on the territorial effects of simultaneously occurring departure and arrival mobilities in climate change-affected central-southern Chile, and their entanglements within the specific localities in which they play out. Outward-directed climate mobilities, both temporary and permanent, are primarily motivated by the increasingly limited livelihood opportunities in the context of intensifying droughts and forest fires. Arrival mobilities, on the other hand, are driven by the search for rural tranquility and safety, as well as by perceptions of healthier and less restrictive conditions particularly during the Covid-19 pandemic. While these mobility dynamics follow different logics, motivations and regulatory frameworks, in this paper we have analyzed their entangled impacts on the study area, and how they together reflect and reinforce broader rural transformations involving significant changes in land use patterns, rural economies, demographics, and socio-spatial relations. These transformations shape community resilience in the face of intensifying droughts and forest fires, and redefine what it means to inhabit rural Chile in a time of climatic and economic uncertainty. By their seemingly paradoxical nature, the simultaneous arrival and departure mobilities of climate and amenity migrants shed light on the contextual character of habitability under advancing climate change, as well as on the ongoing reconfiguration of ‘the rural’ beyond ‘the agrarian’. In doing so, they prompt us to further expand critical climate mobilities scholarship beyond the analytical centrality of climate change. Declarations Funding information: This study was conducted as part of the project “Dynamics, Costs, and Impacts of Climate-Induced Mobility in Chile: Strategic Recommendations to Guide Public Policy Formulation”, carried out by the Centre for Climate and Resilience Research (CR)2 between July 2024 and March 2025 for the Chilean Ministry of Environment, with funding obtained by the NDC Partnership fund and managed by the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO). The writing of the article was partially funded by FONDAP/ANID 1523A0002. Author Contribution H.W. developed the main manuscript with contributions from P.O., M.R., C.C. and R.C.; P.O. prepared figure 1, R.C. prepared figure 2. All authors reviewed the manuscript. Acknowledgement This study was conducted as part of the project “Dynamics, Costs, and Impacts of Climate-Induced Mobility in Chile: Strategic Recommendations to Guide Public Policy Formulation”, carried out by the Centre for Climate and Resilience Research (CR)2 between July 2024 and March 2025 for the Chilean Ministry of Environment, with funding obtained by the NDC Partnership fund and managed by the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO). We would like to thank all research participants for sharing their valuable time and insights with us. Special thanks go to Gabriela Azócar de la Cruz for her insightful comments on an earlier version of this manuscript. References Azócar G, Wiegel H, Orellana P et al (2025) Dinámicas, costos e impactos de las movilidades climáticas en Chile: Recomendaciones estratégicas para guiar la formulación de políticas públicas. Center for Climate and Resilience Research (CR)2. 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Environ Res Lett 10:114023. https://doi.org/10.1088/1748-9326/10/11/114023 Nicolas-Artero C, Blanco-Wells G (2025) Tanker trucks in Chile: from the normalization of an emergency to the commodification of water. Int J Water Resour Dev 41:667–687. https://doi.org/10.1080/07900627.2024.2423734 Nicolas-Artero C, Fuster-Farfán X, Malhue-Huaico A (2025) Interconnected water scarcities and environmental amenities migration in rural Chile. J Rural Stud 113. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jrurstud.2024.103502 Paprocki K (2020) The climate change of your desires: Climate migration and imaginaries of urban and rural climate futures. Environ Plan D 38:248–266. https://doi.org/10.1177/0263775819892600 Paprocki K (2019) All That Is Solid Melts into the Bay: Anticipatory Ruination and Climate Change Adaptation. Antipode 51:295–315. https://doi.org/10.1111/anti.12421 Parsons L, Østergaard Nielsen J (2020) The Subjective Climate Migrant: Climate Perceptions, Their Determinants, and Relationship to Migration in Cambodia. Ann Am Assoc Geogr 1–18. https://doi.org/10.1080/24694452.2020.1807899 Pérez Silva R (2023) Estado actual y transformaciones del empleo rural en América Latina. Un análisis del caso de Chile. Chil J Agricultural Anim Sci 39:121–132. https://doi.org/10.29393/CHJAA39-10EARP10010 Pérez-Silva R, Castillo M (2025) Droughts, Drought Mitigation Policy and Income Concentration Among Agricultural Producers. The Case of Chile. Water Econ Policy. https://doi.org/10.1142/S2382624X25500079 Piguet E (2022) Linking climate change, environmental degradation, and migration: An update after 10 years. Wiley Interdiscip Rev Clim Change 13. https://doi.org/10.1002/wcc.746 Piguet E, Kaenzig R, Guélat J (2018) The uneven geography of research on environmental migration. Popul Environ 39:357–383. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11111-018-0296-4 Porst L, Sakdapolrak P (2018) Advancing adaptation or producing precarity? The role of rural-urban migration and translocal embeddedness in navigating household resilience in Thailand. Geoforum 97:35–45. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2018.10.011 Radel C, Schmook B, Carte L, Mardero S (2018) Toward a Political Ecology of Migration: Land, Labor Migration, and Climate Change in Northwestern Nicaragua. World Dev 108:263–273. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2017.04.023 Román Á, Gac D, Larraín J (2023) Ruralidad y fronteras de recursos en regiones de la zona central y patagónica de Chile: paisaje y nuevas relaciones de poder. https://doi.org/10.7764/EURE.50.149.03 . EURE 50: Riquelme G (2021) Cambios en la matriz producción-empleo de la Región del Maule. In: Gartenlaub-González A, Tello-Navarro F (eds) El Maule hoy. Perspectivas y aproximaciones socio-históricas, económicas y medioambientales del Valle Central. RIL Editores, Universidad Autónoma de Chile, pp 125–152 Sakdapolrak P, Borderon M, Sterly H (2023) The limits of migration as adaptation. A conceptual approach towards the role of immobility, disconnectedness and simultaneous exposure in translocal livelihoods systems. Clim Dev 1–10. https://doi.org/10.1080/17565529.2023.2180318 Sapiains R, Castillo C, Azócar G et al (2023) Movilidad Humana en contexto de Cambio Climático y Desastres Socio-naturales - Los casos de la Provincia de Petorca y un Macro-Campamento de Antofagasta. Platform on Disaster Displacement Schapendonk J, Bolay M, Dahinden J (2021) The conceptual limits of the ‘migration journey’. De-exceptionalising mobility in the context of West African trajectories. J Ethn Migr Stud 47:3243–3259. https://doi.org/10.1080/1369183X.2020.1804191 Sengupta M (2025) Environmental immobility: A systematic review of empirical research. Ambio 54:1729–1756. https://doi.org/10.1007/s13280-025-02195-9 Sheller M (2018) Mobility Justice. Verso, London and New York Sheller M, Urry J (2006) The new mobilities paradigm. Environ Plan A 38:10–25. https://doi.org/10.1068/a37268 Simpson NP, Mach KJ, Tebboth MGL et al (2024) Research priorities for climate mobility. One Earth 7:589–607 Sirko W, Brempong EA, Marcos JTC et al (2023) High-Resolution Building and Road Detection from Sentinel-2. arXiv:2310.11622. Rural SIT (n.d.) Informes comunales (ed) https://www.sitrural.cl/ . Accessed 13 Dec 2025 Wyss SLAPE, Zittoun A T, et al (2023) Places and mobilities: studying human movements using place as an entry point. Mobilities 18:567–581 Sterly H, Borderon M, Sakdapolrak P et al (2025) Habitability for a connected, unequal and changing world. Glob Environ Change 90 Thongchaithanawut M, Borderon M, Sakdapolrak P (2024) Regional evidence of environmental mobility in Southeast Asia: A systematic review of the empirical evidence. Singap J Trop Geogr 45:533–562. https://doi.org/10.1111/sjtg.12562 Tripathy Furlong B, Adams H, Boas I et al (2022) Gendered (im)mobility: emotional decisions of staying in the context of climate risks in Bangladesh. Reg Environ Change 22. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10113-022-01974-4 UNDP (2024) The changing faces of poverty in Latin America and the Caribbean. https://www.undp.org/latin-america/blog/changing-faces-poverty-latin-america-and-caribbean . Accessed 13 Dec 2025 Upadhyay H, Vinke K, Weisz H (2023) We are still here climate change, gender and immobility in highly mobile Himalayan communities. Clim Dev. https://doi.org/10.1080/17565529.2023.2230176 Urry J (2007) Mobilities. Polity, Cambridge and Malden Vásquez Wiedeman C, Vallejos Quilodrán D (2014) Migración juvenil rural en la región del Maule, Chile: Expectativas de futuro de la nueva generación. Revista de Ciencias Sociales 27(35):91–108 Vicuña S, Gironás J, Meza FJ et al (2013) Exploring possible connections between hydrological extreme events and climate change in central south Chile. Hydrol Sci J 58:1598–1619. https://doi.org/10.1080/02626667.2013.840380 Vigil S (2024) Towards a feminist political ecology of migration in a changing climate. Geoforum 155. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2024.104076 Wiegel H (2023) Complicating the tale of ‘first climate migrants’: Resource-dependent livelihoods, drought and labour mobilities in semi-arid Chile. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2022.11.005 . Geoforum 138: Wiegel H, Boas I, Warner J (2019) A mobilities perspective on migration in the context of environmental change. Wiley Interdiscip Rev Clim Change 10:1–9. https://doi.org/10.1002/wcc.610 Wyss A, Dahinden J (2022) Disentangling entangled mobilities: reflections on forms of knowledge production within migration studies. Comp Migr Stud 10. https://doi.org/10.1186/s40878-022-00309-w Zickgraf C (2018) Immobility. In: McLeman R, Gemenne F (eds) Routledge Handbook of Environmental Displacement and Migration. Routledge, London and New York, pp 71–84 Zickgraf C (2021a) Climate change, slow onset events and human mobility: reviewing the evidence. Curr Opin Environ Sustain 50:21–30. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cosust.2020.11.007 Zickgraf C (2021b) Theorizing (im)mobility in the face of environmental change. Reg Environ Change 21:126. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10113-021-01839-2 Zickgraf C (2022) Relational (im)mobilities: a case study of Senegalese coastal fishing populations. J Ethn Migr Stud 48:3450–3467. https://doi.org/10.1080/1369183X.2022.2066263 Footnotes This index is calculated by dividing the number of elderly persons (65 years or more) by the number of children (0–14 years). In 2024, the average Aging Index in Chile was 79, which means that for each 100 persons aged 0–14 there were 79 persons aged 65 or above (INE, 2024 ). Additional Declarations No competing interests reported. Cite Share Download PDF Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Research Square lets you share your work early, gain feedback from the community, and start making changes to your manuscript prior to peer review in a journal. As a division of Research Square Company, we’re committed to making research communication faster, fairer, and more useful. We do this by developing innovative software and high quality services for the global research community. Our growing team is made up of researchers and industry professionals working together to solve the most critical problems facing scientific publishing. Also discoverable on Platform About Our Team In Review Editorial Policies Advisory Board Help Center Resources Author Services Accessibility API Access RSS feed Manage Cookie Preferences © Research Square 2026 | ISSN 2693-5015 (online) Privacy Policy Terms of Service Do Not Sell My Personal Information {"props":{"pageProps":{"initialData":{"identity":"rs-8389194","acceptedTermsAndConditions":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"archivedVersions":[],"articleType":"Research Article","associatedPublications":[],"authors":[{"id":572832049,"identity":"45348fc4-0999-4f2e-8f19-c579acc4c945","order_by":0,"name":"Hanne 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1","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":1394424,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eStudy location (own elaboration).