Accessing Academia in Exile: Experiences of Displaced Ukrainian Scholars in Sweden and University Responses

Accessing Academia in Exile: Experiences of Displaced Ukrainian Scholars in Sweden and University Responses | Research Square window.SnipcartSettings = { analytics: { enabled: false } }; (function() { var accessVector = localStorage.getItem('access_vector') || ''; window.dataLayer = window.dataLayer || []; if (accessVector) { window.dataLayer.push({ user: { profile: { profileInfo: { snid: accessVector } } } }); } })(); (function(w,d,s,l,i){w[l]=w[l]||[];w[l].push({'gtm.start':new Date().getTime(),event:'gtm.js'});var f=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],j=d.createElement(s),dl=l!='dataLayer'?'&l='+l:'';j.async=true;j.src='https://www.googletagmanager.com/gtm.js?id='+i+dl;f.parentNode.insertBefore(j,f);})(window,document,'script','dataLayer','GTM-K279D39R'); Browse Preprints In Review Journals COVID-19 Preprints AJE Video Bytes Research Tools Research Promotion AJE Professional Editing AJE Rubriq About Preprint Platform In Review Editorial Policies Our Team Advisory Board Help Center Sign In Submit a Preprint Cite Share Download PDF Research Article Accessing Academia in Exile: Experiences of Displaced Ukrainian Scholars in Sweden and University Responses Yunona Lototska, Lina Eklund, Emma von Essen This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-8388200/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract This study investigates the labour market experiences of highly skilled Ukrainian academics who sought refuge in Sweden following Russia’s 2022 invasion. Although the displacement represents Europe’s largest migration crisis since World War II, Ukrainian refugees have generally encountered strong public support. Among refugees are academic scholars whose expertise presents both opportunities and challenges for labour market integration. Yet little is known about how these academics access support initiatives or navigate the Swedish academic labour market. Drawing on semi-structured interviews with 30 displaced Ukrainian academics and representatives from four Swedish universities, the study provides a dual-perspective account of both workers’ experiences and institutional practices. Our findings reveal that displaced academics and institutions face significant barriers, including language difficulties, cultural differences, limited networks, and the prevalence of short-term funding structures and political initiatives. The study highlights differences between different academic fields regarding mobility and adaptation. Still, research participants demonstrate resilience and a strong desire to continue contributing to their fields. The study highlights the need for longer-term, centrally organised, and clearly communicated support structures to prevent opportunities from depending on chance or informal contacts. It further shows that prior international collaborations, language proficiency, and sensitivity to gender and family circumstances shape labour market outcomes, underscoring the importance of addressing diverse needs among refugee scholars. Overall, this research advances understanding of the integration of highly educated refugees and offers lessons for future crises. Proactive and sustainable institutional strategies can foster more inclusive academic environments that benefit both displaced researchers and the academic community. Academic Refugees Forced Migration Academic Labour Market Experiences University resources Introduction Since the full-scale war between Ukraine and Russia erupted in September 2022, a large number of Ukrainians have been forced to leave their homes (Andrews et al., 2023 ). This displacement is likely the largest migration wave in Europe since World War II, exceeding the movements caused by the Yugoslav wars of the 1990s and the more recent Syrian civil war (USCRI, 1998; UNHCR, 2023 , 2024 ). Despite its scale, public support for Ukrainian refugees has been exceptionally strong across Europe (European Commission, 2023 ). Many arrived in Sweden under the European Union’s Temporary Protection Directive (Massflyktsdirektivet) 1 , activated for the first time in response to the invasion. This may have led to Ukrainians facing less stigma than many previous forced migrant groups, in part because they are perceived as culturally and geographically closer to European host societies and thus as partial “in-group” members (Palmgren et al., 2023 ). While the war is a profound humanitarian tragedy, the arrival of highly skilled workers can create opportunities for host countries. Among those fleeing the war, a large part had tertiary education (Elinder et al., 2023 ), and some were academics with doctoral degrees and specialised expertise. However, highly educated refugees often face significant barriers to entering and remaining in a new academic labour market or finding employment that aligns with their qualifications in the labour market in general. Without access to stable employment, the options for highly skilled refugees are limited to relocating again or remaining in the host country with constrained resources (Kelly & Hedman, 2016 ). This can lead to substantial losses for both individuals and host societies, particularly given global competition for high-skilled talent (Irastorza & Bevelander, 2021 ). Extensive research suggests that higher educational attainment is beneficial for migrants’ labour market opportunities in the host country (e.g., Irastorza & Bevelander, 2021 ). However, less is known about highly skilled refugees and their experiences, particularly academics displaced by war. This study examining the labour market experiences of