Survival Urbanism in the Neoliberal City: Coping with Urban Marginality among Homeless Adults in Dar es Salaam

Survival Urbanism in the Neoliberal City: Coping with Urban Marginality among Homeless Adults in Dar es Salaam | Research Square window.SnipcartSettings = { analytics: { enabled: false } }; (function() { var accessVector = localStorage.getItem('access_vector') || ''; window.dataLayer = window.dataLayer || []; if (accessVector) { window.dataLayer.push({ user: { profile: { profileInfo: { snid: accessVector } } } }); } })(); (function(w,d,s,l,i){w[l]=w[l]||[];w[l].push({'gtm.start':new Date().getTime(),event:'gtm.js'});var f=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],j=d.createElement(s),dl=l!='dataLayer'?'&l='+l:'';j.async=true;j.src='https://www.googletagmanager.com/gtm.js?id='+i+dl;f.parentNode.insertBefore(j,f);})(window,document,'script','dataLayer','GTM-K279D39R'); Browse Preprints In Review Journals COVID-19 Preprints AJE Video Bytes Research Tools Research Promotion AJE Professional Editing AJE Rubriq About Preprint Platform In Review Editorial Policies Our Team Advisory Board Help Center Sign In Submit a Preprint Cite Share Download PDF Research Article Survival Urbanism in the Neoliberal City: Coping with Urban Marginality among Homeless Adults in Dar es Salaam Danstan Mukono, Joventius Jovin This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-9357794/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract Rapid urbanisation across the Global South has deepened spatial inequality, producing growing populations of urban residents who survive outside formal socioeconomic systems. While homelessness is often framed as an individual social problem, critical urban scholarship increasingly situates it within broader political–economic transformations that shape contemporary cities. This article examines homelessness and everyday survival strategies in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, through the lens of urban political ecology and critical urban lens as “survival urbanism”. Drawing on qualitative fieldwork involving in-depth interviews, focus group discussions, and key informant interviews conducted in the commercial city of Dar es Salaam, this study analyses how structural forces such as neoliberal urban governance, labour precarity, and uneven development produce conditions that push individuals into homelessness while simultaneously shaping their strategies to navigate their everyday lives. The analysis demonstrates that homelessness is not simply a condition of shelter deprivation but rather a manifestation of broader processes of urban dispossession and marginalisation. The participants’ experiences reveal complex survival strategies, including informal labour, social networks, and spatial negotiation within the city’s public and semipublic spaces. These practices illustrate what can be understood as “insurgent urban survival,” in which marginalised residents continually negotiate their right to remain within the city. Situating these findings within wider debates on urban informality, precarity, and the right to the city, the article contributes to urban political ecology by highlighting how struggles over shelter, livelihood, and urban space intersect in the everyday lives of the urban poor. This paper argues that addressing homelessness requires moving beyond humanitarian responses toward structural transformations that confront the political economy of urban inequality in African cities. Survival urbanism homelessness inequality precarity marginality 1. Introduction Across the Global South, the rapid transformation of urban landscapes has produced profound social and spatial inequalities (Brenner, 2017 ; Kipfer, 2007 ). Cities have become central arenas of neoliberal economic growth, attracting capitalist investment in the production of infrastructure, real estate development, and commercial services (Su, 2023 ). However, these processes of spatial production also have intensified patterns of marginalisation, particularly for populations lacking access to stable employment, housing, or social protection (Swyngedouw, 2019 ). Among the most visible manifestations of these inequalities is the growing presence of homelessness in urban public spaces (Rose, 2017 ; Willse, 2010 ). Homelessness is often interpreted through narrow frameworks that focus either on individual vulnerabilities or on immediate economic hardship (Bullock et al., 2020 ). However, critical urban scholarship increasingly emphasises that homelessness must be understood within the broader context of the urban political economy (Batubara et al., 2022 ). Processes such as neoliberal restructuring, speculative real estate development, and the privatisation of urban services have fundamentally altered the ways in which cities distribute resources and opportunities (Brenner, n.d.; Hay & Harvey, 1997 )). These transformations frequently displace low-income populations while privileging forms of urban development oriented toward capital accumulation. The resurgence of these socially marginalised groups has been termed “urban outcasts” by Wacquant (2008). Dar es Salaam provides a compelling site for examining these social and spatial dynamics of adult homeless people as emerging urban outcasts. As Tanzania’s largest city and economic hub, Dar es Salaam has experienced rapid demographic growth and infrastructural expansion over the past several decades (Msuya et al., 2021 ). The city’s population has expanded dramatically as rural migrants and job seekers arrive in search of economic opportunities. Moreover, rising land values, housing shortages, and the commercialisation of urban services have made it increasingly difficult for low-income residents to secure stable housing (Haule & Kilonzo, 2025 ; Swai, 2024 ). The visible presence of homeless individuals in locations such as markets, transportation hubs, and sidewalks reflects the contradictions of this urban transformation. While cities continue to expand economically, many residents struggle to access basic resources such as housing, sanitation, and healthcare (Mukono, 2012 ; Pastore, 2015 ). These inequalities are not merely economic but also social and spatial, shaping who is able to inhabit and use particular parts of the city (Jabareen & Eizenberg, 2021 ). This article examines how homeless adults in Dar es Salaam navigate these challenges through everyday survival strategies viewed both as everyday lived and practiced, signifying what we refer to as survival urbanism emerging from the production of space and associated social inequalities in the Global South (Goonewardena et al., 2008 ). Rather than portraying homeless individuals solely as victims of structural inequality, the study highlights their capacity to creatively adapt to precarious conditions. Through practices such as informal labor, strategic use of public space, and peer-based support networks, homeless individuals actively reshape urban environments in ways that enable them to survive. The central argument advanced here is that homelessness represents both a product of neoliberal urban restructuring and a site of everyday spatial negotiation. By examining the coping strategies of homeless adults, this article contributes to broader debates within urban political ecology and critical urban studies about the politics of survival in unequal cities. This article approaches homelessness from a different perspective. Drawing on insights from urban political ecology and critical urban theory, it conceptualises homelessness as part of a broader process of urban dispossession produced through the interaction of economic restructuring, governance practices, and spatial inequality. Rather than treating homeless individuals solely as victims of structural forces, the paper also examines how they actively navigate urban space through diverse survival strategies. The article addresses three central questions: First, what structural processes contribute to homelessness in Dar es Salaam? Second, how do homeless individuals navigate everyday survival within the city? Finally, what do these experiences reveal about broader transformations in African urbanism? Through these questions, the paper contributes to ongoing debates about urban inequality, informality, and the right to the city. It argues that homelessness should be understood not merely as a housing issue but also as a manifestation of deeper socioeconomic transformations that shape contemporary cities. 1.1. Urban Homelessness and Informality in the Global South Urban scholars increasingly recognise that homelessness in the Global South cannot be understood through the same conceptual frameworks commonly applied in the Global North. In many Western contexts, homelessness is often defined narrowly as the absence of stable housing. However, in rapidly urbanising regions of Africa, Asia, and Latin America, housing precarity exists along a continuum that includes informal settlements, overcrowded rental arrangements, temporary shelters, and street-based living. The expansion of urban informality has been widely documented across the Global South. Roy (2009) argues that informality is not merely a marginal phenomenon but also a central organising principle of many urban economies. Informal practices shape access to land, housing, and employment, often functioning as survival mechanisms for populations excluded from formal economic systems. Similarly, Dovey & Recio, ( 2024 ) describes the proliferation of informal settlements across the Global South as a defining feature of contemporary urbanisation. As cities expand faster than formal housing markets can accommodate new residents, large segments of the population are forced to rely on informal housing arrangements or precarious livelihoods. In African cities, the growth of informality is closely linked to structural economic transformations. Economic liberalisation policies implemented during the late twentieth century often resulted in reductions in public employment and social welfare programs. As a result, many urban residents turned to informal economic activities as a means of survival (Lindell, 2010 ; Pieterse, 2014 ). These dynamics are particularly evident in Dar es Salaam, where informal employment accounts for a significant proportion of the urban labor force. Street vending, waste collection, transportation services, and other informal activities provide livelihoods for thousands of residents who lack access to formal employment. However, informality also exposes individuals to significant risks. Informal workers often lack legal protection, stable income, or access to social services. For homeless individuals, these challenges are compounded by the absence of stable shelter and the stigma associated with street life. 2. Urban political ecology of space production, dispossession, and survival urbanism This paper draws theoretical inspiration from urban political ecology and political economy scholarship. The theoretical strands for analysing the political ecology of urbanisation (PEU) offers a power framework that examine urbanisation processes as being configured through both human and nonhuman dynamics (Ernstson & Swyngedouw, 2018 ; Pietta & Tononi, 2021 ). These approaches advance the argument that urbanisation is a process that spreads beyond a city’s frontier into a nonurban space that is mobilised to sustain life (Anwar, 2012 ; Pope, 2022 ). The process of urbanisation is related and multiscale, embedding local process entanglement with global dynamics that shape landscape and planet across time and space. This framework provides a comprehensive and relational framework that enhances the unlocking of the interconnected economic, political, social and ecological processes of the social production of space that together form highly uneven and underlying unjust urban landscapes (Heynen et al., 2014 ). Attention should be given to the social production of the urban environment with the goal of championing democratic dialogues for socioenvironmental production that envision more equitable environmental justice (redistribution, recognition, and, procedural) with a more inclusive mode of environmental production (Branch et al., 2022 ; Swyngedouw, 2025 ). Approaching the problem from this critical lens calls for ‘right to the city’ in critical urban scholarship (Althorpe & Horak, 2023 ; Kaya, 2019 ). Therefore, to understand homelessness within contemporary cities, it is necessary to examine how urban space itself is produced and contested. Henri Lefebvre’s theory of the production of space provides a useful starting point for this analysis. Lefebvre (1991) argued that space is not simply a physical environment but a social product shaped by political and economic power relations. Urban spaces are continuously produced through interactions between planning institutions, economic actors, and everyday social practices. Within neoliberal cities, these spatial processes are increasingly shaped by market-oriented forms of governance (Brenner & Theodore, 2012 ). Urban development policies frequently prioritise private investment, commercial infrastructure, and real estate development. As Harvey (2005) argues, such processes often involve forms of “accumulation by dispossession,” whereby marginalised populations are displaced from valuable urban land to facilitate capital accumulation. Elsewhere, in African peripheral capitalist production, accumulation by dispossession has been extended as a disarticulated process of accumulation (see Shivji, 2017 ). These dynamics have been observed in cities across the Global South, where redevelopment projects and speculative land markets frequently lead to the displacement of low-income communities (Rolnik, 2019; Molina, Czischke and Rolnik, 2019 ). Such processes create what Yiftachel ( 2009 ) states as “gray spaces”—zones of partial legality where marginalised populations exist outside formal planning frameworks. Scholars in urban political ecology further emphasise that access to urban resources such as water, sanitation, housing, and infrastructure is shaped by political power and economic inequality (Heynen, Kaika and Swyngedouw 2006; Loftus 2012). The uneven distribution of these resources produces landscapes of privilege and marginality within cities. Homelessness can therefore be understood as an extreme manifestation of spatial exclusion. Individuals who lack access to formal housing markets are often forced to inhabit public spaces where their presence is frequently contested by authorities. However, these spaces are not simply sites of exclusion; they are also arenas of negotiation and survival. By occupying sidewalks, transportation hubs, and market spaces, homeless individuals assert a form of spatial presence that challenges dominant urban orders 3. Methodology This study employed a qualitative research case study design aimed at capturing the lived experiences of homeless adults in Dar es Salaam. Qualitative methods are particularly well suited for examining complex social phenomena such as homelessness because they allow researchers to explore participants’ perspectives and everyday practices in depth. Fieldwork was conducted in several urban locations where homeless individuals commonly congregate, including the Kariakoo market area, Buguruni, Kijazi Interchange, and Magufuli Bus Terminal. These sites were selected because they represent important nodes of urban mobility and economic activity. Data were generated through three primary methods. First, in-depth interviews were conducted. Sixteen homeless adults participated in semistructured interviews to explore their daily survival strategies, economic activities, and interactions with public institutions. Second, key informant interviews: Eight interviews were conducted with social workers, municipal officials, and community leaders. Third, participant observation: The researcher spent extended periods observing everyday activities in areas where homeless individuals lived and worked. The data were analysed using thematic analysis, focusing on patterns related to coping strategies and spatial practices. 