\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"floatimage2.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-8389194/v1/76d0ab2220536011397f6ff4.png"},{"id":100002696,"identity":"9e4c14fe-757b-44ef-baad-e0e0bf90b0e6","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2026-01-12 05:04:21","extension":"png","order_by":2,"title":"Figure 2","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":1193179,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eLand-use change between 2019 and 2023 in small settlements in the study area. \u003c/strong\u003ePanels a and b show the locality of San Pedro de Alcantara, panels c and d the locality of El Calvario (both in Paredones) in 2019 and 2023, respectively. Own elaboration.\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"floatimage3.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-8389194/v1/3f301c57bedb4515b4a3502f.png"},{"id":100380856,"identity":"2d976ccf-01d7-49ce-81ae-2f748a8d3c58","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2026-01-16 10:35:57","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":3434816,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-8389194/v1/41346126-4259-4197-be7d-40335880c4c1.pdf"}],"financialInterests":"No competing interests reported.","formattedTitle":"Entangled mobilities and rural transformations in climate-vulnerable Chile","fulltext":[{"header":"1. Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003eResearch on climate (im)mobilities, or human mobilities and immobilities in the context of a changing climate, has expanded exponentially in recent years (Piguet \u003cspan citationid=\"CR69\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). This includes research into displacement, long-term migration, short-term mobility and relocation, as well as the experiences of those who stay in place, covering a broad spectrum of autonomy in (im)mobility decision-making (Boas et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; IPCC \u003cspan citationid=\"CR44\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). In this field, empirical studies tend to focus on the drivers behind these mobilities, often set in rural contexts, on their impacts on communities and on the role of perceptions of climate change, risks and habitability in (im)mobility decision-making (Zickgraf \u003cspan citationid=\"CR98\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021a\u003c/span\u003e; Daoust and Selby \u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). While academic debates have largely moved beyond earlier reductionist understandings of the climate change-migration nexus, current-day literature still considers rural contexts primarily as areas of departure (Paprocki \u003cspan citationid=\"CR64\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e; Chung et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR20\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e)\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eHowever, empirical evidence shows that climate-vulnerable rural areas can simultaneously be areas of arrival for return and amenity migrants (Az\u0026oacute;car et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e). In contrast to climate mobilities linked to livelihood disruptions and economic needs, in-migration to rural areas tends to be motivated by the search for rural lifestyles, health and tranquility, home ownership or even economic opportunities (Hidalgo et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR39\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e; Marchant and Rojas \u003cspan citationid=\"CR49\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; Nicolas-Artero et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR63\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e). Rural areas have thus become areas where departure mobilities (such as climate mobilities) and arrival mobilities (amenity and returnee mobilities) converge and intersect.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eWhile existing academic and policy discourses tend to treat these mobilities as separate, even oppositional, phenomena, such conceptual and analytical silos limit our understanding of the complex ways in which they intersect and shape both daily life and mid- to long-term rural transformations. This article addresses this gap by delving into the entangled impacts of departure and arrival mobilities under climate change through a place-based perspective (Wyss and Dahinden, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR96\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). We illustrate this with the example of central-southern Chile, a primarily agricultural and forestry area heavily affected by droughts and forest fires, where (permanent and temporary) outward mobilities have become a widespread response to the declining profitability of natural resource-based livelihoods (Az\u0026oacute;car et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e). At the same time, the area has seen a significant increase in new residents constructing primary or secondary homes outside of traditional settlements (CECT \u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). Based on mixed-methods research in four rural municipalities, we show how these entangled mobilities shape rural population dynamics such as demographic aging and community dispersion, land and resource use, family and community ties as well as climate vulnerabilities, reflecting and reinforcing ongoing socio-spatial, economic and environmental transformations.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe article is structured as follows: We start with a literature review on climate and amenity mobilities in rural contexts in Latin America and Chile, then introduce the concept of \u0026lsquo;entangled mobilities\u0026rsquo;. Following a description of the case study and the research methodology, we present our analysis of climate mobilities, arrival mobilities and their entangled impacts. We end with a discussion on how place-based research approaches can overcome silo-thinking and environmental determinism in climate mobility studies, and how the field can be enriched through engagement with social habitability and critical agrarian studies.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"2. Literature review","content":"\u003cdiv id=\"Sec3\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e2.1. Climate mobilities\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eClimate mobilities are human mobilities directly or indirectly impacted by the extreme weather events or permanent biophysical changes associated with climate change (Boas et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). The term encompasses a wide variety of mobility dynamics with different degrees of autonomy, duration and distance covered. These include permanent migration or temporary mobilities of households or family members, short or long-term displacements following rapid-onset events or the planned relocation of whole communities in the face of permanent environmental changes (McLeman and Gemenne \u003cspan citationid=\"CR56\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; McMichael \u003cspan citationid=\"CR57\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). Also non-migration, in both more and less voluntary forms, has become an important research interest (Zickgraf \u003cspan citationid=\"CR97\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; Mallick and Schanze \u003cspan citationid=\"CR48\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e; Sengupta \u003cspan citationid=\"CR78\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eEarlier research on climate mobilities was characterized by a more simplistic (and often alarmist) interpretation of climate change inevitably causing migration and displacement (Biermann and Boas, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e; Myers, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR60\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2002\u003c/span\u003e). However, in the past decade, the multicausality of migration and the difficulty of isolating climate change impacts from other macro- and meso-level drivers of mobilities have become widely accepted, particularly in the context of slow-onset events such as droughts, land degradation and rising temperatures (Foresight \u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e; Zickgraf \u003cspan citationid=\"CR98\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021a\u003c/span\u003e). Recent work on power-sensitive approaches to climate mobilities emphasizes how the severity of climate change impacts and capacities for adaptation \u0026ndash; including mobilities \u0026ndash; are shaped by historical and current-day political, economic and socio-cultural structures that (re)produce marginalization and intersectional inequalities (Klepp and Herbeck \u003cspan citationid=\"CR47\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e; Bettini \u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e; Radel et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR72\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; Sheller \u003cspan citationid=\"CR79\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; Vigil \u003cspan citationid=\"CR93\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eMobilities as a household-level response mechanism to the impacts of climate change on rural, natural resource-dependent livelihoods are among the most-researched dynamics in the climate mobilities literature (Cundill et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR21\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e; Zickgraf \u003cspan citationid=\"CR98\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021a\u003c/span\u003e). Empirical studies show that such mobilities, often directed towards urban centers, have increased under climate change and have become an integral part of rural lives and livelihoods in many parts of the world (see e.g. Borderon et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e; Nawrotzki et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR61\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e; Radel et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR72\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; Thongchaithanawut et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR86\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). Resulting impacts on sending areas include rural population aging and abandonment of remote villages, the decline of the rural workforce, remittance dependency, but also, in some cases, increased decision-making power for non-migrant married women (Porst and Sakdapolrak \u003cspan citationid=\"CR71\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; Tripathy Furlong et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR87\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Upadhyay et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR89\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e; Sakdapolrak