Inequalities in marginalised urban areas – An analysis of Bolsonaro’s COVID-19 politics in Brazilian favelas

Inequalities in marginalised urban areas – An analysis of Bolsonaro’s COVID-19 politics in Brazilian favelas | Research Square window.SnipcartSettings = { analytics: { enabled: false } }; (function() { var accessVector = localStorage.getItem('access_vector') || ''; window.dataLayer = window.dataLayer || []; if (accessVector) { window.dataLayer.push({ user: { profile: { profileInfo: { snid: accessVector } } } }); } })(); (function(w,d,s,l,i){w[l]=w[l]||[];w[l].push({'gtm.start':new Date().getTime(),event:'gtm.js'});var f=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],j=d.createElement(s),dl=l!='dataLayer'?'&l='+l:'';j.async=true;j.src='https://www.googletagmanager.com/gtm.js?id='+i+dl;f.parentNode.insertBefore(j,f);})(window,document,'script','dataLayer','GTM-K279D39R'); Browse Preprints In Review Journals COVID-19 Preprints AJE Video Bytes Research Tools Research Promotion AJE Professional Editing AJE Rubriq About Preprint Platform In Review Editorial Policies Our Team Advisory Board Help Center Sign In Submit a Preprint Cite Share Download PDF Research Article Inequalities in marginalised urban areas – An analysis of Bolsonaro’s COVID-19 politics in Brazilian favelas Maria Weickardt Soares This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-7299408/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract Introduction: During the COVID-19 pandemic, Brazil’s favelas have become emblematic of longstanding systemic failures, chronic underfunding, and mismanagement within the country’s public health infrastructure. These informal urban settlements have been particularly vulnerable to the compounded effects of external effects. This paper examines the resilience of Brazil’s public health system, the Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS), in the face of the pandemic, with a specific focus on how the Bolsonaro administration's policy responses have influenced health inequalities in favelas. It hereby interrogates the socio-political and spatial dynamics that render these communities disproportionately affected during health crises. Methods: Drawing on inequality theory and the concept of imagined geographies, this study conceptualises favelas as socio-spatial determinants of health that have been systematically disregarded in national health policymaking. It hereby employs Walt and Gibson’s (1994) health policy triangle framework to analyse qualitative data derived from semi-structured interviews with public health professionals (including activists, physicians, and scholars), as well as a systematic review of literature from five public health and medical sociology databases. This framework enables a critical examination of actor networks, power dynamics, ideological orientations, and policy developments during the early phase of the pandemic (2020--2021). Results: The findingsreveal that access to public health services in favelas, such as hospital care and vaccinations,was already substandard relative to other urban areas prior to Bolsonaro’s presidency. However, the pandemic further exacerbated these inequalities, increasing their focus onpublic discourse. The resulting policy contestation was marked by polarisation between proponents of stringent public health measures and COVID-19 denialists, with Bolsonaro as a central figure. While health disparities intensified during his tenure, evidence suggests that these outcomes cannot be attributed solely to his administration’s policies. Rather, the analysis indicates a continuity with previous decades, highlighting a broader tension between two paradigms within Brazilian health policy: the (neo)liberal minimum state and the universality claim of SUS. Conclusions: Thisresearch provides essential insights into the management of a health crisis in marginalised urban spaces in the example of Brazilian favelas. It highlights how space is an important determinant of health that is undermined in policy-making. medical sociology health policy public health health inequality spatial inequality spatial demography Figures Figure 1 Figure 2 Figure 3 1. Introduction “O Bolsonaro é um perigo à saúde pública.” 3 [1] was the headline of the Brazilian newspaper O Globo in March 2020. This is emblematic of the widespread criticism directed at former President Jair Bolsonaro’s handling of public health policy during the COVID-19 pandemic. With more than 37 million confirmed cases and approximately 703,000 deaths, Brazil ranks among the countries most severely impacted worldwide [2, 3]. Initially described as a pandemic of the middle class due to its early transmission through international travel, the burden gradually shifted toward poorer and more remote regions. In particular, favelas have been disproportionately affected [4]. This disproportionate impact is especially concerning given the complex intersection of socio-structural challenges that characterise favelas. In addition to high rates of drug trafficking, violence, and homicide, residents continue to experience significant levels of stigmatisation and social exclusion [5]. These challenges are not new; indeed, the concept of social exclusion was already acknowledged during Brazil’s democratic transition in the 1980s following 21 years of military dictatorship. The 1988 Constitution sought to guarantee equal social opportunities for all citizens through legislation, irrespective of socioeconomic status or place of residence. As part of this democratic project, a universal welfare state was introduced based on three core pillars: employment, education, and healthcare. Notably, Article 196 of the Constitution establishes the state’s duty to ensure health as a universal right: “A saúde é direito de todos e dever do Estado, garantido mediante políticas sociais e econômicas que visem à redução do risco de doença e de outros agravos e ao acesso universal e igualitário às ações e serviços para sua promoção, proteção e recuperação.” 4 ADDIN 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[6] One of the cornerstones of the Brazilian welfare state is the Sistema Único de Saúde ( Unified Health System ; SUS), which is designed to provide universal health coverage [7]. As measured against quantitative parameters, such as primary healthcare physicians per 1,000 citizens or child immunisation rates against measles and polio [8], the SUS has been one of the most successful healthcare systems in Latin America and a role model in the Global South. However, the severe impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic, particularly in favelas, have prompted international relations scholars and public health experts to reassess this positive evaluation, with favelas becoming a tragic symbol of overmortality and political neglect. Whereas Lotta et al. argue that the pandemic is evidence of Bolsonaro’s political failure in managing and prevailing a crisis at the global scale [9], others consider structural weaknesses within SUS and the inconsistent implementation of public health policies as the main causes of the unequal effects of the pandemic on the Brazilian population [10, 11]. Regardless, health inequalities seem to be persistent in the Brazilian welfare state, more than three decades after the establishment of the SUS. Health inequalities refer to unequal and, in many cases, preventable disparities in access to healthcare services, distribution of health resources, and conditions affecting health outcomes. These often result in poorer health metrics, including reduced life expectancy or increased morbidity from certain diseases [12]. According to the United Nations, the life expectancy of the poorest ten percent in Brazil is substantially below the national average [13]. A significant portion of those living below the poverty line and working in informal labour are favela residents, rendering them highly vulnerable not only in socioeconomic terms but also in terms of their well-being. For example, life expectancy in a favela in São Paulo is up to 23 years shorter than that in adjacent high-income neighbourhoods [14]. These stark contrasts highlight the salience of socio-spatial disparities in public health and the relevance of favelas as peculiar socio-spatial determinants of health. Building on this conceptualisation, the present study conducts a frame analysis of public health discourse under the Bolsonaro administration, with a particular focus on informal urban settlements both before and during the initial stages of the COVID-19 pandemic. The objective is to describe, analyse, and interpret the government’s response to a health crisis (external shock) on a global scale. The analysis focuses on favelas as spaces of marginalisation and questions the impacts of the Bolsonaro government on the emergence and (re)production of health inequalities in favelas. Through this lens, the study adopts a critical interdisciplinary perspective that integrates international relations, public health studies, and social geography to conceptualise geospatial inequality in a rapidly shifting political context. Theoretically, this study contributes to the literature by combining inequality and welfare regime theory with the concept of imagined geography to transcend traditional approaches to inequality that are dominated by causal or linear analyses of socioeconomic root factors. To this end, it emphasises the significance of spatial dimensions in understanding health disparities, particularly in informal settlements. Although academic attention to health inequalities has increased notably since the onset of the pandemic, favelas remain underexplored. These areas are often analysed primarily in terms of epidemiology (for instance, “diseases of poverty”) or through the lens of security studies. The paper is structured as follows: it begins by examining the concept of universal health coverage and a comprehensive definition of health. It then discusses health inequalities within welfare regimes, engaging critically with existing theories and assessing their explanatory capacity in relation to the Brazilian case (Chapter 2). Before the empirical findings of the data triangulation (Chapter 4), consisting of semi-structured interviews, a content analysis, and a systematic literature review, are presented, the methodological framework is briefly outlined (Chapter 3). 2. Background The World Health Organization (WHO) defines health “as a positive concept emphasizing social and personal resources, as well as physical capacities” [15]. This conceptualisation underscores health as a dynamic and multifaceted process shaped by a wide array of determinants, including shelter, education, peace, and equity, that affect both individual and societal well-being. The WHO’s definition further implies that health is embedded in broader socio-political structures (i.e., welfare regimes) and is therefore invariably contingent on the presence and action of specific actors such as healthcare professionals, medical institutions, nation-states, and intergovernmental organisations [16–18]. 2.1 The conceptualisation of inequality in welfare regimes Over the past two decades, inequality studies have gained significant momentum—with further momentum provided by the COVID-19 pandemic, not only in the analysis of universal health coverage but also across a wide spectrum of social, political, cultural, and in economic issues. This includes a notable increase in scholarship focused on informal urban settlements and marginalised spaces, such as Brazilian favelas. Before turning to this literature and proceeding with the empirical case study, this section provides an overview of foundational and contemporary research on inequality within welfare regimes. Welfare state scholarship has developed a substantial and diverse body of literature—ranging from historical analyses [19, 20] to actor-centred approaches [21] and the investigation of specific welfare policies and strategies [22, 23] to discussions surrounding universalistic welfare and its implications for racial, gender-based, and other forms of inclusion [24–26]. However, prior to the COVID-19 pandemic, there was limited engagement with welfare regimes from a health policy perspective, with notable exceptions such as Mackenbach’s comprehensive study of health inequalities in contemporary European welfare systems [27]. In recent years, however, political science and international relations (IR) scholars have increasingly examined the relationship between health and inequality within the institutional framework of welfare regimes. Nevertheless, despite the amplification of non-Euro-American contexts and post/decolonial perspectives, theoretical frameworks remain largely shaped by the primate of the Global North. These often prioritise socioeconomic explanations of inequality and treat the European welfare state as a universal model for development [16, 28–30]. This prevailing “logic-of industrialism” [31] rests on the teleological assumption that nation-states evolve similarly through industrialisation and that welfare state development follows a universal trajectory. For example, Esping-Andersen’s triple typology of the liberal, conservative, and social democratic welfare regimes is, to date, still broadly regarded as the theoretical standard for welfare regime analysis [32]. However, this framework has faced significant critique, particularly for its narrow geographic scope, which includes only the United States and selects Western and Northern European countries [33]. In response, scholars have proposed alternative or complementary frameworks, for example, the Latin welfare regime [34], whereas others advocate for a distinct typology for the Global South, such as the Latin American developmental welfare state (DWS) [33, 35]. These alternative models differ from Esping-Andersen’s not only in their historical origins but also in measurable outcomes of welfare provision, such as life expectancy, mortality rates, public‒private ratios, and levels of decommodification. The latter term refers to the degree to which a state’s social services are decoupled from the market ADDIN 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[32] . In a liberal welfare regime, for example, the level of decommodification is low, as the market plays a central regulatory role. In contrast, Latin American DWS is characterised by a fluctuating dynamic between commodification and decommodification [33]. Within this theoretical context, Bartley argues that contemporary theories on welfare regimes tend to focus largely on materialistic explanatory models, thereby underestimating other noneconomic variables [28]. Health inequalities are hence primarily linked to the absence or insufficiency of healthcare infrastructure, including underfunding, low healthcare personnel ratios, or inadequate medical facilities. This framing positions the welfare regime as either ineffective or absent, compelling individuals to rely on market-based solutions for accessing basic services. As a result, social services become commodified, exacerbating social stratification and inequality rather than mitigating it [28; 33]. Various studies provide tentative evidence on the correlation between decommodification, economic inequalities, and population health. On the basis of the WHO data of OECD states, Navarro et al., for example, identify a causal link between economic inequality and health outcomes, such as high infant mortality and low life expectancy at birth [36]. However, as the “Mediterranean paradox” [28] demonstrates, inconsistencies are apparent in that causal chain. Although some regions in Italy had relatively high levels of income inequality in the 2000s, the inequality in mortality was the lowest in Europe [28]. Furthermore, critics have pointed to the limitations of redistributive policies in addressing health inequality. As the “inverse care law” [37] states, the adoption of redistributive policies is not a reliable measure to increase health equality. Rather, paradoxically, the quintile with the most resources initially benefits from selective ‘pro-poor’ policies. Following an initial increase in health inequality, the gap between the quintile with the most and lowest resources may narrow [37–39]. In the analysis of a former colonised nation-state that was included in the transatlantic slave trade, the literature on health inequalities in welfare regimes likewise incorporates social variables such as race/ethnicity [28, 40]. Although biological rationales for racial/ethnic disparities have been largely refuted and specific welfare policies have been approved to foster equality between different racial/ethnic groups, racial/ethnic minorities in welfare states remain highly vulnerable to health inequalities. According to Nazroo, race/ethnicity can neither be considered a reason in itself nor an additive category to socioeconomic inequality. Instead, categories such as race, class, wealth, and gender intersect with compound health disparities, challenging the linear assumption of materialist models and advocating for an intersectional approach [41]. Figure 1 provides an overview of the determinants that influence the occurrence of health inequalities in welfare regimes in the literature. In short, there are diverse approaches to inequality, including intersectionality and decommodification, many of which remain underexplored or are primarily grounded in Global North contexts. This paper’s theoretical framework moves beyond conventional materialist models centred on income and class. While economic variables are essential for understanding the historical development of Brazil’s developmental welfare state, the study argues that contemporary Brazilian health policy is increasingly shaped by socio-spatial political determinants. 