4. Findings on copying strategies and special agencies This section examines the everyday practices of survival urbanism and forms of spatial agency developed by homeless adults in Dar es Salaam. On the basis of participants’ narratives, it explores how individuals navigate the material and social constraints of urban life through a range of adaptive practices. Rather than presenting homelessness solely as a condition of deprivation, the findings reveal how participants actively engage with the city’s economic, social, and spatial dynamics to sustain their livelihoods. These practices include participation in informal economic activities, strategic use of public space, reliance on social networks, and development of improvised systems of care and support. Taken together, they illustrate how survival is not merely a matter of endurance but involves continuous negotiation with the structures and opportunities embedded within the urban environment. In this sense, the findings foreground the ways in which marginalised urban residents exercise agency within the conditions of constraint, producing what can be understood as lived sociality and a geography of survival in the contemporary city in the Global South. In the following subsections, we provide an empirical analysis, interpretation and theoretical discussion of our findings. 4.1. Informal economic adaptation One of the most prominent coping strategies identified in this study involves participation in informal economic activities. The participants described engaging in a wide range of casual labor practices embedded within the everyday rhythms of the city. These activities included washing car mirrors during traffic congestion, carrying luggage for shoppers in busy market areas, collecting recyclable materials such as plastic bottles and scrap metal, and assisting passengers in boarding buses at transport terminals. Such forms of labour are opportunistic and spatially contingent, emerging within moments of congestion, mobility, and commercial exchange. As one participant explained, “When the traffic stops at the lights, we move quickly between the cars. You wipe the mirror and maybe someone gives you a few coins. Some days you get nothing, but you have to try because there is no other work” (IDI 09/Male/Homeless Adult/Kijazi Interchange/2026). Another participant described working around bus terminals, “At the bus stand, I help passengers carry bags or show them the right bus. Sometimes they give me 500 shillings, sometimes 1000. It depends on their mood. That is how I get money for food” (IDI 01/Male/Homeless Adult/Buguruni/2025). These accounts illustrate how marginalised individuals actively insert themselves into urban economic circuits despite their exclusion from formal employment structures. Rather than remaining passive victims of urban poverty, homeless individuals strategically identify and exploit microopportunities within the city’s informal economy. Similar patterns have been documented across cities in the Global South, where informal labour functions as a crucial survival mechanism for populations excluded from formal labour markets (Lindell 2010 ; Roy and Al Sayyad 2004). In this sense, informal work represents not only economic activity but also a form of urban adaptation shaped by the structural constraints of neoliberal urban economies. However, these livelihood strategies are characterised by extreme precarity and unpredictability. The participants consistently emphasised that income from informal activities is highly irregular and insufficient for long-term stability. Many reported earning between 500 and 2000 Tanzanian shillings on a typical day—an amount that rarely allows individuals to secure stable housing or reliable access to food. As one participant remarked, “If I am lucky, maybe I get two thousand shillings in a day. However, many days it is only five hundred. With that, you cannot rent a room. You just survive for that day” ( IDI 01/Male/Homeless Adult/Buguruni/2025). Another homeless participant from Ubungo reiterated that, “Cleaning mirrors and washing cars during traffic jams is not the job I need. It feels more like an act of charity than a sustainable way to earn a living, as it heavily depends on the goodwill of drivers. It’s something I find myself doing reluctantly just to survive. Despite spending hours each day washing cars, the money I collect is rarely enough to cover basic expenses, let alone rent a room or meet my other essential needs ( IDI 09/Male/Homeless Adult/Kijazi Interchange/2026). The precarious nature of these earnings reflects broader patterns of labour insecurity in rapidly urbanising economies, where informal employment dominates and social protection mechanisms remain limited. However, despite these constraints, informal economic participation provides homeless individuals with a limited but meaningful degree of autonomy. By positioning themselves strategically within high-traffic urban spaces—such as markets, bus terminals, and major road intersections—participants are able to access fleeting economic opportunities that would otherwise remain beyond their reach. As another participant explained, “You must know where people pass. If you stay near the market or the buses, there is always something small you can do” ( IDI 01/Male/Homeless Adult/Buguruni/2025 ). These practices highlight how survival in conditions of homelessness depends not only on access to economic opportunities but also on the ability to navigate and appropriate urban space. In this sense, informal labour becomes both an economic strategy and a spatial practice through which marginalised individuals assert a fragile presence within the city. 4.2. Strategic begging and urban redistribution When informal employment failed to generate sufficient income, many participants reported turning to begging as a complementary survival strategy. Although begging is frequently stigmatised as a sign of dependency or social failure, participants’ accounts suggest that it is often practised strategically and embedded within the everyday economic rhythms of the city. Rather than random acts of desperation, begging frequently involves careful spatial positioning and timing aimed at maximising the likelihood of receiving assistance. Individuals deliberately situate themselves in high-traffic areas such as markets, transport terminals, and busy road intersections where encounters with potential donors are more likely. As one participant explained, “If you stay where there are many people, like near the buses or the market, someone may help you. You cannot sit in a quiet place because nobody will see you” ( IDI 15/Male/Homeless Adult/Magufuli Bus Terminal/2026 ). Another participant described how certain times of day are particularly important: “In the morning when people are going to work, some will give you coins. Others ignore you, but a few will help. That is how we survive” ( IDI 09/Male/Homeless Adult/Kijazi Interchange/2026 ). These practices illustrate how begging operates as a form of informal economic participation rather than purely passive dependence. By positioning themselves within busy urban spaces, homeless individuals are able to access small portions of the wealth circulating within the city. These interactions are typically brief and modest in scale—often involving coins or small amounts of cash—but nonetheless constitute an important component of everyday survival. From this perspective, beginning can be interpreted as a form of ‘microlevel redistribution ’ within urban economies. In contexts where formal welfare systems are limited or absent, small acts of giving by passers-by function as informal mechanisms through which resources are redistributed from those with relatively greater means to those experiencing extreme poverty. Such practices often rely on widely shared social norms of compassion, charity, and moral obligation. These self-redistribution justices from below are vital for the everyday life of the precariat class in urban spaces (Binoy, 2014 ). To use Beresford et al.’s framing, these ‘spatial moral economies of reciprocity’ provide temporal relief, while homeless adults in Dar es Salaam suffer endless destitution (Beresford et al., 2023 ). Several participants explicitly referred to these moral expectations when they described their interactions with the public. One individual noted, “Some people feel pity when they see you like this. They give maybe 500 shillings (~ 0.19 U $ D by March 2026) so you can buy food. Not everyone helps, but some understand” (IDI 10/Male/Homeless Adult/Kijazi Interchange/2026 ) Another participant highlighted how religious values can influence acts of giving: “Sometimes people give because of their faith. They say helping the poor is a blessing. When someone gives you even a small coin, it helps you pass the day” ( IDI 09/Male/Homeless Adult/Kijazi Interchange/2026 ). At the same time, these encounters are often characterised by uncertainty and vulnerability. Participants reported frequent experiences of rejection, hostility, or indifference from passers-by. As one respondent remarked, “Many people just pass without looking at you. Others tell you to go away. You must accept that because you have no choice” (IDI 07/Male/Homeless Adult/Kijazi Interchange/2026). These dynamics reflect the ambivalent social position occupied by homeless individuals within the city. While acts of charity occasionally provide temporary relief, they also reinforce the precarious and marginalised status of those who depend on them. Begging therefore represents both a survival strategy and a visible manifestation of urban inequality, revealing the stark contrasts between wealth and poverty that characterise rapidly transforming cities. 4.3. Counterspaces of Solidarity Despite the severe hardships associated with homelessness, participants frequently described the presence of strong social networks among fellow homeless individuals. These networks function as critical sources of emotional support, practical assistance, and information sharing in contexts where formal welfare institutions are largely absent. Participants explained that relationships formed on the streets often involve sharing food, watching over personal belongings, alerting others to potential work opportunities, and assisting one another during periods of illness or crisis. As one participant explained, “When you stay on the street for a long time, the people around you become like family. If someone gets food, sometimes they share. If someone is sick, others help them find medicine or take them to a clinic” ( IDI 01/Male/Homeless Adult/Kijazi Interchange, 2026 ). Another participant described how these informal networks help individuals access economic opportunities: “If someone hears that there is work somewhere—maybe unloading a truck or cleaning at a shop—they tell the others. We depend on each other for that kind of information.” These practices reveal how homeless individuals collectively develop informal systems of cooperation that mitigate some of the vulnerabilities associated with life on the streets. In many cases, participants emphasised that such relationships are essential for survival in an environment characterised by uncertainty and insecurity. As one respondent reflected, “You cannot survive alone here. If you isolate yourself, life becomes very difficult. We stay together because we understand each other’s problems” ( IDI 06/Male/Homeless Adult/Kariakoo/2025 ). These forms of mutual support illustrate what Simone (2004) describes as the dynamic of “ people as infrastructure” in African cities. In contexts where state institutions and formal welfare systems provide limited support, social networks themselves become crucial infrastructures that sustain everyday life. Through cooperation, information exchange, and collective problem-solving, marginalised urban residents create alternative systems of support that compensate for institutional gaps. Moreover, these solidarities are not without tension. Participants acknowledged that relationships among homeless individuals can also involve conflict, competition over limited resources, and mistrust. Nonetheless, many emphasised that the shared experience of marginalisation often fosters a sense of collective identity and mutual understanding. As one participant noted, “We all know the struggle of living like this. That is why we try to help each other when we can” (IDI 10/Male/Homeless Adult/Kijazi Interchange/2026 ). Similar concern was echoed at Magufuli Bus Terminal as follows: “Most of the time we face the same problems/challenges on that note we help one another. This life without helping and cooperate makes it difficult to manage. There are days’ things are good and sometime are difficult with challenges we hold one another up” ( IDI 14/Male/Homeless adult/Magufuli Terminal 2026 ) Viewed through this lens, the social networks formed among homeless individuals can be understood as counterspaces of solidarity within the city —informal arenas in which marginalised residents collectively navigate exclusion while maintaining a fragile sense of belonging. These networks do not eliminate the structural conditions that produce homelessness, but they demonstrate how individuals creatively mobilise social relationships to endure life at the margins of the urban economy 4.4. Psychological Coping and Substance Use Life on the streets exposes individuals to persistent uncertainty, insecurity, and social exclusion, conditions that frequently generate profound psychological stress. The participants described experiencing feelings of loneliness, anxiety, and social stigma as they navigated everyday life in highly visible yet socially marginal positions within the city. The absence of stable shelter, limited