Ukrainian scholars who have arrived in Sweden between 2022 and 2024. To complement this perspective, we also analyse the experiences and institutional responses of Swedish universities as a key potential employer of these refugees. As of August 2024, approximately 160,000 Ukrainians in Sweden had been assigned a receiving municipality and granted either asylum or protection under the Temporary Protection Directive1 (Elinder et al. 2023 ). Institutional support for academic refugees has been channelled through universities, government research funding bodies, and the international organisation Scholars at Risk (SAR), a global network promoting academic freedom and supporting threatened scholars. Beginning in 2022, several Swedish universities launched initiatives to facilitate Ukrainian researchers’ entry into Swedish academia. For example, Uppsala University introduced internal grants enabling departments and centers to host Ukrainian scholars, while multiple Swedish research funding agencies created special grant calls for researchers fleeing the war. Despite these efforts, little is known about which institutions launched which initiatives, how accessible they were to Ukrainian academics, or how those who accessed them ultimately fared in the Swedish academic labour market. This study draws on semi-structured interviews with 30 displaced Ukrainian academics and representatives from four Swedish universities. Interviews with academics explored challenges and benefits when coming to Sweden during the war, including job applications, networking, and overall experiences in Swedish academia. Interviews with university representatives examined how institutions organised support for displaced scholars, how Ukrainian academics interacted with these structures, and what lessons could strengthen future responses. Sweden provides an instructive setting for studying these dynamics. Political and public support for Ukraine has been unusually strong, and Swedish universities quickly mobilised resources to assist Ukrainian scholars while suspending collaborations with Russian institutions. Swedish media, including alternative outlets, consistently framed Ukrainians as culturally proximate and morally deserving, reinforcing their symbolic position as an “in-group.” Historical geopolitical tensions with Russia likely shaped Swedish attitudes and institutional responses. Contrary, political leaders signalled that Sweden would remain restrictive toward accepting refugees more generally (Palmgren et al., 2023 ). This study makes three central contributions. First, it expands the literature on highly skilled forced migrants by analysing how displaced academics attempt to integrate into a Western academic labour market, a group rarely examined in migration or labour research. Second, it generates knowledge that can support universities in developing structures for integrating highly educated refugees during future crises. Third, it creates a foundation for future quantitative policy evaluations by identifying key institutional factors and individual experiences shaping labour market outcomes. Our findings reveal that even with targeted support from Swedish universities, highly skilled Ukrainian refugees face substantial barriers to entering and remaining in academia. Challenges on the individual level include the psychological strain of war, difficulties learning Swedish, unfamiliarity with academic norms and expectations, and limited access to professional networks. For institutions, challenges include scarce internal resources, uneven coordination across units, and difficulty ensuring that information about available opportunities reaches the intended population. Short-term funding cycles and time-limited initiatives further complicate long-term integration for displaced scholars. Despite these obstacles, many Ukrainian academics in our study demonstrated strong motivation and resilience, as well as a clear desire to continue contributing to their fields. However, their success often depended on factors such as prior international experience, existing networks, language skills, and individual family circumstances. These findings underscore the need for long-term, centrally organised, and clearly communicated support programmes to ensure that access to opportunities does not depend on chance encounters or informal networks. This project is an interdisciplinary collaboration situated within sociology, economics, and psychology. The team includes the first author, a Ukrainian academic refugee with a PhD from Ukraine, and two researchers with PhDs from Swedish universities. This combination provides both insider knowledge and external analytical distance. The project was supported by a grant from anon for review. Terminology First, we will clarify the terminology used in this study. Within sociology, research on refugees and forced migration remains more limited than migration studies, although the field is expanding (FitzGerald & Arar, 2018 ). Refugee movements are often driven by wars and foreign interventions, yet the concept of “refugee” itself combines everyday usage, legal definitions, and social-scientific interpretations, which can create ambiguity. Following World War II, the Allied Nations defined refugees as a group granted specific rights, such as the right not to be returned to their home country. The definition has shaped the common understanding of who qualifies as a refugee. Although refugees are considered separate from migrants (Feller, 2005 , p. 27), the theories of migration can inform the understanding of refugees. A common claim is that refugees have less agency than migrants, being described with terms like forced and involuntary. In