2.2 The significance of the space of favelas in contemporary inequality research Zooming into the literature on health and social inequalities in socially excluded areas and informal settlements, it has become apparent that since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, favelas have gained prominence as a subject of academic inquiry across multiple disciplines. Theoretical approaches to the study of favelas are diverse. Notable frameworks include intersectional analyses [42–44], securitisation studies [5, 45, 46], research on regime theory and norm collision [47], community-based participatory approaches [9, 48–50] and global governance research that conceptualises favelas “urban governance institution[s]” [51]. Within much of this scholarship, inequality is framed as a consequence of social exclusion. Behrman et al. define social exclusion as “the denial of equal access to opportunities imposed by certain groups of society upon others” [52]. Favelas thus emerge as urban spaces that are deprived of essential public services and rights, including access to clean water, electricity, sanitation, and even public healthcare. Barcellos highlights how the territorial context is contingent on a variety of variables, such as social class, occupation, income, schooling, and ethnicity/race, which together influence the epidemiological profile of a given space and reproduce health inequalities [53]. Using the example of HIV/AIDS, the author discusses the “relação dialética entre desigualdade e diferença” 5 [53], concluding that, in particular, asymmetric power relations in access to resources and opportunities perpetuate inequalities and therefore manifest social stratification. Perlman extends Barcellos’ territorial approach by connecting inequalities in favelas with the broader process of othering , tracing the historical development of these areas from settlements established by freed slaves to spaces of marginalisation and exclusion. The author differentiates, in particular, between favelas in general and favelas in Rio de Janeiro based on their unique typology, which is marked by significant diversity, with homeless people living next to individuals from middle socioeconomic backgrounds ADDIN 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successes and limits in the reduction of inequalities","Translators":[],"Volume":"15","Year":"2019","YearResolved":"2019","CreatedBy":"_Maria Weickardt Soares","CreatedOn":"2023-08-28T16:34:55","ModifiedBy":"_Mawe766d","Id":"894ccc7d-25e7-4f06-a3e6-1324af373c66","ModifiedOn":"2025-07-29T11:22:12","Project":{"$ref":"8"}},"UseNumberingTypeOfParentDocument":false}],"FormattedText":{"$id":"24","Count":1,"TextUnits":[{"$id":"25","FontStyle":{"$id":"26","Neutral":true},"ReadingOrder":1,"Text":"[54]"}]},"Tag":"CitaviPlaceholder#c2d15dd4-91db-45d2-873c-2766288e7b0d","Text":"[54]","WAIVersion":"6.19.2.1"}} [54] or “spaces of deficit” [55] continue to frame these communities as sites of failure, inferiority, violence, and epidemics, which is embodied in the still widely used term ‘favelado’. Coming from a favela—and being a ‘favelado’—is accordingly already a stigma in itself [5]. However, these stigmas have become increasingly outdated, given the growing socioeconomic and racial/ethnic diversity of favela populations compared with earlier decades [5]. Said agreed that the colonial past continues to shape the perception of space and thus certain understandings of difference and (spatial) inequality. His concept of imagined geography is based on the assumption that power, knowledge, and geography are interrelated [56]. Imaginaries, speech, and discourse hence produce frames of meaning, which results in the emergence of a process of othering referred to as orientalism, which differentiates European culture from the ‘other’ oriental culture. In his words: “The geographic boundaries accompany the social, ethnic, and cultural ones in expected ways. Yet often the sense in which someone feels himself to be not-foreign is based on a very unrigorous idea of what is “out there,” beyond one’s own territory.” [56] Although Said’s original formulation focused on the global North–South divide, particularly the relationship between Western powers and their colonial ‘others’, this paper contends that the idea of “imaginative geographies” can be productively applied to intra-national contexts. Specifically, it can help explain how socio-spatial boundaries within Brazil are discursively produced and politically consequential. Despite the growing attention given to favelas, a notable gap remains in the political science and international relations literature: few studies analytically connect space, health, and inequality from a policy-oriented perspective. In particular, scholarship tends to overlook how favelas fit within broader welfare regimes in Brazil. While some researchers address the effects of “unsound leadership” during the Bolsonaro government or the development of Brazilian healthcare policies during the COVID-19 pandemic [57–59], direct engagement with the policymaking processes that shape health outcomes in favelas remains largely absent. On the basis of a mixed-method approach, Ceolin and Ribas de Nascimento demonstrate the interfaces between global health and social inequality in a marginalised urban settlement during a health crisis. Their study revealed how state responses to COVID-19 were marked by denialism and authoritarian tendencies, particularly in relation to marginalised urban areas. However, their analysis stops short of systematically linking these dynamics to the policymaking of the Bolsonaro government [45]. To fill this gap, scholars have increasingly drawn upon the concept of necropolitics to explain the spatial distribution of vulnerability and abandonment during Bolsonaro’s administration. As da Silva et al. state: “O que vemos hoje é um Estado que adota a política da morte, o uso ilegítimo da força, o extermínio, a política do ódio e do descaso para com a classe trabalhadora que vive na pobreza. Tudo isso pode ser visto, por exemplo, nas favelas e comunidades do Rio de Janeiro, nas periferias das grandes e médias cidades brasileiras.” 6 ADDIN 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[60] This quote reflects a powerful critique of how Bolsonaro’s administration handled marginalised populations, particularly in urban peripheries. The authors depict a state that governs through exclusion, violence, and neglect that Mbembe describes as the exercise of sovereignty through the power to decide who may live and who must die [61]. However, even in these analyses, the spatial dimension of inequality, particularly the production of favelas as marginal spaces within the welfare regime, is often underexplored. Following this, whereas favelas have become increasingly visible in scholarly discussions on inequality, exclusion, and governance, there remains a critical need to integrate spatial determinants into the understanding of (health) inequalities. Doing so requires not only attending to the material deprivations faced by favela residents but also to the political processes and discursive formations that reproduce these urban spaces as ‘other’ within the Brazilian nation-state. 3. Methods 3.1 Sampling and data collection approach Given the politically and socially charged nature of the research topic, data validity presents a significant challenge. This is particularly salient in the context of health disparities within favelas, where underreporting and gaps in official data are prevalent. In response to these limitations, the research applies methodological triangulation [62] by incorporating primary and secondary data from three distinct sources: expert interviews, official government documents and speeches, and peer-reviewed academic literature. Expert interviewees were selected based on three primary criteria. First, participants were required to have a minimum of five years of professional experience within Brazil’s public healthcare system SUS. Second, it was essential that they were actively engaged in public health work at the time of the interviews, particularly in marginalised communities, thereby ensuring direct experience with the practical manifestations of health inequality. Third, the study sought to ensure diversity of expertise by including experts from the medical, administrative, and educational sectors, as well as community activists. The interviews were conducted in Portuguese and English and lasted between 60 and 90 minutes. To increase the validity of the findings, expert testimony was triangulated with secondary sources that corroborated the observed trends in healthcare policy and inequality. A systematic literature review was conducted via five databases in the fields of medical sociology and public health: PubMed, SAGE Journals, Science Direct, Biblioteca Virtual and Saúde , and the Scientific Electronic Library Online. This comprehensive search yielded 920 relevant publications, 25 of which were included in the final data sample (Figure 2). Additionally, document analysis was used to supplement the literature review, particularly in areas where peer-reviewed research was lacking. Given the volume of more than 10,000 legislative and executive documents published between 2019 and 2021, this study focused on a targeted subset of materials. These included official presidential speeches, recent government communications on health (so-called últimas notícias ), legislative records from the Biblioteca do Senado, and policy proposals and decisions issued by the Conselho Nacional da Saúde . These documents were systematically synthesised and analysed via the same methodological procedures applied to the peer-reviewed literature. 3.2 Study design and period This study investigates healthcare policy inequalities in Brazilian favelas during the initial years of President Jair Bolsonaro’s administration. It employs a frame analysis based on the health policy triangle framework (HPTF) developed by Walt and Gilson (Figure 3) [63]. The HPTF serves as a valuable analytical tool, as it emphasises the role of actors and their interactions as primary drivers of policy outcomes: “Actors and their interacting choices […] are assumed to be the proximate causes of policy responses” [64]. The temporal scope of this research spans from Bolsonaro’s inauguration in January 2019 to the end of 2021 and includes an examination of his electoral manifesto from September and October 2018. This allows for a longitudinal assessment of the government's influence on policy development prior to, during, and at the height of a major public health crisis. The present policy analysis adopts a qualitative methodological approach, grounded in the understanding that health disparities arise from a complex interplay of social, political, economic, and environmental determinants. Within the HPTF, these factors are conceptualised as part of the policy context. A qualitative approach was deemed most suitable for this analysis, as it enables the exploration of nuanced and often intangible influences on health policy, including social norms, socioeconomic status, gender roles, ethnicity, and religion [65]. This methodological choice facilitates a deeper understanding of the structural and contextual conditions that shape both the design and outcomes of public health interventions. Consequently, it allows for a critical assessment of why certain health policies under the Bolsonaro administration proved effective in addressing health needs within favelas, whereas others may have contributed to the exacerbation of existing inequalities. 4. Results In the interviews, the experts frequently referred to favela residents with terms such as “pobres” (poor) or “periférica” (peripheral). This linguistic framing contributes to the stigmatisation of favela inhabitants, reinforcing social narratives that associate poverty with marginality. While this discourse may reflect existing socioeconomic realities—given that favelas offer lower living costs for disadvantaged groups—such terminology risks reducing residents to a monolithic and deficit-based identity. Empirical data underscore these socioeconomic conditions: the average monthly income of a favela resident is approximately 730 reals, which amounts to roughly three-quarters of the official minimum wage, and most residents are employed informally [66]. Layton emphasises that in welfare states, social stereotypes associated with poverty significantly shape public perceptions [67]. Poverty is often equated with moral and behavioural shortcomings such as a lack of hygiene and laziness and, in the case of favela residents, with violence and drug-related crime. Consequently, in public perception, favelas continue to be perceived as unsafe spaces, undesirable for individuals from middle- or high-level socioeconomic backgrounds [60]. On this matter, one expert highlighted how such associations affect public health delivery, noting that drug-related violence and the intensity of health needs in favelas deter healthcare professionals from working in these areas: “É um problema de todos os médicos têm medo de freqüentar favelas. Problema do tráfico aqui no Brasil é um caso muito sério. […] Então é tudo mais complicado. Além disso as demandas criadas pelas pessoas das favelas têm, é muito grave porque elas têm um[a] […] dupla carga ou tripla carga de doenças.” 7 (interviewee I) Moreover, Agostini and de Castro argue that the use of public healthcare services (SUS) itself becomes a source of stigmatisation [68]. Even though approximately 70% use public health services at least irregularly, this usage is often perceived as a marker of socioeconomic disadvantage. This is associated with the assumption that those relying on the SUS are unable to afford private healthcare, which reinforces class-based discrimination. Although this theme did not emerge explicitly in all interviews, one participant observed that residents of favelas are frequently unaware of their constitutional right to health: “[E]las [as pessoas] às vezes entendem o serviço de saúde como sendo algo pra resolver os seus problemas, mas não como algo pertencente ao seu direito.” 8 (interviewee III) As a result, structural inequalities in public healthcare may not be recognised by favela residents as unjust but rather may be normalised as part of everyday life. The data analysis further reveals that exclusion from public services is regularly compensated for by selective aid from collectives and individuals inside the favelas, such as families, community leaders, or NGOs (interviewees V and VI). In support of this finding, statistical data affirm that 89% of all favela residents have received some form of donation or emergency aid since the beginning of the pandemic, with over half of this assistance provided by individuals within the community, compared with merely one third provided by the government [69]. These intracommunity networks are primarily based on trust, which is often stronger among individuals who share similar socioeconomic statuses, community ties, and racial or ethnic identities. As Ortega and Orsini note, historically rooted stigmatisation and processes of social othering have reinforced these intragroup bonds, particularly in contexts where state institutions are perceived as absent or discriminatory [70]. 4.1 The influence of socioeconomic background on favelas Although employment status is widely recognised as a key variable in the development of health equity within welfare regimes, da Silva et al. contend that this correlation has been perverted under the Bolsonaro government by disproportionately prioritising economic factors in public policies, including those related to public health [60]. Consequently, marginalised populations such as favela residents have found themselves forced into a precarious situation in which they must choose between safeguarding their health and securing income (interviewee VIII). According to a survey conducted by Data Favela from 2020, 47% of favela residents were self-employed, and eight% held informal employment at the onset of the pandemic. Approximately three quarters (72%) had no personal savings at all [71]. This suggests a high dependency on regular income for survival, which, by extension, underscores the critical importance of a stable public health system to maintain health. Between 2017 and 2019, public health expenditures in Brazil did not exhibit significant variation. Nevertheless, owing to the spending cap introduced by Constitutional Amendment 95/2016 (PEC 95/2016), it is estimated that the SUS lost approximately 20 billion reals in 2020 alone [72]. Whereas the Bolsonaro government has raised the minimum wage by 4.7% [73], this policy fails to benefit the majority of – informally employed – favela residents who do not qualify for such welfare provisions. In this context, one expert noted that individuals from lower socioeconomic backgrounds in Brazil continue to be denied access to a living wage and thus to better healthcare due to the precariousness or informality of their labour status (interviewee IX). Furthermore, a striking 96% of favela residents lack private health insurance and rely solely on services provided by the SUS, whereas 76% of the population living outside the favelas does [74]. The first year of the pandemic was marked by serious deficiencies in healthcare provision. The Bolsonaro government neither implemented policies designed to improve the safety net for informal workers or workers in the event of disability (interviewee VI) nor promoted the formalisation of employment in marginalised urban areas. Although the Bolsonaro government introduced more welfare-related measures than the preceding Temer administration did, scholars argue that these policies failed to effectively identify and meet the needs of all citizens during the pandemic, de Moura et al. summarise this inadequacy as follows: “a pandemia escancara e amplifica as desigualdades existentes no Brasil e a necessidade de efetivar políticas universais de renda básica. 9 ADDIN 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} [75] Approximately 70% of favela residents reported a decline in their income during the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic [71]. This reduction has resulted in food insecurity and the discontinuation of medication, either because drugs were not free of charge through SUS or were simply unaffordable (interviewee II and VIII). Specifically, the inability to maintain medical treatment has triggered a vicious cycle in which illnesses and loss of income exacerbate existing social and health inequalities (interviewee VI): “Sao pais e mães de familia perderam o emprego, perderam a renda e que não conseguiram ter esse auxilio emergencial aí. Então é que adoecem. Aí piorou mais ainda. Porque com a doença eles não conseguem comprar medicamento. Nem todo medicamento tem na rede [SUS].” 10 Notably, the former Minister of Health, Luiz Henrique Mandetta, reportedly supported further research into medications for rare diseases and advocated for their provision through SUS (interviewee I), although no official documents have been found to corroborate this initiative. One expert, however, contests the view that Bolsonaro’s administration distorted health policy by subordinating it to economic concerns. Instead, he argued that “na favela o que importa é renda” 11 (interviewee I), highlighting the imperative of survival. He further emphasised that spatial disparities in public health access are not unique to Bolsonaro’s tenure, noting that exclusionary dynamics were already evident under the government of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (worker’s party), despite the adoption of programmes such as Bolsa Família (interviewee I). Another key factor highlighted in the analysis is the intersection of health inequality and education. As one interviewee observed, “[I]f you have education, you have the tools to take care of your own health, to practice like basic health: washing your hands, taking showers, cleaning your house, washing food, and taking care of vegetables and health.” (interviewee IV) In his presidential campaign and in his speech launching the nova previdência reform, Bolsonaro declared that health and education were central to promoting equality in the Brazilian welfare state [76]. However, the government’s tangible impact on addressing the educational roots of health disparities remains ambiguous. Aside from distributing informational brochures, such as those on healthy eating during the pandemic and suspending sexual education, there have been no other targeted policies for favelas. In this vein, interviewees consistently identified governmental inaction as the defining feature of Bolsonaro’s public health strategy accompanied by “aprópria tentativa reiterada de ignorar a pandemia, de desqualificar a ciencia” 12 (VIII). 4.2 Slumification and spatial differences in favelas The phenomenon of slumification is markedly more prevalent in federal states housing megacities such as Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo [77]. Against this backdrop, one expert emphasised the importance of tailoring public health policies to Brazil’s diverse spatial realities and corresponding epidemiological specificities: “Aí senão a gente vai voltar para um modelo como a gente tinha lá nos anos sessenta e setenta. As políticas que independem das necessidades da população [...]