What is the state of play in adulthood?

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Rosemary Colston, Prudence Millear, Mary Katsikitis, Jacob Keech This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-4903570/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract This qualitative study explored the experiences of self-identified adult players to gain insights into the state of play in adulthood. Interviews were conducted with 26 participants representing different styles of play behaviour. Thematic analysis using Nvivo 12 Plus software revealed that adults play differently from children and have a broader definition of play behaviour. Play was found to be rewarding and provided relief from adult responsibilities. The most skilled players integrated play into their work-life seamlessly. The analysis also identified a typology of 8 player types, influenced by parental attitudes and behaviours during childhood. Participants emphasised the importance of play for promoting wellbeing, although there was a degree of play illiteracy evidenced. Further research is needed to investigate if the benefits of play can be extended to the general population through facilitated engagement with remedial play and the development of an adult play discourse. Figures Figure 1 What is the State of Play in Adulthood? Play is a natural behaviour associated with increased survival fitness (Pellis et al., 2014 ), observed in both humans and many non-human species. The expression of play has been linked to happiness and wellbeing (Colston et al., 2023 ; Gordon, 2014 ). However, play in adulthood may still be inhibited for intrapersonal, interpersonal, and structural reasons (Crawford et al., 1991 ). While research and consensus regarding adult play has been limited (Van Vleet & Feeney, 2015 ), research has identified that adult play behaviour is rooted in early childhood experience (Shen et al., 2017 ). Further, Western cultural norms encourage the suppression of play behaviour as children transition into adulthood (Hoffmann & Russ, 2012 ; Kane, 2005 ). With its typically disrupted lineage, it is not surprising that play is an ambiguous concept in Western cultures, whereby play can represent power, identity, fate, imagination, progress, self-hood, and frivolity (Sutton-Smith, 2009 ). Therefore, it is crucial to assess the current state of play in adulthood to determine if the wellbeing benefits of play are worthwhile and, if so, what are the steps necessary for reclaiming true play in adulthood. This research aimed to assess the current state of play in adulthood for self-identified adult players. This process included an overview of play theories examining the defining features of true play, and the childhood origins of play identity, including child development play theory. Further, the distorted and healthy expressions of play in adulthood are presented followed by the motivations to play based upon the wellbeing theories, such as Seligman’s ( 2012 ) PERMA model (i.e., five aspects of wellbeing are Positive emotions, Engagement, Relationships, Meaning, and Accomplishment), and the barriers to play informed by the hierarchical model of leisure constraints (Crawford et al., 1991 ). These theories guided the current research. Definition of 'True Play' Play experts have generally agreed on certain defining criteria for play behaviour, with some diverging opinions. The most cited criteria for play included behaviour that elicits positive emotions, active engagement, intrinsic motivation, and being done for its own sake (Brown & Vaughan, 2010 ; Csikszentmihalyi, 2014 ; Garvey, 1990 ; Van Vleet & Feeney, 2015 ). Play has also been characterised as being driven by imagination, thereby allowing players to extend themselves creatively beyond mundane activities, while still adhering to mental rules (Brown & Vaughan, 2010 ; Burghardt, 2014 ; Csikszentmihalyi, 2014 ; Gray, 2009 ). Further, play was nominated to create a safe space where the consequences of real-life were suspended, enabling the exploration and development of life skills (Andersen, 2009 ; Bundy, 1993 ; Huizinga, 2014 ). Additionally, play behaviour was reported to occur in an active, alert, non-stressed state of mind, free from inhibition and fear, resulting in a reduced self-consciousness (Brown & Vaughan, 2010 ; Burghardt, 2014 ; Csikszentmihalyi, 2014 ; Gray, 2009 ). Finally, playfulness was considered the essential mental attitude (Bateson, 2014 ; Brown & Vaughan, 2010 ; Gray, 2009 ). Playfulness has been characterised by qualities regarded as being good natured, such as cheerfulness, light-heartedness, and kindness (Proyer, 2012 ). Therefore, true play can be defined as an enjoyable, engaging and playful activity that operates outside mundane existence which allow the player to safely and imaginatively explore and improvise within mental rules, while being voluntarily pursued and done for its own sake without external rewards. This definition guided the research conducted in this study. The lack of a shared definition of play in adulthood indicated the emerging nature of play research and its developing theoretical framework. Some have argued against a single definition of play, as it may limit the range of behaviours or scenarios that can be studied empirically (Van Vleet & Feeney, 2015 ). However, these diverse defining features suggested that play behaviour was a subjective and primarily internal process, influenced by the mental state of the player and leading to an altered state of consciousness. Given the lack of consensus among experts and the subjective nature of play, there remains a significant opportunity for the development of these concepts through empirical studies, particularly by shifting the focus of analysis from the observer's perspective to that of the observed, as was done in this research. Origins of Play Play in Childhood Play is crucial for meeting children's developmental needs at all stages of childhood. Smilansky's (1968) play model, based on Piaget's (1962) developmental framework, outlines four stages of play in childhood: (1) functional play; (2) constructive play; (3) sociodramatic play; and (4) games with rules. These developmental stages of play correlate with the gross motor skills of infancy, fine motor skills of toddlerhood, cognitive skills of young and middle childhood, and social skills of teenagers, respectively. Although originally designed to elucidate childhood development, with over 2000 citations, Smilansky's (1968) model is so fundamental to the examination of play that it can also encompass various manifestations of adult play behaviour. Parental Attitudes and Modelling of Play Experts agree that the process of parental engagement with the developing child is crucial to the child’s play ability and experience. Pellegrini and Smith ( 2005 ) observed that parental attitudes towards play range from active discouragement to active encouragement, with temporary tolerance in between to manage caregiving responsibilities. Some parents have been observed to struggle to establish playful and positive connections with their children, leading to varying degrees of impaired play ability (Devi, 2022 ; McLean et al., 2023 ; Youell, 2008 ). Further, experts have noted that when parents discouraged play, their child's play ability was hampered during childhood and this effect persisted into adulthood (Etezady, 2011 ), resulting in increased risk of mental illness in later life (McKinney & Power, 2012 ). This suggests that the child's play experiences have a significant impact in shaping their future experience of adulthood. Play in Adulthood Distortions of Play Transitioning from childhood to adulthood with true play behaviours intact can be difficult. Western societies often viewed play as trivial and childish compared to more valued behaviours like work and responsibility (Gray, 2009 ; Kane, 2005 ; Hoffmann & Russ, 2012 ; Pocock et al., 2012 ). According to cultural norms, the transition to adulthood required individuals to develop emotional control, self-regulation, and inhibition, leading to a decline in child-like playfulness and creativity (Hoffmann & Russ, 2012 ). Emerging adults, in particular, have expressed ambivalence and reluctance towards adult roles, perceiving adulthood as stagnant and devoid of spontaneity (Arnett, 2007 ). The loss of these play-positive qualities, combined with the devaluing of play behaviour in adulthood in Western cultures (Gray, 2009 ; Kane, 2005 ; Hoffmann & Russ, 2012 ; Pocock et al., 2012 ), the real need for autonomy (Deci & Ryan, 2004 ), and the natural drive to experience an altered state of consciousness (Prescott, 1989 ) has resulted in true play expression often becoming distorted in adulthood. Distortions of true play in adulthood range from relatively innocuous to more harmful manifestations. Vicarious play, such as watching others play or engaging in competitive games, may serve as substitutes for true play but lack the active engagement and playfulness required of true play behaviour (Kane, 2005 ; Brown & Vaughan, 2010 ). Harmful distortions of play involve engaging in destructive or illegal activities as a form of rebellion against societal norms (Rojek, 2000 ). These activities, including criminal behaviour, self-harm, and bullying, deviate from the true essence of play due to the associated risks to oneself and others. True Play Expressions In contrast to these play distortions, which deviate from the criteria of true play behaviours, good examples of true adult play exist, such as Laughter Yoga, and Comedic Improvisational Theatre (CIT). Laughter Yoga is primarily a functional play example which involves participants engaging in planned activities directed at laughing (Weinberg et al., 2014 ). Whereas CIT is a form of sociodramatic play that involves players acting together, sometimes with an audience, in theatrical games in a spontaneous, willing, and playful manner to form dialogue, action, story, and characters, resulting in a heightening of reality and a sense of fun (Koppett, 2013 ). There is a growing body of research in support of the health and wellbeing benefits of CIT (e.g., Asher et al., 2021 ; Felsman et al., 2023 ; Harris et al., 2014 ; Schwenke et al., 2021 ), and Laughter Yoga (e.g., Weinberg et al., 2014 ). There are other traditional and emerging forms of acceptable game play in adulthood, such as dress-up traditions, and games (e.g., board, card, tile, video, and parlour games). Playing dress-ups is another sociodramatic play type that has been acceptable for adults for special celebrations for a long time, such as fancy-dress parties, Halloween, Mardi Gras, Renaissance Fair, or Burning Man, with these activities increasing in popularity in the community (Fron et al., 2007 ). Further, playing games with rules, such as charades, Eye Spy, Twister, or Uno has a long tradition of adult engagement, particularly in families (Jones & Tsintziras, 2009 ), and has been noted as becoming increasingly popular (Weidner, 2018 ). Furthermore, with the increasing accessibility of home gaming options, video game play has risen from obscurity to become a global multibillion-dollar innovation that involves millions of players of all ages at any time of the day or night (Liang, 2022 ). These are some commonplace examples of how adults might engage in true play. Play Motivations Understanding the motivations for adult play was essential for analysis. According to Entertainment Software Association ( 2021 ), video gamers were driven to play for joy, stress relief, mental stimulation, and social interaction. Gee ( 2005 ) earlier suggested that video games can enable people to feel like heroes in their own life. Similarly, research by Farley et al. ( 2021 ) determined a significant correlation between playfulness components with aspects of the PERMA model (Seligman, 2012 ; i.e., Positive affect, Engagement, Relations, Meaning), in addition to overall wellbeing. These results were reinforced by Colston et al.’s ( 2023 ) research which found a significant correlation between self-reported play behaviour and Ryff’s ( 1989 ) psychological wellbeing indicators of Environmental Mastery, Positive Relations with Others, Purpose in Life, and Self-Acceptance, in addition to Diener et al.’s ( 1985 ) Satisfaction with Life. Understandably, play has been identified as a means of experiencing self-care (Nicholson et al., 2014 ) and increased coping (Fredrickson & Joiner, 2002 ), given the many ways that research has shown associations between play with wellbeing and happiness factors. Barriers to Play While there might be many drivers of play behaviour, there are nevertheless a complex myriad of needs that must be navigated in the process of fulfilling the need for play. Crawford et al. ( 1991 ) promoted that there was a three-stage process that must be overcome to engage in play and leisure behaviours: (1) intrapersonal (e.g., beliefs); (2) interpersonal (e.g., suitable playmates); and (3) structural (e.g., opportunities). Overcoming these constraints requires the individual to be privileged or exercise their force of will to overcome their constraints, according to Crawford and colleagues ( 1991 ). Other researchers have observed barriers to wellbeing drives and play behaviour. Deci and Ryan ( 2004 ) noted that the fulfillment of one wellbeing drive can hinder the satisfaction of other drives, such as the clash between the need for autonomy and relationship connection. Colston et al. ( 2023 ) further explored barriers to play and found that a playful disposition, and the absence of both feeling overwhelmed by life circumstances and increasing caregiving responsibilities (i.e., both structural barriers) were predictive variables for play behaviour. These results suggested that playfulness privileges play, while having responsibilities to others (e.g., dependents) can constrain play. Adult play expert, Gray ( 2009 ) had suggested that the drive to attend to adult responsibilities was why pure play was observed more in children, and as such adults were regarded more in terms of their playfulness. Understanding these motivations and barriers was crucial for investigating true play engagement in adulthood. Analysis of the State of Play for Adults This qualitative study employed focus groups to explore the understanding and conceptualisation of true play behaviour among self-identified adult players. Due to the ambiguity of play (Sutton-Smith, 2009 ) and societal norms discouraging play behaviour (Kane, 2005 ; Hoffmann & Russ, 2012 ; Pocock et al., 2012 ), it was anticipated that participants would experience uncertainty in this domain. The study also aimed to investigate participants' motivations for engaging in play, considering the established link between play behaviour and wellbeing in previous research (e.g., Colston et al., 2023 ; Farley et al., 2021 ; Schwenke et al., 2021 ). Additionally, the study sought to deepen understanding of the evolution of play behaviour across the lifespan by examining participants' play history from childhood to adulthood. Given that transitioning into adulthood often leads to the loss of play identity in accordance with identity standards (Burke, 2006 ), the process through which participants either maintained or reclaimed their play identity contributed to the development of a player typology and informed the recovery of play process in adulthood. Method Participants A non-random convenience sample of participants ( N = 26, 50% female) ranging in age from 21 to 83 years of age ( M = 52, SD = 20) was recruited through various methods, including known contacts, social media, community posters, recreational clubs, and the university's volunteer research pool. Participants were provided with a $ 20 gift card incentive for their participation. Interested individuals contacted the researchers via email and were provided with information about the study and consent forms. Participants were given the option to choose from four different group types: functional play, constructive play, sociodramatic play, or games with rules. The distribution of participants across the groups was as follows: functional play ( n = 8), constructive play ( n = 5), sociodramatic play ( n = 6), and games with rules ( n = 7). A total of seven focus group interviews were conducted, each lasting between 1 to 2 hours. The study received ethical approval from the university's Human Research Ethics Committee (reference: S191277), and data collection took place between May 2019 and February 2020. All participants provided informed consent for their participation in the research project. Procedures for Data Collection The focus groups convened at the university research lab, with the exception of the Laughter Yoga group, which was interviewed at the home of one of the participants. All groups followed the same interview outline provided in Appendix A . The first author, who served as the interviewer, was a registered psychologist with a Bachelor of Psychology (Honours) and Bachelor of Behavioural Science. The interviewer used a digital voice recorder to record the participants' responses, while also taking hand-written notes. Prior to the interview, participants completed a demographics form. The interview questions explored participants' definitions and examples of play, motivations for play, experiences of play in childhood, including parental influences, and barriers to play. The questions served as prompts, and the interviewer ensured that all participants had the opportunity to share their perspectives in a free-flowing conversation. At the conclusion of the interview, participants received their $ 20 incentive gift card. Data Analysis The interviews were transcribed