et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR75\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eCompared to south and south-east Asia, sub-Saharan Africa and Oceania, Latin America has been less covered in (English-language) climate mobilities literature (Piguet et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR70\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e), despite its high urbanization rate of 82% (UNDP \u003cspan citationid=\"CR88\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e), the well-documented precarity of small-scale farmers (CEPAL, FAO \u0026amp; IICA, 2024) and the severe climate change impacts over the past decade (IPCC \u003cspan citationid=\"CR44\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). Even fewer studies have focused on Chile, although the available evidence from academic and grey literature indicates that also here, climate mobilities have become integral to rural livelihoods (Sapiains et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR76\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e; Wiegel \u003cspan citationid=\"CR94\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). Over the past two decades, intensifying droughts, forest fires and floods have significantly impaired agricultural production of both smallholders and the agricultural industry in a large part of the country (Gonz\u0026aacute;lez et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR37\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e; P\u0026eacute;rez-Silva and Castillo \u003cspan citationid=\"CR68\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e; Boisier et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e; Garreaud et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR36\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e). Typical mobility patterns in response to livelihood disruptions are permanent rural-urban migration, especially of younger generations, in search of educational and employment opportunities, as well as temporary, repetitive labor mobilities towards the mining, construction or agroindustry sectors (IOM \u003cspan citationid=\"CR43\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e; Wiegel \u003cspan citationid=\"CR94\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e; Az\u0026oacute;car et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec4\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e2.2. Return and amenity migration\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eNot only rural outmigration, but also urban-rural mobility dynamics have gained momentum over the recent years, and particularly during the Covid-19 pandemic (Martin and Bergmann \u003cspan citationid=\"CR52\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e; Nicolas-Artero et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR63\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e). These movements encompass the return migration of rural-turned-urban residents, the temporary occupation of rural second homes by urban dwellers, and more permanent forms of urban-rural amenity or lifestyle migration. Such dynamics are driven by the pursuit of specific rural attributes, such as scenic landscapes, better air quality, favorable climates, and a slower pace of life (Matarrita-Cascante et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR55\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e; Mill\u0026aacute;n-Otero and Torrej\u0026oacute;n Cardona \u003cspan citationid=\"CR59\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). For migrants without prior family or social connections to their destinations, decisions to relocate are often motivated by idealized representations of nature and rural culture (Marchant Santiago \u003cspan citationid=\"CR50\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAmenity migration, occurring both within and across national borders, typically involves affluent and highly skilled urban residents, whose livelihoods are based on remote or commutable employment, retirement funds or \u0026ndash; to a lesser degree \u0026ndash; integration into the local economy through employment or new enterprises (Matarrita-Cascante et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR54\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e; Marchant and Rojas \u003cspan citationid=\"CR49\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). While this migration can stimulate local economies and contribute to rural revitalization, amenity migration has also been associated with broader territorial and socio-economic restructuring of rural destination areas, involving rising land and living costs, gentrification and growing inequalities, land use change and the displacement of rural extractive economies (agriculture, mining) with service jobs (Mill\u0026aacute;n-Otero and Torrej\u0026oacute;n Cardona \u003cspan citationid=\"CR59\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). It can also cause changes to the local culture and community identity and negatively impact the natural environment that attracted the migrants in the first place (Matarrita-Cascante \u003cspan citationid=\"CR53\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e; Marchant Santiago \u003cspan citationid=\"CR50\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAlthough much of the literature on amenity migration has historically focused on the Global North, recent research highlights the growing importance of this phenomenon in Latin America, where especially mountain and coastal landscapes attract both domestic and international amenity migrants (Mill\u0026aacute;n-Otero and Torrej\u0026oacute;n Cardona \u003cspan citationid=\"CR59\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). A notable trend involves migration from North to Central America (Matarrita-Cascante \u003cspan citationid=\"CR53\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e), which has been critically examined in relation to post-colonial power asymmetries (Benson \u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn Chile, amenity migration has become particularly pronounced in peri-urban areas near major economic centers and in regions characterized by high landscape value \u0026ndash; mountains, lakes, volcanoes, and coastal zones \u0026ndash; as well as \u0026lsquo;spiritual\u0026rsquo; sites (Hidalgo et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR39\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e; Nicolas-Artero et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR63\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e). Contemporary amenity migration is closely associated with the boom of so-called \u003cem\u003eparcelas de agrado\u003c/em\u003e (\u0026ldquo;pleasure lots\u0026rdquo;), resulting from the subdivision of former agricultural or forestry land into individual lots. This is based on a legal framework developed during the military dictatorship (1973\u0026ndash;1990) enabling land-market liberalization. The resulting conversion of agricultural to residential use has led to environmental degradation and the fragmentation of rural landscapes, as well as the replacement of agricultural production with speculative real-estate development, particularly profitable in the context of increasing water scarcity (Marchant and Rojas \u003cspan citationid=\"CR49\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; CECT \u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eGiven Chile\u0026rsquo;s pronounced socio-economic inequality and limited integrative territorial planning, amenity migration, and particularly the construction of rural or peri-urban gated communities, has deepened existing spatial divisions (Hidalgo et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR39\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e). During the Covid-19 pandemic, the \u0026lsquo;parcellation boom\u0026rsquo; intensified as confinement measures, health concerns, and the possibility of remote work encouraged a surge in the purchase of \u003cem\u003eparcelas de agrado\u003c/em\u003e and the construction of rural homes (Mill\u0026aacute;n-Otero and Torrej\u0026oacute;n Cardona \u003cspan citationid=\"CR59\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e; Nicolas-Artero et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR63\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e). Today, parcellations are widespread across the country, often straining municipalities\u0026rsquo; ability to provide essential infrastructure and services such as water, sanitation, and waste management (CECT \u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). Although a new law was introduced in 2022 to curb the \u0026ldquo;rampant construction of housing in rural areas\u0026rdquo; (Nicolas-Artero et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR63\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e, p. 2) by regulating the subdivision of rural properties, data from the latest population census (INE, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR42\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e) suggests that the dynamics of urban-rural migration continue.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec5\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e2.3. Entangled mobilities\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe above two sections show that rural areas can simultaneously be \u003cem\u003eareas of departure\u003c/em\u003e for climate mobilities and \u003cem\u003eareas of arrival\u003c/em\u003e for return or amenity migrants. While both mobility dynamics have been studied separately, their intersections and territorial implications in rural localities have not yet been the focus of analysis, despite the significant socio-economic, spatial and environmental impacts associated with both. In this article, we use Wyss and Dahinden\u0026rsquo;s (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR96\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e) concept of \u0026lsquo;entangled mobilities\u0026rsquo; to analyze how these two mobility dynamics intersect and shape contemporary rural contexts, and how they reflect and contribute to medium- and long-term rural transformations.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe concept of \u0026lsquo;entangled mobilities\u0026rsquo; builds on the mobilities paradigm coined by John Urry and Mimi Sheller (Hannam et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR38\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e; Sheller and Urry \u003cspan citationid=\"CR80\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e). This paradigm holds that the movement of people, objects, knowledge, ideas, communication, risks etc. plays a central role in (re)producing social relations across scales (Urry \u003cspan citationid=\"CR90\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2007\u003c/span\u003e). It challenges sedentary understandings of social life, which treat mobility and migration as exceptions rather than integral features of contemporary society (SLAPE et al. 2023). Building on this framework, \u0026lsquo;entangled mobilities\u0026rsquo; emphasizes the relational nature of (im)mobilities\u0026mdash;how different forms of movement and non-movement are interconnected and mutually constitutive. The concept focuses particularly on the intersections of human mobility, including various forms of internal and international migration, each shaped by specific mobility regimes that regulate and govern them differently (Wyss and Dahinden \u003cspan citationid=\"CR96\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Diniega \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eWyss and Dahinden (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR96\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e) propose three entry points for analyzing these entanglements: in specific localities, in the intersections and co-dependencies of different mobile persons (in terms of social ties, but also in terms of contexts of structural inequality) across time and space, and in individuals\u0026rsquo; mobility trajectories over time and life stories. In this study, we focus on the first dimension to examine how the mobilities of different population groups \u0026ndash; driven by distinct motivations and regulatory regimes \u0026ndash; intersect specific locations. While the mobility dynamics are not necessarily mutually interdependent, by playing out in the same geographical area they become locally entangled and have intersecting impacts that cannot be reduced to either dynamic.