. E aí a gente deixa de reconhecer [...] às populações mais marginalizadas.” (interviewee II) Empirical findings indicate that nearly half of favela residents still do not have access to running water within their households, severely compromising personal hygiene and health [71]. This issue becomes particularly salient during a pandemic, when access to basic resources (water, food, medication) serves as a critical determinant of health equity in a welfare state [70]. Access to water has long been a subject of public policy debates, dating back to the 1990s. In July 2020, law n°14,026 was enacted, revising existing laws on basic sanitation. By 2033, 99% of the Brazilian population should have access to safe drinking water, and 90% should have access to adequate sewage facilities [78]. According to official data, there have been improvements in favelas in recent years, including in the geographical distribution of healthcare facilities. Currently, two-thirds of all favelas are situated within two kilometres of a hospital, and 29% are within a one-kilometre radius [77]. Despite these apparent advances, health inequalities between favelas and ‘other’ urban spaces persist in the current Brazilian welfare state. Primary causes are considered inadequate monitoring of governmental measures as well as failure to address the actual root causes of health inequalities, such as class and racial/ethnic discrimination (interviewees II, VI, and IX) (see also Chapter 4.3). To illustrate the current situation, one expert recounted an incident in which the roof of a public health post in the favela Maré collapsed following heavy rainfall (interviewee IX): “Semana passada caiu o teto de uma das unidades de saúde com a chuva e até agora não foi consertado. Eles não têm papel para a impressão de receita médica. Falta atadura.” 13 Another study reported that public health hospitals in poorer areas are commonly overcrowded or inactive due to a lack of professionals and resources (expert VII). These examples suggest that official statistics often fail to reflect the actual number of operational hospitals or the quality of services provided, thereby highlighting spatially grounded inequities in healthcare provision. Population density within favelas constitutes another spatial determinant with significant implications for health equity. With approximately half of the favela households comprising four or more individuals, enforcing effective household quarantine measures during outbreaks of infectious diseases has become extremely challenging [71]. Consequently, both infection rates and mortality rates tend to be substantially higher in these communities than in more affluent urban neighbourhoods [79]. In a study focused on Rio de Janeiro, Ortega and Orsini reported that the COVID-19 mortality rate in the high-income neighbourhood Leblon was 2.4%, whereas it was approximately ten times higher in Maré, a favela [70]. 4.3 Inequality as an intersectional phenomenon in favelas One recurrent theme in both the systematic literature review and the interviews was the relevance of intersectionality in understanding health inequalities. Particularly within favela communities, there is a well-documented statistical correlation between race/ethnicity, social class, income, and health outcomes (interviewee VI; 71). The archetypal favela resident is Afro-Brazilian, belongs to a lower socioeconomic class, works informally or is self-employed, and relies on SUS. This demographic profile exemplifies the intersection of multiple deprivations within public health, namely, poverty, precarious employment and housing conditions, and racial/ethnic marginalisation. Official government statistics on the racial/ethnic diversity of favela residents are only available for select cities such as São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro. These data reveal that Afro-Brazilians are more than twice as likely as White Brazilians to reside in favelas, despite the roughly equal proportions of brancos (whites) and pardos (mixed) in the overall population [80]. These spatial racialized inequalities are deeply rooted in Brazil’s colonial past and the historic development of favelas [81, 82]. Despite this, the Bolsonaro government did not implement any targeted public health policies for specific racial or ethnic groups residing in favelas. Nevertheless, two key findings emerged from the data analysis. First, Afro-Brazilian favela residents constitute one of the most vulnerable groups in Brazil in terms of health. Data imply that their prevalence of contracting COVID-19 is significantly higher than that of Afro-Brazilians in other urban areas or that of other races/ethnicities [83]. Second, associated with that is the notion of an undignified life, which is persistent in welfare states with high social stratification, as in the Brazilian case. Several peer-reviewed articles in this systematic review draw parallels between the absence of a comprehensive governmental public health strategy during the pandemic and necropolitics towards Afro-Brazilians [60, 70, 82, 84]. The findings suggest that the main aspects supporting the necropolitics argument are Bolsonaro's relativisation of the virus’s danger, the growing commodification of public health since 2016, political inaction at the federal level, and the delegation of healthcare responsibilities to subnational governments ADDIN 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[69, 85] . This is affirmed in the interviews: “É uma escolha [...] quem é que deve ser cuidado, quem é que deve ser deixado pra viver, quem é que deve ser com a saúde, quem é que não precisa nem pensemos na saúde delas. Eu acho que vai bem nessa linha e [...] o governo Bolsonaro deixou isso explícito.” 14 (interviewee II) Moreover, Ortega and Orsini reported that favela residents have increasingly turned to social media, especially Twitter, to share and critique their experiences with necropolitics. Much of the criticism levelled against the Bolsonaro administration revolves around its inadequate isolation policies and the spread of disinformation ADDIN 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} [70] . Fewer policy data are available on the correlation between gender and health inequalities. Expert interviews revealed, however, that sexual violence against women is more prevalent in economically disadvantaged areas (interviewee I: “existe uma predominância de comunicação violenta” 15 ) and that preventive gynaecological care through the SUS is often inadequate (interviewee IV). During the Bolsonaro presidency, a small number of gender-specific health policies were enacted, although these constituted only minor amendments to pre-existing laws [86]. 4.4 The prevalence of diseases in favelas Diseases of poverty remain widespread across Brazil, particularly in regions where individuals experience limited or inadequate access to healthcare or live under low socioeconomic conditions. The most common diseases associated with poverty are Hansen’s disease (leprosy), tuberculosis, and vector-borne illnesses such as Zika and dengue fever [87]. In recent years, the Brazilian government has intensified its efforts to combat Hansen’s disease. According to Bolsonaro, 1.3 out of 10 Brazilians are infected with this disease. Infection rates are particularly elevated in favelas. Although free treatment is already available through SUS, the official government objective is to eradicate the disease entirely. However, no new policies were introduced after 2019 to advance this goal [88]. In contrast, the response to tuberculosis experienced more immediate developments during the COVID-19 pandemic. New public testing methods have been implemented to distinguish tuberculosis from COVID-19 cases, which is an important diagnostic distinction given the similarities in symptoms between the two diseases [89]. One expert explained that despite such policies, diseases of poverty remain a relevant variable for health inequalities in the Brazilian context. This persistence is attributed not only to unsanitary and overcrowded conditions within favelas but also to insufficient vaccination campaigns (interviewee III): “So, for me, there is not a question if SUS works or not. I think there are two questions: that is, an investment in SUS [in favelas] and the structural questions that SUS needs to be answered for it to work.” Even though vaccines are free of charge through the SUS, not all public hospitals provide vaccination services, resulting in logistical burdens for favela residents, who must travel further to access medical care. The analysis further revealed that COVID-19 has itself become a disease of poverty in the Brazilian context. Existing vulnerabilities in favela communities have intensified the pandemic’s impact. As noted by interviewee IX, pre-existing illnesses such as diarrhoeal disease have become more lethal because of the reallocation of healthcare resources and hospital beds to COVID-19 patients , thereby de-prioritising other urgent medical needs. Quental and Shymko likewise argue that “[v]ulnerability increases as the living bodies of marginalised individuals are typically more ex-posed to the spread of the virus.” [84] In other words, precarious living conditions and prior health inequalities in favelas significantly increase the impact of pandemics such as COVID-19. These findings underscore the necessity of targeted, selective public health interventions that address the specific needs of marginalised communities. However, rather than pursuing such targeted strategies, the Bolsonaro administration primarily opted to provide broad financial assistance during the pandemic. 4.5 Impact evaluation of Bolsonaro’s policymaking on favelas The analysis could point to several selective welfare states and SUS-related policies that were nominally directed at marginalised populations during the COVID-19 pandemic. Carnut et al. deem these selective policies to be largely counterproductive. Rather than protecting vulnerable groups, they further exacerbated social stratification [81]. A key example of this was the national emergency aid scheme. While intended to provide economic relief, the assistance – capped at 600 reals – proved insufficient for informal workers and the self-employed to sustain their livelihoods (and of their families) and, simultaneously, afford efficient protection gear such as disinfectants and masks [70]. As a result, these individuals were often forced to continue working under precarious conditions, increasing their exposure to COVID-19. This highlights how labour status, particularly informal employment, remains a persistent, geospatial determinant of inequality. One expert recounted such experiences in the favela Maré in Rio de Janeiro: “[M]uitas pessoas tem trabalho informal não teriam a proteção dos direitos trabalhistas durante esse período. Teriam que se expor na rua para manter a sua sobrevivência.“ 16 (interviewee VI). By the end of June 2020, two months after its adoption, 41 percent of the claimants in favelas had not yet received emergency aid [71]. Despite this development, official estimates suggest that emergency aid has prevented approximately 23% of the Brazilian population from falling into poverty [90]. The design of the aid also sparked political disagreement. While the Minister of Economy, Paulo Guedes, initially proposed a monthly payment of 200 reals, members of the National Congress advocated for the 600-real amount that was eventually implemented [91]. In contrast to these shortcomings, healthcare provision in favelas improved significantly during the pandemic. For example, the number of primary attention teams in the estratégia saúde da família (family health strategy) has more than doubled—from 746 to 2,029, with corresponding funding increasing by approximately 50% (ordinance n° 2,488). These teams were tasked with conducting household screenings for influenza-like symptoms to prevent the spread of COVID-19 [92]. Additionally, the total number of registered physicians in Brazil has increased by 180,000 over the past decade [93]. However, this statistic is limited in two key respects: first, the long-term effects of the programme mais médicos (more doctors) – launched in 2013 – are not yet fully known. Second, the data do not specify changes in the doctor-to-patient ratio within favela communities, limiting its applicability to spatial inequality assessments. Despite these apparent improvements, experts have consistently evaluated the Bolsonaro government's overall approach to public health as insufficient and, at times, harmful. The emotional intensity of some of the interview responses further underscored this conclusion. In one instance, an interviewee broke into tears when recounting experiences of health inequality in favelas: “O pobre não tem mais dinheiro para comprar. [...] Luva, máscaras para a população que não tem dinheiro. não tem pra comer, entre comer e comprar álcool em gel. […] Eu hoje recebi uma notícia muito triste. O casal que tem sete filhos paupérrimos sem água, sem energia, sem nada foram fazer comida usando álcool. Eles se queimaram todos. O casal pra fazer comida no fogo. Não tem gás. Não existe dinheiro. E hoje de manhã o pai dessa família faleceu porque foi queimado.” 17 (interviewee IV) The same interviewee offered the following assessment of the government’s approach to COVID-19 in favelas: “É um governo estritamente preconceituoso. Não se preocupa com a desigualdades, muito pelo contrário. Ele (o Bolsonaro) faz de tudo pra acentuar ainda mais, e a gente vê cortes na saúde, na educação, na assistência social, [...] no bolsa família.” 18 (interviewee VI) Other experts expressed similar critical views, reinforcing the perception that the Bolsonaro administration’s handling of health inequalities, particularly in favelas, was marked by structural neglect, ideological bias, and inadequate policy design. 5. Discussion Health inequalities remain a persistent and under-researched challenge within the Brazilian welfare state. Using the public health policymaking of the Bolsonaro government as a case study, this analysis examined the underlying causes of health inequalities and how they manifest in urban areas shaped by systemic social exclusion. Favelas were employed as a focal point for this investigation because of their distinct epidemiological patterns and the sociodemographic profile of their residents. An ‘average’ favela resident can be characterised as Afro-Brazilian, belonging to a lower socioeconomic class, working in the informal sector or self-employed, and dependent on the SUS. Applying a geospatial lens to health inequality theories revealed the deep interconnections among space, health, exclusion, and inequality within the Brazilian welfare regime. Although this study sought to move beyond purely socioeconomic interpretations of inequality, neoliberalism emerged as a pervasive influence within Bolsonaro’s policy framework. In the domain of public health, this was particularly evident in the growing commodification and privatisation of previously public services. These shifts have rendered essential health services increasingly inaccessible for many favela residents, who lack the financial means to participate in a more commercialised system. Experts highlighted this development as symptomatic of the broader dualism between private and public healthcare, which deepens existing inequalities. In doing so, the current Brazilian state has drawn significant parallels to the liberal welfare regime [ 32 ]. Socioeconomic background has been identified as one of the central causes of health inequalities in Brazil. This is consistent with Bartley’s view that an individual’s income can significantly affect health [ 28 ]. The lack of income and absence of savings frequently force favela residents into impossible choices between maintaining their health and securing their livelihoods. The COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated this dilemma, transforming pre-existing vulnerabilities into entrenched structural inequalities. According to Navarro, the increasing number of infections and deaths during the pandemic reflects a perverse relationship between income and health, with the poorest regions experiencing the worst health outcomes [ 26 ]. The Bolsonaro government took economic measures in response to the pandemic, notably through the distribution of emergency aid. However, this policy proved insufficient for many, with numerous claimants failing to receive support in a timely manner. Broadly, three categories of health-related policy measures under Bolsonaro’s administration could be identified: (1) basic crisis response (e.g., ESF teams or financial aid), (2) revision of existing legislation, and (3) adoption of new welfare policies, such as the nova previdência . The third category, however, remained limited in scope and implementation. Spatial disparities further compound health inequalities in favelas. Although official data suggest a relatively equitable distribution of hospitals, expert interviews revealed that such statistics are misleading, as they fail to capture disparities in quality, accessibility, and resource availability. A noteworthy step was the passage of the 2020 sanitation law, which, in principle, marked a positive move toward reducing spatial health inequalities. However, the practical effects of this law remain limited and uneven across the country. The third major axis of analysis, intersectionality, revealed that health inequalities in Brazil cannot be explained solely through categorical variables such as race or income. As stated by Nazroo, it is the intersection of multiple deprivations that produces inequality [ 41 ]. The situation of Afro-Brazilian favela residents in particular illustrates the confluence of racial, spatial, and economic marginalisation. Nevertheless, the Bolsonaro administration failed to implement targeted health policies for racial or ethnic minorities. This omission has been interpreted through the lens of necropolitics, a concept that describes state-sanctioned disregard for the lives of marginalised populations. As discussed, some lives are implicitly deemed less worthy of protection, a condition that becomes most visible in the spatialized exclusion of favelas from national health strategies. A somewhat different situation emerged with respect to the diseases of poverty, where the Bolsonaro government undertook some specific interventions. These diseases have received more policy attention, while others, such as diarrhoeal diseases, continue to be neglected and in many cases have claimed more lives due to hospital overcrowding and the reallocation of resources in favour of COVID-19 patients. In conclusion, the pandemic has amplified existing inequalities between favela residents and other urban populations. While the Bolsonaro government’s absence of effective and targeted health policies worsened conditions in historically neglected areas, it is also true that broader segments of the population suffered from inadequate federal coordination. Crucially, the burden of public health policymaking increasingly shifted to subnational actors, such as state and municipal governments, and to civil society organisations. This shift mirrors the dynamics of the 1990s Brazilian welfare state, marked by an ongoing tension between (neo)liberal retrenchment and the universalist ethos of SUS President Bolsonaro, which came to symbolise many of the discriminatory attitudes that favela residents confront daily. While trust in the SUS remains high, confidence in the federal government has significantly eroded. Future research could address the differences in health policies between the Bolsonaro government and other – more social – governments, such as the tenures of Lula, the former and the current Brazilian. Abbreviations HPTF Health Policy Triangle Framework SUS Sistema Único de Saúde (Brazil’s public health system) Declarations Ethics approval and consent to participate The research complied with the ethical standards set forth in the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), which serves as the primary normative framework for research conducted at German universities. All participants provided written, informed consent. Additional ethical approval was not needed, as per the guidelines of the TUD Dresden University of Technology’s ethics board, which mandates approval only for studies involving medical research on human beings or animals. Consent for publication Not applicable. Availability of data and materials The datasets used and/or analysed during the current study are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request. Competing Interests The author declares that they have no competing interests. Funding No financial advisor. Authors’ contributions Not applicable (single author). Acknowledgements Not applicable. References Pereira M. Bolsonaro é um perigo à saúde pública. O Globo. 