access to employment, and frequent encounters with hostility or indifference from the public contribute to a sense of emotional exhaustion that many participants characterised as one of the most difficult aspects of homelessness. As one participant explained, “Living on the street is not just about hunger. Your mind is always worried. You don’t know where you will sleep or what will happen tomorrow” ( IDI 04/Female/Homeless Adult/Kariakoo/2025 ). Another participant reflected on the social stigma associated with homelessness: “People look at you like you are nothing. They pass by as if you don’t exist. Sometimes that hurts more than the hunger” ( IDI 07/Male/Homeless Adult/Kijazi Interchange/2026 ). In response to these pressures, individuals develop various coping mechanisms that help them endure the emotional strain of street life. For some participants, religious faith served as an important source of psychological resilience. Several individuals described attending nearby mosques or churches, praying regularly, or relying on spiritual beliefs to maintain hope in difficult circumstances. One participant noted, “When things are very hard, I go to the mosque and pray. It gives me strength to continue. Without faith, it would be easy to lose hope” ( IDI 12/Male/Homeless Adult/Magufuli Terminal/2026 ). Another participant in Ubungo narrated that: “……. There have been significant challenges, such as facing false accusations from the police related to armed robbery. Only God can save you from such situations. I remember when we were in the Ghetto ‘Maskani’, the police arrested us for armed robbery, and we spent eight months in prison. Thankfully, with God’s grace, we were released due to a lack of evidence to support a 30-year sentence” ( IDI 11/Male/Homeless Adult/Kijazi Interchange/2026) . However, other participants described turning to substances such as alcohol or marijuana as a way of coping with stress, fatigue, or emotional distress. These practices were often framed not simply as recreational behaviour but as a means of temporarily escaping the harsh realities of street life. As one respondent explained, “Sometimes you drink so that your mind can rest. When you are sober, you think too much about your problems” ( IDI 03/Male/Homeless Adult/Kariakoo/2025 ). Such practices reflect broader patterns of coping observed among marginalised urban populations, where substance use can function as a mechanism for managing psychological strain in contexts of chronic insecurity (Snow and Anderson 1993). While these strategies may provide short-term relief, participants also acknowledged that substance use can exacerbate existing vulnerabilities by affecting health, social relationships, and economic stability. These experiences highlight the psychological dimensions of homelessness, illustrating how urban marginality operates not only through material deprivation but also through emotional and social forms of exclusion. 4.6. Health and Hygiene Strategies Access to healthcare represents another significant challenge for homeless individuals in Dar es Salaam. Participants consistently reported difficulties obtaining medical treatment because of financial constraints, a lack of identification documents, and the absence of stable residential addresses often required for accessing formal health services. As a result, many rely on alternative strategies to manage illness and maintain basic hygiene. One common approach involves purchasing small quantities of medication directly from local pharmacies. Participants explained that when they fall ill, they often seek inexpensive drugs such as painkillers or antibiotics without formal prescriptions. As one participant noted, “If you get sick, you go to the pharmacy and ask for something cheap. You cannot go to the hospital because they will ask for money you do not have” ( IDI 05/Male/Homeless Adult/Kariakoo/2025 ). Equally, participant from Magufuli Bus Terminal noted that, “When I feel sick, I can usually tell if it is malaria, but I cannot afford medical treatment. Instead, I go directly to the pharmacy to buy medication that I take to manage my symptoms “( IDI 12/Male/Homeless Adult/Magufuli Terminal/2026 ) . Others described relying on assistance from charitable organisations, religious institutions, or sympathetic individuals who occasionally provide financial support for medical treatment. Informal social networks also play an important role in helping individuals access care during periods of illness. For example, fellow homeless individuals may contribute small amounts of money to help someone purchase medication or seek treatment. One participant explained, “When someone becomes very sick, we try to collect some money together so they can go to the clinic. It is not much, but at least they can see a doctor” ( IDI 09/Homeless Adult/Kijazi Interchange/2026 ). Maintaining personal hygiene presents additional challenges because of limited access to sanitation facilities. Participants reported bathing in public water points, beaches, or informal washing areas when possible. Others rely on temporary access to facilities in markets or transport terminals, often negotiating with attendants or security guards. As one participant described, “Sometimes we wash at the public taps early in the morning before many people come. You must go quickly because the guards may chase you away” (IDI 04/Female/Homeless Adult/Kariakoo/2025). These experiences reflect broader patterns of health inequality documented in studies of urban marginality. Scholars have shown that people living in conditions of poverty and spatial exclusion often face significant barriers to accessing healthcare and maintaining basic health standards (Farmer 2004; Marmot 2015). For homeless individuals, these barriers are intensified by the absence of stable housing, which complicates access to services designed around assumptions of fixed residence. Consequently, health management among homeless people frequently relies on improvised and informal strategies that allow individuals to navigate institutional gaps in urban healthcare systems. While such practices demonstrate resilience and adaptability, they also underscore the structural inequalities that shape access to health resources in rapidly growing cities. 5. Discussion: Spatial Agency and the Politics of Survival The coping strategies documented in this study demonstrate that homeless individuals actively engage with urban environments in ways that challenge dominant narratives, portraying them as passive victims of poverty. Through informal labor, the strategic occupation of public spaces, and the cultivation of social support networks, participants develop complex practices that enable them to survive within highly unequal urban landscapes. These practices reveal forms of agency that operate within severe structural constraints, illustrating how marginalised urban residents negotiate everyday life in cities shaped by deep socioeconomic inequalities. Participants’ experiences highlight how survival depends not only on access to resources but also on the ability to navigate and appropriate urban space. Activities such as washing car mirrors at traffic intersections, assisting passengers at transport terminals, or positioning oneself in high-traffic commercial areas are inherent spatial strategies. Individuals deliberately situate themselves within particular urban nodes where flows of people, goods, and capital intersect, thereby maximising opportunities for income generation or assistance. These spatial practices reflect what Henri Lefebvre conceptualised as the lived production of urban space, in which everyday practices reshape the meanings and uses of the city beyond the intentions of planners and state authorities (Lefebvre 1991). From this perspective, homelessness can be understood not simply as the absence of shelter but as a condition embedded within broader struggles over access to urban space. Contemporary urban development processes often prioritise investment, infrastructure expansion, and property markets, generating urban landscapes that increasingly favour capital accumulation over social inclusion (Harvey 2003; Brenner and Theodore 2002). Such dynamics frequently produce what David Harvey (2005) describes as “accumulation by dispossession,” in which vulnerable populations are displaced from urban resources and spaces that are essential for their survival. Within this context, the everyday strategies adopted by homeless individuals represent attempts to reclaim limited access to urban environments that would otherwise exclude them. Importantly, these practices also illustrate forms of ‘ spatial agency’ or ‘survival urbanism’ exercised by marginalised populations. Rather than being entirely excluded from urban economic systems, participants insert themselves into the informal circuits of labour and exchange that sustain much of the urban economy. Survival urbanism refers to the everyday practices through which marginalised populations create provisional systems of livelihood, shelter, and social support within cities that increasingly privilege capital accumulation over social welfare. These practices do not necessarily challenge urban power structures directly; however, they reveal the ways in which urban residents continually adapt to and negotiate the constraints imposed by neoliberal urban governance. Informal economic activities—ranging from casual service provision to recycling and street assistance—allow individuals to capture small portions of value circulating within the city. Similar patterns have been documented across the Global South, where informal economies constitute a central component of urban livelihoods for populations excluded from formal labour markets (Roy and AlSayyad 2004; Lindell 2010 ; Davis 2006). These practices also resonate with AbdouMaliq Simone’s concept of “ people as infrastructure , ” which emphasises how social networks and everyday interactions function as critical systems of support in contexts where formal institutions provide limited assistance (Simone 2004). The participants in this study repeatedly described relying on fellow homeless individuals for information, emotional support, and collective problem solving. Such relationships enable individuals to navigate the uncertainties of urban life and mitigate some of the vulnerabilities associated with extreme marginality. In this sense, social networks operate as alternative social infrastructures that sustain everyday survival in the absence of formal welfare systems. Moreover, the strategies identified in this study reveal the deeply precarious nature of urban survival under conditions of neoliberal restructuring. Informal labor, begging, and reliance on charitable assistance provide only minimal and unstable forms of income, rarely sufficient to secure stable housing or long-term economic security. These conditions reflect broader transformations in contemporary urban labour regimes, where precarious employment and informal work have become increasingly widespread (Standing 2011; Wacquant 2008). In rapidly urbanising regions, the expansion of precarious labour markets has contributed to the emergence of what some scholars describe as a new urban “precariat,” characterised by unstable livelihoods and limited access to social protection. The persistence of homelessness therefore reflects not only individual hardship but also the structural dynamics of contemporary urban capitalism. As cities become increasingly integrated into global economic networks, urban governance strategies frequently prioritise competitiveness, investment attraction, and infrastructural modernisation (Brenner 2014; Merrifield 2014). While such strategies may stimulate economic growth, they often exacerbate sociospatial inequalities by concentrating resources in particular areas while marginalising populations who cannot participate in formal economic systems. In this sense, homelessness represents a visible manifestation of uneven urban development, revealing the stark disparities produced by disarticulated market-driven urbanisation (Shivji, 2017 ). Nevertheless, the everyday practices documented in this study also demonstrate how marginalised populations continually negotiate their presence within the city. These practices can be interpreted as forms of ‘ everyday resistance’ , even when they do not take the form of organised political movements. Scholars of urban marginality have long emphasised that resistance often transpires through subtle and mundane acts that challenge dominant spatial orders without certainly antagonising them directly (Bayat, 1997 ; Scott, 1986 ). In the context of homelessness, activities such as occupying public spaces, creating informal support networks, or appropriating urban infrastructures for survival represent ways in which individuals proclaim a restricted right to stay within the city. Such practices echo strongly with current interpretations of the “ right to the city . ” For Lefebvre, the right to the city denotes not only access to urban resources but also the collective capacity to reshape urban life according to the needs and aspirations of its inhabitants (Bloch & Brasdefer, 2023 ; Elden, 2007 ; Goonewardena et al., 2008 ). Subsequent scholars have argued that struggles over housing, public space, and urban citizenship constitute key spaces in which this right is contested or what Hay and Harvey refer to as “geographies of differences” (Hay & Harvey, 1997 ; Lawhon et al., 2014 ). Following UPE scholarship, we argue that homeless individuals inhabit a predominantly precarious position within these struggles because their presence regularly challenges dominant visions of neoliberal urban order, development, and spatial production (Opanga, 2025 ; Rose, 2017 ). Urban authorities frequently respond to homelessness through strategies aimed at regulating or removing homeless populations from highly visible spaces such as commercial districts and transport hubs. Such practices reflect broader attempts to produce orderly and investment-friendly urban environments that align with neoliberal development agendas (Kotsila, 2017 ) (Smith 2008; Harvey 2012). However, the continued presence of homeless individuals in these spaces illustrates the limits of such strategies. Through everyday practices of adaptation and negotiation, marginalised residents continue to claim fragments of urban space that allow them to survive, as similarly observed in Nairobi informal settlements (Opanga, 2025 ). Importantly, these dynamics are not unique to Dar es Salaam. Similar patterns have been documented in cities across Africa, Asia, and Latin America, where rapid urbanisation has produced large populations living outside formal housing and labour systems (Myers 2011; Parnell and Pieterse 2014 ; Watson 2009). In these contexts, informal economic activities, social networks, and spatial improvisation constitute critical survival