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eWhile the relationality between mobilities and immobilities has been well-researched in climate mobility studies (see e.g. Farbotko, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Zickgraf, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR100\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e), the entanglements between differently categorized mobilities, such as climate and amenity mobilities, have rarely been examined. An exception is the work of Diniega (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e), who analyses the entanglements of mobilities associated with top-down climate adaptation interventions and with household-level adaptation measures in Skoura M\u0026rsquo;Daz, Morocco. Overall, however, climate mobilities studies echo the frequently criticized silo-thinking in broader migration studies (Dahinden \u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e; Schapendonk et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR77\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e), which has prompted critical scholars in the field to call out the persisting exceptionalization of mobilities in the climate change context, and the lacking contextualization within broader mobility dynamics (Boas et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e; Wiegel et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR95\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e; Parsons and \u0026Oslash;stergaard Nielsen \u003cspan citationid=\"CR66\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e; Vigil \u003cspan citationid=\"CR93\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). The next section introduces how we apply the concept of entangled mobilities to concurrent climate and amenity mobilities in central-southern Chile.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"3. Methodology","content":"\u003cdiv id=\"Sec7\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e3.1. Case study description\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis study is based on empirical research in central-southern Chile, a region heavily dependent on the agricultural and forestry sectors and therefore particularly vulnerable to environmental stressors such as drought and forest fires. We studied entangled mobilities in the rural municipalities (\u003cem\u003ecomunas\u003c/em\u003e) of Nancagua and Paredones in the O\u0026rsquo;Higgins Region, and San Javier and Empedrado in the Maule Region (see Fig.\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Fig1\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e1\u003c/span\u003e). These territories have been heavily affected by both the long-running megadrought and recurrent wildfire events, including the 2016\u0026ndash;2017 megafires and more localized but significant recent fires (Gonz\u0026aacute;lez et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR37\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e; Duarte et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR25\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e; Boisier et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e; Garreaud et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR36\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e). The local economy in these predominantly rural municipalities is deeply rooted in silvoagropecuary activities, including agroindustry, small-scale agricultural production and the forestry industry. Many communities face structural water scarcity, relying partly on drinking water trucks (SIT Rural; Nicolas-Artero and Blanco-Wells \u003cspan citationid=\"CR62\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThese \u003cem\u003ecomunas\u003c/em\u003e, like most rural territories in central-southern Chile, have also undergone profound socio-territorial transformations over the past decades. Historically structured by the \u003cem\u003ehacienda\u003c/em\u003e system and its unequal land tenure well into the twentieth century, the region experienced major rural\u0026ndash;urban outmigration from the 1950s onward, driven by stagnating agricultural production and the pull of urban industrialization (Jim\u0026eacute;nez, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR46\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). Although the Agrarian Reforms of the 1960s sought to redistribute land and modernize the rural economy, these efforts were largely reversed during the military dictatorship (1973\u0026ndash;1990), which consolidated a neoliberal, export-oriented agro-forestry model supported by policies such as the 1981 Water Code and 1974 Decree 701 on forestry (Avenda\u0026ntilde;o, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). These reforms accelerated the concentration of land and water rights, expanded pine and eucalyptus monocultures, and reconfigured labor markets toward temporary and seasonal employment (Garthenlaub-Gonz\u0026aacute;lez and Tello-Navarro, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR34\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e; Riquelme, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR74\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). In recent decades, the persistent megadrought has intensified socio-territorial conflicts over water access (Budds, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR15\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e; Castillo et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR17\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e) and has heightened wildfire risk by drying vegetation and increasing fuel loads (Duarte et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR25\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). Together, these climatic and historical processes have produced a multi-risk environment that shapes the mobility patterns analyzed in this study.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec8\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e3.2. Research methods\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eFor this study, a mixed-methods approach was employed, comprising 41 semi-structured interviews, a household survey with 412 responses, and four focus groups with 62 stakeholders from diverse sectors, conducted in late 2024. Interview sampling followed a snowball technique, with a focus on areas within each municipality most affected by droughts and forest fires. The study design prioritized equal representation of gender and age groups. While the interviews were limited to local residents, the focus groups (one in each \u003cem\u003ecomuna\u003c/em\u003e) involved representatives from civil society, the public and the private sectors. The data from interviews and focus groups was coded and analyzed using Atlas.ti software. The survey was conducted in person with the household head or spouse in various rural and peri-urban localities in the regions of O\u0026rsquo;Higgins, Maule, \u0026Ntilde;uble and Biob\u0026iacute;o that were selected for their high exposure droughts and forest fires. In total, the 412 household-level responses represent 1083 persons. The survey data was analyzed using R-Studio.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eTo explore the increase of \u0026lsquo;pleasure lots\u0026rsquo; in the studied municipalities, data was obtained from the last three national censuses (BCN, n.d.; INE, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR41\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR42\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e) as well as from Sentinel-2 RGB imagery and the Open Buildings 2.5D Temporal Dataset (Sirko et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR82\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e), enabling large-scale analysis of the built environment between 2016 to 2023. The dataset was used to detect changes in building presence within areas previously identified through interviews as potential sites for pleasure-lot development, which was subsequently validated with Sentinel-2 RGB imagery. We compared data from 2019 and 2023 to identify areas with significant visible changes associated with increase of parcellations particularly during the Covid-19 pandemic (2020\u0026ndash;2023).\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"4. Findings","content":"\u003cdiv id=\"Sec10\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.1. Climate change impacts and mobilities in central-southern Chile\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec11\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.1.1. Local impacts of droughts and forest fires\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eGiven the dependency on natural resource-based livelihoods (both subsistence and small-scale agriculture, and employment in the agricultural and forestry industries) in the study area, the compound impacts of climate change-related extreme events affect a large part of the rural population. Over the past two decades, recurrent droughts and forest fires have significantly weakened the local economy, reduced locally available employment and increased household expenditures on basic goods and adaptive measures.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDroughts worsen the situation of structural water scarcity in the area, and result in the temporary cutoffs of shared water supply, the drying of private wells and the increasing dependency on water trucks for household drinking water. The study revealed that these conditions constrain domestic water use and (subsistence) agricultural production, resulting in higher household expenditure for water, food and the construction of deeper wells. According to study participants, the insecurity of water supply negatively affects farmers\u0026rsquo; wellbeing causing both psychological stress and anxiety about the viability of their investments, as well as interrupted sleep, since water rationing often forces them to irrigate their crops at night. Participants also reported growing social tensions and disputes over water distribution, resulting in deteriorating community relations. As a result of these conditions, some small landholders have decided to discontinue their agricultural activities and/or to sell their land.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;Before, there was a lot of farming, they worked year-round in the fields, and that was enough to make a living. And then, since that stopped, they were left without work, so [...] they had to search for it elsewhere.