27.03.2020. World Health Organization. Number of COVID-19 cases reported to WHO (cumulative total): Brazil. 29.06.2025. https://data.who.int/dashboards/covid19/cases. Accessed 21 Jul 2025. World Health Organization. Number of COVID-19 deaths reported to WHO: Brazil. 29.06.2025. https://data.who.int/dashboards/covid19/deaths. Accessed 21 Jul 2025. Fundação Oswaldo Cruz. 2° Boletim Socioepidemiológico da Covid-19 nas Favelas. 2nd ed. Rio de Janeiro; 2020. Perlman JE. Favela: Four decades of living on the edge in Rio de Janeiro. 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Footnotes Institute of Political Science, Faculty of Philosophy, TUD Dresden University of Technology, Germany – email: [email protected] School of Law, University of Warwick, UK Translation: “Bolsonaro is a danger to public health.” Translation: “Health is the right of all and the duty of the State, guaranteed through social and economic policies aimed at reducing the risk of disease and other health problems and at providing universal and equal access to initiatives and services for its promotion, protection and recuperation.” Translation: “dialectic relationship between inequality and difference” Translation: "What we see today is a state that adopts the policy of death, the illegitimate use of force, extermination, the policy of hatred and disregard for the working class living in poverty. All of this can be seen, for example, in the favelas and communities of Rio de Janeiro, on the outskirts of Brazil's large and medium-sized cities." Translation: “It is a problem that all doctors are afraid to go to the favelas. The problem of drug trafficking here in Brazil is very serious. [...] So everything is more complicated. In addition, the demands created by the people in the favelas are very serious because they have a double or triple burden of disease.” Translation: “They [the people] sometimes understand health services as something to solve their problems, but not as something that is part of their rights.” Translation: “the pandemic highlights and amplifies the inequalities that exist in Brazil and the need to implement universal basic income policies.” Translation: “Fathers and mothers lost their jobs, lost their income, and were unable to get emergency aid. So they got sick. Then, things got even worse. Because with their illness, they could not afford medicine. Not all medicines are available in the [SUS] network.” Translation: “in the favela what matters is income” Translation: “the repeated attempt to ignore the pandemic, to discredit science” Translation: “Last week, the roof of one of the health units [from SUS] collapsed due to rain and has not yet been repaired. They do not have paper to print prescriptions. There is a shortage of bandages.” Translation: “It is a choice [...] who should be taken care of, who should be left to live, who should be taken care of, who does not even need to think about their health. I think it is along those lines and [...] the Bolsonaro government has made that explicit.” Translation: “There is a predominance of violent communication.” Translation: “[M]any people working informally would not have the protection of labour rights during this period. They would have to expose themselves on the street in order to survive.” Translation: “The poor no longer have money to buy things. [...] Gloves, masks for people who have no money. They have nothing to eat, and must choose between eating and buying hand sanitiser. […] Today, I received some very sad news. A couple with seven children, who are extremely poor and have no water, no electricity, nothing, were cooking using alcohol. They all got burned. The couple cooked food on the fire. They have no gas. They have no money. In addition, this morning, the father of this family died because he was burned.” Translation: “It is a strictly prejudiced government. It does not care about inequality, quite the opposite. He (Bolsonaro) does everything he can to accentuate it even more, and we see cuts in health, education, social assistance, [...] the bolsa família.” Additional Declarations No competing interests reported. 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Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;O Bolsonaro \u0026eacute; um perigo \u0026agrave; sa\u0026uacute;de p\u0026uacute;blica.\u0026rdquo;\u003ca href=\"#_ftn1\" name=\"_ftnref1\" title=\"\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e\u003csup\u003e3\u003c/sup\u003e [1] was the headline of the Brazilian newspaper \u003cem\u003eO Globo\u003c/em\u003e in March 2020. This is emblematic of the widespread criticism directed at former President Jair Bolsonaro\u0026rsquo;s handling of public health policy during the COVID-19 pandemic. With more than 37 million confirmed cases and approximately 703,000 deaths, Brazil ranks among the countries most severely impacted worldwide [2, 3]. Initially described as a pandemic of the middle class due to its early transmission through international travel, the burden gradually shifted toward poorer and more remote regions. In particular, favelas have been disproportionately affected [4].\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis disproportionate impact is especially concerning given the complex intersection of socio-structural challenges that characterise favelas. In addition to high rates of drug trafficking, violence, and homicide, residents continue to experience significant levels of stigmatisation and social exclusion\u0026nbsp;[5]. These challenges are not new; indeed, the concept of social exclusion was already acknowledged during Brazil\u0026rsquo;s democratic transition in the 1980s following 21 years of military dictatorship. The 1988 Constitution sought to guarantee equal social opportunities for all citizens through legislation, irrespective of socioeconomic status or place of residence. As part of this democratic project, a universal welfare state was introduced based on three core pillars: employment, education, and healthcare. Notably, Article 196 of the Constitution establishes the state\u0026rsquo;s duty to ensure health as a universal right:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;A sa\u0026uacute;de \u0026eacute; direito de todos e dever do Estado, garantido mediante pol\u0026iacute;ticas sociais e econ\u0026ocirc;micas que visem \u0026agrave; redu\u0026ccedil;\u0026atilde;o do risco de doen\u0026ccedil;a e de outros agravos e ao acesso universal e igualit\u0026aacute;rio \u0026agrave;s a\u0026ccedil;\u0026otilde;es e servi\u0026ccedil;os para sua promo\u0026ccedil;\u0026atilde;o, prote\u0026ccedil;\u0026atilde;o e recupera\u0026ccedil;\u0026atilde;o.\u0026rdquo; \u003ca href=\"#_ftn2\" name=\"_ftnref2\" title=\"\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e\u003csup\u003e4\u003c/sup\u003e \u003c!--[if supportFields]\u003e\u003cspan style='mso-element:field-begin'\u003e\u003c/span\u003eADDIN 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lang=EN-GB style='mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'\u003eoiX01hcmlhIFdlaWNrYXJkdCBTb2FyZXMiLCJJZCI6Ijc1OTVkYWE0LTVlOWEtNDBhYi1iOWQ3LTg4NmUyN2Y0YWJmYSIsIk1vZGlmaWVkT24iOiIyMDI1LTA3LTIxVDE1OjUyOjE4IiwiUHJvamVjdCI6eyIkcmVmIjoiMTAifX1dLCJPdGhlcnNJbnZvbHZlZCI6W10sIlB1Ymxpc2hlcnMiOltdLCJRdW90YXRpb25zIjpbXSwiUmF0aW5nIjowLCJSZWZlcmVuY2VUeXBlIjoiU3RhdHV0ZU9yUmVndWxhdGlvbiIsIlNob3J0VGl0bGUiOiJBc3NlbWJsZWlhIENvbnN0aXR1aW50ZSAxOTg4IOKAkyBDb25zdGl0dWnDp8OjbyBkYSBSZXDDumJsaWNhIEZlZGVyYXRpdmEgZG8iLCJTaG9ydFRpdGxlVXBkYXRlVHlwZSI6MCwiU291cmNlT2ZCaWJsaW9ncmFwaGljSW5mb3JtYXRpb24iOiJub3JtYXMubGVnLmJyIiwiU3RhdGljSWRzIjpbIjVlNWVlMmViLWEwNjUtNDU4Zi05MDAyLWFiODRkMWEzZGMwYSJdLCJUYWJsZU9mQ29udGVudHNDb21wbGV4aXR5IjowLCJUYWJsZU9mQ29udGVudHNTb3VyY2VUZXh0Rm9ybWF0IjowLCJUYXNrcyI6W10sIlRpdGxlIjoiQ29uc3RpdHVpw6fDo28gZGEgUmVww7pibGljYSBGZWRlcmF0aXZhIGRvIEJyYXNpbCIsIlRyYW5zbGF0b3JzIjpbXSwiWWVhclJlc29sdmVkIjoiMTk4OCIsIkNyZWF0ZWRCeSI6Il9NYXJpYSBXZWlja2FyZHQgU29hcmVzIiwiQ3JlYXRlZE9uIjoiMjAyNS0wNy0yMVQxNTo1MTozOSIsIk1vZGlmaWVkQnkiOiJfTWFyaWEgV2VpY2thcmR0IFNvYXJlcyIsIklkIjoiNWEzMjY3NjYtZTZkNi00ODRiLWI3NzItMWZjMDhhNjlhZjMxIiwiTW9kaWZpZWRPbiI6IjIwMjUtMDctMjFUMTU6NTI6MjkiLCJQcm9qZWN0Ijp7IiRyZWYiOiIxMCJ9fSwiVXNlTnVtYmVyaW5nVHlwZU9mUGFyZW50RG9jdW1lbnQiOmZhbHNlfV0sIkZvcm1hdHRlZFRleHQiOnsiJGlkIjoiMTIiLCJDb3VudCI6MSwiVGV4dFVuaXRzIjpbeyIkaWQiOiIxMyIsIkZvbnRTdHlsZSI6eyIkaWQiOiIxNCIsIk5ldXRyYWwiOnRydWV9LCJSZWFkaW5nT3JkZXIiOjEsIlRleHQiOiJbNl0ifV19LCJUYWciOiJDaXRhdmlQbGFjZWhvbGRlciMwYmEwOThiNS05YjU5LTQ0MjQtYjdjOC1hOGI0NDNlNDdhYTQiLCJUZXh0IjoiWzZdIiwiV0FJVmVyc2lvbiI6IjYuMTkuMi4xIn0=}\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style='mso-element:field-separator'\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c![endif]--\u003e\u003cspan lang=\"EN-GB\"\u003e[6]\u003c/span\u003e\u003c!--[if supportFields]\u003e\u003cspan style='mso-element:field-end'\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c![endif]--\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eOne of the cornerstones of the Brazilian welfare state is the \u003cem\u003eSistema \u0026Uacute;nico de Sa\u0026uacute;de\u003c/em\u003e (\u003cem\u003eUnified Health System\u003c/em\u003e; SUS), which is designed to provide universal health coverage [7]. As measured against quantitative parameters, such as primary healthcare physicians per 1,000 citizens or child immunisation rates against measles and polio [8], the SUS has been one of the most successful healthcare systems in Latin America and a role model in the Global South. However, the severe impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic, particularly in favelas, have prompted international relations scholars and public health experts to reassess this positive evaluation, with favelas becoming a tragic symbol of overmortality and political neglect. Whereas Lotta et al. argue that the pandemic is evidence of Bolsonaro\u0026rsquo;s political failure in managing and prevailing a crisis at the global scale [9], others consider structural weaknesses within SUS and the inconsistent implementation of public health policies as the main causes of the unequal effects of the pandemic on the Brazilian population [10, 11]. Regardless, health inequalities seem to be persistent in the Brazilian welfare state, more than three decades after the establishment of the SUS.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eHealth inequalities refer to unequal and, in many cases, preventable disparities in access to healthcare services, distribution of health resources, and conditions affecting health outcomes. These often result in poorer health metrics, including reduced life expectancy or increased morbidity from certain diseases [12]. According to the United Nations, the life expectancy of the poorest ten percent in Brazil is substantially below the national average [13]. A significant portion of those living below the poverty line and working in informal labour are favela residents, rendering them highly vulnerable not only in socioeconomic terms but also in terms of their well-being. For example, life expectancy in a favela in S\u0026atilde;o Paulo is up to 23 years shorter than that in adjacent high-income neighbourhoods\u0026nbsp;[14]. These stark contrasts highlight the salience of\u0026nbsp;socio-spatial\u0026nbsp;disparities in public health and the relevance of favelas as peculiar\u0026nbsp;socio-spatial\u0026nbsp;determinants of health.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBuilding on this conceptualisation, the present study conducts a frame analysis of public health discourse under the Bolsonaro administration, with a particular focus on informal urban settlements both before and during the initial stages of the COVID-19 pandemic. The objective is to describe, analyse, and interpret the government\u0026rsquo;s response to a health crisis (external shock) on a global scale. The analysis focuses on favelas as spaces of marginalisation and questions the impacts of the Bolsonaro government on the emergence and (re)production of health inequalities in favelas. Through this lens, the study adopts a critical interdisciplinary perspective that integrates international relations, public health studies, and social geography to conceptualise geospatial inequality in a rapidly shifting political context.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTheoretically, this study contributes to the literature by combining inequality and welfare regime theory with the concept of imagined geography to transcend traditional approaches to inequality that are dominated by causal or linear analyses of socioeconomic root factors. To this end, it emphasises the significance of spatial dimensions in understanding health disparities, particularly in informal settlements. Although academic attention to health inequalities has increased notably since the onset of the pandemic, favelas remain underexplored. These areas are often analysed primarily in terms of epidemiology (for instance, \u0026ldquo;diseases of poverty\u0026rdquo;) or through the lens of security studies.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe paper is structured as follows: it begins by examining the concept of universal health coverage and a comprehensive definition of health. It then discusses health inequalities within welfare regimes, engaging critically with existing theories and assessing their explanatory capacity in relation to the Brazilian case (Chapter 2). Before the empirical findings of the data triangulation (Chapter 4), consisting of semi-structured interviews, a content analysis, and a systematic literature review, are presented, the methodological framework is briefly outlined (Chapter 3).\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"2. Background","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe World Health Organization (WHO) defines health \u0026ldquo;as a positive concept emphasizing social and personal resources, as well as physical capacities\u0026rdquo; [15]. This conceptualisation underscores health as a dynamic and multifaceted process shaped by a wide array of determinants, including shelter, education, peace, and equity, that affect both individual and societal well-being. The WHO\u0026rsquo;s definition further implies that health is embedded in broader socio-political structures (i.e., welfare regimes) and is therefore invariably contingent on the presence and action of specific actors such as healthcare professionals, medical institutions, nation-states, and intergovernmental organisations [16\u0026ndash;18].\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003e2.1 \u0026nbsp;The conceptualisation of inequality in welfare regimes\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eOver the past two decades, inequality studies have gained significant momentum\u0026mdash;with further momentum provided by the COVID-19 pandemic, not only in the analysis of universal health coverage but also across a wide spectrum of social, political, cultural, and in economic issues. This includes a notable increase in scholarship focused on informal urban settlements and marginalised spaces, such as Brazilian favelas. Before turning to this literature and proceeding with the empirical case study, this section provides an overview of foundational and contemporary research on inequality within welfare regimes. Welfare state scholarship has developed a substantial and diverse body of literature\u0026mdash;ranging from historical analyses [19, 20] to actor-centred approaches [21] and the investigation of specific welfare policies and strategies [22, 23] to discussions surrounding universalistic welfare and its implications for racial, gender-based, and other forms of inclusion [24\u0026ndash;26].\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eHowever, prior to the COVID-19 pandemic, there was limited engagement with welfare regimes from a health policy perspective, with notable exceptions such as Mackenbach\u0026rsquo;s\u0026nbsp;comprehensive study of health inequalities in contemporary European welfare systems [27]. In recent years, however, political science and international relations (IR) scholars have increasingly examined the relationship between health and inequality within the institutional framework of welfare regimes. Nevertheless, despite the amplification of non-Euro-American contexts and post/decolonial perspectives, theoretical frameworks remain largely shaped by the primate of the Global North. These often prioritise socioeconomic explanations of inequality and treat the European welfare state as a universal model for development [16, 28\u0026ndash;30]. This prevailing \u0026ldquo;logic-of industrialism\u0026rdquo; [31] rests on the teleological assumption that nation-states evolve similarly through industrialisation and that welfare state development follows a universal trajectory. For example, Esping-Andersen\u0026rsquo;s triple typology of the liberal, conservative, and social democratic welfare regimes is, to date, still broadly regarded as the theoretical standard for welfare regime analysis [32].\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eHowever, this framework has faced significant critique, particularly for its narrow geographic scope, which includes only the United States and selects Western and Northern European countries [33]. In response, scholars have proposed alternative or complementary frameworks, for example, the Latin welfare regime [34], whereas others advocate for a distinct typology for the Global South, such as the Latin American developmental welfare state (DWS) [33, 35]. These alternative models differ from Esping-Andersen\u0026rsquo;s not only in their historical origins but also in measurable outcomes of welfare provision, such as life expectancy, mortality rates, public‒private ratios, and levels of decommodification. The latter term refers to the degree to which a state\u0026rsquo;s social services are decoupled from the market \u003c!--[if supportFields]\u003e\u003cspan style='mso-element:field-begin'\u003e\u003c/span\u003eADDIN 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style='mso-element:field-separator'\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c![endif]--\u003e[32]\u003c!