strategies for populations navigating precarious urban environments (Cornea et al., 2017 ; Opanga, 2025 ). Comparative research suggests that such practices should not be interpreted merely as temporary informality and coping mechanisms but rather as enduring features of contemporary urbanisation in the Global South (Finn, 2024 ). From an urban political ecology perspective, these findings highlight the importance of examining how struggles over resources, infrastructure, and space shape everyday life in cities. Urban environments are not neutral backdrops but are contested terrains in which access to resources such as housing, employment, sanitation, and healthcare is unevenly distributed (Heynen et al., 2014 ; Swyngedouw and Kaika, 2014 ). Homeless individuals occupy the most vulnerable positions within these systems and often lack secure access to the basic infrastructures that sustain urban life. However, even within these conditions of exclusion, participants demonstrate remarkable adaptability and creativity in constructing livelihoods and support networks. Their practices illustrate how marginalised populations actively engage with urban environments, transforming public spaces, informal economies, and social relationships into resources for survival. These forms of spatial agency complicate simplistic narratives of urban poverty by revealing the active role that individuals play in shaping their own survival within constrained circumstances. Ultimately, the experiences documented in this study underscore the deeply political nature of homelessness. Far from being merely a social welfare issue, homelessness reflects broader conflicts over the distribution of resources, opportunities, and rights within rapidly transforming cities (Goonewardena et al., 2008 ). Addressing homelessness therefore requires moving beyond short-term humanitarian responses toward structural interventions that confront the underlying inequalities embedded in contemporary neoliberal urban development by envisioning urban commons from below (Kanosvamhira et al., 2023 ). Recognising these dynamics shifts the analytical focus from homelessness as a static social condition to homelessness as a process embedded within the political economy of urbanisation. The expansion of precarious labour markets, rising urban land values, and limited social protection systems all contribute to the production of homelessness in rapidly growing cities. In this sense, homelessness represents a visible expression of the uneven geographies produced by neoliberal urban development (Brenner and Schmid, no date; Glassman, 2006; Brenner, 2017 ). Broadly, the findings contribute to debates on urban inequality and the political ecology of cities by illustrating how access to urban resources is mediated through complex interconnections between infrastructure, governance, and social networks. Homeless individuals experience acute forms of infrastructural exclusion and lack stable access to housing, sanitation, healthcare, and formal employment. However, they simultaneously produce creative tactics for navigating and partially overcoming these barriers. The resulting forms of survival are deeply relational and depend on relations with other urban residents, charitable institutions, and informal labour markets. 6. Conclusion This article has examined homelessness in Dar es Salaam through the lens of urban political ecology and critical urban approaches to understand how individuals experiencing extreme urban marginality navigate everyday survival. Drawing on qualitative fieldwork, the study demonstrates that homelessness in rapidly urbanising cities cannot be understood exclusively as a condition of housing deprivation. Instead, it materialises from the intersection of labor precarity, uneven urban development, and limited access to formal welfare institutions. Participants’ experiences reveal how the structural dynamics of neoliberal urban transformation such as rising living costs, insecure employment, and expanding informal economies, produce conditions in which increasing numbers of urban residents struggle to secure stable housing and livelihoods. In this context, homelessness becomes a visible expression of the uneven geographies produced by contemporary urbanisation. Moreover, the findings show that homeless individuals are not merely passive victims of structural exclusion. Through informal labour, strategic begging, social networks of solidarity, and improvised health and hygiene practices, participants actively engage with the urban environment to sustain everyday life. These practices illustrate forms of everyday “ spatial agency” , through which marginalised populations navigate and appropriate urban spaces that provide access to economic opportunities and social support. Markets, transport terminals, road intersections, and religious institutions emerge as critical nodes within an informal sociality and geography of survival, enabling individuals to insert themselves into the flows of people, goods, and resources circulating through the city. Building on these insights, the article advances the concept of survival urbanism to describe the everyday practices through which marginalised populations construct provisional systems of livelihood and care within cities that increasingly prioritise capital accumulation over social inclusion. Survival urbanism highlights how informal networks, microeconomic activities, and spatial improvisation function as alternative infrastructures that sustain life at the margins of the urban economy. These practices do not fundamentally transform the structural conditions that produce homelessness, but they reveal the ways in which individuals continually negotiate their presence within urban environments that often seek to exclude them. Recognising these dynamics contributes to broader debates in urban political ecology by demonstrating how struggles over space, resources, and infrastructure shape the lived realities of urban inequality. Eventually, the persistence of homelessness in cities such as Dar es Salaam underlines the need to address the structural drivers of urban marginality rather than relying only on humanitarian or charitable responses. Policies aimed at regulating public space or removing homeless populations from highly visible areas fail to address the underlying economic and spatial inequalities that produce homelessness in the first place. Meaningful responses necessitate investments in affordable housing, expanded access to social protection, and inclusive urban development strategies that recognise the rights of all urban residents to inhabit and participate in the city. Understanding homelessness as part of the broader political ecology and economy of urbanisation therefore shifts the focus from managing poverty to confronting the structural inequalities embedded within contemporary urban development. Declarations Statement of ethical approval: This study was conducted in accordance with established ethical guidelines for research involving human participants. Ethical approval was obtained from the University of Dar es Salaam's Research Review Board prior to data collection. A Statement on participant consent: All participants were informed about the purpose of the study, and their voluntary participation was secured through informed consent. Participants were assured of confidentiality and anonymity, and all identifying information has been removed from the data presented in this article. Author Contribution D.M drafted the manuscript, theoretical framing, data anlysis, and critical revision of the manuscripts J.J conducted the field work, data analysis provided feedback to earlier drafts. Data Availability The data are available upon request and with restricted access from authors. References Althorpe, C., & Horak, M. (2023). 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Also discoverable on Platform About Our Team In Review Editorial Policies Advisory Board Help Center Resources Author Services Accessibility API Access RSS feed Manage Cookie Preferences © Research Square 2026 | ISSN 2693-5015 (online) Privacy Policy Terms of Service Do Not Sell My Personal Information {"props":{"pageProps":{"initialData":{"identity":"rs-9357794","acceptedTermsAndConditions":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"archivedVersions":[],"articleType":"Research Article","associatedPublications":[],"authors":[{"id":619923461,"identity":"a172c8d3-3b42-469a-966a-32d08d60e500","order_by":0,"name":"Danstan Mukono","email":"data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAZAAAAAyAQMAAABI0h/eAAAABlBMVEX///8AAABVwtN+AAAACXBIWXMAAA7EAAAOxAGVKw4bAAABAUlEQVRIiWNgGAWjYFACNjDJ2ADh2TAwHCBBCwinwbVIEKvlMGEtujPSEh8XVDDI9s9uf/7g547ziX3nTycw/KhhqJNvwK7F7EbaYeMZZxiMZ9w5Y9jYe+Z24swbuRsYe44xSDDi1JLeJs3bxpDYcCOHsYG37Xbihhu8Gxh4GxgkmHE4DK5l/o30h41/284lbjh/dgPjX6AWNpxa0o6BtWy4kWDYzNt2IHHDgdwNzCBbeHBpOfMs2ZjnjITxxhs5hrNl25KNQX45LHNMQnIGLi3H0wwf81TYyM67kf7g49s2O9m+82c3PnxTY8OPK8SgAC0SDuCNyVEwCkbBKBgFBAEAg8hiM2URHr0AAAAASUVORK5CYII=","orcid":"","institution":"University of Dar es Salaam","correspondingAuthor":true,"prefix":"","firstName":"Danstan","middleName":"","lastName":"Mukono","suffix":""},{"id":619923462,"identity":"7dcc6a4c-6f28-4f57-86e5-4b01433cc99d","order_by":1,"name":"Joventius Jovin","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"University of Dar es Salaam","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Joventius","middleName":"","lastName":"Jovin","suffix":""}],"badges":[],"createdAt":"2026-04-08 13:42:05","currentVersionCode":1,"declarations":"","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-9357794/v1","doiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-9357794/v1","draftVersion":[],"editorialEvents":[],"editorialNote":"","failedWorkflow":false,"files":[{"id":106726834,"identity":"e170178e-ff38-414a-8427-65a5e29fae6a","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2026-04-12 18:37:24","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":640035,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-9357794/v1/ffe5bbc0-bad2-48f9-a426-30e9893a8af4.pdf"}],"financialInterests":"No competing interests reported.","formattedTitle":"Survival Urbanism in the Neoliberal City: Coping with Urban Marginality among Homeless Adults in Dar es Salaam","fulltext":[{"header":"1. Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003eAcross the Global South, the rapid transformation of urban landscapes has produced profound social and spatial inequalities (Brenner, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e; Kipfer, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR27\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2007\u003c/span\u003e). Cities have become central arenas of neoliberal economic growth, attracting capitalist investment in the production of infrastructure, real estate development, and commercial services (Su, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR42\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). However, these processes of spatial production also have intensified patterns of marginalisation, particularly for populations lacking access to stable employment, housing, or social protection (Swyngedouw, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR44\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). Among the most visible manifestations of these inequalities is the growing presence of homelessness in urban public spaces (Rose, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR39\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e; Willse, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR47\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eHomelessness is often interpreted through narrow frameworks that focus either on individual vulnerabilities or on immediate economic hardship (Bullock et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). However, critical urban scholarship increasingly emphasises that homelessness must be understood within the broader context of the urban political economy (Batubara et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR3\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). Processes such as neoliberal restructuring, speculative real estate development, and the privatisation of urban services have fundamentally altered the ways in which cities distribute resources and opportunities (Brenner, n.d.; Hay \u0026amp; Harvey, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1997\u003c/span\u003e)). These transformations frequently displace low-income populations while privileging forms of urban development oriented toward capital accumulation. The resurgence of these socially marginalised groups has been termed \u0026ldquo;urban outcasts\u0026rdquo; by Wacquant (2008).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDar es Salaam provides a compelling site for examining these social and spatial dynamics of adult homeless people as emerging urban outcasts. As Tanzania\u0026rsquo;s largest city and economic hub, Dar es Salaam has experienced rapid demographic growth and infrastructural expansion over the past several decades (Msuya et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). The city\u0026rsquo;s population has expanded dramatically as rural migrants and job seekers arrive in search of economic opportunities. Moreover, rising land values, housing shortages, and the commercialisation of urban services have made it increasingly difficult for low-income residents to secure stable housing (Haule \u0026amp; Kilonzo, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR21\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e; Swai, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR43\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe visible presence of homeless individuals in locations such as markets, transportation hubs, and sidewalks reflects the contradictions of this urban transformation. While cities continue to expand economically, many residents struggle to access basic resources such as housing, sanitation, and healthcare (Mukono, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e; Pastore, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR35\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e). These inequalities are not merely economic but also social and spatial, shaping who is able to inhabit and use particular parts of the city (Jabareen \u0026amp; Eizenberg, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis article examines how homeless adults in Dar es Salaam navigate these challenges through everyday survival strategies viewed both as everyday lived and practiced, signifying what we refer to as survival urbanism emerging from the production of space and associated social inequalities in the Global South (Goonewardena et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR19\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e). Rather than portraying homeless individuals solely as victims of structural inequality, the study highlights their capacity to creatively adapt to precarious conditions. Through practices such as informal labor, strategic use of public space, and peer-based support networks, homeless individuals actively reshape urban environments in ways that enable them to survive. The central argument advanced here is that homelessness represents both a product of neoliberal urban restructuring and a site of everyday spatial negotiation. By examining the coping strategies of homeless adults, this article contributes to broader debates within urban political ecology and critical urban studies about the politics of survival in unequal cities.