verbatim and subjected to thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006 ) using Nvivo 12 Plus qualitative analysis software. The data were coded into broad themes, with subthemes identified within these broader categories. The first author determined the codes, which were subsequently reviewed by the second and third authors to ensure the quality of analysis. Participants were not given the opportunity to modify or review their responses. Results and Discussion This qualitative data analysis employed both inductive and deductive inquiry to explore the understanding of play behaviour in adulthood among laypersons. By comparing the themes identified among lay players with existing expert theories and concepts related to wellbeing, children's play, and leisure, it was possible to assess the disparity between them and consider the need for alignment. The interview questions were designed to initially explore broad definitions of play behaviour and gradually delved into more specific aspects. The resulting themes, as presented in Table 1 , encompassed play behaviours, play motivations, play lineage and origins, typology of player, barriers to play, and qualities of successful players. These findings have practical implications and informed the identification of subthemes within each broad theme. The results are presented in combination with the discussion, as follows. Table 1 Thematic coding derived from the interview data. Main themes Sub-themes Play behaviours Play is specific to children Play feels child-like Defining features of adult play Play as escape Adult play behaviour is broad and subjective Motivation to play Positive affect Engagement Relationship building Meaningful life Achieving greater competency Autonomy Lineage and origins Childhood restrictions on play Adult consequences of childhood restrictions Parental modelling of play Parents’ intent of play Typology of player Playful parents Parents not playful, but approving of play Play reclaimed in adulthood Longing for play Barriers to play in adulthood “Life” gets in the way Expectations of social norms Observed qualities of the successful player Bringing play elements to duty performance Limitations of blending play Permission to play Play as remedy Play Behaviours Participants were asked to provide their definitions of play behaviour. Their responses generally aligned with features of true play as identified by experts, although their examples of true play did not necessarily align with their nominated criteria. The examples provided by participants encompassed Smilansky's (1968) four-sequence developmental model of play. These included functional play (e.g., Laughter Yoga, swimming, bushwalking, gardening, exploring nature, dancing, and sports), constructive play (e.g., art, craft, storytelling, or inventing), sociodramatic role play (e.g., CIT, sexual intimacy, volunteering with a charity, going to the movies, and participating in social groups), and games with rules (e.g., playing games, doing crosswords, jigsaws, or video gameplay). Notably, these categories can overlap to some extent, such as video gameplay being potentially constructive, sociodramatic, a game with rules, and functional (e.g., Wii games), depending on the context in which it was performed. Participants cited these behaviours as examples of their play behaviour. Play was Childlike When participants were asked about their perceptions of play, the dominant theme as expressed by 73% was that play was associated with children or was considered child-like behaviour. Participants described play as something children engaged in or as a behaviour they engaged in during childhood or with children as adults. One participant stated: “When I think about play, I think open-ended. Like when I think about play being a kid, you create this universe where it’s cut off from the rest of reality … and you escape into it”. Another retiree respondent described their entire life as one big game, emphasising the enjoyment and fun they found in various activities, such as going to lunch, coffee, meeting friends, watching sports, and going to the movies given that they no longer needed to go to work. These accounts suggested that play offered an escape from the burdens of adulthood into a more desirable state of consciousness, aligning with Katz's (1988) observation of play's transcendence. Thus, initial concepts of play were rooted in childhood experiences, where play provided an escape into an alternative and more desirable child-like state. Distinctive Features of Adult Play The four thematically dominant features of adult play that the participants identified were the experience of having fun, being engaging and freely chosen, while having playmate compatibility. Adult play was also described as a low-stakes activity that transported the player out of their current state, whether being mundane existence or negative affective state (e.g., stress), into an altered state of consciousness characterised as being immersive, rewarding, pleasurable, creative, and child-like. The suspension of real-life consequences of play enabled a sense of psychological safety. As one participant commented: [in gameplay] you can win if you follow the rules because, in real life, you can follow all the rules, and God knows what is going to happen to you. Further, the perception of tolerable risk in play was subjective; what might be an acceptable level of risk for one player might not be the same for another. For example, some participants enjoyed being the centre of attention, while others did not. Other reported risks included potential for criticism, rejection, embarrassment, injury, or litigation. Thus, the subjective experience of the player defined play in adulthood. Interpersonal Rapport in Play Playmate compatibility was also noted as a critical contextual requirement for successful play behaviour. Play created a sense of belonging, presence, and social connectivity. Play was also bounded by variable levels of rules, from being very loose and open-ended to highly structured and time limited. Play preferences were highly oriented around these factors, with, for example, more intellectual players preferring the latter and creative players expressing a preference for the former. In this regard, one participant was noted as saying: “… if we sat down in … a big sand-play space with toys… I might be fine, but not everyone's going to be. We come from different spaces”. Additionally, participant definitions suggested there needed to be a consensus between the players about what constituted the rules of play, including the degree of flexibility and re-negotiation that might be applied in their interpretation. When the rules of engagement become non-consensual, the play experience stopped. The continuum of competitiveness among potential playmates also influenced play compatibility. Although competitiveness was identified as being contrary to true play (Brown & Vaughan, 2010 ), for those participants who identified as being competitive, it was still considered consistent with their preferred play style given their “competitive nature.” These participants reported that while ever their playmates’ level of competitiveness matched their own, the play was deemed enjoyable, but when it became mismatched, the play experience stopped. This theme of co-creative interplay between playmates while in rapport was a strongly defining feature of adult play in those instances of play with playmates. Adult Play versus True Play Adult play was somewhat different to true play. The concept of true play was derived from the most popularly cited defining features of children’s and animals’ play, according to expert theorists. However, in this sample the four thematically dominant features of adult play for the participants were the experience of pleasure, engagement, being freely chosen, and having playmate compatibility. While participants perceived their play as potentially encompassing a broad range of behaviours that had varying degrees of observable features that appeared to be play behaviours, the most important criterion that determined that the play threshold had been met, was the subjective experience of the player (i.e., I am playing). Van Vleet and Feeney ( 2015 ) had cautioned that a single definition of play would inappropriately constrain it into a limited set of behaviours or scenarios that would potentially undermine empirical examination of the subject. However, the results of this study alluded to play in adulthood being so broadly defined that a great number of behaviours can still conform to its defining criteria, arguably without threat of inappropriate constraint. Further, while the play examples offered did conform with the broad categories of Smilansky’s ( 1968 ) developmental stages of play in childhood (albeit only subtly at times), play in adulthood was typically similar but distinctive from child's play. Child's play was not described as "child-like" and does not necessarily serve as relief from responsibilities. Play has been considered the work of children (Paley, 2009 ), whereas play in adulthood often provides relief from work and seriousness. Furthermore, the participant-identified play behaviours (e.g., gardening) needed not be conducted in a manner deemed child-like. Therefore, adult play examples can coincide with the true play of children and animals while other examples diverge from it. Play Motivation Many of the participants’ descriptions of the benefits of play fit within Seligman’s (2011) PERMA model and Deci and Ryan’s ( 2004 ) self-determination theory. All the examples given were oriented around play being a means to fulfill, primarily, higher-order needs. Still, play was also utilised to alleviate lower-order needs, such as stress relief. Positive Affect Play was predominately seen as a means of experiencing positive affect. Positive affect (described by participants as “happiness,” “joy,” “fun,” and “pleasure”) was generated by play. Play was noted to reduce negative affect directly through enjoyment and light-heartedness, and indirectly by the types of play activities. (e.g., playing destructive video games to vent anger safely). Thereby play offered an escape from mundane or stressful responsibilities, in addition to fulfilling a sense of success, akin to Gee’s ( 2005 ) observed “hero” status attainment. These positive effects lingered beyond the direct play experience. One participant observed that their daily practice of Laughter Yoga had resulted in a kind of resilience that buffered them from stress effects, stating: Things I used to stress out about before, who cares, no stress. If I run out of milk, who cares, I'll drink tea without milk. The positive effects of play were reported by these participants to extend beyond the play itself, making life more manageable and sustainable. This result was consistent with Fredrickson and Joiner’s ( 2002 ) research which demonstrated the upward spiral of coping and wellbeing afforded through positive affect. The combined immediate and after-effects of play behaviour culminated in play being valued by many participants as a deliberate act of self-care, supportive of their mental and physical wellbeing, the extended absence of which was further noted to be conducive to mental and physical illness. Engagement Engagement in well-practiced play led to greater levels of flow and uplifting experiences, also referred to as an altered state of consciousness. This theme was notable amongst participants ( n = 4) who mentioned at various stages in all groups the desire to get lost in their chosen play behaviours, such as effortlessly playing the perfect piano piece. However, it was noted by some participants ( n = 6) that some activities that elicited flow states were not initially rewarding given the difficulty and the frustration that goes along with the feeling of incompetence experienced while learning the new task (e.g., learning a new game or piano music). Nevertheless, entering a state of engagement with play satisfied the drive to experience an altered state of consciousness (Prescott, 1989 ). Relationships Play was also strongly motivated to build and maintain social relationships. All the participants identified play behaviours oriented around some critical element of social relating, such as exercising, sharing a joke, laughing, “meshing” with teammates, dressing up in costume for community volunteer events, playing with kids, and playing cards or board games. For example, one interviewee stated: Playing cards is a good excuse to have friends around. On that note, another participant suggested that the real purpose of playing a game with others is to spend time with people laughing, not winning or losing. Play was also identified as offering an opportunity to increase community engagement, in addition to building light social connections through the experience of reciprocal and mutual child-like enjoyment without having to be responsible for the other beyond keeping a safe space to play. In contrast, play was also noted to deepen emotional bonds, such as intimacy between partners in other instances. Life Meaning When asked what life would be like if they were not allowed to play anymore, 77% ( n = 20) of the participants stated variations on the theme that “life would not be worth living,” life would be “a living death,” and that it would be “a return to mental illness.” Only two participants stated that they would adapt by vicariously enjoying the play of others. Another participant acknowledged that their work responsibilities had become so overwhelming that they were suffering mentally and physically. As such, they were also struggling to engage in the play process of CIT and in being playful generally. This question revealed the strong theme that play made life worth living. Achievement The final motivation associated with the PERMA model (Seligman, 2012 ) – Achievement – was seen as the types of goals that could be achieved through play, although goals were non-competitive primarily (e.g., playing with some competence) rather than specifically winning something (e.g., scoring more points than their opponent). Participants described play as a means of learning and discovering, in addition to being a means of enhancing their skills of movement, gameplay, and creative expression. Participants also expressed appreciation for the achievements of others through gameplay, such as their opponent winning through extraordinary luck or skill. Play was respected as a means of achieving skill development for both the self and others. Autonomy Participants also reported being motivated to play to meet their psychological needs for autonomy, as per Deci and Ryan’s ( 2004 ) self-determination theory. Autonomy was reportedly achieved by freedom of choice, freedom from inhibition, being self-directed and honest in their self-expression, rather than being bound by someone else’s rules and expectations. Lineage and Origins Parental standards of playfulness or seriousness had a significant influence on the participants in this study. Parents transmitted their views on the acceptability of play and work to their children, which continued to shape their attitudes towards play in adulthood. In alignment with other research findings (e.g., Dixon et al., 2008 ; Shen et al., 2017 ), when parents actively modelled, encouraged, and interacted with play, the transition to adulthood was reportedly smoother, and the need to reclaim play later in life was not necessary. Childhood Restrictions on Play Themes associated with adverse play experiences during childhood were identified. Absent parents, either due to discord, death, illness, or long working hours, often resulted in self-directed and unsupervised play characterised by high levels of adventure and risk-taking, such as exploring abandoned buildings, often in groups of other children from their neighbourhood. Parents were also often described as serious and work-oriented individuals who opposed their child's play preferences, criticising their choices and redirecting them towards more "work-like" activities. Older participants who grew up during times of war experienced limited access to play as they left school early to assist their mothers. Children turned to solitary play or creative expression where parents were fearful for their child (due to illness or bullying). Therefore, the conditions described by participants that were opposed to child play behaviour were substantially influenced by parental variables, in addition to other underlying factors like personal health, and social limitations. Adult Consequences of Childhood Restrictions The consequences of parental restrictions or inattention to play during childhood manifested in difficulties engaging in true play behaviour and poorer mental health in adulthood. Individuals oriented their lives around seriousness and work values, leaving little to no time for genuine play. Unhealthy behaviours, such as excessive alcohol consumption or drug use, emerged as substitutes for true play. Despite prioritising work values, participants often felt unfulfilled and lacked the happiness they expected. This result was consistent with other quantitative research which found a link between mental illness and parental inhibition of playtime (e.g., McKinney & Power, 2012 ; Steinberg et al., 1994 ). One participant who had come to reclaim play in later life stated: I thought it's about time I do things for myself and start taking care of myself. For these participants, play behaviour was a deliberate choice, actively cultivated with varying degrees of success as a matter of remedial health. Parental Modelling of Play More facilitative conditions of