\u0026rdquo; (Male, 51\u0026ndash;60 years, Paredones)\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eResearch participants emphasized that the 2017 forest fires in the study area, particularly in Empedrado and Paredones, not only caused immediate material losses (of houses, productive assets such as greenhouses, gardens and plantations), but also led to long-term landscape changes such as erosion, soil depletion, and the contamination of water resources, as well as physical and mental health impacts. However, it was widely agreed that the most significant local consequence of forest fires was the drastic reduction in employment opportunities, especially in pine plantations. While employment in reforestation briefly increased in the immediate aftermath of the fires, it declined significantly thereafter due to the 15\u0026ndash;20 year growth period before the next harvest cycle.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;If there are no forests [i.e. plantations], there are no jobs. Here we depend entirely on forestry resources, and after the fires, nothing remains [\u0026hellip;] I dare say that 80% of the workforce in Empedrado depended on the forestry sector, and in 2017, all the forest raw materials were destroyed.\u0026rdquo; (Male, 61\u0026ndash;70 years, Empedrado).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn the agricultural sector, particularly in the vineyards, the fires had similar impacts, reducing employment as companies scaled back their operations. Consequently, formerly year-round jobs turned into seasonal employment limited to harvest time, which decreased household income.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec12\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.1.2. Mobility responses to the economic impacts of droughts and fires\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eAs response to these economic challenges associated with droughts and forest fires, two main mobility patterns gain importance: 1) the permanent outmigration of the younger generations towards urban centers in search of educational and non-agricultural labor opportunities, and 2) the daily or weekly labor mobilities of agricultural and forestry workers towards southern plantations.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe first pattern is an amplification of existing rural-urban migration dynamics, mostly long-term or permanent. Particularly younger generations leave the rural area in search of higher education or off-farm labor opportunities and urban lifestyles. In the study area, typical destinations are regional urban centers like Talca, Curic\u0026oacute;, San Fernando or the national capital Santiago. Growing up in a context marked by persistent climatic and economic stress, with increasingly limited employment prospects in the agricultural and forestry sectors and the declining viability of small-scale agriculture, urban life is widely perceived as offering greater economic stability for young adults, as the following quote illustrates:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;Of course, the youth are leaving, we're left with only the old people here, so [\u0026hellip;] the sectors are ending [\u0026hellip;] although many young people do like the countryside, they do like work in the fields, but I think it's going to become less common, agriculture will be less important. Because it's also more difficult with sudden rains or the droughts, so it's not something that's stable.\u0026rdquo; (Female, 41\u0026ndash;50 years, Nancagua)\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eA second mobility pattern emerging in the study area are the short-term labor mobilities towards agricultural or forestry plantations further south, which involve daily or weekly commutes (without a change of residence). According to the interviewees, after the 2017 fires forestry workers from Empedrado have started to commute as much as six hours daily to forestry plantations further south, on top of their regular, physically intense working days. Research participants highlighted how this negatively affects their physical health, causing severe exhaustion, and impairs their participation in family and community life.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;[We feel] tired, because you arrive home late, tired, because we work with a chainsaw. We would arrive there in the evening, just to shower and go to sleep, and in the morning, already at 5:00 a.m., we had to be up, because the van would come to pick us up. We got up at 4:00 a.m.\u0026rdquo; (Male, 41\u0026ndash;50 years, Empedrado).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eWhile some female interviewees also reported to participate in labor mobilities in the agricultural sector, it is particularly able-bodied men who commute to work in the forestry sector. Women with care responsibilities (such as children or elderly relatives), single-parent households and physically challenged persons cannot participate in these mobilities, and in some cases have experienced an increasing economic dependency and precarity after the fires.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe interviews and focus groups underline that daily micro-mobilities (Zickgraf \u003cspan citationid=\"CR99\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021b\u003c/span\u003e; Boas et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e), though typically invisible in census data as they do not involve change of residence, are the most prevalent form of climate mobilities. Many of the households in the study area have come to depend on them for their livelihoods. These observations are consistent with findings from central-northern Chile, such as Monte Patria and Petorca (IOM \u003cspan citationid=\"CR43\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e; Sapiains et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR76\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e; Wiegel \u003cspan citationid=\"CR94\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e), and confirm that in rural Chile, recurrent labor mobilities (often rural-rural) constitute a common household strategy for securing a more stable income while maintaining long-term residence in rural areas under climate stress.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec13\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.2. Arrival mobilities: Return and amenity migration\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eDespite the increase of rural outmigration and labor micro-mobilities observed in the four \u003cem\u003ecomunas\u003c/em\u003e, the study area has in fact become a net receiver of internal and international migrants in recent years. According to the national population census, the number of households in the \u003cem\u003ecomuna\u003c/em\u003e of Paredones increased by 26% between 2017 and 2024; in San Javier by 18% and in Nancagua by 11%; only in Empedrado it remained unchanged (INE, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR41\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR42\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn our study, we identified 3 distinct types of arrival mobilities, characterized by different motivations, connections to and impacts on the area: 1) return migration, 2) internal urban-rural (amenity) mobilities and to a significantly lesser extent, 3) international migrants working in the agricultural sector. Here, we focus particularly on the first two types due to their greater scope and territorial impact.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec14\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.2.1. Return migration\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis dynamic refers to the arrival of individuals who as young adults left their rural homes for urban centers, most commonly Santiago, in search of better economic opportunities, and who return to their area of origin in middle age or upon retirement. The motivations behind this type of mobility are multiple: On one hand, returnees often seek improved wellbeing, which they associate with slow-paced rural life, tranquility and safety, especially after living for decades in urban environments perceived as stressful, dangerous and/or precarious.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;They left [the area] 40 years ago and returned due to the pandemic.\u0026rdquo; (Female, 61\u0026ndash;70 years, Paredones)\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;To return for the family and for the well-being of all of us, because it seemed that things in Santiago were no longer looking good\u0026rdquo; (Female, 51\u0026ndash;60 years, Paredones)\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAnother common driver is the emotional attachment to the area and to relatives living close by, and the desire to reunite with family. The availability of land to construct a house and engage in small-scale agriculture or gardening, often inherited or donated by relatives, facilitates this type of migration and is an important motivation for returning home after many years in the constricted environments of the urban context.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;When my mother was alive, she gave us all land to build houses [\u0026hellip;] And then everyone started building houses. My sister came from Nancagua [town] to live here, and she also built a house [\u0026hellip;] Here everything is spacious, they have land to plant, all of that.\u0026rdquo; (Female, 61\u0026ndash;70 years, Nancagua)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec15\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.2.2. Amenity mobilities\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eLike return migration, amenity mobilities are driven by the search for improved wellbeing and tranquility, a healthier environment, lower stress levels, and a reduced sense of exposure to crime and insecurity. While typically not involving family connections in the area, some migrants may have emotional attachments and prior knowledge of the area from childhood visits, holidays, friends or similar connections. Reflecting the prevalent dynamics described in the Chilean literature on the topic (REFS), amenity migrants arriving in the study area typically did not settle in established towns or villages, but bought \u0026lsquo;pleasure lots\u0026rsquo; converted from agricultural or forestry land.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;People are coming from outside because they buy a little piece of land and stay there, for the peace and quiet. Well, for an older person it's good here, because it\u0026rsquo;s quiet, yes, because there's no noise at all.\u0026rdquo; (Male, 61\u0026ndash;70 years, San Javier)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn the study area, this dynamic significantly increased during the COVID-19 pandemic: During this period, many individuals accessed savings from their pension funds (through a temporary government scheme aimed at reducing economic stress for the population), which enabled them to purchase land for constructing primary or secondary homes. The widely held perception of rural areas as less contagious and less restrictive environments further strengthened this trend (see also Nicolas-Artero et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR63\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e)\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAlthough amenity migrants generally shared similar motivations, the profiles of those who moved to the study area are diverse. Younger or middle-aged adults primarily moved to rural localities from nearby urban centers, such as Talca or Villa Alegre, which allows for daily commutes between their urban workplace and their new rural homes. Others came from more distant metropolitan areas like Santiago, often without a job, hoping to find work locally or to start a small business. However, the limited economic opportunities in the study area over time have led to the abandonment of many newly constructed houses, resulting in their sale or conversion to occasional-use properties instead of permanent residences.