--[if supportFields]\u003e\u003cspan style='mso-element:field-end'\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c![endif]--\u003e. In a liberal welfare regime, for example, the level of decommodification is low, as the market plays a central regulatory role. In contrast, Latin American DWS is characterised by a fluctuating dynamic between commodification and decommodification\u0026nbsp;[33].\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWithin this theoretical context, Bartley argues that contemporary theories on welfare regimes tend to focus largely on materialistic explanatory models, thereby underestimating other noneconomic variables [28]. Health inequalities are hence primarily linked to the absence or insufficiency of healthcare infrastructure, including underfunding, low healthcare personnel ratios, or inadequate medical facilities. This framing positions the welfare regime as either ineffective or absent, compelling individuals to rely on market-based solutions for accessing basic services. As a result, social services become commodified, exacerbating social stratification and inequality rather than mitigating it [28; 33].\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eVarious studies provide tentative evidence on the correlation between decommodification, economic inequalities, and population health. On the basis of the WHO data of OECD states, Navarro et al., for example, identify a causal link between economic inequality and health outcomes, such as high infant mortality and low life expectancy at birth [36]. However, as the \u0026ldquo;Mediterranean paradox\u0026rdquo; [28] demonstrates, inconsistencies are apparent in that causal chain. Although some regions in Italy had relatively high levels of income inequality in the 2000s, the inequality in mortality was the lowest in Europe [28]. Furthermore, critics have pointed to the limitations of redistributive policies in addressing health inequality. As the \u0026ldquo;inverse care law\u0026rdquo; [37] states, the adoption of redistributive policies is not a reliable measure to increase health equality. Rather, paradoxically, the quintile with the most resources initially benefits from selective \u0026lsquo;pro-poor\u0026rsquo; policies. Following an initial increase in health inequality, the gap between the quintile with the most and lowest resources may narrow [37\u0026ndash;39].\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn the analysis of a former colonised nation-state that was included in the transatlantic slave trade, the literature on health inequalities in welfare regimes likewise incorporates social variables such as race/ethnicity [28, 40]. Although biological rationales for racial/ethnic disparities have been largely refuted and specific welfare policies have been approved to foster equality between different racial/ethnic groups, racial/ethnic minorities in welfare states remain highly vulnerable to health inequalities. According to Nazroo, race/ethnicity can neither be considered a reason in itself nor an additive category to socioeconomic inequality. Instead, categories such as race, class, wealth, and gender intersect with compound health disparities, challenging the linear assumption of materialist models and advocating for an intersectional approach [41]. Figure 1 provides an overview of the determinants that influence the occurrence of health inequalities in welfare regimes in the literature.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn short, there are diverse approaches to inequality, including intersectionality and decommodification, many of which remain underexplored or are primarily grounded in Global North contexts. This paper\u0026rsquo;s theoretical framework moves beyond conventional materialist models centred on income and class. While economic variables are essential for understanding the historical development of Brazil\u0026rsquo;s developmental welfare state, the study argues that contemporary Brazilian health policy is increasingly shaped by socio-spatial political determinants.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003e2.2 The significance of the \u003cem\u003espace\u003c/em\u003e of favelas in contemporary inequality research\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eZooming into the literature on health and social inequalities in socially excluded areas and informal settlements, it has become apparent that since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, favelas have gained prominence as a subject of academic inquiry across multiple disciplines. Theoretical approaches to the study of favelas are diverse. Notable frameworks include intersectional analyses [42\u0026ndash;44], securitisation studies [5, 45, 46], research on regime theory and norm collision [47], community-based participatory approaches [9, 48\u0026ndash;50] and global governance research that conceptualises favelas \u0026ldquo;urban governance institution[s]\u0026rdquo; [51]. Within much of this scholarship, inequality is framed as a consequence of social exclusion. Behrman et al.\u0026nbsp;define social exclusion as \u0026ldquo;the denial of equal access to opportunities imposed by certain groups of society upon others\u0026rdquo; [52]. Favelas thus emerge as urban spaces that are deprived of essential public services and rights, including access to clean water, electricity, sanitation, and even public healthcare.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBarcellos highlights how the territorial context is contingent on a variety of variables, such as social class, occupation, income, schooling, and ethnicity/race, which together influence the epidemiological profile of a given space and reproduce health inequalities [53]. Using the example of HIV/AIDS, the author discusses the \u0026ldquo;rela\u0026ccedil;\u0026atilde;o dial\u0026eacute;tica entre desigualdade e diferen\u0026ccedil;a\u0026rdquo;\u003ca href=\"#_ftn1\" name=\"_ftnref1\" title=\"\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e\u003csup\u003e5\u003c/sup\u003e [53], concluding that, in particular, asymmetric power relations in access to resources and opportunities perpetuate inequalities and therefore manifest social stratification. Perlman extends Barcellos\u0026rsquo; territorial approach by connecting inequalities in favelas with the broader process of \u003cem\u003eothering\u003c/em\u003e, tracing the historical development of these areas from settlements established by freed slaves to spaces of marginalisation and exclusion. The author differentiates, in particular, between favelas in general and favelas in Rio de Janeiro based on their unique typology, which is marked by significant diversity, with homeless people living next to individuals from middle socioeconomic backgrounds \u003c!--[if supportFields]\u003e\u003cspan style='mso-element:field-begin'\u003e\u003c/span\u003eADDIN 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successes and limits in the reduction of inequalities","Translators":[],"Volume":"15","Year":"2019","YearResolved":"2019","CreatedBy":"_Maria Weickardt Soares","CreatedOn":"2023-08-28T16:34:55","ModifiedBy":"_Mawe766d","Id":"894ccc7d-25e7-4f06-a3e6-1324af373c66","ModifiedOn":"2025-07-29T11:22:12","Project":{"$ref":"8"}},"UseNumberingTypeOfParentDocument":false}],"FormattedText":{"$id":"24","Count":1,"TextUnits":[{"$id":"25","FontStyle":{"$id":"26","Neutral":true},"ReadingOrder":1,"Text":"[54]"}]},"Tag":"CitaviPlaceholder#c2d15dd4-91db-45d2-873c-2766288e7b0d","Text":"[54]","WAIVersion":"6.19.2.1"}}\u003cspan style='mso-element:field-separator'\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c![endif]--\u003e[54]\u003c!--[if supportFields]\u003e\u003cspan style='mso-element:field-end'\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c![endif]--\u003e or \u0026ldquo;spaces of deficit\u0026rdquo; [55] continue to frame these communities as sites of failure, inferiority, violence, and epidemics, which is embodied in the still widely used term \u0026lsquo;favelado\u0026rsquo;. Coming from a favela\u0026mdash;and being a \u0026lsquo;favelado\u0026rsquo;\u0026mdash;is accordingly already a stigma in itself [5]. However, these stigmas have become increasingly outdated, given the growing socioeconomic and racial/ethnic diversity of favela populations compared with earlier decades [5].\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSaid agreed that the colonial past continues to shape the perception of space and thus certain understandings of difference and (spatial) inequality. His concept of imagined geography is based on the assumption that power, knowledge, and geography are interrelated [56]. Imaginaries, speech, and discourse hence produce frames of meaning, which results in the emergence of a process of \u003cem\u003eothering\u003c/em\u003e referred to as orientalism, which differentiates European culture from the \u0026lsquo;other\u0026rsquo; oriental culture. In his words:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;The geographic boundaries accompany the social, ethnic, and cultural ones in expected ways. Yet often the sense in which someone feels himself to be not-foreign is based on a very unrigorous idea of what is \u0026ldquo;out there,\u0026rdquo; beyond one\u0026rsquo;s own territory.\u0026rdquo; \u0026nbsp;[56]\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAlthough Said\u0026rsquo;s original formulation focused on the global North\u0026ndash;South divide, particularly the relationship between Western powers and their colonial \u0026lsquo;others\u0026rsquo;, this paper contends that the idea of \u0026ldquo;imaginative geographies\u0026rdquo; can be productively applied to intra-national contexts. Specifically, it can help explain how socio-spatial boundaries within Brazil are discursively produced and politically consequential.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDespite the growing attention given to favelas, a notable gap remains in the political science and international relations literature: few studies analytically connect space, health, and inequality from a policy-oriented perspective. In particular, scholarship tends to overlook how favelas fit within broader welfare regimes in Brazil. While some researchers address the effects of \u0026ldquo;unsound leadership\u0026rdquo; during the Bolsonaro government or the development of Brazilian healthcare policies during the COVID-19 pandemic [57\u0026ndash;59], direct engagement with the policymaking processes that shape health outcomes in favelas remains largely absent. On the basis of a mixed-method approach, Ceolin and Ribas de Nascimento\u0026nbsp;demonstrate the interfaces between global health and social inequality in a marginalised urban settlement during a health crisis. Their study revealed how state responses to COVID-19 were marked by denialism and authoritarian tendencies, particularly in relation to marginalised urban areas. However, their analysis stops short of systematically linking these dynamics to the policymaking of the Bolsonaro government [45].\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTo fill this gap, scholars have increasingly drawn upon the concept of \u003cem\u003enecropolitics\u003c/em\u003e to explain the spatial distribution of vulnerability and abandonment during Bolsonaro\u0026rsquo;s administration. As da Silva et al. state:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;O que vemos hoje \u0026eacute; um Estado que adota a pol\u0026iacute;tica da morte, o uso ileg\u0026iacute;timo da for\u0026ccedil;a, o exterm\u0026iacute;nio, a pol\u0026iacute;tica do \u0026oacute;dio e do descaso para com a classe trabalhadora que vive na pobreza. Tudo isso pode ser visto, por exemplo, nas favelas e comunidades do Rio de Janeiro, nas periferias das grandes e m\u0026eacute;dias cidades brasileiras.\u0026rdquo;\u003ca href=\"#_ftn2\" name=\"_ftnref2\" title=\"\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e\u003csup\u003e6\u003c/sup\u003e \u003c!--[if supportFields]\u003e\u003cspan style='mso-element:field-begin'\u003e\u003c/span\u003eADDIN 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lang=EN-GB style='mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'\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}\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style='mso-element:field-separator'\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c![endif]--\u003e\u003cspan lang=\"EN-GB\"\u003e[60]\u003c/span\u003e\u003c!--[if supportFields]\u003e\u003cspan style='mso-element:field-end'\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c![endif]--\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis quote reflects a powerful critique of how Bolsonaro\u0026rsquo;s administration handled marginalised populations, particularly in urban peripheries. The authors depict a state that governs through exclusion, violence, and neglect that Mbembe describes as the exercise of sovereignty through the power to decide who may live and who must die [61]. However, even in these analyses, the spatial dimension of inequality, particularly the production of favelas as marginal spaces within the welfare regime, is often underexplored. Following this, whereas favelas have become increasingly visible in scholarly discussions on inequality, exclusion, and governance, there remains a critical need to integrate spatial determinants into the understanding of (health) inequalities. Doing so requires not only attending to the material deprivations faced by favela residents but also to the political processes and discursive formations that reproduce these urban spaces as \u0026lsquo;other\u0026rsquo; within the Brazilian nation-state.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"3. Methods","content":"\u003ch2\u003e3.1 Sampling and data collection approach\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eGiven the politically and socially charged nature of the research topic, data validity presents a significant challenge. This is particularly salient in the context of health disparities within favelas, where underreporting and gaps in official data are prevalent. In response to these limitations, the research applies methodological triangulation [62] by incorporating primary and secondary data from three distinct sources: expert interviews, official government documents and speeches, and peer-reviewed academic literature.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eExpert interviewees were selected based on three primary criteria. First, participants were required to have a minimum of five years of professional experience within Brazil\u0026rsquo;s public healthcare system SUS. Second, it was essential that they were actively engaged in public health work at the time of the interviews, particularly in marginalised communities, thereby ensuring direct experience with the practical manifestations of health inequality. Third, the study sought to ensure diversity of expertise by including experts from the medical, administrative, and educational sectors, as well as community activists. The interviews were conducted in Portuguese and English and lasted between 60 and 90 minutes.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTo increase the validity of the findings, expert testimony was triangulated with secondary sources that corroborated the observed trends in healthcare policy and inequality. A systematic literature review was conducted via five databases in the fields of medical sociology and public health: PubMed, SAGE Journals, Science Direct, \u003cem\u003eBiblioteca Virtual and Sa\u0026uacute;de\u003c/em\u003e, and the Scientific Electronic Library Online. This comprehensive search yielded 920 relevant publications, 25 of which were included in the final data sample (Figure 2).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAdditionally, document analysis was used to supplement the literature review, particularly in areas where peer-reviewed research was lacking. Given the volume of more than 10,000 legislative and executive documents published between 2019 and 2021, this study focused on a targeted subset of materials. These included official presidential speeches, recent government communications on health (so-called \u003cem\u003e\u0026uacute;ltimas not\u0026iacute;cias\u003c/em\u003e), legislative records from the Biblioteca do Senado, and policy proposals and decisions issued by the \u003cem\u003eConselho Nacional da Sa\u0026uacute;de\u003c/em\u003e. These documents were systematically synthesised and analysed via the same methodological procedures applied to the peer-reviewed literature.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003e3.2 Study design and period\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis study investigates healthcare policy inequalities in Brazilian favelas during the initial years of President Jair Bolsonaro\u0026rsquo;s administration. It employs a frame analysis based on the health policy triangle framework (HPTF) developed by Walt and Gilson (Figure 3) [63]. The HPTF serves as a valuable analytical tool, as it emphasises the role of actors and their interactions as primary drivers of policy outcomes: \u0026ldquo;Actors and their interacting choices [\u0026hellip;] are assumed to be the proximate causes of policy responses\u0026rdquo; [64]. The temporal scope of this research spans from Bolsonaro\u0026rsquo;s inauguration in January 2019 to the end of 2021 and includes an examination of his electoral manifesto from September and October 2018. This allows for a longitudinal assessment of the government\u0026apos;s influence on policy development prior to, during, and at the height of a major public health crisis.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe present policy analysis adopts a qualitative methodological approach, grounded in the understanding that health disparities arise from a complex interplay of social, political, economic, and environmental determinants. Within the HPTF, these factors are conceptualised as part of the policy context.\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003eA qualitative approach was deemed most suitable for this analysis, as it enables the exploration of nuanced and often intangible influences on health policy, including social norms, socioeconomic status, gender roles, ethnicity, and religion [65]. This methodological choice facilitates a deeper understanding of the structural and contextual conditions that shape both the design and outcomes of public health interventions. Consequently, it allows for a critical assessment of why certain health policies under the Bolsonaro administration proved effective in addressing health needs within favelas, whereas others may have contributed to the exacerbation of existing inequalities.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"4. Results","content":"\u003cp\u003eIn the interviews, the experts frequently referred to favela residents with terms such as \u0026ldquo;pobres\u0026rdquo; (poor) or \u0026ldquo;perif\u0026eacute;rica\u0026rdquo; (peripheral). This linguistic framing contributes to the stigmatisation of favela inhabitants, reinforcing social narratives that associate poverty with marginality. While this discourse may reflect existing socioeconomic realities\u0026mdash;given that favelas offer lower living costs for disadvantaged groups\u0026mdash;such terminology risks reducing residents to a monolithic and deficit-based identity. Empirical data underscore these socioeconomic conditions: the average monthly income of a favela resident is approximately 730 reals, which amounts to roughly three-quarters of the official minimum wage, and most residents are employed informally [66].