play experience were less common than those in which play was restricted, according to participants’ self-reports. Some participants reported their parents to be supportive playmates who embraced their suggestions and actively engaged in play activities. These participants reported a continuous play history, uninterrupted from childhood to adulthood. For example, one participant offered: “Some people never stop playing - we play today. I never stopped playing from childhood to retirement”. Participants also noted that playing with parents could occur in many different places and that they still liked to play in the same places, such as the beach, playing board games, and playing more physical or competitive games, like badminton or cricket. Other participants ( n = 4) suggested that they inherited their parent’s silliness and sense of humour, including the lack thereof. For those participants who had come to reclaim play in adulthood, re-engaging in play behaviour was in accord with their parents’ closest semblance of play behaviour, such as arts and craft activities for the adult child of the homemaker or joining a social club for the adult child of the community volunteer. Play qualities like preferences, competitiveness, and humour were readily transmitted from parent to child. Parents’ Intent of Play Parental intent of play, such as an opportunity to socialise and to be in support of their children, was also perceived by the participants. Even if parents themselves were not naturally playful individuals, numerous parents were still observed to have shown high levels of support for their children's play activities. This support manifested in various ways, such as attending their sports games, allowing dedicated playtime, and providing resources that aligned with their child's interests. Participants who experienced this kind of parental support tended to develop strong relationships with their parents while maintaining their play identities into adulthood. Further, participants who had their own play identity reinforced by their parents' approval were also inclined to develop a work identity like that of their parents. These participants commonly described transitioning into an adult identity where play behaviours, often having some work-related qualities (e.g., sport, playing in a band, inventing), were prioritised alongside their working lives. Parents’ play behaviours and attitudes were described by all participants as having a significant influence upon the evolving play identity of each of them. Typology of Players Presenting play preferences in adulthood were rooted in participants’ childhood experience of play. This pattern of influence can be applied to a prototype typology of adult players based primarily upon the play behaviours and attitudes of their parents and the other adverse and advantageous young life conditions. This analysis found that Natural Players (with playful parents) and Approved Players (with play-supportive parents) continued an unbroken play timeline from childhood. The former typically engaged in playful work; and the latter engaged in play that was more compartmentalised into work-like activities (e.g., play in sporting teams, musical activities, etc.). These player types reported being advantaged in adulthood by their well-developed play-identities, an outcome consistent with Shen et al.’s ( 2017 ) research linking parental playfulness with adult playfulness and increased adaptability. The other player types reportedly lacked the support of childhood play from their parents. Remedial Players choose to reclaim their play lives in adulthood as a strategic response to factors such as declining health, lack of social connection, and suppressed creativity. Play preferences that were accessed in play reclamation often coincided with the most play-like behaviours of their parents (e.g., swimming, partying, crafts, etc). Alternatively, iPlayers used new technologies to engage in play with some continuity from childhood into adulthood, despite having contended with parental disapproval for their play preference. Undeveloped Players , as identified by retrospective analysis from the Remedial Players, expressed a longing for play but had not overcome their constraints to engage in play fully. The Non-Player type, although not represented in the sample, was described as individuals who were opposed to all forms of play. A decision tree to help determine player typology is outlined in Fig. 1 . Barriers to Play in Adulthood When participants were asked what got in the way of their play, the most prevalent response was “Life” ( n = 17). This was a structural constraint representative of limited opportunities for play, including fulfilling obligations to others (e.g., work attendance, caring for family members, commuting) and themselves (e.g., hygiene, food preparation). Limited time and financial constraints, as well as a lack of interest or play partners, were also identified as barriers. Interestingly, certain aspects of play itself could be seen as obstacles, such as excessive or restrictive rules, fear of judgment or embarrassment, and the potential for play to exacerbate distress in stressful situations. One participant in a self-described state of stress and overwhelm stated: If I sit down and play now, sometimes it can make me feel worse. These circumstances highlighted the effort and energy required for play when responsibilities and inhibitions could not be easily set aside. Therefore, play behaviour operated within a hierarchy of needs (Maslow, 1987 ), whereby survival matters (i.e., “Life”) took priority over play. This outcome was indicative of the notion that play was associated with thriving, given that it is more likely to be engaged in when survival needs are satisfied (Bateson, 2014 ; Held & Špinka, 2011 , Veenhoven, 2009). Social Norms Social norms surrounding adult play behaviour revealed participants' conflicting beliefs and values regarding the encouragement or discouragement of play in adulthood. Norms that discouraged play included societal expectations of sensible and serious adult behaviour, emphasis on work as the primary use of time, consumerism, personal standards, and concerns about others' opinions. In contrast, norms that promoted adult play were influenced by participants' family backgrounds, age-related acceptability of play (e.g., retirement), and personal autonomy in directing one's actions. Participants acknowledged that sometimes the activities they perceived they had to do (i.e., structural barriers) lacked legitimacy. For example, the prioritisation of the perceived structural barriers (e.g., washing the dishes) over playtime, was often the secondary by-product of intrapersonal barriers (e.g., fear of condemnation in the event of being discovered playing with dirty dishes in the sink). These participants reported that they frequently had to contend with such intrapersonal constraints, where perceived fears policed them internally to conform to what constituted socially acceptable behaviour. This was consistent with Deterding’s ( 2018 ) observations regarding the socialisation of responsible adults and the risk of embarrassment should they be found to be transgressing social expectations through unsanctioned play. As per Deci and Ryan’s ( 2004 ) self-determination theory, the fulfilment of one need (e.g., relatedness) could result in the thwarting of another (e.g., autonomy). Participants reported two key strategies for overcoming these constraints. First, they overcame some intrapersonal constraints through actively granting themselves permission to do so. Adjusting beliefs regarding what they “should” do with their time and energy might enable a participant to prioritise their need for play over their need for social approval. Second, participants identified the threat of social disapproval could be ameliorated by choosing playmates and forming group identities based on play preference compatibility, as was previously suggested by Deterding ( 2018 ) and Schwarz and Braff ( 2012 ). Selectivity in playmates helped normalise play preferences and reduced the risk of emotional disturbance during play expression. Therefore, these adult players took personal responsibility, in what Crawford et al. ( 1991 ) nominated as a force of will, for shaping their play identity to overcome the shared societal expectations that discouraged play. Observed Qualities of the Successful Player Successful players demonstrated the ability to integrate play elements into obligatory tasks. This was reported by players to have involved a conscious and deliberate intent to approach life with a playful mindset. Examples included singing and laughing while washing dishes with a partner, riding on a shopping trolley during grocery shopping, finger painting on a mirror with shaving cream while shaving or finding joy in the details of wood grain while renovating. The incorporation of play into work-like activities alleviated the burden of responsibility and seriousness, thereby, infusing life with greater enthusiasm and energy. On this, one participant stated: You have to re-evaluate your relationship with the difference between work and play because it becomes so much drudgery otherwise. You have no choice but to make it play in one way or another. For these participants, play was reported to be critical to making their lives manageable. Some participants recognised that some work did not suit play, however, such as bookkeeping or contract writing. Nonetheless, the ability to intertwine play with work was seen as a hallmark of adept players. This interweaving was partly consistent with Gray’s ( 2009 ) suggestion that play can be embedded in the activities of productive adult life as opposed to the kind of freestanding play in which children engage. However, players did immerse themselves in the world of freestanding play occasionally. Participants routinely described their process of entirely putting aside the mundane duties of daily life to engage fully in play, such as sitting down to play a game of mah-jong with a friend, attending a CIT or Laughter Yoga group, or engaging in playful sexual intimacy. These results affirmed that adults could experience true play, but they typically play differently from children. Further, the most successful adult players can direct their play behaviour in variable child-like degrees whenever and wherever they need as a means of increasing their resilience and wellbeing. Permission to Play As self-identified players, the participants were observed to exercise their ability to choose (i.e., autonomy) frequently. They emphasised the importance of willingness, freedom, and choice, with a recurring theme of granting themselves permission to play. Most participants ( n = 23) highlighted the significance of this mindset, stating that willingness was essential when engaging in play. For instance, one participant mentioned giving themselves permission to set aside busyness to play with their child, resulting in the reward of a deepening of their parent-child relationship. However, the granting of play permission was also influenced by contextual factors. Participants perceived having children or being of retirement age as facilitating permission to play. This is an example of what Deterding ( 2018 ) referred to as an alibi to play , whereby play behaviour in adulthood is deemed socially acceptable if it being conducted in the fulfillment of one’s social responsibilities, such as caregiving of a child. In the absence of these plausible justifications for open and uninhibited play, a high degree of mental resilience and creativity was required to overcome self-consciousness and fear of judgment. As one participant succinctly expressed: We are taught that adult play is structured like golf and wear the right clothes and do the right stuff but sometimes you just want to roll down a hill. Some participants ( n = 6) had reclaimed play in adulthood after becoming disillusioned with the pursuit of societal markers of success, such as material possessions and prestigious jobs. They recognised the negative impact of conforming to social expectations on their overall quality of life prior to retirement, and consequently, they rejected the norms by which they were previously bound. Other participants ( n = 6) expressed a desire to sing or engage in parlour games but only in specific circumstances, such as in a group, when not being the centre of attention, or with trusted individuals. Therefore, the granting of permission to play was a subjective decision influenced by the analysis of perceived risks. Practical Implications Play Illiteracy The existence of social norms surrounding play has led to a form of play illiteracy among adults. While participants in this study were adept at identifying the essential elements of true play when asked to define it, the concept of play became ambiguous when they were prompted to offer specific examples. Further, the dominant emerging theme was play being associated with children. Play examples also often aligned more closely with traditional leisure activities, such as gardening, walking the dog, or going to the theatre. When participants were asked to generate examples of play, their responses were limited, despite having engaged in a detailed discussion of play examples prior. The examples provided were primarily related to the specific play types for which the adult players identified preferences, such as sports, Laughter Yoga, CIT, card and board games, or video gaming. Relatively few new ideas were generated, suggesting a lack of diverse perspectives on play beyond their personal experiences. This disparity between the definition and examples of play does not imply that the adult players were incorrect in their propositions. Rather, it highlighted the lack of a well-established shared understanding of play in adulthood within the culture they operated in. Adult play appeared to be a subjective process that operated outside of commonly agreed-upon behavioural definitions. This lack of shared understanding may have led to a risk management approach, where individuals were cautious about the potential for negative consequences. Shen et al.’s ( 2017 ) playfulness and adaptability research also referred to the evolutionary cost of play relating to risk of injury, vulnerability to harm from predators, and the loss of time that would otherwise be devoted to acquiring food. Despite this underlying expressed fear, the strong appreciation for play was easily discernible; however, the discourse around play remained limited. Play Discourse A new discourse to describe adult play may be required to overcome this apparent play illiteracy. This suggestion is aligned with Devi’s ( 2022 ) research examining the limitations of competence observed in primary caregivers playing with their children, whereby she concluded that it was imperative to develop a pedagogy of play to help adults be more effective playmates with their children. The player typology goes some way towards these complementary goals. Other descriptors can build upon adult play lexicon to inform a shared understanding of play discourse. One component is that of play lineage , which could include disrupted versus continuous, player-parents versus non-player parents, interactive play versus non-interactive, attentive versus neglectful, and encouraging versus discouraging. Types of play preferences might include competitive versus non-competitive, high risk versus low risk, internal versus external, dedicated versus casual, concrete versus conceptual, and intellectual versus physical. Play discourse regarding intended purpose could include discrete versus integrated, decreased tension versus increased energy, self-care versus self-harm, non-ordinary states versus grounding, and serious versus silly. These dimensions provide a more nuanced and informative perspective, which can contribute to the development of play literacy among adults. Furthermore, it is important to reconsider the terminology used to describe adult play. Terms like "true play" and "distorted play" may threaten to invalidate certain adult player behaviours that deviate from strict definitions of play. Also, delegating adult play to “playfulness” is unnecessarily limiting. Many adult player behaviours, although differing from traditional play definitions, such as engaging in competitive play or approaching work tasks playfully, still fall within the realm of play. Terms like "adult play" or "mature play" acknowledge that adult play behaviour has adapted to the demands of adult life, without discrediting the players’ attempts based on inconsistencies with traditional play definitions. Such terminology might encourage and accommodate diverse adult-like play behaviours, rather than undermine attempts at adult play. Establishing a new discourse and terminology, along with incorporating additional descriptors, can contribute to overcoming play illiteracy among adults and foster a greater understanding and appreciation of adult play. Future Research Future research should focus on further exploring and refining the player typology identified in this study. Additionally, the development of play discourse and interventions aimed at enhancing play literacy among adults, such as play literacy classes, should be investigated. Most participants in this study expressed interest in participating in such groups, highlighting the potential effectiveness of these interventions. Furthermore, it would be valuable to investigate the developmental benefits of play in adulthood. While the developmental benefits of play in childhood are well-established, the potential for adults to continue developing motor