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;Yes, there is the tranquility you\u0026rsquo;re looking for, but without work, how do you live? Because you can bring a bit of money but that will be spent after some time, and they are still young people. [Today] most of those houses are summer houses, there are very few people who live here permanently. Because many started to live here and then became aware of the reality, that there is no work.\u0026rdquo; (Female, 51\u0026ndash;60 years, Paredones)\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eRetired or elderly individuals, on the other hand, relocate with more preparation and financial stability. These individuals typically have no expectation of joining the local labor force, and their move was often part of a planned retirement strategy. As a result, they encounter fewer economic difficulties in settling in permanently and are more likely to build slower-paced lifestyles.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;I believe that when people already have stability and want to rest and already have their pension for living, perfect, they come prepared, but people who are not prepared find themselves in a great disappointment\u0026rdquo; (Female, 51\u0026ndash;60 years, Paredones)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec16\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.3. Entangled impacts of departure and arrival mobilities\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe findings above show that the study area, heavily impacted by intensifying forest fires and droughts, is not only an area of departure for climate mobilities but is simultaneously an area of arrival for mobilities motivated by the desire for tranquility and safety associated with rural lifestyles. These mobility dynamics intersect and entangle in the study area, with diverse social, demographic, economic and environmental consequences. As we will show in this section, their impacts are associated with increasing pressure on available resources, livelihood opportunities as well as an growing vulnerability to climate change impacts.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec17\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.3.1. Land use change\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe most salient entanglement of departure and arrival mobilities in the context of climate change is reflected in the changing land use, resulting from transforming agricultural or forestry land into residential parcellations. This has not only changed the economic matrix of rural localities but is also reflected in long-term socio-spatial and demographic changes. In the study area, increasing droughts hamper the profitability of agricultural production, and regular forest fires cause the degradation of crops and soils, with high costs of restoring production. In this context, affected landowners often decide to subdivide and sell their plots, considering it a way to secure significant immediate income (especially given the rising land prices in recent years) while avoiding exposure to and the financial risks of future extreme events. This trend is reinforced by the lack of generational renewal, as many young adults leave to seek urban opportunities and few are willing to take over their parents\u0026rsquo; small-scale farms. The following quote illustrates the typical land use conversion in the study area over the past decades:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;The upper area was just hills where they used to farm, then they stopped farming and planted trees [i.e. forestry plantations]. Afterwards, they sold that plot, and then some people bought the parcellations.\" (Male, 51\u0026ndash;60 years, Paredones)\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis land-use change is illustrated in the Fig.\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Fig2\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e2\u003c/span\u003e, comparing satellite data from 2019 and 2023: In the cases of San Pedro de Alc\u0026aacute;ntara and El Calvario, two rural localities located in Paredones, a clear expansion of \u003cem\u003e\u0026lsquo;\u003c/em\u003epleasure lots\u0026rsquo; can be observed between 2019 and 2023, which coincides with the Covid-19 pandemic. This growth is evident both visually in the Sentinel-2 imagery and through the Open Buildings 2.5D Temporal Dataset, which detects the emergence of new buildings. The dataset, which identifies building presence using artificial intelligence, allows us to recognize the construction of multiple new structures during this period. The spatial pattern and arrangement of these new buildings\u0026mdash;characterized by distinct road layouts and evenly spaced lots\u0026mdash;suggest that they correspond to \u003cem\u003eparcelas de agrado\u003c/em\u003e. This interpretation is consistent with the information provided by interviewees from Paredones. This trend reflects increasing development pressure and notable land-use change in rural areas where transformations have traditionally occurred more slowly. In this case, within just five years, new residential settlements have rapidly emerged, indicating an accelerated reconfiguration of the rural landscape.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec18\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.3.2. Socio-spatial dispersion, population aging and declining social networks\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThese parcellations lead to a significant change of traditional settlement patterns in the study area, with dispersed residential zones on formerly uninhabited agricultural and forestry land, typically without direct access to drinking water and wastewater treatment, public transport or paved roads. Furthermore, these new settlements are based on the unregulated construction of individual houses on 5000m\u003csup\u003e2\u003c/sup\u003e plots, and do not have typical village centers or shared public spaces, thus not contributing to the establishment of community life and social networks among the new residents (CECT \u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e; Nicolas-Artero et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR63\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e). The interviews and focus groups revealed a lack of integration between new arrivals and long-term residents (with the exception of returnees), which weakens the local support networks essential in the more isolated areas of the study area, and in some cases has led to feelings of distrust and insecurity.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAt the same time, interviewees observed population decline in established rural settlements, especially in isolated localities. This is a direct result of the pattern of the rural-urban migration of young adults which, although it has existed for decades in the Chilean countryside, has increased significantly in the context of declining agricultural activity. As young and middle-aged inhabitants leave, population aging has intensified, with older residents increasingly losing immediate family and social support networks. During the focus groups it was emphasized that this results in growing isolation, weakening community networks and \u0026ndash; with less residents in traditional localities \u0026ndash; declining public investments.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe population aging is amplified by many of the new residents (both returnees and amenity migrants) moving to the countryside in pension age, and is reflected in recent census data: In the \u003cem\u003ecomuna\u003c/em\u003e of Paredones, the Aging Index\u003csup\u003e1\u003c/sup\u003e increased from 49.9 in 2002 to 120.4 in 2017 and 146.5 in 2024; in Empedrado from 28.2 in 2002, 63 in 2017 to 89.9 in 2024 (INE, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR41\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR42\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e; SIT Rural, n.d.). The socio-spatial dispersion of the population, the growing proportion of elderly residents both among long-term and new residents and the decline of social and family networks (or the lack of those among new residents) negatively affect everyday life, and increase the population\u0026rsquo;s vulnerability vis-\u0026agrave;-vis extreme events, as we will explain below.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec19\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.3.3. Changes to the local economy\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe diminishing profitability of agriculture, the outmigration of young adults and resulting lack of generational renewal as well as the arrival of new residents have contributed to significant socio-economic changes in the study area. These include the decreasing significance of small-scale and subsistence agriculture, a growing competition for diminishing agricultural and forestry employment and the increasing (though still limited) importance of new economic activities.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eWhile aspiring to rural lifestyles, amenity migrants and returnees in the study area tend not to engage in typical rural, resource-based livelihoods, even when they cannot rely on income from pension funds or remote work. Their arrival has given rise to the exploration of new economic ventures in the study area, particularly in the hospitality sector. Due to the lack of formal employment opportunities, both long-term residents and new arrivals have opened small businesses primarily related to lodging and food services, such as hostels, cabins or selling snacks in food trucks or from home.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;I saw that many people came, for example, to build a house and there was nowhere to stay, so I also started to build a boarding house. I first started with rooms and then with cabins, and that has been what has sustained me financially [\u0026hellip;] Now so many people have arrived from outside, so everyone invents their own business [\u0026hellip;], even if they are not profitable, because they want to survive and get by\u0026rdquo; (Female, 51\u0026ndash;60 years, Paredones)\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eParticularly for new arrivals without other stable forms of income, this decision often stems from economic necessity rather than entrepreneurial ambition. Research participants highlighted that due to the low population density and seasonally limited demand for these hospitality businesses, they are not always able to sustain themselves over time. Opportunities tend to be concentrated among those who already have capital, information or networks, and live in the most populated areas, not in the new parcellations. As a result, in the past years several amenity migrants have left their new rural homes again for urban areas with more economic opportunities.