this article, we adopt a constructivist understanding of the refugee concept while acknowledging its realist foundations. Following Zolberg’s ( 1989 ) perspective, refugees are understood as individuals fleeing political violence or threats of violence, whose movements can be analysed alongside broader migration flows. In the Ukrainian case, displacement is driven by political violence while also being shaped by economic conditions that influence individuals’ current opportunities and future decisions, including the possibility of return. The study focuses specifically on academic refugees, a group that has received limited theoretical attention. We use this term interchangeably with “displaced scholars,” in line with practitioner usage such as UNHCR’s European Academic Refugee Interdisciplinary Network (EARIN). In this paper, “academic” or “scholar” refers to individuals recognised by universities as potential academic colleagues rather than undergraduate students. Previous Research Since there are no studies specifically on the labour market integration of academic refugees, we review previous research to understand the challenges refugees in general face when entering a host country. Integrating academic refugees into a host nation's labour market is not only vital for the refugees but can also benefit the country. The findings highlight the importance of exploring the experiences of academic refugees as they try to enter the labour market. Globally, there is currently intense competition and demand for highly skilled workers (Irastorza & Bevelander, 2021 ). If the integration is not successful, there is a risk that highly educated individuals either move to other countries or stay unemployed; the result is a loss of human capital for the individual and the host country (Kelly & Hedman, 2016 ). Refugees in host countries are often described as socially and economically disadvantaged compared to the local population upon arrival. In Sweden, refugees are found to experience poorer labour market outcomes at arrival than other immigrants (Edin et al., 2003 ). In line with this, a U.S. survey suggests that refugees have fewer attributes associated with labour market success than other immigrants, such as high education (Chin & Cortes, 2015 ). Besides education, labour market experience, and disparities between the host and home countries are found to influence the integration process (De Vroome & Van Tubergen, 2010 ; Chin & Cortes, 2015 ; Barbiano di Belcojoso et al., 2019; Belvander, 2020; Irastorza & Bevelander, 2021 ). Another well-studied factor that affects labour market disparities is the discrimination that refugees often encounter (Akay & Ahmadi, 2022 ). This is likely true in our case as well, even though studies have shown that Ukrainian refugees are seen as in-group in European countries (Zakariás et al., 2023 ). All these aspects are integrated with refugees' experiences during the integration process in the host country, which can dictate the success or failure of economic integration largely (De Vroome & Van Tubergen, 2010 ). Irrespective of education, most Ukrainians who arrived in Sweden because of the war are only holding part-time, insecure, low-status jobs (Tyldum et al., 2023 ). For refugees coming from Ukraine, opportunities to work in EU countries are often limited by national policies (Mykolayets, 2023 ). Looking at Sweden, (academic) refugees have limited rights, such as not being allowed to attend courses to learn Swedish and have access to minimal financial support. These circumstances are likely to affect their experiences, reducing their ability to enter the labour market. Although high skilled migrants tend to perform better than those with less education, they do not seem to catch up with native-born individuals (Irastorza & Bevelander, 2021 ). In contrast, a recent study suggests that people who are well-integrated into the host country's labour market become better off than similar native-born workers (Baum et al., 2024 ). Their finding is attributed to skilled women. The war in Ukraine caused many women to flee the country, often with children (UNHCR, 2024 ). Research on gender and forced migration is extensive and interdisciplinary (Christou & Kofman, 2022 ). Relevant literature shows how integration processes can be gendered (Rytter, 2019 ), sometimes leading states to frame women as having limited prospects and therefore needing forced integration (Bonjour & Chauvin, 2018 ). However, scholarship specifically addressing gender in the war in Ukraine remains limited. To date, only two studies focus directly on women’s experiences. Lazarenko ( 2024 ), drawing on her own displacement, shows how German bureaucracy shapes decisions about staying or leaving and conceptualizes Ukrainians’ immediate access to permits and services as a new migration regime (Schapendonk et al., 2020 ), with new expectations of agency and temporality. In line with this, we argue that granting Ukrainian refugees labour-market access placed additional expectations of rapid integration and self-support on women. In Sweden, limited economic and social support further heightens the expectations, particularly for women who are simultaneously caring for children and coping with trauma, such as loss of relatives, separation from family, and gender-based violence. Numerous reports document gender-based violence among Ukrainian refugees (Voice, 2023 ). While material support can foster stability and facilitate employment (Frounfelker et al., 2020 ), integration also depends on socioemotional forms of community resilience. The host context must enable belonging, communication, leadership, and social support (Olcese et al., 2024 ). Universities and academic communities can be understood as specific host environments shaping the experiences and well-being of the refugee women in our study. Method and data This study examines experiences of Ukrainian academic refugees in Sweden alongside the perspectives of representatives from major Swedish universities involved in supporting them. Because no quantitative data exist on how many Ukrainian refugees in Sweden hold doctoral degrees or equivalent qualifications (Pers. Com., Swedish Migration Agency, 2023), a targeted community sampling strategy was adopted. We distributed an advertisement in English and Ukrainian inviting individuals with a doctoral or equivalent degree who arrived from Ukraine in 2022 or later to participate in an interview. Both those who had entered the Swedish academic labour market and those who had not were encouraged to participate. The announcement was circulated to all Swedish universities and several online support groups for Ukrainians in Sweden. Care was taken to reach a geographically diverse set of informants, both in terms of their Ukrainian home institutions and their Swedish destinations. Given the difficulty of accessing the target population, snowball sampling was also employed, as suggested by previous work (Sadler et al., 2010 ). After initial contacts were established, participants were asked to suggest further potential participants. All participants signed a consent letter in accordance with the standards of the Swedish Ethical Review Authority. Interviews with academic refugees lasted 45–60 minutes and followed a semi-structured format (Kvale & Brinkmann, 2009 ), enabling respondents to elaborate on their experiences and allowing the interviewer to probe for detail. The interviews explored participants’ interactions with Swedish universities and their socioeconomic challenges while living in Sweden. All interviews were recorded, transcribed, and analysed using a combination of thematic qualitative analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006 ) and narrative analysis (Mueller, 2019 ), enabling us to reconstruct labour market encounters from participants’ own narratives. Interviews with Ukrainian academics were conducted by [first author, anon for review] herself a Ukrainian academic refugee. Her insider position facilitated trust, communication, and recruitment, echoing reflexive ethnographic approaches such as Lazarenko’s ( 2024 ) study of Ukrainian women. However, the analytical process in this study also incorporated the perspectives of the other research team members to balance insider insights and reduce potential blind spots or social desirability effects. Recruitment of university representatives followed a similar approach. We first contacted all Swedish universities and compiled an inventory of initiatives supporting Ukrainian researchers’ engagement in research or teaching. Representatives holding central administrative positions, rather than departmental roles, were invited to participate. Snowball sampling was again used to identify additional relevant contacts, particularly those involved in cross-university collaborations. Informed consent was obtained before all interviews. Interviews with university representatives were semi-structured, recorded, and lasted 45–60 minutes, focusing on institutional initiatives, challenges, and lessons learned. After selective transcription, the material was analysed inductively and then organised abductively around themes derived from the research questions. For representatives’ interviews, four thematic codes were applied: 1, the practical nature of the support, 2, experiences of success, 3, challenges, 4, lessons of the future, and outstanding needs. Research participants are anonymised using “P” (for participant) followed by a unique number. In total, 30 interviews with academic refugees and interviews with representatives from four Swedish universities were completed between November 2023 and February 2025. Pilot interviews indicated that conducting the interviews in Ukrainian was necessary to ensure data quality and create a safe environment in which participants could express themselves freely, thus most interviews were conducted in Ukrainian. A small majority of interviewees were women, reflecting both the legal restrictions preventing most Ukrainian men from leaving the country and a tendency of men we met to decline interview participation. Some male potential participants expressed reluctance, possibly due to stigma related to not participating in the war or discomfort being interviewed by a female researcher. Although saturation was reached after a substantial portion of the interviews had been completed, all individuals who expressed interest were ultimately interviewed in recognition of the importance of their experiences. University representatives came from four institutions that had hosted Ukrainian researchers or doctoral students: Uppsala University, the University of Gothenburg, the Royal Institute of Technology, and Linnaeus University in Växjö. All interviewees held roles within central administrative units and were involved in coordinating or implementing institutional responses to the arrival of displaced academics. It quickly became clear that, aside from Uppsala University, most institutional support had been facilitated through collaborations with Scholars at Risk (SAR), which contributed to relatively rapid saturation in these interviews. Results We first provide an overview of the sample of displaced scholars before delving into the analysis. We present the challenges and opportunities experienced by researchers. Then, the challenges faced and best practices adopted by