skills, imagination, and social skills through play warrants exploration. Additionally, there may be other unique developmental advantages that are specific to adult play, which have yet to be recognised and studied. Limitations and Strengths This study benefited from a balanced gender representation and diverse groups of players. However, the use of a convenience sample is a notable limitation. Future research should aim to include a more representative sample of player types, including individuals with diverse play preferences such as live-action role players and cosplayers. Additionally, including participants with distorted styles of play behaviours, as well as those who do not identify as players, would contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of adult play. Therefore, future research should focus on expanding the player typology, developing play discourse and interventions, exploring the developmental benefits of adult play, and addressing the limitations of this study through more diverse and representative samples. These advancements will contribute to a more comprehensive theory of adult play and its implications. Conclusion In conclusion, this research has shed light on the state of play for adult players who have successfully incorporated play into their lives. It has highlighted the significance of play in promoting self-care, life-balance, happiness, and overall wellbeing. Further, the defining features of adult play set it apart from child or animal play. These features include subjective pleasure, engagement, freedom of choice, and compatibility with playmates, aligning with many aspects of established wellbeing theories. The participants' experiences also underscore the challenges faced in embracing play as adults, primarily influenced by parental shaping of play identity and a broader cultural devaluation of play. Those that were supported in their play behaviour as children were privileged by retaining their play identities into adulthood, whereas those that were unsupported needed to apply their force of will to reclaim their play identities. This research emphasises the need for a shared understanding of play in adulthood and the importance of addressing cultural barriers to fully harness the benefits of play. Ongoing investigation into adult play and its impact on wellbeing is valuable to the field of positive psychology. Declarations Author Contribution Authors' contributions:RCPrincipal researcher, responsible for design, execution, coding, analysis and interpretation of research data, drafting and synthesis of analysis for manuscript. PMPrincipal supervisor who supervised throughout project, contributing to conception and design of the project, non-routine technical work, analysis and interpretation of research data, and critical feedback on manuscript.MKCo-supervised, contributing to conception and design of the project, and critical feedback on drafts.JKCo-supervised, contributing to design of research, and critical feedback on manuscript. Data Availability Data is stored securely in password-protected computer systems. Ethical approval is for use by the research team only, rather than for use by other research teams. References Andersen, N. Å. (2009.) Power at play: The relation between play, work and governance . Palgrave Macmillan. Arnett, J. J. (2007). 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Also discoverable on Platform About Our Team In Review Editorial Policies Advisory Board Help Center Resources Author Services Accessibility API Access RSS feed Manage Cookie Preferences © Research Square 2026 | ISSN 2693-5015 (online) Privacy Policy Terms of Service Do Not Sell My Personal Information {"props":{"pageProps":{"initialData":{"identity":"rs-4903570","acceptedTermsAndConditions":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"archivedVersions":[],"articleType":"Research Article","associatedPublications":[],"authors":[{"id":361152036,"identity":"837f1229-d7eb-487a-b7c7-a367b5bce431","order_by":0,"name":"Rosemary Colston","email":"data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAZAAAAAyAQMAAABI0h/eAAAABlBMVEX///8AAABVwtN+AAAACXBIWXMAAA7EAAAOxAGVKw4bAAABFElEQVRIie2PMUvEMBiG0+W6fNI1Rw7vL7QIulT7V1IKdal4Y8eTg3Yw7gX/xPkPcgTqEnfFGyoHnRycpMuhX/W6tcXRIQ+EfIQ8fO9LiMHwH6G/14zYN8vuzZPcHzbgoACBzfIwEVfy+C8K5d2EChlRArYqq490C850l+0WqZoH9motK0zm5Le8d8usvPQKXcP0PsxPCq08AeVCckxG9dO6P1hyyo4yBe5rmOEQW4ImrgwbRVx6NaBcf7I9KsHL5kcJxPwd6/OvESWZMKvdQq1W8UNBoVXksPIcn3kCu1CNwUD7kdBx2yWCoS52EdVVk26PnfyxZpDS8zxXD28Nv8CXu14FmeCRPfsHvo8oBoPBYOj4BmawY/jrouxtAAAAAElFTkSuQmCC","orcid":"","institution":"University of the Sunshine Coast","correspondingAuthor":true,"prefix":"","firstName":"Rosemary","middleName":"","lastName":"Colston","suffix":""},{"id":361152037,"identity":"fab7ebb0-b950-46cc-a322-bb54e5da58e4","order_by":1,"name":"Prudence Millear","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"University of the Sunshine Coast","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Prudence","middleName":"","lastName":"Millear","suffix":""},{"id":361152038,"identity":"d226c5b0-2573-4002-92ad-de9bd993579d","order_by":2,"name":"Mary Katsikitis","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"University of the Sunshine Coast","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Mary","middleName":"","lastName":"Katsikitis","suffix":""},{"id":361152039,"identity":"fc864036-4ec7-4b85-8bec-e35c05a527d9","order_by":3,"name":"Jacob Keech","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"University of the Sunshine Coast","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Jacob","middleName":"","lastName":"Keech","suffix":""}],"badges":[],"createdAt":"2024-08-13 02:44:20","currentVersionCode":1,"declarations":"","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-4903570/v1","doiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-4903570/v1","draftVersion":[],"editorialEvents":[],"editorialNote":"","failedWorkflow":false,"files":[{"id":66946234,"identity":"d9cf23a3-7566-4c81-8eec-8dcdd251435f","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2024-10-18 09:42:36","extension":"png","order_by":1,"title":"Figure 1","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":27286,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eDecision Tree to Identify Player Typology\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eNote. \u003c/em\u003ePlayer typology determined by inquiry process based upon history of parental playfulness, modelling, and approval of play behaviour, combined with current adult play expression.\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"1.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-4903570/v1/35a7f41d923e7577a49b338a.png"},{"id":70198304,"identity":"a7d5f4a1-7de6-4eb5-84cf-e9c9f99a3573","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2024-11-29 11:55:18","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":720865,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-4903570/v1/29e7b3b2-cfd4-4516-af87-d2af16f0eda2.pdf"}],"financialInterests":"No competing interests reported.","formattedTitle":"What is the state of play in adulthood?","fulltext":[{"header":"What is the State of Play in Adulthood?","content":"\u003cp\u003ePlay is a natural behaviour associated with increased survival fitness (Pellis et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR47\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e), observed in both humans and many non-human species. The expression of play has been linked to happiness and wellbeing (Colston et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e; Gordon, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR29\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e). However, play in adulthood may still be inhibited for intrapersonal, interpersonal, and structural reasons (Crawford et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1991\u003c/span\u003e). While research and consensus regarding adult play has been limited (Van Vleet \u0026amp; Feeney, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR61\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e), research has identified that adult play behaviour is rooted in early childhood experience (Shen et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR57\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e). Further, Western cultural norms encourage the suppression of play behaviour as children transition into adulthood (Hoffmann \u0026amp; Russ, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e; Kane, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR37\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2005\u003c/span\u003e). With its typically disrupted lineage, it is not surprising that play is an ambiguous concept in Western cultures, whereby play can represent power, identity, fate, imagination, progress, self-hood, and frivolity (Sutton-Smith, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR60\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e). Therefore, it is crucial to assess the current state of play in adulthood to determine if the wellbeing benefits of play are worthwhile and, if so, what are the steps necessary for reclaiming true play in adulthood.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis research aimed to assess the current state of play in adulthood for self-identified adult players. This process included an overview of play theories examining the defining features of true play, and the childhood origins of play identity, including child development play theory. Further, the distorted and healthy expressions of play in adulthood are presented followed by the motivations to play based upon the wellbeing theories, such as Seligman\u0026rsquo;s (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR56\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e) \u003cem\u003ePERMA model\u003c/em\u003e (i.e., five aspects of wellbeing are Positive emotions, Engagement, Relationships, Meaning, and Accomplishment), and the barriers to play informed by the hierarchical model of leisure constraints (Crawford et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1991\u003c/span\u003e). These theories guided the current research.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eDefinition of 'True Play'\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ePlay experts have generally agreed on certain defining criteria for play behaviour, with some diverging opinions. The most cited criteria for play included behaviour that elicits positive emotions, active engagement, intrinsic motivation, and being done for its own sake (Brown \u0026amp; Vaughan, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e; Csikszentmihalyi, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e; Garvey, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1990\u003c/span\u003e; Van Vleet \u0026amp; Feeney, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR61\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e). Play has also been characterised as being driven by imagination, thereby allowing players to extend themselves creatively beyond mundane activities, while still adhering to mental rules (Brown \u0026amp; Vaughan, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e; Burghardt, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e; Csikszentmihalyi, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e; Gray, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR30\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e). Further, play was nominated to create a safe space where the consequences of real-life were suspended, enabling the exploration and development of life skills (Andersen, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e; Bundy, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1993\u003c/span\u003e; Huizinga, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR34\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e). Additionally, play behaviour was reported to occur in an active, alert, non-stressed state of mind, free from inhibition and fear, resulting in a reduced self-consciousness (Brown \u0026amp; Vaughan, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e; Burghardt, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e; Csikszentmihalyi, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e; Gray, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR30\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e). Finally, playfulness was considered the essential mental attitude (Bateson, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e; Brown \u0026amp; Vaughan, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e; Gray, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR30\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e). Playfulness has been characterised by qualities regarded as being good natured, such as cheerfulness, light-heartedness, and kindness (Proyer, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR51\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e). Therefore, \u003cem\u003etrue play\u003c/em\u003e can be defined as an enjoyable, engaging and playful activity that operates outside mundane existence which allow the player to safely and imaginatively explore and improvise within mental rules, while being voluntarily pursued and done for its own sake without external rewards. This definition guided the research conducted in this study.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe lack of a shared definition of play in adulthood indicated the emerging nature of play research and its developing theoretical framework. Some have argued against a single definition of play, as it may limit the range of behaviours or scenarios that can be studied empirically (Van Vleet \u0026amp; Feeney, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR61\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e). However, these diverse defining features suggested that play behaviour was a subjective and primarily internal process, influenced by the mental state of the player and leading to an altered state of consciousness. Given the lack of consensus among experts and the subjective nature of play, there remains a significant opportunity for the development of these concepts through empirical studies, particularly by shifting the focus of analysis from the observer's perspective to that of the observed, as was done in this research.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec3\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eOrigins of Play\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec4\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003ePlay in Childhood\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003ePlay is crucial for meeting children's developmental needs at all stages of childhood. Smilansky's (1968) play model, based on Piaget's (1962) developmental framework, outlines four stages of play in childhood: (1) functional play; (2) constructive play; (3) sociodramatic play; and (4) games with rules. These developmental stages of play correlate with the gross motor skills of infancy, fine motor skills of toddlerhood, cognitive skills of young and middle childhood, and social skills of teenagers, respectively. Although originally designed to elucidate childhood development, with over 2000 citations, Smilansky's (1968) model is so fundamental to the examination of play that it can also encompass various manifestations of adult play behaviour.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec5\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eParental Attitudes and Modelling of Play\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003e Experts agree that the process of parental engagement with the developing child is crucial to the child’s play ability and experience. Pellegrini and Smith (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR46\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2005\u003c/span\u003e) observed that parental attitudes towards play range from active discouragement to active encouragement, with temporary tolerance in between to manage caregiving responsibilities. Some parents have been observed to struggle to establish playful and positive connections with their children, leading to varying degrees of impaired play ability (Devi, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; McLean et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR43\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e; Youell, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR64\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e). Further, experts have noted that when parents discouraged play, their child's play ability was hampered during childhood and this effect persisted into adulthood (Etezady, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR20\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e), resulting in increased risk of mental illness in later life (McKinney \u0026amp; Power, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR42\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e). This suggests that the child's play experiences have a significant impact in shaping their future experience of adulthood.