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec20\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.3.4. Increasing pressure on water resources\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eAccess to drinking water in rural areas of Chile has been a historical challenge. Its supply has been provided since1964 primarily through the National Rural Drinking Water Program (\u003cem\u003ePrograma Nacional de Agua Potable Rural\u003c/em\u003e, or APR, now renamed Rural Sanitation Service, or SSR) of the Ministry of Public Works. In semi-concentrated rural areas, however, around 50% of drinking water access is provided through private wells, rivers, estuaries, or tanker trucks (\u003cem\u003ecamiones aljibes)\u003c/em\u003e. Structural water scarcity, intensifying droughts, and the geographical dispersion of settlements impede continuous drinking water supply (Fragkou et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Nicolas-Artero and Blanco-Wells \u003cspan citationid=\"CR62\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAs new residents arrive in already water-scarce areas, particularly in the dispersed settlements created by parcellations, pressure on existing water resources exacerbates problems of access. Recent arrivals, especially those from urban areas, accustomed to unrestricted water access, tend to have a higher water consumption. For long-term residents, particularly those dependent on agriculture, this increased demand represents a direct challenge to both subsistence and commercial production, further decreasing their viability. As new homes are added to the water supply networks, they create waiting lists and intensify competition over the limited supply. This results in frustration and a sense of dispossession among local inhabitants.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;And the people who come from outside are not aware that water is so valuable because if you waste it in one place it will lack somewhere else.\u0026rdquo; (Male, 71\u0026ndash;80, San Javier)\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eParticularly during the summer months, the study area experiences a seasonal population increase due to the arrival of second-home owners, tourists and the temporary return of family members. This creates temporary spikes in demand, putting additional strain on local infrastructure and water availability during the driest season. While this pressure on the available resources in parts of the study area generates competition and conflict over water access, research participants also mentioned new practices of solidarity and collaboration, where long-term residents with water access shared it with new neighbours unable to connect to formal systems.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec21\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.3.5. Impacts on community resilience to forest fires\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eOur research shows that the demographic and socio-spatial transformations in the study area decrease overall community resilience to forest fires. Residential settlements on reconverted agricultural or forestry land are often located in zones more exposed to wildfire risk than traditional villages, for instance in areas interspersed with forestry plantations. Furthermore, research participants highlighted that many of the new residents lack experience in forest fire management, which creates challenges both at the household level \u0026ndash; such as limited awareness or capacity to establish firebreaks, clear surrounding vegetation, or respond effectively during evacuations \u0026ndash; and at the community level, where unfamiliarity with the territory and a lack of community networks can undermine effective participation in collective organization and coordination.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThese difficulties are compounded by declining resilience in traditional localities where many of the younger residents have permanently left in search of urban labor and educational opportunities, and many other adults are absent during the days due to short-term labor mobilities as described in section \u003cspan refid=\"Sec12\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e4.1.2\u003c/span\u003e. Also here, weakening family and social networks reduce the capacity for community-based response action, even though these are considered crucial for preventing significant material and human damage in the more remote localities of the study area, which tend to experience a significant delay in the arrival of firefighters.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe focus groups highlighted that these problems intensify in summer, during peak fire season, when hot and dry conditions coincide with an influx of temporary residents and tourists who are more likely to engage in risky behaviors and are less familiar with response procedures. Additionally, structural water scarcity and droughts limit the water available for firefighting. Together, these dynamics increase the probability and severity of forest fires, which apart from immediate damage to people\u0026rsquo;s health and homes can destroy local employment opportunities and household investments in the long term \u0026ndash; thereby reinforcing patterns of outward \u0026lsquo;climate mobilities\u0026rsquo; and the eventual abandonment of the area by long-term residents.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Discussion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis research has demonstrated that rural areas in central-southern Chile affected by climate change are not only \u003cem\u003eareas of departure\u003c/em\u003e for different mobility dynamics that can be summarized under the umbrella term of \u0026lsquo;climate mobilities\u0026rsquo;, but are simultaneously \u003cem\u003eareas of arrival\u003c/em\u003e for return and amenity migration dynamics. In this paper, we have examined these mobility dynamics and their entanglements (Wyss and Dahinden \u003cspan citationid=\"CR96\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; SLAPE et al. 2023) through a place-based perspective, centering on their joint, multidimensional impacts on the rural localities in which they play out. These impacts range from land use change to social-spatial dispersion, the decline of community integration and social networks, the economic shift away from traditional rural livelihoods as well as growing pressure on already scarce resources, all resulting in increased exposure and vulnerability to extreme events such as forest fires. Together, climate and amenity mobilities reflect and reinforce ongoing rural transformations and what it means to inhabit rural areas in central southern Chile in the context of a changing climate.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOur findings challenge the persistent siloing of climate and amenity mobilities in research and policy arenas, with highly divergent meanings attached to each mobility dynamic: while climate mobilities tend to be framed as a response to the climate crisis, livelihood disruptions, and uninhabitability, amenity migration is more positively associated with the voluntary search for well-being, tranquility, and proximity to nature (Matarrita-Cascante \u003cspan citationid=\"CR53\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e; Boas et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e; Durand-Delacre \u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Mill\u0026aacute;n-Otero and Torrej\u0026oacute;n Cardona \u003cspan citationid=\"CR59\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). This siloing obscures the complex entanglements that unfold when both mobility dynamics converge in the same locality. In contrast, a place-based analysis helps to move the focus away from mobility drivers, centering instead on their shared territorial implications. In the Chilean central south, such an approach reveals how climate mobilities and amenity migrations can be mutually constitutive: the arrival of newcomers accelerates processes \u0026ndash; such as the subdivision of agricultural land, increasing pressure on resources and a heightened risk of forest fires \u0026ndash; that exacerbate the declining livelihood conditions causing long-term residents\u0026rsquo; decisions to leave (permanently or temporarily).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThese findings resonate with recent debates on social habitability under climate change. As opposed to earlier geo-deterministic and materialist understandings of habitability as the ability of a place to support human life by providing food, water and shelter, recent work emphasizes the socio-cultural dimension of habitability and its relational, context-dependent properties (Merschroth et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR58\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e; Janoth et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR45\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). Rather than a static environmental threshold, habitability is increasingly understood as an emergent property of the ongoing relationships between humans and their environments, shaped by risk perceptions, past experiences, livelihood practices, and social belonging (Farbotko and Campbell \u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Sterly et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR85\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e). In central southern Chile, the seemingly contradictory mobility dynamics reflect differentiated habitability perceptions: The outward mobilities of long-term residents reflect perceptions of declining habitability linked to eroding livelihood opportunities within the historically shaped configurations of uneven access to land, water, capital and employment opportunities. In contrast, newcomers perceive the same localities as desirable destinations characterized by tranquility, safety and health benefits, especially in comparison to their urban origins associated with congestion, pollution, and insecurity. This underlines that habitability of the same territory is not uniformly experienced, and not reducible to the perceptions of either social group (Farbotko and Campbell \u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOur findings also raise questions about rural subjectivities, and what it means to live in the Chilean countryside today. Both inward and outward mobilities change the interactions between the urban and rural spheres in Chile, which has generated a process of hybridization (V\u0026aacute;squez \u0026amp; Vallejos, 2014). Currently, an expansion of urban areas towards their peripheries is observed, which intensifies the vulnerability to forest fires in population centers adjacent to forest plantations, such as the \u003cem\u003eparceleros\u003c/em\u003e in the study area. Additionally, the growing interest in residing in rural areas induces alterations in the spatial configuration of these places and creates pressure on services, also affecting interpersonal and community practices and relationships (Marchant \u0026amp; Aros, 2018).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn this regard, the entangled departure and arrival mobilities observed in central-southern Chile can be considered not as inconsistent, but rather as integral and mutually reinforcing components of broader rural transformations. Critical agrarian studies have long highlighted the ongoing decoupling of \u0026ldquo;the rural\u0026rdquo; from \u0026ldquo;the agrarian\u0026rdquo; (cf. Bryceson \u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1996\u003c/span\u003e), marked by the gradual replacement of subsistence or small-scale agriculture as prevalent rural livelihoods \u0026ndash; and identities \u0026ndash; by employment in agro-industrial or forestry sectors, outmigration to urban centers, the expansion of rural tourism and service economies, and increasing reliance on non-local income sources such as pensions and remote work (Paprocki \u003cspan citationid=\"CR64\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e; P\u0026eacute;rez Silva \u003cspan citationid=\"CR67\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). In our study, these dynamics have been observed both among long-term residents and new arrivals.