universities when working with displaced Ukrainian researchers. In our sample, we have Ukrainian researchers who attempted to contact Swedish universities, and both succeeded and failed, and those who did not attempt, or who had not yet contacted a Swedish academic institution. A majority wished to continue working in academia, and many had continued to publish their research since their escape to Sweden. Table 1 outlines the demographic descriptive information of the participants. Table 1. Participant Descriptive Information (N = 30) Number of responses Marital Status Married or in partnership 13 Single, Divorced, or Widowed 17 Children At least one child 19 No children 11 Gender Woman 18 Man 12 Age Group 20–40 8 41–50 10 51+ 12 Field of Research (EU classification) Social Sciences & Humanities 14 Natural Sciences & Technology 13 Missing 3 Current Research Engagement Actively working in research 12 Not currently engaged 18 Language Proficiency (Swedish) Intermediate or Advanced 8 Below intermediate 22 Language Proficiency (English) Intermediate or Advanced 26 Below intermediate 4 Note: The information was collected through 30 semi-structured interviews. Researchers’ perspective Table 2 goes here. Table 2. The Analytic Categories of Challenges and Opportunities for Ukrainian Academic Refugees Entry Staying Challenges Knowledge Language and culture Capacity Network Short term initiatives Opportunities Resources Work environment Challenges : Entry The first academic labour market challenge faced by our participants concerned entry itself, both the desire and the ability to attempt entry. Many arrived in Sweden under conditions of panic, uncertainty, and rapid decision-making. Some came deliberately due to prior contacts, while others arrived more by chance. Most required time to recover and initially expected the war to end quickly, viewing their stay in Sweden as temporary rather than the beginning of a longer-term relocation. P 26: I didn't understand that it is not for a long time. Participant 26, a young woman, described this when asked why she had not attempted to enter the Swedish academic labour market. Like many others, she shared the early expectation, widely reflected in media coverage, that the war would end quickly. As a result, searching for new employment did not initially seem urgent, and several participants continued some of their previous work, such as teaching courses online. With the pandemic still fresh, this shift to digital work was feasible. Uncertainty about the war’s duration thus reduced the perceived need to seek new collaborations or positions. Closely related to this was the limited capacity for recovery following flight and the circumstances that prompted departure. As Participant 23 explained: “ The child was concussed by a rocket, and the recovery is long—that’s why I didn’t look.” This participant, a young woman caring alone for a four-year-old child, reflected on how caregiving responsibilities after her child’s injury made job searching impossible during her initial period in Sweden. She noted that she had no contact with Swedish universities at that time and therefore missed early initiatives launched to support arriving researchers. For many participants, attempting labour market entry while caring for small children, often without a co-parent, was a major challenge. As many men remained in Ukraine due to conscription, women with children were disproportionately affected. Children’s immediate needs constrained labour market engagement but also shaped longer-term decisions about staying in Sweden, as Participant 21 noted: “There is nowhere to return—from the child’s needs—where it will be comfortable and where there will be prospects. That is, here.” The academics themselves also had various levels of capacity to engage in complex and lengthy processes of establishing university contacts. The difficulty and resulting frustration in not being able to communicate, the hardship of the move, and the cultural shock of a new country, but also the stress of knowing that people in Ukraine are in danger, was of course a common theme in the interviews. They don't understand our problems - the scale of our difficulties - you have to go to the skate park 5 times, the bank interferes, and you have to read 10 times, and they don't understand how limited our rights are and how many problems there are - and how it hurts us that they [at home] are being bombed - the house was bombed - and payments come and relatives are there, and you have to do something for Ukraine and Ukrainians - they don't understand that we need to recover. Level of expectation - discrimination - do you know the alphabet? Are you computer savvy? - they do not understand our competence and skill in complex problem solving. We are hardened - we are used to surviving problems. (P24) As Participant 24 explains, several factors shaped researchers’ capacity to engage with or attempt labour market entry. A major obstacle was that the residence permit granted to Ukrainians did not include a social security number and was intended to be short term, which limited access to bank accounts and many state functions. This created practical barriers that were difficult to overcome. Ongoing war-related stress and a strong desire to support Ukraine also affected capacity. Experiences of discrimination, was common and expressed in the quote, further compounded these challenges, often linked to language barriers. In academic settings, limited language proficiency made it difficult to express ideas with the expected depth and nuance, leading some participants to feel that their expertise was not taken seriously. Indeed, language barriers were the most cited