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec6\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003ePlay in Adulthood\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec7\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eDistortions of Play\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eTransitioning from childhood to adulthood with true play behaviours intact can be difficult. Western societies often viewed play as trivial and childish compared to more valued behaviours like work and responsibility (Gray, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR30\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e; Kane, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR37\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2005\u003c/span\u003e; Hoffmann \u0026amp; Russ, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e; Pocock et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR49\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e). According to cultural norms, the transition to adulthood required individuals to develop emotional control, self-regulation, and inhibition, leading to a decline in child-like playfulness and creativity (Hoffmann \u0026amp; Russ, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e). Emerging adults, in particular, have expressed ambivalence and reluctance towards adult roles, perceiving adulthood as stagnant and devoid of spontaneity (Arnett, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2007\u003c/span\u003e). The loss of these play-positive qualities, combined with the devaluing of play behaviour in adulthood in Western cultures (Gray, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR30\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e; Kane, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR37\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2005\u003c/span\u003e; Hoffmann \u0026amp; Russ, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e; Pocock et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR49\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e), the real need for autonomy (Deci \u0026amp; Ryan, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2004\u003c/span\u003e), and the natural drive to experience an altered state of consciousness (Prescott, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR50\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1989\u003c/span\u003e) has resulted in true play expression often becoming distorted in adulthood.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDistortions of true play in adulthood range from relatively innocuous to more harmful manifestations. Vicarious play, such as watching others play or engaging in competitive games, may serve as substitutes for true play but lack the active engagement and playfulness required of true play behaviour (Kane, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR37\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2005\u003c/span\u003e; Brown \u0026amp; Vaughan, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e). Harmful distortions of play involve engaging in destructive or illegal activities as a form of rebellion against societal norms (Rojek, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR52\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2000\u003c/span\u003e). These activities, including criminal behaviour, self-harm, and bullying, deviate from the true essence of play due to the associated risks to oneself and others.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec8\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eTrue Play Expressions\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn contrast to these play distortions, which deviate from the criteria of true play behaviours, good examples of true adult play exist, such as Laughter Yoga, and Comedic Improvisational Theatre (CIT). Laughter Yoga is primarily a functional play example which involves participants engaging in planned activities directed at laughing (Weinberg et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR63\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e). Whereas CIT is a form of sociodramatic play that involves players acting together, sometimes with an audience, in theatrical games in a spontaneous, willing, and playful manner to form dialogue, action, story, and characters, resulting in a heightening of reality and a sense of fun (Koppett, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR39\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e). There is a growing body of research in support of the health and wellbeing benefits of CIT (e.g., Asher et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR3\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e; Felsman et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e; Harris et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e; Schwenke et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR55\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e), and Laughter Yoga (e.g., Weinberg et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR63\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThere are other traditional and emerging forms of acceptable game play in adulthood, such as dress-up traditions, and games (e.g., board, card, tile, video, and parlour games). Playing dress-ups is another sociodramatic play type that has been acceptable for adults for special celebrations for a long time, such as fancy-dress parties, Halloween, Mardi Gras, Renaissance Fair, or Burning Man, with these activities increasing in popularity in the community (Fron et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR25\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2007\u003c/span\u003e). Further, playing games with rules, such as charades, Eye Spy, Twister, or Uno has a long tradition of adult engagement, particularly in families (Jones \u0026amp; Tsintziras, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR35\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e), and has been noted as becoming increasingly popular (Weidner, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR62\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). Furthermore, with the increasing accessibility of home gaming options, video game play has risen from obscurity to become a global multibillion-dollar innovation that involves millions of players of all ages at any time of the day or night (Liang, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR40\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). These are some commonplace examples of how adults might engage in true play.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec9\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003ePlay Motivations\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eUnderstanding the motivations for adult play was essential for analysis. According to Entertainment Software Association (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e), video gamers were driven to play for joy, stress relief, mental stimulation, and social interaction. Gee (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR27\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2005\u003c/span\u003e) earlier suggested that video games can enable people to feel like heroes in their own life. Similarly, research by Farley et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR21\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e) determined a significant correlation between playfulness components with aspects of the PERMA model (Seligman, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR56\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e; i.e., Positive affect, Engagement, Relations, Meaning), in addition to overall wellbeing. These results were reinforced by Colston et al.’s (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e) research which found a significant correlation between self-reported play behaviour and Ryff’s (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR53\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1989\u003c/span\u003e) psychological wellbeing indicators of Environmental Mastery, Positive Relations with Others, Purpose in Life, and Self-Acceptance, in addition to Diener et al.’s (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1985\u003c/span\u003e) Satisfaction with Life. Understandably, play has been identified as a means of experiencing self-care (Nicholson et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR44\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e) and increased coping (Fredrickson \u0026amp; Joiner, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2002\u003c/span\u003e), given the many ways that research has shown associations between play with wellbeing and happiness factors.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec10\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eBarriers to Play\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eWhile there might be many drivers of play behaviour, there are nevertheless a complex myriad of needs that must be navigated in the process of fulfilling the need for play. Crawford et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1991\u003c/span\u003e) promoted that there was a three-stage process that must be overcome to engage in play and leisure behaviours: (1) intrapersonal (e.g., beliefs); (2) interpersonal (e.g., suitable playmates); and (3) structural (e.g., opportunities). Overcoming these constraints requires the individual to be privileged or exercise their force of will to overcome their constraints, according to Crawford and colleagues (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1991\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOther researchers have observed barriers to wellbeing drives and play behaviour. Deci and Ryan (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2004\u003c/span\u003e) noted that the fulfillment of one wellbeing drive can hinder the satisfaction of other drives, such as the clash between the need for autonomy and relationship connection. Colston et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e) further explored barriers to play and found that a playful disposition, and the absence of both feeling overwhelmed by life circumstances and increasing caregiving responsibilities (i.e., both structural barriers) were predictive variables for play behaviour. These results suggested that playfulness privileges play, while having responsibilities to others (e.g., dependents) can constrain play. Adult play expert, Gray (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR30\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e) had suggested that the drive to attend to adult responsibilities was why pure play was observed more in children, and as such adults were regarded more in terms of their playfulness. Understanding these motivations and barriers was crucial for investigating true play engagement in adulthood.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec11\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eAnalysis of the State of Play for Adults\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis qualitative study employed focus groups to explore the understanding and conceptualisation of true play behaviour among self-identified adult players. Due to the ambiguity of play (Sutton-Smith, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR60\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e) and societal norms discouraging play behaviour (Kane, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR37\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2005\u003c/span\u003e; Hoffmann \u0026amp; Russ, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e; Pocock et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR49\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e), it was anticipated that participants would experience uncertainty in this domain. The study also aimed to investigate participants' motivations for engaging in play, considering the established link between play behaviour and wellbeing in previous research (e.g., Colston et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e; Farley et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR21\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e; Schwenke et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR55\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). Additionally, the study sought to deepen understanding of the evolution of play behaviour across the lifespan by examining participants' play history from childhood to adulthood. Given that transitioning into adulthood often leads to the loss of play identity in accordance with identity standards (Burke, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e), the process through which participants either maintained or reclaimed their play identity contributed to the development of a player typology and informed the recovery of play process in adulthood.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec12\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec13\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/div\u003e "},{"header":"Method","content":"\u003ch2\u003eParticipants\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003e A non-random convenience sample of participants (\u003cem\u003eN\u003c/em\u003e = 26, 50% female) ranging in age from 21 to 83 years of age (\u003cem\u003eM\u003c/em\u003e = 52, \u003cem\u003eSD\u003c/em\u003e = 20) was recruited through various methods, including known contacts, social media, community posters, recreational clubs, and the university's volunteer research pool. Participants were provided with a \u003cspan\u003e$\u003c/span\u003e20 gift card incentive for their participation. Interested individuals contacted the researchers via email and were provided with information about the study and consent forms. Participants were given the option to choose from four different group types: functional play, constructive play, sociodramatic play, or games with rules. The distribution of participants across the groups was as follows: functional play (\u003cem\u003en\u003c/em\u003e = 8), constructive play (\u003cem\u003en\u003c/em\u003e = 5), sociodramatic play (\u003cem\u003en\u003c/em\u003e = 6), and games with rules (\u003cem\u003en\u003c/em\u003e = 7). A total of seven focus group interviews were conducted, each lasting between 1 to 2 hours. The study received ethical approval from the university's Human Research Ethics Committee (reference: S191277), and data collection took place between May 2019 and February 2020. All participants provided informed consent for their participation in the research project.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eProcedures for Data Collection\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003e The focus groups convened at the university research lab, with the exception of the Laughter Yoga group, which was interviewed at the home of one of the participants. All groups followed the same interview outline provided in \u003cb\u003eAppendix A\u003c/b\u003e. The first author, who served as the interviewer, was a registered psychologist with a Bachelor of Psychology (Honours) and Bachelor of Behavioural Science. The interviewer used a digital voice recorder to record the participants' responses, while also taking hand-written notes. Prior to the interview, participants completed a demographics form. The interview questions explored participants' definitions and examples of play, motivations for play, experiences of play in childhood, including parental influences, and barriers to play. The questions served as prompts, and the interviewer ensured that all participants had the opportunity to share their perspectives in a free-flowing conversation. At the conclusion of the interview, participants received their \u003cspan\u003e$\u003c/span\u003e20 incentive gift card.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eData Analysis\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe interviews were transcribed verbatim and subjected to thematic analysis (Braun \u0026amp; Clarke, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e) using Nvivo 12 Plus qualitative analysis software. The data were coded into broad themes, with subthemes identified within these broader categories. The first author determined the codes, which were subsequently reviewed by the second and third authors to ensure the quality of analysis. Participants were not given the opportunity to modify or review their responses.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Results and Discussion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis qualitative data analysis employed both inductive and deductive inquiry to explore the understanding of play behaviour in adulthood among laypersons. By comparing the themes identified among lay players with existing expert theories and concepts related to wellbeing, children\u0026apos;s play, and leisure, it was possible to assess the disparity between them and consider the need for alignment. The interview questions were designed to initially explore broad definitions of play behaviour and gradually delved into more specific aspects. The resulting themes, as presented in \u003cstrong\u003eTable\u0026nbsp;1\u003c/strong\u003e, encompassed play behaviours, play motivations, play lineage and origins, typology of player, barriers to play, and qualities of successful players. These findings have practical implications and informed the identification of subthemes within each broad theme. The results are presented in combination with the discussion, as follows.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cdiv class=\"gridtable\"\u003e\n \u003cdiv class=\"colspec\" align=\"left\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/div\u003e\n \u003cdiv class=\"colspec\" align=\"left\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/div\u003e\n \u003ctable id=\"Tab1\" border=\"1\"\u003e\n \u003ccaption\u003e\n \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionNumber\"\u003eTable 1\u003c/div\u003e\n \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionContent\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eThematic coding derived from the interview data.