\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eLayton emphasises that in welfare states, social stereotypes associated with poverty significantly shape public perceptions [67]. Poverty is often equated with moral and behavioural shortcomings such as a lack of hygiene and laziness and, in the case of favela residents, with violence and drug-related crime. Consequently, in public perception, favelas continue to be perceived as unsafe spaces, undesirable for individuals from middle- or high-level socioeconomic backgrounds [60]. On this matter, one expert highlighted how such associations affect public health delivery, noting that drug-related violence and the intensity of health needs in favelas deter healthcare professionals from working in these areas:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;\u0026Eacute; um problema de todos os m\u0026eacute;dicos t\u0026ecirc;m medo de freq\u0026uuml;entar favelas. Problema do tr\u0026aacute;fico aqui no Brasil \u0026eacute; um caso muito s\u0026eacute;rio. [\u0026hellip;] Ent\u0026atilde;o \u0026eacute; tudo mais complicado. Al\u0026eacute;m disso as demandas criadas pelas pessoas das favelas t\u0026ecirc;m, \u0026eacute; muito grave porque elas t\u0026ecirc;m um[a] [\u0026hellip;] dupla carga ou tripla carga de doen\u0026ccedil;as.\u0026rdquo;\u003ca href=\"#_ftn1\" name=\"_ftnref1\" title=\"\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e\u003csup\u003e7\u003c/sup\u003e (interviewee I)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMoreover, Agostini and de Castro argue that the use of public healthcare services (SUS) itself becomes a source of stigmatisation [68]. Even though approximately 70% use public health services at least irregularly, this usage is often perceived as a marker of socioeconomic disadvantage. This is associated with the assumption that those relying on the SUS are unable to afford private healthcare, which reinforces class-based discrimination. Although this theme did not emerge explicitly in all interviews, one participant observed that residents of favelas are frequently unaware of their constitutional right to health:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;[E]las [as pessoas] \u0026agrave;s vezes entendem o servi\u0026ccedil;o de sa\u0026uacute;de como sendo algo pra resolver os seus problemas, mas n\u0026atilde;o como algo pertencente ao seu direito.\u0026rdquo;\u003ca href=\"#_ftn2\" name=\"_ftnref2\" title=\"\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e\u003csup\u003e8\u003c/sup\u003e (interviewee III)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAs a result, structural inequalities in public healthcare may not be recognised by favela residents as unjust but rather may be normalised as part of everyday life. The data analysis further reveals that exclusion from public services is regularly compensated for by selective aid from collectives and individuals inside the favelas, such as families, community leaders, or NGOs (interviewees V and VI). In support of this finding, statistical data affirm that 89% of all favela residents have received some form of donation or emergency aid since the beginning of the pandemic, with over half of this assistance provided by individuals within the community, compared with merely one third provided by the government [69]. These intracommunity networks are primarily based on trust, which is often stronger among individuals who share similar socioeconomic statuses, community ties, and racial or ethnic identities. As Ortega and Orsini note, historically rooted stigmatisation and processes of social othering have reinforced these intragroup bonds, particularly in contexts where state institutions are perceived as absent or discriminatory [70].\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003e4.1 The influence of socioeconomic background on favelas\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAlthough employment status is widely recognised as a key variable in the development of health equity within welfare regimes, da Silva et al. contend that this correlation has been perverted under the Bolsonaro government by disproportionately prioritising economic factors in public policies, including those related to public health [60]. Consequently, marginalised populations such as favela residents have found themselves forced into a precarious situation in which they must choose between safeguarding their health and securing income (interviewee VIII). According to a survey conducted by Data Favela from 2020, 47% of favela residents were self-employed, and eight% held informal employment at the onset of the pandemic. Approximately three quarters (72%) had no personal savings at all [71]. This suggests a high dependency on regular income for survival, which, by extension, underscores the critical importance of a stable public health system to maintain health.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBetween 2017 and 2019, public health expenditures in Brazil did not exhibit significant variation. Nevertheless, owing to the spending cap introduced by Constitutional Amendment 95/2016 (PEC 95/2016), it is estimated that the SUS lost approximately 20 billion reals in 2020 alone [72]. Whereas the Bolsonaro government has raised the minimum wage by 4.7% [73], this policy fails to benefit the majority of \u0026ndash; informally employed \u0026ndash; favela residents who do not qualify for such welfare provisions. In this context, one expert noted that individuals from lower socioeconomic backgrounds in Brazil continue to be denied access to a living wage and thus to better healthcare due to the precariousness or informality of their labour status (interviewee IX).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFurthermore, a striking 96% of favela residents lack private health insurance and rely solely on services provided by the SUS, whereas 76% of the population living outside the favelas does [74]. The first year of the pandemic was marked by serious deficiencies in healthcare provision. The Bolsonaro government neither implemented policies designed to improve the safety net for informal workers or workers in the event of disability (interviewee VI) nor promoted the formalisation of employment in marginalised urban areas. Although the Bolsonaro government introduced more welfare-related measures than the preceding Temer administration did, scholars argue that these policies failed to effectively identify and meet the needs of all citizens during the pandemic, de Moura et al. summarise this inadequacy as follows:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;a pandemia escancara e amplifica as desigualdades existentes no Brasil e a necessidade de efetivar pol\u0026iacute;ticas universais de renda b\u0026aacute;sica.\u003csup\u003e9\u003c/sup\u003e\u003ca href=\"#_ftn3\" name=\"_ftnref3\" title=\"\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e \u003c!--[if supportFields]\u003e\u003cspan style='mso-element:field-begin'\u003e\u003c/span\u003eADDIN 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\u003cspan lang=EN-GB style='mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'\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}\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style='mso-element:field-separator'\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c![endif]--\u003e\u003cspan lang=\"EN-GB\"\u003e[75]\u003c/span\u003e\u003c!--[if supportFields]\u003e\u003cspan style='mso-element:field-end'\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c![endif]--\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eApproximately 70% of favela residents reported a decline in their income during the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic [71]. This reduction has resulted in food insecurity and the discontinuation of medication, either because drugs were not free of charge through SUS or were simply unaffordable (interviewee II and VIII). Specifically, the inability to maintain medical treatment has triggered a vicious cycle in which illnesses and loss of income exacerbate existing social and health inequalities (interviewee VI):\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;Sao pais e m\u0026atilde;es de familia perderam o emprego, perderam a renda e que n\u0026atilde;o conseguiram ter esse auxilio emergencial a\u0026iacute;. Ent\u0026atilde;o \u0026eacute; que adoecem. A\u0026iacute; piorou mais ainda. Porque com a doen\u0026ccedil;a eles n\u0026atilde;o conseguem comprar medicamento. Nem todo medicamento tem na rede [SUS].\u0026rdquo;\u003ca href=\"#_ftn4\" name=\"_ftnref4\" title=\"\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e\u003csup\u003e10\u003c/sup\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eNotably, the former Minister of Health, Luiz Henrique Mandetta, reportedly supported further research into medications for rare diseases and advocated for their provision through SUS (interviewee I), although no official documents have been found to corroborate this initiative. One expert, however, contests the view that Bolsonaro\u0026rsquo;s administration distorted health policy by subordinating it to economic concerns. Instead, he argued that \u0026ldquo;na favela o que importa \u0026eacute; renda\u0026rdquo;\u003ca href=\"#_ftn5\" name=\"_ftnref5\" title=\"\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e\u003csup\u003e11\u003c/sup\u003e (interviewee I), highlighting the imperative of survival. He further emphasised that spatial disparities in public health access are not unique to Bolsonaro\u0026rsquo;s tenure, noting that exclusionary dynamics were already evident under the government of the \u003cem\u003ePartido dos Trabalhadores\u003c/em\u003e (worker\u0026rsquo;s party), despite the adoption of programmes such as \u003cem\u003eBolsa Fam\u0026iacute;lia\u003c/em\u003e (interviewee I).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAnother key factor highlighted in the analysis is the intersection of health inequality and education. As one interviewee observed,\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;[I]f you have education, you have the tools to take care of your own health, to practice like basic health: washing your hands, taking showers, cleaning your house, washing food, and taking care of vegetables and health.\u0026rdquo; (interviewee IV)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn his presidential campaign and in his speech launching the \u003cem\u003enova previd\u0026ecirc;ncia\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003ereform, Bolsonaro declared that health and education were central to promoting equality in the Brazilian welfare state [76]. However, the government\u0026rsquo;s tangible impact on addressing the educational roots of health disparities remains ambiguous. Aside from distributing informational brochures, such as those on healthy eating during the pandemic and suspending sexual education, there have been no other targeted policies for favelas. In this vein, interviewees consistently identified governmental inaction as the defining feature of Bolsonaro\u0026rsquo;s public health strategy accompanied by \u0026ldquo;apr\u0026oacute;pria tentativa reiterada de ignorar a pandemia, de desqualificar a ciencia\u0026rdquo;\u003ca href=\"#_ftn6\" name=\"_ftnref6\" title=\"\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e\u003csup\u003e12\u003c/sup\u003e (VIII).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003e4.2 Slumification and spatial differences in favelas\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe phenomenon of slumification is markedly more prevalent in federal states housing megacities such as Rio de Janeiro and S\u0026atilde;o Paulo [77]. Against this backdrop, one expert emphasised the importance of tailoring public health policies to Brazil\u0026rsquo;s diverse spatial realities and corresponding epidemiological specificities:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;A\u0026iacute; sen\u0026atilde;o a gente vai voltar para um modelo como a gente tinha l\u0026aacute; nos anos sessenta e setenta. As pol\u0026iacute;ticas que independem das necessidades da popula\u0026ccedil;\u0026atilde;o [...]. E a\u0026iacute; a gente deixa de reconhecer [...] \u0026agrave;s popula\u0026ccedil;\u0026otilde;es mais marginalizadas.\u0026rdquo; (interviewee II)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eEmpirical findings indicate that nearly half of favela residents still do not have access to running water within their households, severely compromising personal hygiene and health [71]. This issue becomes particularly salient during a pandemic, when access to basic resources (water, food, medication) serves as a critical determinant of health equity in a welfare state [70]. Access to water has long been a subject of public policy debates, dating back to the 1990s. In July 2020, law n\u0026deg;14,026 was enacted, revising existing laws on basic sanitation. By 2033, 99% of the Brazilian population should have access to safe drinking water, and 90% should have access to adequate sewage facilities [78]. According to official data, there have been improvements in favelas in recent years, including in the geographical distribution of healthcare facilities. Currently, two-thirds of all favelas are situated within two kilometres of a hospital, and 29% are within a one-kilometre radius [77]. Despite these apparent advances, health inequalities between favelas and \u0026lsquo;other\u0026rsquo; urban spaces persist in the current Brazilian welfare state. Primary causes are considered inadequate monitoring of governmental measures as well as failure to address the actual root causes of health inequalities, such as class and racial/ethnic discrimination (interviewees II, VI, and IX) (see also Chapter 4.3). To illustrate the current situation, one expert recounted an incident in which the roof of a public health post in the favela Mar\u0026eacute; collapsed following heavy rainfall (interviewee IX):\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;Semana passada caiu o teto de uma das unidades de sa\u0026uacute;de com a chuva e at\u0026eacute; agora n\u0026atilde;o foi consertado. Eles n\u0026atilde;o t\u0026ecirc;m papel para a impress\u0026atilde;o de receita m\u0026eacute;dica. Falta atadura.\u0026rdquo;\u003ca href=\"#_ftn7\" name=\"_ftnref7\" title=\"\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e\u003csup\u003e13\u003c/sup\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;Another study reported that public health hospitals in poorer areas are commonly overcrowded or inactive due to a lack of professionals and resources (expert VII). These examples suggest that official statistics often fail to reflect the actual number of operational hospitals or the quality of services provided, thereby highlighting spatially grounded inequities in healthcare provision.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ePopulation density within favelas constitutes another spatial determinant with significant implications for health equity. With approximately half of the favela households comprising four or more individuals, enforcing effective household quarantine measures during outbreaks of infectious diseases has become extremely challenging [71]. Consequently, both infection rates and mortality rates tend to be substantially higher in these communities than in more affluent urban neighbourhoods [79]. In a study focused on Rio de Janeiro, Ortega and Orsini \u0026nbsp;reported that the COVID-19 mortality rate in the high-income neighbourhood Leblon was 2.4%, whereas it was approximately ten times higher in Mar\u0026eacute;, a favela [70].\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003e4.3 Inequality as an intersectional phenomenon in favelas\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eOne recurrent theme in both the systematic literature review and the interviews was the relevance of intersectionality in understanding health inequalities. Particularly within favela communities, there is a well-documented statistical correlation between \u003cstrong\u003erace/ethnicity, social class, income, and health outcomes\u003c/strong\u003e (interviewee VI; 71). The archetypal favela resident is Afro-Brazilian, belongs to a lower socioeconomic class, works informally or is self-employed, and relies on SUS. This demographic profile exemplifies the intersection of multiple deprivations within public health, namely, poverty, precarious employment and housing conditions, and racial/ethnic marginalisation. Official government statistics on the racial/ethnic diversity of favela residents are only available for select cities such as S\u0026atilde;o Paulo and Rio de Janeiro. These data reveal that Afro-Brazilians are more than twice as likely as White Brazilians to reside in favelas, despite the roughly equal proportions of \u003cem\u003ebrancos\u003c/em\u003e (whites) and \u003cem\u003epardos\u003c/em\u003e (mixed) in the overall population [80]. These spatial racialized inequalities are deeply rooted in Brazil\u0026rsquo;s colonial past and the historic development of favelas [81, 82]. Despite this, the Bolsonaro government did not implement any targeted public health policies for specific racial or ethnic groups residing in favelas. Nevertheless, two key findings emerged from the data analysis. First, Afro-Brazilian favela residents constitute one of the most vulnerable groups in Brazil in terms of health. Data imply that their prevalence of contracting COVID-19 is significantly higher than that of Afro-Brazilians in other urban areas or that of other races/ethnicities [83].\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSecond, associated with that is the notion of an undignified life, which is persistent in welfare states with high social stratification, as in the Brazilian case. Several peer-reviewed articles in this systematic review draw parallels between the absence of a comprehensive governmental public health strategy during the pandemic and necropolitics towards Afro-Brazilians [60, 70, 82, 84]. The findings suggest that the main aspects supporting the necropolitics argument are Bolsonaro\u0026apos;s relativisation of the virus\u0026rsquo;s danger, the growing commodification of public health since 2016, political inaction at the federal level, and the delegation of healthcare responsibilities to subnational governments \u003c!--[if supportFields]\u003e\u003cspan style='mso-element:field-begin'\u003e\u003c/span\u003eADDIN 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lang=PT-BR style='mso-ansi-language:PT-BR'\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}\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style='mso-element:field-separator'\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c![endif]--\u003e\u003cspan lang=\"PT-BR\"\u003e[69, 85]\u003c/span\u003e\u003c!--[if supportFields]\u003e\u003cspan style='mso-element:field-end'\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c![endif]--\u003e. This is affirmed in the interviews:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;\u0026Eacute; uma escolha [...] quem \u0026eacute; que deve ser cuidado, quem \u0026eacute; que deve ser deixado pra viver, quem \u0026eacute; que deve ser com a sa\u0026uacute;de, quem \u0026eacute; que n\u0026atilde;o precisa nem pensemos na sa\u0026uacute;de delas. Eu acho que vai bem nessa linha e [...] o governo Bolsonaro deixou isso expl\u0026iacute;cito.