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThese transformations in central-southern rural Chile are rooted in decades of neoliberal restructuring, privatization, and commodification, processes operating at national, regional, and global scales: The decoupling of land and water, the fragmentation of landholdings, and the flexibilization of rural labor markets, as described above, have contributed to shifting patterns of land use and ownership, rising property values, and changes in the socio-economic and spatial composition of rural communities (Budds \u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e; Hidalgo et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR39\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e; Marchant and Rojas \u003cspan citationid=\"CR49\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; Rom\u0026aacute;n et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR73\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). As observed in the study area, these dynamics have created the conditions that shape contemporary climate and amenity mobilities in rural central-southern Chile.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn this sense, our findings challenge persistent assumptions about rural abandonment under climate change. The notion that climate impacts lead straightforwardly to outmigration reflects a climate determinism that continues, to some extent, to shape research questions and analytical frameworks in the climate mobilities field (Hulme \u003cspan citationid=\"CR40\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e; Bettini et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e; Boas et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e; Farbotko \u003cspan citationid=\"CR29\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e). Recent engagements with political ecology, postcolonial theory, and feminist scholarship have helped counter these tendencies by illuminating how mobility decisions emerge from the intersection of environmental change with long-standing inequalities, governance arrangements, and socio-territorial histories (see e.g. Baldwin and Bettini, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR3\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e; Elmhirst et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR27\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; Farbotko, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR30\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; Radel et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR72\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; Vigil, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR93\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e; Wiegel, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR94\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). Building on this critical scholarship, greater engagement with critical agrarian and peasant studies could further enrich analyses of climate mobilities, particularly given the predominance of rural research contexts and rural-urban mobility dynamics in this field (Piguet et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR70\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; Daoust and Selby \u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e; Simpson et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR81\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). Such perspectives highlight how mobility patterns are deeply rooted in shifting agrarian relations, market integration, land dispossession, and the restructuring of natural resource\u0026ndash;based livelihoods (Radel et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR72\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; Paprocki \u003cspan citationid=\"CR65\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR64\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). In climate change-affected central-southern Chile, these structural processes continue to shape the opportunities, constraints, and aspirations that define contemporary rural mobilities.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Conclusion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis study has focused on the territorial effects of simultaneously occurring departure and arrival mobilities in climate change-affected central-southern Chile, and their entanglements within the specific localities in which they play out. Outward-directed climate mobilities, both temporary and permanent, are primarily motivated by the increasingly limited livelihood opportunities in the context of intensifying droughts and forest fires. Arrival mobilities, on the other hand, are driven by the search for rural tranquility and safety, as well as by perceptions of healthier and less restrictive conditions particularly during the Covid-19 pandemic. While these mobility dynamics follow different logics, motivations and regulatory frameworks, in this paper we have analyzed their entangled impacts on the study area, and how they together reflect and reinforce broader rural transformations involving significant changes in land use patterns, rural economies, demographics, and socio-spatial relations. These transformations shape community resilience in the face of intensifying droughts and forest fires, and redefine what it means to inhabit rural Chile in a time of climatic and economic uncertainty. By their seemingly paradoxical nature, the simultaneous arrival and departure mobilities of climate and amenity migrants shed light on the contextual character of habitability under advancing climate change, as well as on the ongoing reconfiguration of \u0026lsquo;the rural\u0026rsquo; beyond \u0026lsquo;the agrarian\u0026rsquo;. In doing so, they prompt us to further expand critical climate mobilities scholarship beyond the analytical centrality of climate change.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003ch2\u003eFunding information:\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis study was conducted as part of the project \u0026ldquo;Dynamics, Costs, and Impacts of Climate-Induced Mobility in Chile: Strategic Recommendations to Guide Public Policy Formulation\u0026rdquo;, carried out by the Centre for Climate and Resilience Research (CR)2 between July 2024 and March 2025 for the Chilean Ministry of Environment, with funding obtained by the NDC Partnership fund and managed by the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO). The writing of the article was partially funded by FONDAP/ANID 1523A0002.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eAuthor Contribution\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eH.W. developed the main manuscript with contributions from P.O., M.R., C.C. and R.C.; P.O. prepared figure 1, R.C. prepared figure 2. All authors reviewed the manuscript.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eAcknowledgement\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis study was conducted as part of the project \u0026ldquo;Dynamics, Costs, and Impacts of Climate-Induced Mobility in Chile: Strategic Recommendations to Guide Public Policy Formulation\u0026rdquo;, carried out by the Centre for Climate and Resilience Research (CR)2 between July 2024 and March 2025 for the Chilean Ministry of Environment, with funding obtained by the NDC Partnership fund and managed by the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO). We would like to thank all research participants for sharing their valuable time and insights with us. Special thanks go to Gabriela Az\u0026oacute;car de la Cruz for her insightful comments on an earlier version of this manuscript.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003eAz\u0026oacute;car G, Wiegel H, Orellana P et al (2025) Din\u0026aacute;micas, costos e impactos de las movilidades clim\u0026aacute;ticas en Chile: Recomendaciones estrat\u0026eacute;gicas para guiar la formulaci\u0026oacute;n de pol\u0026iacute;ticas p\u0026uacute;blicas. Center for Climate and Resilience Research (CR)2. Santiago de Chile\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e \u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003eAvenda\u0026ntilde;o O (2021) La reforma agraria en Chile y en el Maule. De la disoluci\u0026oacute;n del sistema hacendal a la liberaci\u0026oacute;n de los mercados de tierra y agua. In: Gartenlaub-Gonz\u0026aacute;lez A, Tello-Navarro F (eds) El Maule hoy. 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J Ethn Migr Stud 48:3450\u0026ndash;3467. \u003cspan class=\"ExternalRef\"\u003e\u003cspan class=\"RefSource\"\u003ehttps://doi.org/10.1080/1369183X.2022.2066263\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan address=\"10.1080/1369183X.2022.2066263\" targettype=\"DOI\" class=\"RefTarget\"\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/ol\u003e"},{"header":"Footnotes","content":"\u003col\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e This index is calculated by dividing the number of elderly persons (65 years or more) by the number of children (0\u0026ndash;14 years). In 2024, the average Aging Index in Chile was 79, which means that for each 100 persons aged 0\u0026ndash;14 there were 79 persons aged 65 or above (INE, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR42\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":true,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"climate mobilities, amenity migration, Chile, drought, forest fires, rural transformations","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-8389194/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-8389194/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"This paper explores how climate mobilities intersect with different mobility dynamics and broader socioeconomic transformations in rural Chile. Drawing on a multi-method study in central-southern Chile, an area marked by intensifying droughts and forest fires, we analyze the entangled effects of two seemingly opposing mobility dynamics: outward climate mobilities driven by environmental stress and livelihood disruptions, and inward amenity and return migrations motivated by rural lifestyle aspirations, health concerns, and rural tranquility. Through a place-based approach, we show how the convergence of these flows reshapes local demographics, economies and land use, intensifies pressures on scarce resources, and alters community cohesion and vulnerability to climate hazards. We argue that these ‘entangled mobilities’ illuminate how climate change interacts with broader socioeconomic and territorial transformations. Rather than separate and oppositional, climate and amenity mobilities emerge as mutually constitutive forces that both reflect and reproduce wider processes of rural de-agrarianization, land commodification, and the redefinition of what it means to inhabit rural Chile under climate change. The study highlights the value of place-based, historically informed approaches to understanding human mobilities in the context of climate change.","manuscriptTitle":"Entangled mobilities and rural transformations in climate-vulnerable Chile","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2026-01-12 05:04:17","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-8389194/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"5e24e2be-97da-49c4-829b-277b9f60e3a6","owner":[],"postedDate":"January 12th, 2026","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"posted","subjectAreas":[],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2026-01-12T05:04:17+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2026-01-12 05:04:17","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-8389194","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-8389194","identity":"rs-8389194","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"XKTyCvWXoU3ODBz1xrDgd","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}