\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/div\u003e\n \u003c/caption\u003e\n \u003cthead\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eMain themes\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/th\u003e\n \u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eSub-themes\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/th\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003c/thead\u003e\n \u003ctbody\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003ePlay behaviours\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003ePlay is specific to children\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003ePlay feels child-like\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eDefining features of adult play\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003ePlay as escape\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eAdult play behaviour is broad and subjective\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eMotivation to play\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003ePositive affect\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eEngagement\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eRelationship building\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eMeaningful life\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eAchieving greater competency\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eAutonomy\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eLineage and origins\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eChildhood restrictions on play\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eAdult consequences of childhood restrictions\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eParental modelling of play\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eParents\u0026rsquo; intent of play\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eTypology of player\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003ePlayful parents\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eParents not playful, but approving of play\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003ePlay reclaimed in adulthood\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eLonging for play\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eBarriers to play in adulthood\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;Life\u0026rdquo; gets in the way\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eExpectations of social norms\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eObserved qualities of the successful player\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eBringing play elements to duty performance\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eLimitations of blending play\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003ePermission to play\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003ePlay as remedy\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003c/tbody\u003e\n \u003c/table\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv id=\"Sec17\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\n \u003ch2\u003ePlay Behaviours\u003c/h2\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eParticipants were asked to provide their definitions of play behaviour. Their responses generally aligned with features of true play as identified by experts, although their examples of true play did not necessarily align with their nominated criteria. The examples provided by participants encompassed Smilansky\u0026apos;s (1968) four-sequence developmental model of play. These included functional play (e.g., Laughter Yoga, swimming, bushwalking, gardening, exploring nature, dancing, and sports), constructive play (e.g., art, craft, storytelling, or inventing), sociodramatic role play (e.g., CIT, sexual intimacy, volunteering with a charity, going to the movies, and participating in social groups), and games with rules (e.g., playing games, doing crosswords, jigsaws, or video gameplay). Notably, these categories can overlap to some extent, such as video gameplay being potentially constructive, sociodramatic, a game with rules, and functional (e.g., Wii games), depending on the context in which it was performed. Participants cited these behaviours as examples of their play behaviour.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv id=\"Sec18\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\n \u003ch2\u003ePlay was Childlike\u003c/h2\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eWhen participants were asked about their perceptions of play, the dominant theme as expressed by 73% was that play was associated with children or was considered child-like behaviour. Participants described play as something children engaged in or as a behaviour they engaged in during childhood or with children as adults. One participant stated:\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;When I think about play, I think open-ended. Like when I think about play being a kid, you create this universe where it\u0026rsquo;s cut off from the rest of reality \u0026hellip; and you escape into it\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eAnother retiree respondent described their entire life as one big game, emphasising the enjoyment and fun they found in various activities, such as going to lunch, coffee, meeting friends, watching sports, and going to the movies given that they no longer needed to go to work. These accounts suggested that play offered an escape from the burdens of adulthood into a more desirable state of consciousness, aligning with Katz\u0026apos;s (1988) observation of play\u0026apos;s transcendence. Thus, initial concepts of play were rooted in childhood experiences, where play provided an escape into an alternative and more desirable child-like state.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv id=\"Sec19\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\n \u003ch2\u003eDistinctive Features of Adult Play\u003c/h2\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThe four thematically dominant features of adult play that the participants identified were the experience of having fun, being engaging and freely chosen, while having playmate compatibility. Adult play was also described as a low-stakes activity that transported the player out of their current state, whether being mundane existence or negative affective state (e.g., stress), into an altered state of consciousness characterised as being immersive, rewarding, pleasurable, creative, and child-like. The suspension of real-life consequences of play enabled a sense of psychological safety. As one participant commented:\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e[in gameplay] you can win if you follow the rules because, in real life, you can follow all the rules, and God knows what is going to happen to you.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/div\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFurther, the perception of tolerable risk in play was subjective; what might be an acceptable level of risk for one player might not be the same for another. For example, some participants enjoyed being the centre of attention, while others did not. Other reported risks included potential for criticism, rejection, embarrassment, injury, or litigation. Thus, the subjective experience of the player defined play in adulthood.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv id=\"Sec20\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\n \u003ch2\u003eInterpersonal Rapport in Play\u003c/h2\u003e\n \u003cp\u003ePlaymate compatibility was also noted as a critical contextual requirement for successful play behaviour. Play created a sense of belonging, presence, and social connectivity. Play was also bounded by variable levels of rules, from being very loose and open-ended to highly structured and time limited. Play preferences were highly oriented around these factors, with, for example, more intellectual players preferring the latter and creative players expressing a preference for the former. In this regard, one participant was noted as saying:\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip; if we sat down in \u0026hellip; a big sand-play space with toys\u0026hellip; I might be fine, but not everyone\u0026apos;s going to be. We come from different spaces\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eAdditionally, participant definitions suggested there needed to be a consensus between the players about what constituted the rules of play, including the degree of flexibility and re-negotiation that might be applied in their interpretation. When the rules of engagement become non-consensual, the play experience stopped.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThe continuum of competitiveness among potential playmates also influenced play compatibility. Although competitiveness was identified as being contrary to true play (Brown \u0026amp; Vaughan, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e), for those participants who identified as being competitive, it was still considered consistent with their preferred play style given their \u0026ldquo;competitive nature.\u0026rdquo; These participants reported that while ever their playmates\u0026rsquo; level of competitiveness matched their own, the play was deemed enjoyable, but when it became mismatched, the play experience stopped. This theme of co-creative interplay between playmates while in rapport was a strongly defining feature of adult play in those instances of play with playmates.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv id=\"Sec21\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\n \u003ch2\u003eAdult Play versus True Play\u003c/h2\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eAdult play was somewhat different to true play. The concept of true play was derived from the most popularly cited defining features of children\u0026rsquo;s and animals\u0026rsquo; play, according to expert theorists. However, in this sample the four thematically dominant features of adult play for the participants were the experience of pleasure, engagement, being freely chosen, and having playmate compatibility. While participants perceived their play as potentially encompassing a broad range of behaviours that had varying degrees of observable features that appeared to be play behaviours, the most important criterion that determined that the play threshold had been met, was the subjective experience of the player (i.e., I am playing).\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eVan Vleet and Feeney (\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e) had cautioned that a single definition of play would inappropriately constrain it into a limited set of behaviours or scenarios that would potentially undermine empirical examination of the subject. However, the results of this study alluded to play in adulthood being so broadly defined that a great number of behaviours can still conform to its defining criteria, arguably without threat of inappropriate constraint.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFurther, while the play examples offered did conform with the broad categories of Smilansky\u0026rsquo;s (\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1968\u003c/span\u003e) developmental stages of play in childhood (albeit only subtly at times), play in adulthood was typically similar but distinctive from child\u0026apos;s play. Child\u0026apos;s play was not described as \u0026quot;child-like\u0026quot; and does not necessarily serve as relief from responsibilities. Play has been considered the work of children (Paley, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e), whereas play in adulthood often provides relief from work and seriousness. Furthermore, the participant-identified play behaviours (e.g., gardening) needed not be conducted in a manner deemed child-like. Therefore, adult play examples can coincide with the true play of children and animals while other examples diverge from it.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv id=\"Sec22\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\n \u003ch2\u003ePlay Motivation\u003c/h2\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eMany of the participants\u0026rsquo; descriptions of the benefits of play fit within Seligman\u0026rsquo;s (2011) PERMA model and Deci and Ryan\u0026rsquo;s (\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2004\u003c/span\u003e) self-determination theory. All the examples given were oriented around play being a means to fulfill, primarily, higher-order needs. Still, play was also utilised to alleviate lower-order needs, such as stress relief.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cdiv id=\"Sec23\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e\n \u003ch2\u003ePositive Affect\u003c/h2\u003e\n \u003cp\u003ePlay was predominately seen as a means of experiencing positive affect. Positive affect (described by participants as \u0026ldquo;happiness,\u0026rdquo; \u0026ldquo;joy,\u0026rdquo; \u0026ldquo;fun,\u0026rdquo; and \u0026ldquo;pleasure\u0026rdquo;) was generated by play. Play was noted to reduce negative affect directly through enjoyment and light-heartedness, and indirectly by the types of play activities. (e.g., playing destructive video games to vent anger safely). Thereby play offered an escape from mundane or stressful responsibilities, in addition to fulfilling a sense of success, akin to Gee\u0026rsquo;s (\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2005\u003c/span\u003e) observed \u0026ldquo;hero\u0026rdquo; status attainment.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThese positive effects lingered beyond the direct play experience. One participant observed that their daily practice of Laughter Yoga had resulted in a kind of resilience that buffered them from stress effects, stating:\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThings I used to stress out about before, who cares, no stress. If I run out of milk, who cares, I\u0026apos;ll drink tea without milk.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/div\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThe positive effects of play were reported by these participants to extend beyond the play itself, making life more manageable and sustainable. This result was consistent with Fredrickson and Joiner\u0026rsquo;s (\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2002\u003c/span\u003e) research which demonstrated the upward spiral of coping and wellbeing afforded through positive affect. The combined immediate and after-effects of play behaviour culminated in play being valued by many participants as a deliberate act of self-care, supportive of their mental and physical wellbeing, the extended absence of which was further noted to be conducive to mental and physical illness.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/div\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv id=\"Sec24\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\n \u003ch2\u003eEngagement\u003c/h2\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eEngagement in well-practiced play led to greater levels of flow and uplifting experiences, also referred to as an altered state of consciousness. This theme was notable amongst participants (\u003cem\u003en\u003c/em\u003e\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;4) who mentioned at various stages in all groups the desire to get lost in their chosen play behaviours, such as effortlessly playing the perfect piano piece. However, it was noted by some participants (\u003cem\u003en\u003c/em\u003e\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;6) that some activities that elicited flow states were not initially rewarding given the difficulty and the frustration that goes along with the feeling of incompetence experienced while learning the new task (e.g., learning a new game or piano music). Nevertheless, entering a state of engagement with play satisfied the drive to experience an altered state of consciousness (Prescott, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1989\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cdiv id=\"Sec25\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e\n \u003ch2\u003eRelationships\u003c/h2\u003e\n \u003cp\u003ePlay was also strongly motivated to build and maintain social relationships. All the participants identified play behaviours oriented around some critical element of social relating, such as exercising, sharing a joke, laughing, \u0026ldquo;meshing\u0026rdquo; with teammates, dressing up in costume for community volunteer events, playing with kids, and playing cards or board games. For example, one interviewee stated:\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003ePlaying cards is a good excuse to have friends around.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/div\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eOn that note, another participant suggested that the real purpose of playing a game with others is to spend time with people laughing, not winning or losing. Play was also identified as offering an opportunity to increase community engagement, in addition to building light social connections through the experience of reciprocal and mutual child-like enjoyment without having to be responsible for the other beyond keeping a safe space to play. In contrast, play was also noted to deepen emotional bonds, such as intimacy between partners in other instances.