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis article approaches homelessness from a different perspective. Drawing on insights from urban political ecology and critical urban theory, it conceptualises homelessness as part of a broader process of urban dispossession produced through the interaction of economic restructuring, governance practices, and spatial inequality. Rather than treating homeless individuals solely as victims of structural forces, the paper also examines how they actively navigate urban space through diverse survival strategies.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe article addresses three central questions: First, what structural processes contribute to homelessness in Dar es Salaam? Second, how do homeless individuals navigate everyday survival within the city? Finally, what do these experiences reveal about broader transformations in African urbanism? Through these questions, the paper contributes to ongoing debates about urban inequality, informality, and the right to the city. It argues that homelessness should be understood not merely as a housing issue but also as a manifestation of deeper socioeconomic transformations that shape contemporary cities.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec2\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e1.1. Urban Homelessness and Informality in the Global South\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eUrban scholars increasingly recognise that homelessness in the Global South cannot be understood through the same conceptual frameworks commonly applied in the Global North. In many Western contexts, homelessness is often defined narrowly as the absence of stable housing. However, in rapidly urbanising regions of Africa, Asia, and Latin America, housing precarity exists along a continuum that includes informal settlements, overcrowded rental arrangements, temporary shelters, and street-based living.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe expansion of urban informality has been widely documented across the Global South. Roy (2009) argues that informality is not merely a marginal phenomenon but also a central organising principle of many urban economies. Informal practices shape access to land, housing, and employment, often functioning as survival mechanisms for populations excluded from formal economic systems. Similarly, Dovey \u0026amp; Recio, (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR15\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e) describes the proliferation of informal settlements across the Global South as a defining feature of contemporary urbanisation. As cities expand faster than formal housing markets can accommodate new residents, large segments of the population are forced to rely on informal housing arrangements or precarious livelihoods.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn African cities, the growth of informality is closely linked to structural economic transformations. Economic liberalisation policies implemented during the late twentieth century often resulted in reductions in public employment and social welfare programs. As a result, many urban residents turned to informal economic activities as a means of survival (Lindell, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR30\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e; Pieterse, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR36\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e). These dynamics are particularly evident in Dar es Salaam, where informal employment accounts for a significant proportion of the urban labor force. Street vending, waste collection, transportation services, and other informal activities provide livelihoods for thousands of residents who lack access to formal employment. However, informality also exposes individuals to significant risks. Informal workers often lack legal protection, stable income, or access to social services. For homeless individuals, these challenges are compounded by the absence of stable shelter and the stigma associated with street life.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"2. Urban political ecology of space production, dispossession, and survival urbanism","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis paper draws theoretical inspiration from urban political ecology and political economy scholarship. The theoretical strands for analysing the political ecology of urbanisation (PEU) offers a power framework that examine urbanisation processes as being configured through both human and nonhuman dynamics (Ernstson \u0026amp; Swyngedouw, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR17\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; Pietta \u0026amp; Tononi, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR37\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). These approaches advance the argument that urbanisation is a process that spreads beyond a city\u0026rsquo;s frontier into a nonurban space that is mobilised to sustain life (Anwar, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e; Pope, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR38\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). The process of urbanisation is related and multiscale, embedding local process entanglement with global dynamics that shape landscape and planet across time and space.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis framework provides a comprehensive and relational framework that enhances the unlocking of the interconnected economic, political, social and ecological processes of the social production of space that together form highly uneven and underlying unjust urban landscapes (Heynen et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e). Attention should be given to the social production of the urban environment with the goal of championing democratic dialogues for socioenvironmental production that envision more equitable environmental justice (redistribution, recognition, and, procedural) with a more inclusive mode of environmental production (Branch et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Swyngedouw, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR45\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e). Approaching the problem from this critical lens calls for \u0026lsquo;right to the city\u0026rsquo; in critical urban scholarship (Althorpe \u0026amp; Horak, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e; Kaya, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eTherefore, to understand homelessness within contemporary cities, it is necessary to examine how urban space itself is produced and contested. Henri Lefebvre\u0026rsquo;s theory of the production of space provides a useful starting point for this analysis. Lefebvre (1991) argued that space is not simply a physical environment but a social product shaped by political and economic power relations. Urban spaces are continuously produced through interactions between planning institutions, economic actors, and everyday social practices. Within neoliberal cities, these spatial processes are increasingly shaped by market-oriented forms of governance (Brenner \u0026amp; Theodore, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e). Urban development policies frequently prioritise private investment, commercial infrastructure, and real estate development. As Harvey (2005) argues, such processes often involve forms of \u0026ldquo;accumulation by dispossession,\u0026rdquo; whereby marginalised populations are displaced from valuable urban land to facilitate capital accumulation.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eElsewhere, in African peripheral capitalist production, accumulation by dispossession has been extended as a disarticulated process of accumulation (see Shivji, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR41\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e). These dynamics have been observed in cities across the Global South, where redevelopment projects and speculative land markets frequently lead to the displacement of low-income communities (Rolnik, 2019; Molina, Czischke and Rolnik, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). Such processes create what Yiftachel (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR48\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e) states as \u0026ldquo;gray spaces\u0026rdquo;\u0026mdash;zones of partial legality where marginalised populations exist outside formal planning frameworks.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eScholars in urban political ecology further emphasise that access to urban resources such as water, sanitation, housing, and infrastructure is shaped by political power and economic inequality (Heynen, Kaika and Swyngedouw 2006; Loftus 2012). The uneven distribution of these resources produces landscapes of privilege and marginality within cities. Homelessness can therefore be understood as an extreme manifestation of spatial exclusion. Individuals who lack access to formal housing markets are often forced to inhabit public spaces where their presence is frequently contested by authorities. However, these spaces are not simply sites of exclusion; they are also arenas of negotiation and survival. By occupying sidewalks, transportation hubs, and market spaces, homeless individuals assert a form of spatial presence that challenges dominant urban orders\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"3. Methodology","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis study employed a qualitative research case study design aimed at capturing the lived experiences of homeless adults in Dar es Salaam. Qualitative methods are particularly well suited for examining complex social phenomena such as homelessness because they allow researchers to explore participants\u0026rsquo; perspectives and everyday practices in depth. Fieldwork was conducted in several urban locations where homeless individuals commonly congregate, including the Kariakoo market area, Buguruni, Kijazi Interchange, and Magufuli Bus Terminal. These sites were selected because they represent important nodes of urban mobility and economic activity.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eData were generated through three primary methods. First, in-depth interviews were conducted. Sixteen homeless adults participated in semistructured interviews to explore their daily survival strategies, economic activities, and interactions with public institutions. Second, key informant interviews: Eight interviews were conducted with social workers, municipal officials, and community leaders. Third, participant observation: The researcher spent extended periods observing everyday activities in areas where homeless individuals lived and worked. The data were analysed using thematic analysis, focusing on patterns related to coping strategies and spatial practices.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"4. Findings on copying strategies and special agencies","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis section examines the everyday practices of survival urbanism and forms of spatial agency developed by homeless adults in Dar es Salaam. On the basis of participants\u0026rsquo; narratives, it explores how individuals navigate the material and social constraints of urban life through a range of adaptive practices. Rather than presenting homelessness solely as a condition of deprivation, the findings reveal how participants actively engage with the city\u0026rsquo;s economic, social, and spatial dynamics to sustain their livelihoods. These practices include participation in informal economic activities, strategic use of public space, reliance on social networks, and development of improvised systems of care and support. Taken together, they illustrate how survival is not merely a matter of endurance but involves continuous negotiation with the structures and opportunities embedded within the urban environment. In this sense, the findings foreground the ways in which marginalised urban residents exercise agency within the conditions of constraint, producing what can be understood as lived sociality and a geography of survival in the contemporary city in the Global South. In the following subsections, we provide an empirical analysis, interpretation and theoretical discussion of our findings.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec6\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.1. Informal economic adaptation\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eOne of the most prominent coping strategies identified in this study involves participation in informal economic activities. The participants described engaging in a wide range of casual labor practices embedded within the everyday rhythms of the city. These activities included washing car mirrors during traffic congestion, carrying luggage for shoppers in busy market areas, collecting recyclable materials such as plastic bottles and scrap metal, and assisting passengers in boarding buses at transport terminals. Such forms of labour are opportunistic and spatially contingent, emerging within moments of congestion, mobility, and commercial exchange. As one participant explained,\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;When the traffic stops at the lights, we move quickly between the cars. You wipe the mirror and maybe someone gives you a few coins. Some days you get nothing, but you have to try because there is no other work\u0026rdquo; \u003cem\u003e(IDI 09/Male/Homeless Adult/Kijazi Interchange/2026).\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAnother participant described working around bus terminals,\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;At the bus stand, I help passengers carry bags or show them the right bus. Sometimes they give me 500 shillings, sometimes 1000. It depends on their mood. That is how I get money for food\u0026rdquo; \u003cem\u003e(IDI 01/Male/Homeless Adult/Buguruni/2025).