\u0026rdquo;\u003ca href=\"#_ftn8\" name=\"_ftnref8\" title=\"\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e\u003csup\u003e14\u003c/sup\u003e (interviewee II)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMoreover, Ortega and Orsini reported that favela residents have increasingly turned to social media, especially Twitter, to share and critique their experiences with necropolitics. Much of the criticism levelled against the Bolsonaro administration revolves around its \u003cstrong\u003einadequate isolation policies and the spread of disinformation\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003c!--[if supportFields]\u003e\u003cspan style='mso-element:field-begin'\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003cb\u003eADDIN CitaviPlaceholder{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}\u003c/b\u003e\u003cspan style='mso-element:field-separator'\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c![endif]--\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e[70]\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c!--[if supportFields]\u003e\u003cspan style='mso-element:field-end'\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c![endif]--\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFewer policy data are available on the correlation between gender and health inequalities. Expert interviews revealed, however, that sexual violence against women is more prevalent in economically disadvantaged areas (interviewee I: \u0026ldquo;existe uma predomin\u0026acirc;ncia de comunica\u0026ccedil;\u0026atilde;o violenta\u0026rdquo;\u003ca href=\"#_ftn9\" name=\"_ftnref9\" title=\"\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e\u003csup\u003e15\u003c/sup\u003e) and that \u003cstrong\u003epreventive gynaecological care through the SUS is often inadequate\u003c/strong\u003e (interviewee IV). During the Bolsonaro presidency, a small number of gender-specific health policies were enacted, although these constituted only minor amendments to pre-existing laws [86].\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003e4.4 The prevalence of diseases in favelas\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDiseases of poverty remain widespread across Brazil, particularly in regions where individuals experience limited or inadequate access to healthcare or live under low socioeconomic conditions. The most common diseases associated with poverty are Hansen\u0026rsquo;s disease (leprosy), tuberculosis, and vector-borne illnesses such as Zika and dengue fever [87]. In recent years, the Brazilian government has intensified its efforts to combat Hansen\u0026rsquo;s disease. According to Bolsonaro, 1.3 out of 10 Brazilians are infected with this disease. Infection rates are particularly elevated in favelas. Although free treatment is already available through SUS, the official government objective is to eradicate the disease entirely. However, \u003cstrong\u003eno new policies were introduced after 2019\u003c/strong\u003e to advance this goal [88]. In contrast, the response to \u003cstrong\u003etuberculosis\u003c/strong\u003e experienced more immediate developments during the COVID-19 pandemic. New public testing methods have been implemented to distinguish tuberculosis from COVID-19 cases, which is an important diagnostic distinction given the similarities in symptoms between the two diseases [89]. One expert explained that despite such policies, diseases of poverty remain a relevant variable for health inequalities in the Brazilian context. This persistence is attributed not only to \u003cstrong\u003eunsanitary and overcrowded conditions\u003c/strong\u003e within favelas but also to\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003cstrong\u003einsufficient vaccination campaigns\u003c/strong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e(interviewee III):\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;So, for me, there is not a question if SUS works or not. I think there are two questions: that is, an investment in SUS [in favelas] and the structural questions that SUS needs to be answered for it to work.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eEven though vaccines are free of charge through the SUS, not all public hospitals provide vaccination services, resulting in logistical burdens for favela residents, who must travel further to access medical care.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe analysis further revealed that COVID-19 has itself become a disease of poverty in the Brazilian context. Existing vulnerabilities in favela communities have intensified the pandemic\u0026rsquo;s impact. As noted by interviewee IX, pre-existing illnesses such as diarrhoeal disease have become more lethal because of the \u003cstrong\u003ereallocation of healthcare resources and hospital beds to COVID-19 patients\u003c/strong\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e,\u003c/strong\u003e thereby de-prioritising other urgent medical needs. Quental and Shymko likewise argue that\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;[v]ulnerability increases as the living bodies of marginalised individuals are typically more ex-posed to the spread of the virus.\u0026rdquo; [84]\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn other words, precarious living conditions and prior health inequalities in favelas significantly increase the impact of pandemics such as COVID-19. These findings underscore the necessity of targeted, selective public health interventions that address the specific needs of marginalised communities. However, rather than pursuing such targeted strategies, the Bolsonaro administration primarily opted to provide broad financial assistance during the pandemic.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003e4.5 \u0026nbsp;Impact evaluation of Bolsonaro\u0026rsquo;s policymaking on favelas\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe analysis could point to several selective welfare states and SUS-related policies that were nominally directed at marginalised populations during the COVID-19 pandemic. Carnut et al. deem these selective policies to be largely counterproductive. Rather than protecting vulnerable groups, they further exacerbated social stratification [81]. A key example of this was the national emergency aid scheme. While intended to provide economic relief, the assistance \u0026ndash; capped at 600 reals \u0026ndash; proved insufficient for informal workers and the self-employed to sustain their livelihoods (and of their families) and, simultaneously, afford efficient protection gear such as disinfectants and masks [70]. As a result, these individuals were often forced to continue working under precarious conditions, increasing their exposure to COVID-19.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis highlights how labour status, particularly informal employment, remains a persistent, geospatial determinant of inequality. One expert recounted such experiences in the favela Mar\u0026eacute; in Rio de Janeiro:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u0026ldquo;[M]uitas pessoas tem trabalho informal n\u0026atilde;o teriam a prote\u0026ccedil;\u0026atilde;o dos direitos trabalhistas durante esse per\u0026iacute;odo. Teriam que se expor na rua para manter a sua sobreviv\u0026ecirc;ncia.\u0026ldquo;\u003ca href=\"#_ftn10\" name=\"_ftnref10\" title=\"\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e\u003csup\u003e16\u003c/sup\u003e (interviewee VI).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBy the end of June 2020, two months after its adoption, 41 percent of the claimants in favelas had not yet received emergency aid [71]. Despite this development, official estimates suggest that emergency aid has prevented approximately 23% of the Brazilian population from falling into poverty [90]. The design of the aid also sparked political disagreement. While the Minister of Economy, Paulo Guedes, initially proposed a monthly payment of 200 reals, members of the National Congress advocated for the 600-real amount that was eventually implemented [91].\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn contrast to these shortcomings, healthcare provision in favelas improved significantly during the pandemic. For example, the number of primary attention teams in the \u003cem\u003eestrat\u0026eacute;gia sa\u0026uacute;de da fam\u0026iacute;lia\u003c/em\u003e (family health strategy) has more than doubled\u0026mdash;from 746 to 2,029, with corresponding funding increasing by approximately 50% (ordinance n\u0026deg; 2,488). These teams were tasked with conducting household screenings for influenza-like symptoms to prevent the spread of COVID-19 [92]. Additionally, the total number of registered physicians in Brazil has increased by 180,000 over the past decade [93]. However, this statistic is limited in two key respects: first, the long-term effects of the programme \u003cem\u003emais m\u0026eacute;dicos\u003c/em\u003e (more doctors) \u0026ndash; launched in 2013 \u0026ndash; are not yet fully known. Second, the data do not specify changes in the doctor-to-patient ratio within favela communities, limiting its applicability to spatial inequality assessments.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDespite these apparent improvements, experts have consistently evaluated the Bolsonaro government\u0026apos;s overall approach to public health as insufficient and, at times, harmful. The emotional intensity of some of the interview responses further underscored this conclusion. In one instance, an interviewee broke into tears when recounting experiences of health inequality in favelas:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;O pobre n\u0026atilde;o tem mais dinheiro para comprar. [...] Luva, m\u0026aacute;scaras para a popula\u0026ccedil;\u0026atilde;o que n\u0026atilde;o tem dinheiro. n\u0026atilde;o tem pra comer, entre comer e comprar \u0026aacute;lcool em gel. [\u0026hellip;] Eu hoje recebi uma not\u0026iacute;cia muito triste. O casal que tem sete filhos paup\u0026eacute;rrimos sem \u0026aacute;gua, sem energia, sem nada foram fazer comida usando \u0026aacute;lcool. Eles se queimaram todos. O casal pra fazer comida no fogo. N\u0026atilde;o tem g\u0026aacute;s. N\u0026atilde;o existe dinheiro. E hoje de manh\u0026atilde; o pai dessa fam\u0026iacute;lia faleceu porque foi queimado.\u0026rdquo;\u003ca href=\"#_ftn11\" name=\"_ftnref11\" title=\"\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e\u003csup\u003e17\u003c/sup\u003e (interviewee IV)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe same interviewee offered the following assessment of the government\u0026rsquo;s approach to COVID-19 in favelas:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;\u0026Eacute; um governo estritamente preconceituoso. N\u0026atilde;o se preocupa com a desigualdades, muito pelo contr\u0026aacute;rio. Ele (o Bolsonaro) faz de tudo pra acentuar ainda mais, e a gente v\u0026ecirc; cortes na sa\u0026uacute;de, na educa\u0026ccedil;\u0026atilde;o, na assist\u0026ecirc;ncia social, [...] no bolsa fam\u0026iacute;lia.\u0026rdquo;\u003ca href=\"#_ftn12\" name=\"_ftnref12\" title=\"\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e\u003csup\u003e18\u003c/sup\u003e (interviewee VI)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eOther experts expressed similar critical views, reinforcing the perception that the Bolsonaro administration\u0026rsquo;s handling of health inequalities, particularly in favelas, was marked by structural neglect, ideological bias, and inadequate policy design.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"5. Discussion","content":"\u003cp\u003eHealth inequalities remain a persistent and under-researched challenge within the Brazilian welfare state. Using the public health policymaking of the Bolsonaro government as a case study, this analysis examined the underlying causes of health inequalities and how they manifest in urban areas shaped by systemic social exclusion. Favelas were employed as a focal point for this investigation because of their distinct epidemiological patterns and the sociodemographic profile of their residents. An \u0026lsquo;average\u0026rsquo; favela resident can be characterised as Afro-Brazilian, belonging to a lower socioeconomic class, working in the informal sector or self-employed, and dependent on the SUS. Applying a geospatial lens to health inequality theories revealed the deep interconnections among space, health, exclusion, and inequality within the Brazilian welfare regime.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAlthough this study sought to move beyond purely socioeconomic interpretations of inequality, neoliberalism emerged as a pervasive influence within Bolsonaro\u0026rsquo;s policy framework. In the domain of public health, this was particularly evident in the growing commodification and privatisation of previously public services. These shifts have rendered essential health services increasingly inaccessible for many favela residents, who lack the financial means to participate in a more commercialised system. Experts highlighted this development as symptomatic of the broader dualism between private and public healthcare, which deepens existing inequalities. In doing so, the current Brazilian state has drawn significant parallels to the liberal welfare regime [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e32\u003c/span\u003e].\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSocioeconomic background has been identified as one of the central causes of health inequalities in Brazil. This is consistent with Bartley\u0026rsquo;s view that an individual\u0026rsquo;s income can significantly affect health [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e28\u003c/span\u003e]. The lack of income and absence of savings frequently force favela residents into impossible choices between maintaining their health and securing their livelihoods. The COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated this dilemma, transforming pre-existing vulnerabilities into entrenched structural inequalities. According to Navarro, the increasing number of infections and deaths during the pandemic reflects a perverse relationship between income and health, with the poorest regions experiencing the worst health outcomes [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e26\u003c/span\u003e].\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe Bolsonaro government took economic measures in response to the pandemic, notably through the distribution of emergency aid. However, this policy proved insufficient for many, with numerous claimants failing to receive support in a timely manner. Broadly, three categories of health-related policy measures under Bolsonaro\u0026rsquo;s administration could be identified: (1) basic crisis response (e.g., ESF teams or financial aid), (2) revision of existing legislation, and (3) adoption of new welfare policies, such as the \u003cem\u003enova previd\u0026ecirc;ncia\u003c/em\u003e. The third category, however, remained limited in scope and implementation.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSpatial disparities further compound health inequalities in favelas. Although official data suggest a relatively equitable distribution of hospitals, expert interviews revealed that such statistics are misleading, as they fail to capture disparities in quality, accessibility, and resource availability. A noteworthy step was the passage of the 2020 sanitation law, which, in principle, marked a positive move toward reducing spatial health inequalities. However, the practical effects of this law remain limited and uneven across the country.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe third major axis of analysis, intersectionality, revealed that health inequalities in Brazil cannot be explained solely through categorical variables such as race or income. As stated by Nazroo, it is the intersection of multiple deprivations that produces inequality [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR41\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e41\u003c/span\u003e]. The situation of Afro-Brazilian favela residents in particular illustrates the confluence of racial, spatial, and economic marginalisation. Nevertheless, the Bolsonaro administration failed to implement targeted health policies for racial or ethnic minorities. This omission has been interpreted through the lens of necropolitics, a concept that describes state-sanctioned disregard for the lives of marginalised populations. As discussed, some lives are implicitly deemed less worthy of protection, a condition that becomes most visible in the spatialized exclusion of favelas from national health strategies. A somewhat different situation emerged with respect to the diseases of poverty, where the Bolsonaro government undertook some specific interventions. These diseases have received more policy attention, while others, such as diarrhoeal diseases, continue to be neglected and in many cases have claimed more lives due to hospital overcrowding and the reallocation of resources in favour of COVID-19 patients.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn conclusion, the pandemic has amplified existing inequalities between favela residents and other urban populations. While the Bolsonaro government\u0026rsquo;s absence of effective and targeted health policies worsened conditions in historically neglected areas, it is also true that broader segments of the population suffered from inadequate federal coordination. Crucially, the burden of public health policymaking increasingly shifted to subnational actors, such as state and municipal governments, and to civil society organisations. This shift mirrors the dynamics of the 1990s Brazilian welfare state, marked by an ongoing tension between (neo)liberal retrenchment and the universalist ethos of SUS President Bolsonaro, which came to symbolise many of the discriminatory attitudes that favela residents confront daily. While trust in the SUS remains high, confidence in the federal government has significantly eroded. Future research could address the differences in health policies between the Bolsonaro government and other \u0026ndash; more social \u0026ndash; governments, such as the tenures of Lula, the former and the current Brazilian.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Abbreviations","content":"\u003cp\u003eHPTF Health Policy Triangle Framework\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSUS Sistema \u0026Uacute;nico de Sa\u0026uacute;de (Brazil\u0026rsquo;s public health system) \u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003ch2\u003eEthics approval and consent to participate\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe research complied with the ethical standards set forth in the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), which serves as the primary normative framework for research conducted at German universities. All participants provided written, informed consent. Additional ethical approval was not needed, as per the guidelines of the TUD Dresden University of Technology\u0026rsquo;s ethics board, which mandates approval only for studies involving medical research on human beings or animals.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eConsent for publication\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eNot applicable.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eAvailability of data and materials\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe datasets used and/or analysed during the current study are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eCompeting Interests\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe author declares that they have no competing interests.