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/div\u003e\n \u003cdiv id=\"Sec26\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e\n \u003ch2\u003eLife Meaning\u003c/h2\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eWhen asked what life would be like if they were not allowed to play anymore, 77% (\u003cem\u003en\u003c/em\u003e\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;20) of the participants stated variations on the theme that \u0026ldquo;life would not be worth living,\u0026rdquo; life would be \u0026ldquo;a living death,\u0026rdquo; and that it would be \u0026ldquo;a return to mental illness.\u0026rdquo; Only two participants stated that they would adapt by vicariously enjoying the play of others. Another participant acknowledged that their work responsibilities had become so overwhelming that they were suffering mentally and physically. As such, they were also struggling to engage in the play process of CIT and in being playful generally. This question revealed the strong theme that play made life worth living.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/div\u003e\n \u003cdiv id=\"Sec27\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e\n \u003ch2\u003eAchievement\u003c/h2\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThe final motivation associated with the PERMA model (Seligman, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e) \u0026ndash; Achievement \u0026ndash; was seen as the types of goals that could be achieved through play, although goals were non-competitive primarily (e.g., playing with some competence) rather than specifically winning something (e.g., scoring more points than their opponent). Participants described play as a means of learning and discovering, in addition to being a means of enhancing their skills of movement, gameplay, and creative expression. Participants also expressed appreciation for the achievements of others through gameplay, such as their opponent winning through extraordinary luck or skill. Play was respected as a means of achieving skill development for both the self and others.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/div\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv id=\"Sec28\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\n \u003ch2\u003eAutonomy\u003c/h2\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eParticipants also reported being motivated to play to meet their psychological needs for autonomy, as per Deci and Ryan\u0026rsquo;s (\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2004\u003c/span\u003e) self-determination theory. Autonomy was reportedly achieved by freedom of choice, freedom from inhibition, being self-directed and honest in their self-expression, rather than being bound by someone else\u0026rsquo;s rules and expectations.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv id=\"Sec29\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\n \u003ch2\u003eLineage and Origins\u003c/h2\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eParental standards of playfulness or seriousness had a significant influence on the participants in this study. Parents transmitted their views on the acceptability of play and work to their children, which continued to shape their attitudes towards play in adulthood. In alignment with other research findings (e.g., Dixon et al., \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e; Shen et al., \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e), when parents actively modelled, encouraged, and interacted with play, the transition to adulthood was reportedly smoother, and the need to reclaim play later in life was not necessary.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eChildhood Restrictions on Play\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThemes associated with adverse play experiences during childhood were identified. Absent parents, either due to discord, death, illness, or long working hours, often resulted in self-directed and unsupervised play characterised by high levels of adventure and risk-taking, such as exploring abandoned buildings, often in groups of other children from their neighbourhood. Parents were also often described as serious and work-oriented individuals who opposed their child\u0026apos;s play preferences, criticising their choices and redirecting them towards more \u0026quot;work-like\u0026quot; activities. Older participants who grew up during times of war experienced limited access to play as they left school early to assist their mothers. Children turned to solitary play or creative expression where parents were fearful for their child (due to illness or bullying). Therefore, the conditions described by participants that were opposed to child play behaviour were substantially influenced by parental variables, in addition to other underlying factors like personal health, and social limitations.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cdiv id=\"Sec31\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\n \u003ch2\u003eAdult Consequences of Childhood Restrictions\u003c/h2\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThe consequences of parental restrictions or inattention to play during childhood manifested in difficulties engaging in true play behaviour and poorer mental health in adulthood. Individuals oriented their lives around seriousness and work values, leaving little to no time for genuine play. Unhealthy behaviours, such as excessive alcohol consumption or drug use, emerged as substitutes for true play. Despite prioritising work values, participants often felt unfulfilled and lacked the happiness they expected. This result was consistent with other quantitative research which found a link between mental illness and parental inhibition of playtime (e.g., McKinney \u0026amp; Power, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e; Steinberg et al., \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1994\u003c/span\u003e). One participant who had come to reclaim play in later life stated:\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eI thought it\u0026apos;s about time I do things for myself and start taking care of myself.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/div\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFor these participants, play behaviour was a deliberate choice, actively cultivated with varying degrees of success as a matter of remedial health.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv id=\"Sec32\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\n \u003ch2\u003eParental Modelling of Play\u003c/h2\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eMore facilitative conditions of play experience were less common than those in which play was restricted, according to participants\u0026rsquo; self-reports. Some participants reported their parents to be supportive playmates who embraced their suggestions and actively engaged in play activities. These participants reported a continuous play history, uninterrupted from childhood to adulthood. For example, one participant offered:\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;Some people never stop playing - we play today. I never stopped playing from childhood to retirement\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eParticipants also noted that playing with parents could occur in many different places and that they still liked to play in the same places, such as the beach, playing board games, and playing more physical or competitive games, like badminton or cricket. Other participants (\u003cem\u003en\u003c/em\u003e\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;4) suggested that they inherited their parent\u0026rsquo;s silliness and sense of humour, including the lack thereof. For those participants who had come to reclaim play in adulthood, re-engaging in play behaviour was in accord with their parents\u0026rsquo; closest semblance of play behaviour, such as arts and craft activities for the adult child of the homemaker or joining a social club for the adult child of the community volunteer. Play qualities like preferences, competitiveness, and humour were readily transmitted from parent to child.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cdiv id=\"Sec33\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e\n \u003ch2\u003eParents\u0026rsquo; Intent of Play\u003c/h2\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eParental intent of play, such as an opportunity to socialise and to be in support of their children, was also perceived by the participants. Even if parents themselves were not naturally playful individuals, numerous parents were still observed to have shown high levels of support for their children\u0026apos;s play activities. This support manifested in various ways, such as attending their sports games, allowing dedicated playtime, and providing resources that aligned with their child\u0026apos;s interests. Participants who experienced this kind of parental support tended to develop strong relationships with their parents while maintaining their play identities into adulthood.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFurther, participants who had their own play identity reinforced by their parents\u0026apos; approval were also inclined to develop a work identity like that of their parents. These participants commonly described transitioning into an adult identity where play behaviours, often having some work-related qualities (e.g., sport, playing in a band, inventing), were prioritised alongside their working lives. Parents\u0026rsquo; play behaviours and attitudes were described by all participants as having a significant influence upon the evolving play identity of each of them.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/div\u003e\n \u003cdiv id=\"Sec34\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e\n \u003ch2\u003eTypology of Players\u003c/h2\u003e\n \u003cp\u003ePresenting play preferences in adulthood were rooted in participants\u0026rsquo; childhood experience of play. This pattern of influence can be applied to a prototype typology of adult players based primarily upon the play behaviours and attitudes of their parents and the other adverse and advantageous young life conditions. This analysis found that \u003cem\u003eNatural Players\u003c/em\u003e (with playful parents) and \u003cem\u003eApproved Players\u003c/em\u003e (with play-supportive parents) continued an unbroken play timeline from childhood. The former typically engaged in playful work; and the latter engaged in play that was more compartmentalised into work-like activities (e.g., play in sporting teams, musical activities, etc.). These player types reported being advantaged in adulthood by their well-developed play-identities, an outcome consistent with Shen et al.\u0026rsquo;s (\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e) research linking parental playfulness with adult playfulness and increased adaptability.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThe other player types reportedly lacked the support of childhood play from their parents. \u003cem\u003eRemedial Players\u003c/em\u003e choose to reclaim their play lives in adulthood as a strategic response to factors such as declining health, lack of social connection, and suppressed creativity. Play preferences that were accessed in play reclamation often coincided with the most play-like behaviours of their parents (e.g., swimming, partying, crafts, etc). Alternatively, \u003cem\u003eiPlayers\u003c/em\u003e used new technologies to engage in play with some continuity from childhood into adulthood, despite having contended with parental disapproval for their play preference. \u003cem\u003eUndeveloped Players\u003c/em\u003e, as identified by retrospective analysis from the Remedial Players, expressed a longing for play but had not overcome their constraints to engage in play fully. The \u003cem\u003eNon-Player\u003c/em\u003e type, although not represented in the sample, was described as individuals who were opposed to all forms of play. A decision tree to help determine player typology is outlined in \u003cstrong\u003eFig.\u0026nbsp;1\u003c/strong\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/div\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eBarriers to Play in Adulthood\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWhen participants were asked what got in the way of their play, the most prevalent\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eresponse was \u0026ldquo;Life\u0026rdquo; (\u003cem\u003en\u003c/em\u003e\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;17). This was a structural constraint representative of limited opportunities for play, including fulfilling obligations to others (e.g., work attendance, caring for family members, commuting) and themselves (e.g., hygiene, food preparation). Limited time and financial constraints, as well as a lack of interest or play partners, were also identified as barriers. Interestingly, certain aspects of play itself could be seen as obstacles, such as excessive or restrictive rules, fear of judgment or embarrassment, and the potential for play to exacerbate distress in stressful situations. One participant in a self-described state of stress and overwhelm stated:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eIf I sit down and play now, sometimes it can make me feel worse.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThese circumstances highlighted the effort and energy required for play when responsibilities and inhibitions could not be easily set aside.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTherefore, play behaviour operated within a hierarchy of needs (Maslow, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1987\u003c/span\u003e), whereby survival matters (i.e., \u0026ldquo;Life\u0026rdquo;) took priority over play. This outcome was indicative of the notion that play was associated with thriving, given that it is more likely to be engaged in when survival needs are satisfied (Bateson, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e; Held \u0026amp; \u0026Scaron;pinka, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e, Veenhoven, 2009).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eSocial Norms\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSocial norms surrounding adult play behaviour revealed participants\u0026apos; conflicting beliefs and values regarding the encouragement or discouragement of play in adulthood. Norms that discouraged play included societal expectations of sensible and serious adult behaviour, emphasis on work as the primary use of time, consumerism, personal standards, and concerns about others\u0026apos; opinions. In contrast, norms that promoted adult play were influenced by participants\u0026apos; family backgrounds, age-related acceptability of play (e.g., retirement), and personal autonomy in directing one\u0026apos;s actions.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eParticipants acknowledged that sometimes the activities they perceived they had to do (i.e., structural barriers) lacked legitimacy. For example, the prioritisation of the perceived structural barriers (e.g., washing the dishes) over playtime, was often the secondary by-product of intrapersonal barriers (e.g., fear of condemnation in the event of being discovered playing with dirty dishes in the sink). These participants reported that they frequently had to contend with such intrapersonal constraints, where perceived fears policed them internally to conform to what constituted socially acceptable behaviour. This was consistent with Deterding\u0026rsquo;s (\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e) observations regarding the socialisation of responsible adults and the risk of embarrassment should they be found to be transgressing social expectations through unsanctioned play. As per Deci and Ryan\u0026rsquo;s (\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2004\u003c/span\u003e) self-determination theory, the fulfilment of one need (e.g., relatedness) could result in the thwarting of another (e.g., autonomy).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eParticipants reported two key strategies for overcoming these constraints. First, they overcame some intrapersonal constraints through actively granting themselves permission to do so. Adjusting beliefs regarding what they \u0026ldquo;should\u0026rdquo; do with their time and energy might enable a participant to prioritise their need for play over their need for social approval. Second, participants identified the threat of social disapproval could be ameliorated by choosing playmates and forming group identities based on play preference compatibility, as was previously suggested by Deterding (\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e) and Schwarz and Braff (\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e). Selectivity in playmates helped normalise play preferences and reduced the risk of emotional disturbance during play expression. Therefore, these adult players took personal responsibility, in what Crawford et al. (\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1991\u003c/span\u003e) nominated as a force of will, for shaping their play identity to overcome the shared societal expectations that discouraged play.