\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThese accounts illustrate how marginalised individuals actively insert themselves into urban economic circuits despite their exclusion from formal employment structures. Rather than remaining passive victims of urban poverty, homeless individuals strategically identify and exploit microopportunities within the city\u0026rsquo;s informal economy. Similar patterns have been documented across cities in the Global South, where informal labour functions as a crucial survival mechanism for populations excluded from formal labour markets (Lindell \u003cspan citationid=\"CR30\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e; Roy and Al Sayyad 2004). In this sense, informal work represents not only economic activity but also a form of urban adaptation shaped by the structural constraints of neoliberal urban economies.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eHowever, these livelihood strategies are characterised by extreme precarity and unpredictability. The participants consistently emphasised that income from informal activities is highly irregular and insufficient for long-term stability. Many reported earning between 500 and 2000 Tanzanian shillings on a typical day\u0026mdash;an amount that rarely allows individuals to secure stable housing or reliable access to food. As one participant remarked, \u0026ldquo;If I am lucky, maybe I get two thousand shillings in a day. However, many days it is only five hundred. With that, you cannot rent a room. You just survive for that day\u0026rdquo; (\u003cem\u003eIDI 01/Male/Homeless Adult/Buguruni/2025).\u003c/em\u003e Another homeless participant from Ubungo reiterated that,\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;Cleaning mirrors and washing cars during traffic jams is not the job I need. It feels more like an act of charity than a sustainable way to earn a living, as it heavily depends on the goodwill of drivers. It\u0026rsquo;s something I find myself doing reluctantly just to survive. Despite spending hours each day washing cars, the money I collect is rarely enough to cover basic expenses, let alone rent a room or meet my other essential needs \u003cb\u003e(\u003c/b\u003e\u003cem\u003eIDI 09/Male/Homeless Adult/Kijazi Interchange/2026).\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe precarious nature of these earnings reflects broader patterns of labour insecurity in rapidly urbanising economies, where informal employment dominates and social protection mechanisms remain limited. However, despite these constraints, informal economic participation provides homeless individuals with a limited but meaningful degree of autonomy. By positioning themselves strategically within high-traffic urban spaces\u0026mdash;such as markets, bus terminals, and major road intersections\u0026mdash;participants are able to access fleeting economic opportunities that would otherwise remain beyond their reach. As another participant explained, \u0026ldquo;You must know where people pass. If you stay near the market or the buses, there is always something small you can do\u0026rdquo; (\u003cem\u003eIDI 01/Male/Homeless Adult/Buguruni/2025\u003c/em\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThese practices highlight how survival in conditions of homelessness depends not only on access to economic opportunities but also on the ability to navigate and appropriate urban space. In this sense, informal labour becomes both an economic strategy and a spatial practice through which marginalised individuals assert a fragile presence within the city.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec7\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.2. Strategic begging and urban redistribution\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eWhen informal employment failed to generate sufficient income, many participants reported turning to begging as a complementary survival strategy. Although begging is frequently stigmatised as a sign of dependency or social failure, participants\u0026rsquo; accounts suggest that it is often practised strategically and embedded within the everyday economic rhythms of the city. Rather than random acts of desperation, begging frequently involves careful spatial positioning and timing aimed at maximising the likelihood of receiving assistance. Individuals deliberately situate themselves in high-traffic areas such as markets, transport terminals, and busy road intersections where encounters with potential donors are more likely. As one participant explained, \u0026ldquo;If you stay where there are many people, like near the buses or the market, someone may help you. You cannot sit in a quiet place because nobody will see you\u0026rdquo; \u003cb\u003e(\u003c/b\u003e\u003cem\u003eIDI 15/Male/Homeless Adult/Magufuli Bus Terminal/2026\u003c/em\u003e). Another participant described how certain times of day are particularly important: \u0026ldquo;In the morning when people are going to work, some will give you coins. Others ignore you, but a few will help. That is how we survive\u0026rdquo; (\u003cem\u003eIDI 09/Male/Homeless Adult/Kijazi Interchange/2026\u003c/em\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThese practices illustrate how begging operates as a form of informal economic participation rather than purely passive dependence. By positioning themselves within busy urban spaces, homeless individuals are able to access small portions of the wealth circulating within the city. These interactions are typically brief and modest in scale\u0026mdash;often involving coins or small amounts of cash\u0026mdash;but nonetheless constitute an important component of everyday survival.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFrom this perspective, beginning can be interpreted as a form of \u003cem\u003e\u0026lsquo;microlevel redistribution\u003c/em\u003e\u0026rsquo; within urban economies. In contexts where formal welfare systems are limited or absent, small acts of giving by passers-by function as informal mechanisms through which resources are redistributed from those with relatively greater means to those experiencing extreme poverty. Such practices often rely on widely shared social norms of compassion, charity, and moral obligation. These self-redistribution justices from below are vital for the everyday life of the precariat class in urban spaces (Binoy, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e). To use Beresford et al.\u0026rsquo;s framing, these \u0026lsquo;spatial moral economies of reciprocity\u0026rsquo; provide temporal relief, while homeless adults in Dar es Salaam suffer endless destitution (Beresford et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e Several participants explicitly referred to these moral expectations when they described their interactions with the public. One individual noted, \u0026ldquo;Some people feel pity when they see you like this. They give maybe 500 shillings (~\u0026thinsp;0.19 U\u003cspan\u003e$\u003c/span\u003eD by March 2026) so you can buy food. Not everyone helps, but some understand\u0026rdquo; \u003cem\u003e(IDI 10/Male/Homeless Adult/Kijazi Interchange/2026\u003c/em\u003e) Another participant highlighted how religious values can influence acts of giving: \u0026ldquo;Sometimes people give because of their faith. They say helping the poor is a blessing. When someone gives you even a small coin, it helps you pass the day\u0026rdquo; (\u003cem\u003eIDI 09/Male/Homeless Adult/Kijazi Interchange/2026\u003c/em\u003e). At the same time, these encounters are often characterised by uncertainty and vulnerability. Participants reported frequent experiences of rejection, hostility, or indifference from passers-by. As one respondent remarked, \u0026ldquo;Many people just pass without looking at you. Others tell you to go away. You must accept that because you have no choice\u0026rdquo; \u003cem\u003e(IDI 07/Male/Homeless Adult/Kijazi Interchange/2026).\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThese dynamics reflect the ambivalent social position occupied by homeless individuals within the city. While acts of charity occasionally provide temporary relief, they also reinforce the precarious and marginalised status of those who depend on them. Begging therefore represents both a survival strategy and a visible manifestation of urban inequality, revealing the stark contrasts between wealth and poverty that characterise rapidly transforming cities.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec8\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.3. Counterspaces of Solidarity\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eDespite the severe hardships associated with homelessness, participants frequently described the presence of strong social networks among fellow homeless individuals. These networks function as critical sources of emotional support, practical assistance, and information sharing in contexts where formal welfare institutions are largely absent. Participants explained that relationships formed on the streets often involve sharing food, watching over personal belongings, alerting others to potential work opportunities, and assisting one another during periods of illness or crisis.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAs one participant explained,\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;When you stay on the street for a long time, the people around you become like family. If someone gets food, sometimes they share. If someone is sick, others help them find medicine or take them to a clinic\u0026rdquo; (\u003cem\u003eIDI 01/Male/Homeless Adult/Kijazi Interchange, 2026\u003c/em\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e Another participant described how these informal networks help individuals access economic opportunities: \u0026ldquo;If someone hears that there is work somewhere\u0026mdash;maybe unloading a truck or cleaning at a shop\u0026mdash;they tell the others. We depend on each other for that kind of information.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThese practices reveal how homeless individuals collectively develop informal systems of cooperation that mitigate some of the vulnerabilities associated with life on the streets. In many cases, participants emphasised that such relationships are essential for survival in an environment characterised by uncertainty and insecurity. As one respondent reflected, \u0026ldquo;You cannot survive alone here. If you isolate yourself, life becomes very difficult. We stay together because we understand each other\u0026rsquo;s problems\u0026rdquo; (\u003cem\u003eIDI 06/Male/Homeless Adult/Kariakoo/2025\u003c/em\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThese forms of mutual support illustrate what Simone (2004) describes as the dynamic of \u003cb\u003e\u0026ldquo;\u003c/b\u003e\u003cem\u003epeople as infrastructure\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e in African cities. In contexts where state institutions and formal welfare systems provide limited support, social networks themselves become crucial infrastructures that sustain everyday life. Through cooperation, information exchange, and collective problem-solving, marginalised urban residents create alternative systems of support that compensate for institutional gaps.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eMoreover, these solidarities are not without tension. Participants acknowledged that relationships among homeless individuals can also involve conflict, competition over limited resources, and mistrust. Nonetheless, many emphasised that the shared experience of marginalisation often fosters a sense of collective identity and mutual understanding. As one participant noted, \u0026ldquo;We all know the struggle of living like this. That is why we try to help each other when we can\u0026rdquo; \u003cem\u003e(IDI 10/Male/Homeless Adult/Kijazi Interchange/2026\u003c/em\u003e). Similar concern was echoed at Magufuli Bus Terminal as follows:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;Most of the time we face the same problems/challenges on that note we help one another. This life without helping and cooperate makes it difficult to manage. There are days\u0026rsquo; things are good and sometime are difficult with challenges we hold one another up\u0026rdquo; (\u003cem\u003eIDI 14/Male/Homeless adult/Magufuli Terminal 2026\u003c/em\u003e)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eViewed through this lens, the social networks formed among homeless individuals can be understood as \u003cem\u003ecounterspaces of solidarity within the city\u003c/em\u003e\u0026mdash;informal arenas in which marginalised residents collectively navigate exclusion while maintaining a fragile sense of belonging. These networks do not eliminate the structural conditions that produce homelessness, but they demonstrate how individuals creatively mobilise social relationships to endure life at the margins of the urban economy\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec9\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.4. Psychological Coping and Substance Use\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eLife on the streets exposes individuals to persistent uncertainty, insecurity, and social exclusion, conditions that frequently generate profound psychological stress. The participants described experiencing feelings of loneliness, anxiety, and social stigma as they navigated everyday life in highly visible yet socially marginal positions within the city. The absence of stable shelter, limited access to employment, and frequent encounters with hostility or indifference from the public contribute to a sense of emotional exhaustion that many participants characterised as one of the most difficult aspects of homelessness.