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eFunding\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eNo financial advisor.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eAuthors\u0026rsquo; contributions\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eNot applicable (single author).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eAcknowledgements\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eNot applicable.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\n\u003cli\u003ePereira M. 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Socius. 2023;9:23780231221137139. doi:10.1177/23780231221137139.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eKatz N. The impact of geospatial socioeconomic inequalities: Exploring health inequalities in Rio de Janeiro. Global Encounters: New Visions Journal. 2022:31\u0026ndash;8.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eda Silva MR, de Lorenzi Pires G, Santos Pereira R. O necroliberalismo, bolsonaro \u0026apos;v\u0026iacute;rus mental\u0026apos; e a pandemia da COVID-19 como casos de sa\u0026uacute;de p\u0026uacute;blica: o real resiste? Motriv. 2020;32:1\u0026ndash;18. doi:10.5007/2175-8042.2020e72755.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eMbembe A. Necropolitics. Durham, London: Duke University Press; 2019.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eDenzin NK. The research act: A theoretical introduction to sociological methods. New Brunswick: Aldine Transaction; 2009.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eWalt G, Gilson L. Reforming the health sector in developing countries: the central role of policy analysis. Health policy and planning. 1994;9:353\u0026ndash;70. doi:10.1093/heapol/9.4.353.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eScharpf FW. Institutions in Comparative Policy Research. Comparative Political Studies. 2000;33:762\u0026ndash;90. doi:10.1177/001041400003300604.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eMack N, Woodsong C. Qualitative research methods : a data collector\u0026apos;s field guide / Family Health International, Agency for International Development ; Natasha Mack, originator and inspiration Cynthia Woodsong [and others]. North Carolina: FLI USAID; 2005.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eBarrocal A. Sociedade: \u0026ldquo;Se tem um lugar no Brasil onde o Estado m\u0026iacute;nimo existe, \u0026eacute; a favela\u0026rdquo;. Carta Capital. 19.04.2020.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eLayton ML. Welfare Stereotypes and Conditional Cash Transfer Programmes: Evidence from Brazil\u0026rsquo;s Bolsa Fam\u0026iacute;lia. Journal of Politics in Latin America. 2020;12:53\u0026ndash;76. doi:10.1177/1866802X20914429.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eAgostini R, de Castro AM. O que pode o Sistema \u0026Uacute;nico de Sa\u0026uacute;de em tempos de necropol\u0026iacute;tica neoliberal? Sa\u0026uacute;de debate. 2019;43:175\u0026ndash;88. doi:10.1590/0103-11042019S813.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eAg\u0026ecirc;ncia Brasil. Pesquisa mostra que solidariedade \u0026eacute; maior entre moradores de favelas brasileiras. A Tribuna. 26.06.2020.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eOrtega F, Orsini M. Governing COVID-19 without government in Brazil: Ignorance, neoliberal authoritarianism, and the collapse of public health leadership. Global Public Health. 2020;15:1257\u0026ndash;77. doi:10.1080/17441692.2020.1795223.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eData Favela. PANDEMIA NA FAVELA: A REALIDADE DE 14 MILHOES DE FAVELADO NO COMBATE AO NOVO CORONAV\u0026Iacute;RUS. Rio de Janeiro; 2021.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eConselho Nacional de Sa\u0026uacute;de. Sa\u0026uacute;de perdeu R$ 20 bilh\u0026otilde;es em 2019 por causa da EC 95/2016: Not\u0026iacute;cias. 28.02.2020. https://www.gov.br/conselho-nacional-de-saude/pt-br/assuntos/noticias/2020/fevereiro/saude-perdeu-r-20-bilhoes-em-2019-por-causa-da-ec-95-2016. Accessed 21 Jul 2025.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eAg\u0026ecirc;ncia C\u0026acirc;mara de Not\u0026iacute;cias. Publicada medida provis\u0026oacute;ria que eleva sal\u0026aacute;rio m\u0026iacute;nimo para R$ 1.045 em 2020: Not\u0026iacute;cias. 31.01.2020. https://www.camara.leg.br/noticias/633181-publicada-medida-provisoria-que-eleva-salario-minimo-para-r-1-045-em-2020/. Accessed 21 Jul 2025.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eGandra A. Ag\u0026ecirc;ncia Brasil. Ag\u0026ecirc;ncia Brasil. 26.06.2020.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003ede Moura Ariza Alpino T, Bocca Santos CR, Cavalcante de Barros D, Machado de Freitas C. COVID-19 e (in)seguran\u0026ccedil;a alimentar e nutricional: a\u0026ccedil;\u0026otilde;es do Governo Federal brasileiro na pandemia frente aos desmontes or\u0026ccedil;ament\u0026aacute;rios e institucionais. [COVID-19 and food and nutritional (in)security: action by the Brazilian Federal Government during the pandemic, with budget cuts and institutional dismantlement]. Cad. Sa\u0026uacute;de P\u0026uacute;blica. 2020;36:e00161320. doi:10.1590/0102-311X00161320.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eBBC News Brasil. Bolsonaro presidente: As propostas com as quais Jair Bolsonaro se elegeu presidente do Brasil. 28.10.2018.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eInstituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estat\u0026iacute;stica. Aglomerados Subnormais 2019: Classifica\u0026ccedil;\u0026atilde;o preliminar e informa\u0026ccedil;\u0026otilde;es de sa\u0026uacute;de para o enfrentamento \u0026agrave; COVID-19. Rio de Janeiro; 18.05.2020.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003ePresid\u0026ecirc;ncia da Rep\u0026uacute;blica. Presidente Bolsonaro sanciona novo Marco Legal do Saneamento B\u0026aacute;sico. 15.07.2020. https://www.gov.br/planalto%29%3A/pt-br/acompanhe-o-planalto/noticias/2020/07/presidente-bolsonaro-sanciona-novo-marco-legal-do-saneamento-basico. Accessed 21 Jul 2025.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eVivario. SOS Favela: PESQUISA SOBRE O COVID-19 NAS FAVELAS E PERIFERIAS DO ESTADO DO RIO DE JANEIRO. Rio de Janeiro; 2020.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eInstituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estat\u0026iacute;stica. Desigualdades Sociais por Cor ou Ra\u0026ccedil;a no Brasil: 2\u0026ordf; edi\u0026ccedil;\u0026atilde;o. Rio de Janeiro; 2022.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eCarnut L, Mendes \u0026Aacute;, Guerra L. Coronavirus, Capitalism in Crisis and the Perversity of Public Health in Bolsonaro\u0026apos;s Brazil. International journal of health services : planning, administration, evaluation. 2021;51:18\u0026ndash;30. doi:10.1177/0020731420965137.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003ePereira Alves M, Dos Santos, Joilda, Nery S, Figueira K. Popula\u0026ccedil;\u0026atilde;o negra e Covid-19: reflex\u0026otilde;es sobre racismo e sa\u0026uacute;de. Estudos Avan\u0026ccedil;ados. 2020;34:2020.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eFunda\u0026ccedil;\u0026atilde;o Oswaldo Cruz. Boletim socioepidemiol\u0026oacute;gico da Covid-19 nas Favelas. Rio de Janeiro; 2020.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eQuental C, Shymko Y. What life in favelas can teach us about the COVID-19 pandemic and beyond: Lessons from Dona Josefa. Gender, work, and organization. 2021;28:768\u0026ndash;82. doi:10.1111/gwao.12557.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eLima T. Doze Evid\u0026ecirc;ncias da Necropol\u0026iacute;tica Frente \u0026agrave; Covid-19 nas Favelas #OQueDizemAsRedes. RioOnWatch. 12.05.2020.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003ePresid\u0026ecirc;ncia da Rep\u0026uacute;blica. Governo Bolsonaro j\u0026aacute; sancionou 14 novas leis que ampliam a prote\u0026ccedil;\u0026atilde;o da mulher. 06.04.2020. https://www.gov.br/casacivil/pt-br/assuntos/noticias/2020/abril/governo-bolsonaro-ja-sancionou-14-novas-leis-que-ampliam-a-protecao-da-mulher. Accessed 21 Jul 2025.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eParedes de Souza H, Ten\u0026oacute;rio Gon\u0026ccedil;alves Holanda de Oliveira W, Pereira Caldas dos Santos J, Toledo JP, Silva Ferreira IP, Guedes de Sousa Esashika SN, et al. Doen\u0026ccedil;as infecciosas e parasit\u0026aacute;rias no Brasil de 2010 a 2017: aspectos para vigil\u0026acirc;ncia em sa\u0026uacute;de. [Infectious and parasitic diseases in Brazil, 2010 to 2017: considerations for surveillanceEnfermedades infecciosas y parasitarias en Brasil de 2010 a 2017: aspectos para la vigilancia sanitaria]. Rev Panam Salud Publica. 2020;44:e10. doi:10.26633/rpsp.2020.10.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eVilela PR. Em live, Bolsonaro defende combate \u0026agrave; hansen\u0026iacute;ase no Brasil. Ag\u0026ecirc;ncia Brasil. 08.07.2019.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003ePresid\u0026ecirc;ncia da Rep\u0026uacute;blica. SUS passa a oferecer novo teste de detec\u0026ccedil;\u0026atilde;o da tuberculose. 19.11.2020. https://www.gov.br/casacivil/pt-br/assuntos/noticias/2020/novembro/sus-passa-a-oferecer-novo-teste-de-deteccao-da-tuberculose. Accessed 21 Jul 2025.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eNitahara A. Aux\u0026iacute;lio emergencial reduziu a pobreza em 23%. Ag\u0026ecirc;ncia Brasil. 09.10.2020.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eSenado Federal. Senadores condenam inten\u0026ccedil;\u0026atilde;o do governo de reduzir aux\u0026iacute;lio emergencial. 22.05.2020. https://www12.senado.leg.br/noticias/materias/2020/05/22/senadores-condenam-intencao-do-governo-de-reduzir-auxilio-emergencial. Accessed 21 Jul 2025.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eMinist\u0026eacute;rio da Sa\u0026uacute;de. Minist\u0026eacute;rio da Sa\u0026uacute;de aumenta recursos para fortalecer atendimento em comunidades e favelas. 24.09.2020. https://www.gov.br/saude/pt-br/assuntos/noticias/2020/setembro/ministerio-da-saude-aumenta-recursos-para-fortalecer-atendimento-em-comunidades-e-favelas. Accessed 21 Jul 2025.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eAg\u0026ecirc;ncia Brasil. N\u0026uacute;mero de m\u0026eacute;dicos cresce no pa\u0026iacute;s, mas distribui\u0026ccedil;\u0026atilde;o \u0026eacute; desigual. 09.12.2020. https://noticias.uol.com.br/ultimas-noticias/agencia-brasil/2020/12/08/numero-de-medicos-cresce-no-brasil-mas-distribuicao-e-desigual.htm. Accessed 21 Jul 2025.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"},{"header":"Footnotes","content":"\u003col\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eInstitute of Political Science, Faculty of Philosophy, TUD Dresden University of Technology, Germany \u0026ndash; email: [email protected]\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eSchool of Law, University of Warwick, UK\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e Translation: \u0026ldquo;Bolsonaro is a danger to public health.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e Translation: \u0026ldquo;Health is the right of all and the duty of the State, guaranteed through social and economic policies aimed at reducing the risk of disease and other health problems and at providing universal and equal access to initiatives and services for its promotion, protection and recuperation.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e Translation: \u0026ldquo;dialectic relationship between inequality and difference\u0026rdquo;\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e Translation: \u0026quot;What we see today is a state that adopts the policy of death, the illegitimate use of force, extermination, the policy of hatred and disregard for the working class living in poverty. All of this can be seen, for example, in the favelas and communities of Rio de Janeiro, on the outskirts of Brazil\u0026apos;s large and medium-sized cities.\u0026quot;\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e Translation: \u0026ldquo;It is a problem that all doctors are afraid to go to the favelas. The problem of drug trafficking here in Brazil is very serious. [...] So everything is more complicated. In addition, the demands created by the people in the favelas are very serious because they have a double or triple burden of disease.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e Translation: \u0026ldquo;They [the people] sometimes understand health services as something to solve their problems, but not as something that is part of their rights.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e Translation: \u0026ldquo;the pandemic highlights and amplifies the inequalities that exist in Brazil and the need to implement universal basic income policies.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e Translation: \u0026ldquo;Fathers and mothers lost their jobs, lost their income, and were unable to get emergency aid. So they got sick. Then, things got even worse. Because with their illness, they could not afford medicine. Not all medicines are available in the [SUS] network.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e Translation: \u0026ldquo;in the favela what matters is income\u0026rdquo;\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e Translation: \u0026ldquo;the repeated attempt to ignore the pandemic, to discredit science\u0026rdquo;\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e Translation: \u0026ldquo;Last week, the roof of one of the health units [from SUS] collapsed due to rain and has not yet been repaired. They do not have paper to print prescriptions. There is a shortage of bandages.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e Translation: \u0026ldquo;It is a choice [...] who should be taken care of, who should be left to live, who should be taken care of, who does not even need to think about their health. I think it is along those lines and [...] the Bolsonaro government has made that explicit.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e Translation: \u0026ldquo;There is a predominance of violent communication.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e Translation: \u0026ldquo;[M]any people working informally would not have the protection of labour rights during this period. They would have to expose themselves on the street in order to survive.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e Translation: \u0026ldquo;The poor no longer have money to buy things. [...] Gloves, masks for people who have no money. They have nothing to eat, and must choose between eating and buying hand sanitiser. [\u0026hellip;] Today, I received some very sad news. A couple with seven children, who are extremely poor and have no water, no electricity, nothing, were cooking using alcohol. They all got burned. The couple cooked food on the fire. They have no gas. They have no money. In addition, this morning, the father of this family died because he was burned.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e Translation: \u0026ldquo;It is a strictly prejudiced government. It does not care about inequality, quite the opposite. He (Bolsonaro) does everything he can to accentuate it even more, and we see cuts in health, education, social assistance, [...] the bolsa fam\u0026iacute;lia.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":true,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"medical sociology, health policy, public health, health inequality, spatial inequality, spatial demography","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7299408/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-7299408/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eIntroduction:\u003c/strong\u003e During the COVID-19 pandemic, Brazil’s favelas have become emblematic of longstanding systemic failures, chronic underfunding, and mismanagement within the country’s public health infrastructure. These informal urban settlements have been particularly vulnerable to the compounded effects of external effects. This paper examines the resilience of Brazil’s public health system, the \u003cem\u003eSistema Único de Saúde\u003c/em\u003e(SUS), in the face of the pandemic, with a specific focus on how the Bolsonaro administration's policy responses have influenced health inequalities in favelas. It hereby interrogates the socio-political and spatial dynamics that render these communities disproportionately affected during health crises.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eMethods:\u003c/strong\u003e Drawing on inequality theory and the concept of imagined geographies, this study conceptualises favelas as socio-spatial determinants of health that have been systematically disregarded in national health policymaking. It hereby employs Walt and Gibson’s (1994) health policy triangle framework to analyse qualitative data derived from semi-structured interviews with public health professionals (including activists, physicians, and scholars), as well as a systematic review of literature from five public health and medical sociology databases. This framework enables a critical examination of actor networks, power dynamics, ideological orientations, and policy developments during the early phase of the pandemic (2020--2021).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eResults:\u003c/strong\u003e The findingsreveal that access to public health services in favelas, such as hospital care and vaccinations,was already substandard relative to other urban areas prior to Bolsonaro’s presidency. However, the pandemic further exacerbated these inequalities, increasing their focus onpublic discourse. The resulting policy contestation was marked by polarisation between proponents of stringent public health measures and COVID-19 denialists, with Bolsonaro as a central figure. While health disparities intensified during his tenure, evidence suggests that these outcomes cannot be attributed solely to his administration’s policies. Rather, the analysis indicates a continuity with previous decades, highlighting a broader tension between two paradigms within Brazilian health policy: the (neo)liberal minimum state and the universality claim of SUS.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eConclusions:\u003c/strong\u003e Thisresearch provides essential insights into the management of a health crisis in marginalised urban spaces in the example of Brazilian favelas. It highlights how space is an important determinant of health that is undermined in policy-making.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"Inequalities in marginalised urban areas – An analysis of Bolsonaro’s COVID-19 politics in Brazilian favelas","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2025-08-25 13:39:54","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7299408/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"05848a2a-20b2-4b68-8ce2-b61301849914","owner":[],"postedDate":"August 25th, 2025","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"posted","subjectAreas":[],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2026-01-10T10:09:17+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2025-08-25 13:39:54","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-7299408","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-7299408","identity":"rs-7299408","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"8U1c8b4HqxoKbykW_rLl7","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}