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cdiv id=\"Sec37\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\n \u003ch2\u003eObserved Qualities of the Successful Player\u003c/h2\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eSuccessful players demonstrated the ability to integrate play elements into obligatory tasks. This was reported by players to have involved a conscious and deliberate intent to approach life with a playful mindset. Examples included singing and laughing while washing dishes with a partner, riding on a shopping trolley during grocery shopping, finger painting on a mirror with shaving cream while shaving or finding joy in the details of wood grain while renovating. The incorporation of play into work-like activities alleviated the burden of responsibility and seriousness, thereby, infusing life with greater enthusiasm and energy. On this, one participant stated:\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eYou have to re-evaluate your relationship with the difference between work and play because it becomes so much drudgery otherwise. You have no choice but to make it play in one way or another.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/div\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFor these participants, play was reported to be critical to making their lives manageable. Some participants recognised that some work did not suit play, however, such as bookkeeping or contract writing. Nonetheless, the ability to intertwine play with work was seen as a hallmark of adept players. This interweaving was partly consistent with Gray\u0026rsquo;s (\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e) suggestion that play can be embedded in the activities of productive adult life as opposed to the kind of freestanding play in which children engage.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eHowever, players did immerse themselves in the world of freestanding play occasionally. Participants routinely described their process of entirely putting aside the mundane duties of daily life to engage fully in play, such as sitting down to play a game of mah-jong with a friend, attending a CIT or Laughter Yoga group, or engaging in playful sexual intimacy. These results affirmed that adults could experience true play, but they typically play differently from children. Further, the most successful adult players can direct their play behaviour in variable child-like degrees whenever and wherever they need as a means of increasing their resilience and wellbeing.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cdiv id=\"Sec38\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e\n \u003ch2\u003ePermission to Play\u003c/h2\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eAs self-identified players, the participants were observed to exercise their ability to choose (i.e., autonomy) frequently. They emphasised the importance of willingness, freedom, and choice, with a recurring theme of granting themselves permission to play. Most participants (\u003cem\u003en\u003c/em\u003e\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;23) highlighted the significance of this mindset, stating that willingness was essential when engaging in play. For instance, one participant mentioned giving themselves permission to set aside busyness to play with their child, resulting in the reward of a deepening of their parent-child relationship.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eHowever, the granting of play permission was also influenced by contextual factors. Participants perceived having children or being of retirement age as facilitating permission to play. This is an example of what Deterding (\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e) referred to as an \u003cem\u003ealibi to play\u003c/em\u003e, whereby play behaviour in adulthood is deemed socially acceptable if it being conducted in the fulfillment of one\u0026rsquo;s social responsibilities, such as caregiving of a child. In the absence of these plausible justifications for open and uninhibited play, a high degree of mental resilience and creativity was required to overcome self-consciousness and fear of judgment. As one participant succinctly expressed:\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eWe are taught that adult play is structured like golf and wear the right clothes and do the right stuff but sometimes you just want to roll down a hill.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/div\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eSome participants (\u003cem\u003en\u003c/em\u003e\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;6) had reclaimed play in adulthood after becoming disillusioned with the pursuit of societal markers of success, such as material possessions and prestigious jobs. They recognised the negative impact of conforming to social expectations on their overall quality of life prior to retirement, and consequently, they rejected the norms by which they were previously bound. Other participants (\u003cem\u003en\u003c/em\u003e\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;6) expressed a desire to sing or engage in parlour games but only in specific circumstances, such as in a group, when not being the centre of attention, or with trusted individuals. Therefore, the granting of permission to play was a subjective decision influenced by the analysis of perceived risks.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/div\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv id=\"Sec39\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\n \u003ch2\u003ePractical Implications\u003c/h2\u003e\n \u003cdiv id=\"Sec40\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e\n \u003ch2\u003ePlay Illiteracy\u003c/h2\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThe existence of social norms surrounding play has led to a form of play illiteracy among adults. While participants in this study were adept at identifying the essential elements of true play when asked to define it, the concept of play became ambiguous when they were prompted to offer specific examples. Further, the dominant emerging theme was play being associated with children. Play examples also often aligned more closely with traditional leisure activities, such as gardening, walking the dog, or going to the theatre. When participants were asked to generate examples of play, their responses were limited, despite having engaged in a detailed discussion of play examples prior. The examples provided were primarily related to the specific play types for which the adult players identified preferences, such as sports, Laughter Yoga, CIT, card and board games, or video gaming. Relatively few new ideas were generated, suggesting a lack of diverse perspectives on play beyond their personal experiences.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThis disparity between the definition and examples of play does not imply that the adult players were incorrect in their propositions. Rather, it highlighted the lack of a well-established shared understanding of play in adulthood within the culture they operated in. Adult play appeared to be a subjective process that operated outside of commonly agreed-upon behavioural definitions. This lack of shared understanding may have led to a risk management approach, where individuals were cautious about the potential for negative consequences. Shen et al.\u0026rsquo;s (\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e) playfulness and adaptability research also referred to the evolutionary cost of play relating to risk of injury, vulnerability to harm from predators, and the loss of time that would otherwise be devoted to acquiring food. Despite this underlying expressed fear, the strong appreciation for play was easily discernible; however, the discourse around play remained limited.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003ePlay Discourse\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eA new discourse to describe adult play may be required to overcome this apparent play illiteracy. This suggestion is aligned with Devi\u0026rsquo;s (\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e) research examining the limitations of competence observed in primary caregivers playing with their children, whereby she concluded that it was imperative to develop a pedagogy of play to help adults be more effective playmates with their children. The player typology goes some way towards these complementary goals.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eOther descriptors can build upon adult play lexicon to inform a shared understanding of play discourse. One component is that of \u003cem\u003eplay lineage\u003c/em\u003e, which could include disrupted versus continuous, player-parents versus non-player parents, interactive play versus non-interactive, attentive versus neglectful, and encouraging versus discouraging. Types of \u003cem\u003eplay preferences\u003c/em\u003e might include competitive versus non-competitive, high risk versus low risk, internal versus external, dedicated versus casual, concrete versus conceptual, and intellectual versus physical. Play discourse regarding \u003cem\u003eintended purpose\u003c/em\u003e could include discrete versus integrated, decreased tension versus increased energy, self-care versus self-harm, non-ordinary states versus grounding, and serious versus silly. These dimensions provide a more nuanced and informative perspective, which can contribute to the development of play literacy among adults.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFurthermore, it is important to reconsider the terminology used to describe adult play. Terms like \u0026quot;true play\u0026quot; and \u0026quot;distorted play\u0026quot; may threaten to invalidate certain adult player behaviours that deviate from strict definitions of play. Also, delegating adult play to \u0026ldquo;playfulness\u0026rdquo; is unnecessarily limiting. Many adult player behaviours, although differing from traditional play definitions, such as engaging in competitive play or approaching work tasks playfully, still fall within the realm of play. Terms like \u0026quot;adult play\u0026quot; or \u0026quot;mature play\u0026quot; acknowledge that adult play behaviour has adapted to the demands of adult life, without discrediting the players\u0026rsquo; attempts based on inconsistencies with traditional play definitions. Such terminology might encourage and accommodate diverse adult-like play behaviours, rather than undermine attempts at adult play. Establishing a new discourse and terminology, along with incorporating additional descriptors, can contribute to overcoming play illiteracy among adults and foster a greater understanding and appreciation of adult play.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/div\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eFuture Research\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFuture research should focus on further exploring and refining the player typology identified in this study. Additionally, the development of play discourse and interventions aimed at enhancing play literacy among adults, such as play literacy classes, should be investigated. Most participants in this study expressed interest in participating in such groups, highlighting the potential effectiveness of these interventions.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFurthermore, it would be valuable to investigate the developmental benefits of play in adulthood. While the developmental benefits of play in childhood are well-established, the potential for adults to continue developing motor skills, imagination, and social skills through play warrants exploration. Additionally, there may be other unique developmental advantages that are specific to adult play, which have yet to be recognised and studied.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eLimitations and Strengths\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis study benefited from a balanced gender representation and diverse groups of players. However, the use of a convenience sample is a notable limitation. Future research should aim to include a more representative sample of player types, including individuals with diverse play preferences such as live-action role players and cosplayers. Additionally, including participants with distorted styles of play behaviours, as well as those who do not identify as players, would contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of adult play. Therefore, future research should focus on expanding the player typology, developing play discourse and interventions, exploring the developmental benefits of adult play, and addressing the limitations of this study through more diverse and representative samples. These advancements will contribute to a more comprehensive theory of adult play and its implications.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Conclusion","content":"\u003cp\u003eIn conclusion, this research has shed light on the state of play for adult players who have successfully incorporated play into their lives. It has highlighted the significance of play in promoting self-care, life-balance, happiness, and overall wellbeing. Further, the defining features of adult play set it apart from child or animal play. These features include subjective pleasure, engagement, freedom of choice, and compatibility with playmates, aligning with many aspects of established wellbeing theories.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe participants' experiences also underscore the challenges faced in embracing play as adults, primarily influenced by parental shaping of play identity and a broader cultural devaluation of play. Those that were supported in their play behaviour as children were privileged by retaining their play identities into adulthood, whereas those that were unsupported needed to apply their force of will to reclaim their play identities. This research emphasises the need for a shared understanding of play in adulthood and the importance of addressing cultural barriers to fully harness the benefits of play. Ongoing investigation into adult play and its impact on wellbeing is valuable to the field of positive psychology.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003ch2\u003eAuthor Contribution\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eAuthors' contributions:RCPrincipal researcher, responsible for design, execution, coding, analysis and interpretation of research data, drafting and synthesis of analysis for manuscript. PMPrincipal supervisor who supervised throughout project, contributing to conception and design of the project, non-routine technical work, analysis and interpretation of research data, and critical feedback on manuscript.MKCo-supervised, contributing to conception and design of the project, and critical feedback on drafts.JKCo-supervised, contributing to design of research, and critical feedback on manuscript.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eData Availability\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eData is stored securely in password-protected computer systems. Ethical approval is for use by the research team only, rather than for use by other research teams.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003eAndersen, N. \u0026Aring;. (2009.) \u003cem\u003ePower at play: The relation between play, work and governance\u003c/em\u003e. Palgrave Macmillan.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e \u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003eArnett, J. J. (2007). 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The importance of play and playfulness. \u003cem\u003eEuropean Journal of Psychotherapy \u0026amp; Counselling\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e10\u003c/em\u003e(2), 121\u0026ndash;129. doi.10.1080/13642530802076193\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":true,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-4903570/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-4903570/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eThis qualitative study explored the experiences of self-identified adult players to gain insights into the state of play in adulthood. Interviews were conducted with 26 participants representing different styles of play behaviour. Thematic analysis using Nvivo 12 Plus software revealed that adults play differently from children and have a broader definition of play behaviour. Play was found to be rewarding and provided relief from adult responsibilities. The most skilled players integrated play into their work-life seamlessly. The analysis also identified a typology of 8 player types, influenced by parental attitudes and behaviours during childhood. Participants emphasised the importance of play for promoting wellbeing, although there was a degree of play illiteracy evidenced. Further research is needed to investigate if the benefits of play can be extended to the general population through facilitated engagement with remedial play and the development of an adult play discourse.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"What is the state of play in adulthood?","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2024-10-18 09:42:28","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-4903570/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"98af80b3-eb7d-467c-8202-3867308eca00","owner":[],"postedDate":"October 18th, 2024","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"posted","subjectAreas":[],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2024-11-29T11:54:38+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2024-10-18 09:42:28","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-4903570","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-4903570","identity":"rs-4903570","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"8U1c8b4HqxoKbykW_rLl7","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}