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAs one participant explained, \u0026ldquo;Living on the street is not just about hunger. Your mind is always worried. You don\u0026rsquo;t know where you will sleep or what will happen tomorrow\u0026rdquo; (\u003cem\u003eIDI 04/Female/Homeless Adult/Kariakoo/2025\u003c/em\u003e). Another participant reflected on the social stigma associated with homelessness: \u0026ldquo;People look at you like you are nothing. They pass by as if you don\u0026rsquo;t exist. Sometimes that hurts more than the hunger\u0026rdquo; (\u003cem\u003eIDI 07/Male/Homeless Adult/Kijazi Interchange/2026\u003c/em\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn response to these pressures, individuals develop various coping mechanisms that help them endure the emotional strain of street life. For some participants, religious faith served as an important source of psychological resilience. Several individuals described attending nearby mosques or churches, praying regularly, or relying on spiritual beliefs to maintain hope in difficult circumstances. One participant noted, \u0026ldquo;When things are very hard, I go to the mosque and pray. It gives me strength to continue. Without faith, it would be easy to lose hope\u0026rdquo; (\u003cem\u003eIDI 12/Male/Homeless Adult/Magufuli Terminal/2026\u003c/em\u003e). Another participant in Ubungo narrated that:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip;\u0026hellip;. There have been significant challenges, such as facing false accusations from the police related to armed robbery. Only God can save you from such situations. I remember when we were in the Ghetto \u0026lsquo;Maskani\u0026rsquo;, the police arrested us for armed robbery, and we spent eight months in prison. Thankfully, with God\u0026rsquo;s grace, we were released due to a lack of evidence to support a 30-year sentence\u0026rdquo; \u003cb\u003e(\u003c/b\u003e\u003cem\u003eIDI 11/Male/Homeless Adult/Kijazi Interchange/2026)\u003c/em\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eHowever, other participants described turning to substances such as alcohol or marijuana as a way of coping with stress, fatigue, or emotional distress. These practices were often framed not simply as recreational behaviour but as a means of temporarily escaping the harsh realities of street life. As one respondent explained, \u0026ldquo;Sometimes you drink so that your mind can rest. When you are sober, you think too much about your problems\u0026rdquo; (\u003cem\u003eIDI 03/Male/Homeless Adult/Kariakoo/2025\u003c/em\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSuch practices reflect broader patterns of coping observed among marginalised urban populations, where substance use can function as a mechanism for managing psychological strain in contexts of chronic insecurity (Snow and Anderson 1993). While these strategies may provide short-term relief, participants also acknowledged that substance use can exacerbate existing vulnerabilities by affecting health, social relationships, and economic stability.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThese experiences highlight the psychological dimensions of homelessness, illustrating how urban marginality operates not only through material deprivation but also through emotional and social forms of exclusion.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec10\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e4.6. Health and Hygiene Strategies\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eAccess to healthcare represents another significant challenge for homeless individuals in Dar es Salaam. Participants consistently reported difficulties obtaining medical treatment because of financial constraints, a lack of identification documents, and the absence of stable residential addresses often required for accessing formal health services. As a result, many rely on alternative strategies to manage illness and maintain basic hygiene. One common approach involves purchasing small quantities of medication directly from local pharmacies. Participants explained that when they fall ill, they often seek inexpensive drugs such as painkillers or antibiotics without formal prescriptions. As one participant noted, \u0026ldquo;If you get sick, you go to the pharmacy and ask for something cheap. You cannot go to the hospital because they will ask for money you do not have\u0026rdquo; (\u003cem\u003eIDI 05/Male/Homeless Adult/Kariakoo/2025\u003c/em\u003e). Equally, participant from Magufuli Bus Terminal noted that, \u0026ldquo;When I feel sick, I can usually tell if it is malaria, but I cannot afford medical treatment. Instead, I go directly to the pharmacy to buy medication that I take to manage my symptoms \u0026ldquo;(\u003cem\u003eIDI 12/Male/Homeless Adult/Magufuli Terminal/2026\u003c/em\u003e\u003cb\u003e)\u003c/b\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOthers described relying on assistance from charitable organisations, religious institutions, or sympathetic individuals who occasionally provide financial support for medical treatment. Informal social networks also play an important role in helping individuals access care during periods of illness. For example, fellow homeless individuals may contribute small amounts of money to help someone purchase medication or seek treatment. One participant explained, \u0026ldquo;When someone becomes very sick, we try to collect some money together so they can go to the clinic. It is not much, but at least they can see a doctor\u0026rdquo; (\u003cem\u003eIDI 09/Homeless Adult/Kijazi Interchange/2026\u003c/em\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eMaintaining personal hygiene presents additional challenges because of limited access to sanitation facilities. Participants reported bathing in public water points, beaches, or informal washing areas when possible. Others rely on temporary access to facilities in markets or transport terminals, often negotiating with attendants or security guards. As one participant described, \u0026ldquo;Sometimes we wash at the public taps early in the morning before many people come. You must go quickly because the guards may chase you away\u0026rdquo; \u003cem\u003e(IDI 04/Female/Homeless Adult/Kariakoo/2025).\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThese experiences reflect broader patterns of health inequality documented in studies of urban marginality. Scholars have shown that people living in conditions of poverty and spatial exclusion often face significant barriers to accessing healthcare and maintaining basic health standards (Farmer 2004; Marmot 2015). For homeless individuals, these barriers are intensified by the absence of stable housing, which complicates access to services designed around assumptions of fixed residence. Consequently, health management among homeless people frequently relies on improvised and informal strategies that allow individuals to navigate institutional gaps in urban healthcare systems. While such practices demonstrate resilience and adaptability, they also underscore the structural inequalities that shape access to health resources in rapidly growing cities.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"5. Discussion: Spatial Agency and the Politics of Survival","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe coping strategies documented in this study demonstrate that homeless individuals actively engage with urban environments in ways that challenge dominant narratives, portraying them as passive victims of poverty. Through informal labor, the strategic occupation of public spaces, and the cultivation of social support networks, participants develop complex practices that enable them to survive within highly unequal urban landscapes. These practices reveal forms of agency that operate within severe structural constraints, illustrating how marginalised urban residents negotiate everyday life in cities shaped by deep socioeconomic inequalities.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eParticipants\u0026rsquo; experiences highlight how survival depends not only on access to resources but also on the ability to navigate and appropriate urban space. Activities such as washing car mirrors at traffic intersections, assisting passengers at transport terminals, or positioning oneself in high-traffic commercial areas are inherent spatial strategies. Individuals deliberately situate themselves within particular urban nodes where flows of people, goods, and capital intersect, thereby maximising opportunities for income generation or assistance. These spatial practices reflect what Henri Lefebvre conceptualised as the lived production of urban space, in which everyday practices reshape the meanings and uses of the city beyond the intentions of planners and state authorities (Lefebvre 1991).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFrom this perspective, homelessness can be understood not simply as the absence of shelter but as a condition embedded within broader struggles over access to urban space. Contemporary urban development processes often prioritise investment, infrastructure expansion, and property markets, generating urban landscapes that increasingly favour capital accumulation over social inclusion (Harvey 2003; Brenner and Theodore 2002). Such dynamics frequently produce what David Harvey (2005) describes as \u0026ldquo;accumulation by dispossession,\u0026rdquo; in which vulnerable populations are displaced from urban resources and spaces that are essential for their survival. Within this context, the everyday strategies adopted by homeless individuals represent attempts to reclaim limited access to urban environments that would otherwise exclude them.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eImportantly, these practices also illustrate forms of \u0026lsquo;\u003cem\u003espatial agency\u0026rsquo; or \u0026lsquo;survival urbanism\u0026rsquo;\u003c/em\u003e exercised by marginalised populations. Rather than being entirely excluded from urban economic systems, participants insert themselves into the informal circuits of labour and exchange that sustain much of the urban economy. Survival urbanism refers to the everyday practices through which marginalised populations create provisional systems of livelihood, shelter, and social support within cities that increasingly privilege capital accumulation over social welfare. These practices do not necessarily challenge urban power structures directly; however, they reveal the ways in which urban residents continually adapt to and negotiate the constraints imposed by neoliberal urban governance. Informal economic activities\u0026mdash;ranging from casual service provision to recycling and street assistance\u0026mdash;allow individuals to capture small portions of value circulating within the city. Similar patterns have been documented across the Global South, where informal economies constitute a central component of urban livelihoods for populations excluded from formal labour markets (Roy and AlSayyad 2004; Lindell \u003cspan citationid=\"CR30\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e; Davis 2006).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThese practices also resonate with AbdouMaliq Simone\u0026rsquo;s concept of \u003cb\u003e\u0026ldquo;\u003c/b\u003e\u003cem\u003epeople as infrastructure\u003c/em\u003e,\u003cb\u003e\u0026rdquo;\u003c/b\u003e which emphasises how social networks and everyday interactions function as critical systems of support in contexts where formal institutions provide limited assistance (Simone 2004). The participants in this study repeatedly described relying on fellow homeless individuals for information, emotional support, and collective problem solving. Such relationships enable individuals to navigate the uncertainties of urban life and mitigate some of the vulnerabilities associated with extreme marginality. In this sense, social networks operate as alternative social infrastructures that sustain everyday survival in the absence of formal welfare systems.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eMoreover, the strategies identified in this study reveal the deeply precarious nature of urban survival under conditions of neoliberal restructuring. Informal labor, begging, and reliance on charitable assistance provide only minimal and unstable forms of income, rarely sufficient to secure stable housing or long-term economic security. These conditions reflect broader transformations in contemporary urban labour regimes, where precarious employment and informal work have become increasingly widespread (Standing 2011; Wacquant 2008). In rapidly urbanising regions, the expansion of precarious labour markets has contributed to the emergence of what some scholars describe as a new urban \u0026ldquo;precariat,\u0026rdquo; characterised by unstable livelihoods and limited access to social protection.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe persistence of homelessness therefore reflects not only individual hardship but also the structural dynamics of contemporary urban capitalism. As cities become increasingly integrated into global economic networks, urban governance strategies frequently prioritise competitiveness, investment attraction, and infrastructural modernisation (Brenner 2014; Merrifield 2014). While such strategies may stimulate economic growth, they often exacerbate sociospatial inequalities by concentrating resources in particular areas while marginalising populations who cannot participate in formal economic systems. In this sense, homelessness represents a visible manifestation of uneven urban development, revealing the stark disparities produced by disarticulated market-driven urbanisation (Shivji, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR41\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eNevertheless, the everyday practices documented in this study also demonstrate how marginalised populations continually negotiate their presence within the city. These practices can be interpreted as forms of \u0026lsquo;\u003cem\u003eeveryday resistance\u0026rsquo;\u003c/em\u003e, even when they do not take the form of organised political movements. Scholars of urban marginality have long emphasised that resistance often transpires through subtle and mundane acts that challenge dominant spatial orders without certainly antagonising them directly (Bayat, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1997\u003c/span\u003e; Scott, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR40\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1986\u003c/span\u003e). In the context of homelessness, activities such as occupying public spaces, creating informal support networks, or appropriating urban infrastructures for survival represent ways in which individuals proclaim a restricted right to stay within the city.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSuch practices echo strongly with current interpretations of the \u003cb\u003e\u0026ldquo;\u003c/b\u003e\u003cem\u003eright to the city\u003c/em\u003e.\u003cb\u003e\u0026rdquo;\u003c/b\u003e For Lefebvre, the right to the city denotes not only access to urban resources but also the collective capacity to reshape urban life according to the needs and aspirations of its inhabitants (Bloch \u0026amp; Brasdefer, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e; Elden, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2007\u003c/span\u003e; Goonewardena et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR19\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e). Subsequent scholars have argued that struggles over housing, public space, and urban citizenship constitute key spaces in which this right is contested or what Hay and Harvey refer to as \u0026ldquo;geographies of differences\u0026rdquo; (Hay \u0026amp; Harvey, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1997\u003c/span\u003e; Lawhon et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR29\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e). Following UPE scholarship, we argue that homeless individuals inhabit a predominantly precarious position within these struggles because their presence regularly challenges dominant visions of neoliberal urban order, development, and spatial production (Opanga, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR34\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e; Rose, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR39\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eUrban authorities frequently respond to homelessness through strategies aimed at regulating or removing homeless populations from highly visible spaces such as commercial districts and transport hubs. Such practices reflect broader attempts to produce orderly and investment-friendly urban environments that align with neoliberal development agendas (Kotsila, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e) (Smith 2008; Harvey 2012). However, the continued presence of homeless individuals in these spaces illustrates the limits of such strategies. Through everyday practices of adaptation and negotiation, marginalised residents continue to claim fragments of urban space that allow them to survive, as similarly observed in Nairobi informal settlements (Opanga, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR34\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eImportantly, these dynamics are not unique to Dar es Salaam. Similar patterns have been documented in cities across Africa, Asia, and Latin America, where rapid urbanisation has produced large populations living outside formal housing and labour systems (Myers 2011; Parnell and Pieterse \u003cspan citationid=\"CR36\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e; Watson 2009). In these contexts, informal economic activities, social networks, and spatial improvisation constitute critical survival strategies for populations navigating precarious urban environments (Cornea et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e; Opanga, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR34\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e). Comparative research suggests that such practices should not be interpreted merely as temporary informality and coping mechanisms but rather as enduring features of contemporary urbanisation in the Global South (Finn, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFrom an urban political ecology perspective, these findings highlight the importance of examining how struggles over resources, infrastructure, and space shape everyday life in cities. Urban environments are not neutral backdrops but are contested terrains in which access to resources such as housing, employment, sanitation, and healthcare is unevenly distributed (Heynen et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e; Swyngedouw and Kaika, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR46\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e). Homeless individuals occupy the most vulnerable positions within these systems and often lack secure access to the basic infrastructures that sustain urban life.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eHowever, even within these conditions of exclusion, participants demonstrate remarkable adaptability and creativity in constructing livelihoods and support networks. Their practices illustrate how marginalised populations actively engage with urban environments, transforming public spaces, informal economies, and social relationships into resources for survival. These forms of spatial agency complicate simplistic narratives of urban poverty by revealing the active role that individuals play in shaping their own survival within constrained circumstances.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eUltimately, the experiences documented in this study underscore the deeply political nature of homelessness. Far from being merely a social welfare issue, homelessness reflects broader conflicts over the distribution of resources, opportunities, and rights within rapidly transforming cities (Goonewardena et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR19\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e). Addressing homelessness therefore requires moving beyond short-term humanitarian responses toward structural interventions that confront the underlying inequalities embedded in contemporary neoliberal urban development by envisioning urban commons from below (Kanosvamhira et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR25\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eRecognising these dynamics shifts the analytical focus from homelessness as a static social condition to homelessness as a process embedded within the political economy of urbanisation. The expansion of precarious labour markets, rising urban land values, and limited social protection systems all contribute to the production of homelessness in rapidly growing cities. In this sense, homelessness represents a visible expression of the uneven geographies produced by neoliberal urban development (Brenner and Schmid, no date; Glassman, 2006; Brenner, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eBroadly, the findings contribute to debates on urban inequality and the political ecology of cities by illustrating how access to urban resources is mediated through complex interconnections between infrastructure, governance, and social networks. Homeless individuals experience acute forms of infrastructural exclusion and lack stable access to housing, sanitation, healthcare, and formal employment. However, they simultaneously produce creative tactics for navigating and partially overcoming these barriers. The resulting forms of survival are deeply relational and depend on relations with other urban residents, charitable institutions, and informal labour markets.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"6. Conclusion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis article has examined homelessness in Dar es Salaam through the lens of urban political ecology and critical urban approaches to understand how individuals experiencing extreme urban marginality navigate everyday survival. Drawing on qualitative fieldwork, the study demonstrates that homelessness in rapidly urbanising cities cannot be understood exclusively as a condition of housing deprivation. Instead, it materialises from the intersection of labor precarity, uneven urban development, and limited access to formal welfare institutions. Participants\u0026rsquo; experiences reveal how the structural dynamics of neoliberal urban transformation such as rising living costs, insecure employment, and expanding informal economies, produce conditions in which increasing numbers of urban residents struggle to secure stable housing and livelihoods. In this context, homelessness becomes a visible expression of the uneven geographies produced by contemporary urbanisation.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eMoreover, the findings show that homeless individuals are not merely passive victims of structural exclusion. Through informal labour, strategic begging, social networks of solidarity, and improvised health and hygiene practices, participants actively engage with the urban environment to sustain everyday life. These practices illustrate forms of everyday \u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003espatial agency\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e, through which marginalised populations navigate and appropriate urban spaces that provide access to economic opportunities and social support. Markets, transport terminals, road intersections, and religious institutions emerge as critical nodes within an informal sociality and geography of survival, enabling individuals to insert themselves into the flows of people, goods, and resources circulating through the city.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eBuilding on these insights, the article advances the concept of \u003cem\u003esurvival urbanism\u003c/em\u003e to describe the everyday practices through which marginalised populations construct provisional systems of livelihood and care within cities that increasingly prioritise capital accumulation over social inclusion. Survival urbanism highlights how informal networks, microeconomic activities, and spatial improvisation function as alternative infrastructures that sustain life at the margins of the urban economy. These practices do not fundamentally transform the structural conditions that produce homelessness, but they reveal the ways in which individuals continually negotiate their presence within urban environments that often seek to exclude them. Recognising these dynamics contributes to broader debates in urban political ecology by demonstrating how struggles over space, resources, and infrastructure shape the lived realities of urban inequality.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eEventually, the persistence of homelessness in cities such as Dar es Salaam underlines the need to address the structural drivers of urban marginality rather than relying only on humanitarian or charitable responses. Policies aimed at regulating public space or removing homeless populations from highly visible areas fail to address the underlying economic and spatial inequalities that produce homelessness in the first place. Meaningful responses necessitate investments in affordable housing, expanded access to social protection, and inclusive urban development strategies that recognise the rights of all urban residents to inhabit and participate in the city. Understanding homelessness as part of the broader political ecology and economy of urbanisation therefore shifts the focus from managing poverty to confronting the structural inequalities embedded within contemporary urban development.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003cp\u003eStatement of ethical approval: This study was conducted in accordance with established ethical guidelines for research involving human participants. Ethical approval was obtained from the University of Dar es Salaam\u0026apos;s Research Review Board prior to data collection. A Statement on participant consent: All participants were informed about the purpose of the study, and their voluntary participation was secured through informed consent. Participants were assured of confidentiality and anonymity, and all identifying information has been removed from the data presented in this article.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eAuthor Contribution\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eD.M drafted the manuscript, theoretical framing, data anlysis, and critical revision of the manuscripts J.J conducted the field work, data analysis provided feedback to earlier drafts.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eData Availability\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe data are available upon request and with restricted access from authors.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003eAlthorpe, C., \u0026amp; Horak, M. (2023). 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(2009). \u003cem\u003eTheoretical notes on \u0026lsquo;gray cities\u0026rsquo;: the coming of urban a pa rt h e i d ? 8\u003c/em\u003e(1), 88\u0026ndash;100. \u003cspan class=\"ExternalRef\"\u003e\u003cspan class=\"RefSource\"\u003ehttps://doi.org/10.1177/1473095208099300\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan address=\"10.1177/1473095208099300\" targettype=\"DOI\" class=\"RefTarget\"\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":true,"hideJournal":true,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"Survival urbanism, homelessness, inequality, precarity, marginality","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-9357794/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-9357794/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eRapid urbanisation across the Global South has deepened spatial inequality, producing growing populations of urban residents who survive outside formal socioeconomic systems. While homelessness is often framed as an individual social problem, critical urban scholarship increasingly situates it within broader political\u0026ndash;economic transformations that shape contemporary cities. This article examines homelessness and everyday survival strategies in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, through the lens of urban political ecology and critical urban lens as \u0026ldquo;survival urbanism\u0026rdquo;. Drawing on qualitative fieldwork involving in-depth interviews, focus group discussions, and key informant interviews conducted in the commercial city of Dar es Salaam, this study analyses how structural forces such as neoliberal urban governance, labour precarity, and uneven development produce conditions that push individuals into homelessness while simultaneously shaping their strategies to navigate their everyday lives. The analysis demonstrates that homelessness is not simply a condition of shelter deprivation but rather a manifestation of broader processes of urban dispossession and marginalisation. The participants\u0026rsquo; experiences reveal complex survival strategies, including informal labour, social networks, and spatial negotiation within the city\u0026rsquo;s public and semipublic spaces. These practices illustrate what can be understood as \u0026ldquo;insurgent urban survival,\u0026rdquo; in which marginalised residents continually negotiate their right to remain within the city. Situating these findings within wider debates on urban informality, precarity, and the right to the city, the article contributes to urban political ecology by highlighting how struggles over shelter, livelihood, and urban space intersect in the everyday lives of the urban poor. This paper argues that addressing homelessness requires moving beyond humanitarian responses toward structural transformations that confront the political economy of urban inequality in African cities.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"Survival Urbanism in the Neoliberal City: Coping with Urban Marginality among Homeless Adults in Dar es Salaam","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2026-04-10 18:12:28","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-9357794/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"c3b842df-d44b-475b-a3a9-cbe28fce9c6c","owner":[],"postedDate":"April 10th, 2026","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[{"type":"editorAssigned","content":"","date":"2026-04-30T11:43:33+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""}],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"posted","subjectAreas":[],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2026-04-10T18:12:28+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2026-04-10 18:12:28","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-9357794","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-9357794","identity":"rs-9357794","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"XKTyCvWXoU3ODBz1xrDgd","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}