obstacle limiting collaboration with Swedish researchers and institutions. Lack of networks and connections is the second most common theme. A few of our research participants who made successful entries, even if often temporary, had previously established contacts or experiences of Sweden. P 20: My husband is a scientist, and he had a project with the [Swedish] university - and his employee had a project with his husband - and I wrote to him - and then he said that there are projects for Ukrainians. Through her husband’s connections, she gained access to information about support initiatives. Similarly, Participant 16 noted: “I wrote a lot to various universities, yes, a colleague helped – she worked at the [Swedish] university.” A few of our participants had been to Sweden previously, on post-docs or other types of exchanges, for these, the barrier of entry was lower as they had contacts and understood the Swedish system. Most of these people also actively choose to come to Sweden due to these contacts. Established networks and contacts also meant that they had access to information on initiatives to apply for and also made the cognitive effort lower. P17 : [The Swedish Universities] don't know where to find us - we need to create a platform, an access space - they don't know where to find us, and we don't know who and how we are looking for As participant 17, who had not managed to establish any contact even though they had made many attempts, explains, for those without connections or networks, it is hard to access information or understand what opportunities are open. For those without networks, limited access to information meant missing opportunities that could have facilitated labour market entry. The integration experiences of Ukrainian researchers in Sweden were shaped by intertwined personal, structural, and relational factors that constrained their entry into the academic labour market. Many participants initially underestimated the war’s duration and therefore delayed pursuing academic opportunities in Sweden. Ongoing stress related to displacement, family responsibilities, and war-related trauma further limited their capacity. Professional networks played a decisive role in labour market outcomes. Participants with pre-existing academic or personal links to Sweden were better positioned to identify opportunities, navigate institutional processes, and secure support. These challenges were compounded by bureaucratic obstacles, unfamiliar administrative procedures, and cultural differences between the Ukrainian and Swedish academic systems. Challenges: Staying The second academic labour market challenge emerged after some participants had entered academia: staying. Most entered through short-term scholarships intended as initial support or collaboration seeds. Several Swedish funding agencies offered grants linked to Ukraine (see Table A1 in the Appendix), ranging from short stipends to multi-year funding. However, participants struggled both to apply for these grants and to compete for permanent positions alongside Swedish researchers. Transitioning from a scholarship to longer-term funding or employment was hindered by interconnected challenges related to limited time, language barriers, cultural differences, and subject-specific conditions. These are inherently interlinked and are thus discussed jointly A key difficulty was the time it took to build networks and understand the academic culture. Many of the participants also found it hard to engage with others, both due to language barriers but also cultural difference. As Participant 9 noted: “In six months, we could not really get to know people and get to know each other better. They avoided us a little. Perhaps more time is needed.” This quote from a 24-year-old social scientist illustrates how the typical six-month stipend was insufficient for establishing collaborations and bridging perceived social distance. Similarly, a 47-year-old woman in the social sciences described the challenge of navigating complex bureaucratic and social systems within such a limited timeframe, leading to missed opportunities: P23: There must be mentors - guides and an information guide, a travel map in the university. There is a lot of autonomy here - but we are from a different culture and system. What are the maps of our possibilities - I do not know what the department does, what is possible and what is not possible. I looked for everything myself - but now I see that I missed and did not see many opportunities. Which were under our noses. Many participants discussed how the academic freedom, which is central to the Swedish university system, was difficult to adapt to. Participant 23 explains, P23: one Swedish professor helped when he saw that I was confused (…) He became a mentor - he gave a topic and a direction where to go (...) they did not understand and distanced themselves - and did not prompt. - as if it was respect - but I felt invisible - I wanted to be told - what to do and how. The short duration of the stipends made it difficult to initiate new research projects, especially for participants accustomed to more hierarchical academic systems where research agendas are clearly defined. Those working in the natural sciences or medicine generally found integration easier, as they could join existing labs or research teams and begin working immediately—an important advantage on short-term contracts. In contrast, the individualised structure of many social sciences and humanities fields in Sweden made it harder to integrate Ukrainian researchers into ongoing projects. For Participant 23, the short grant did not result in major scientific output but still provided valuable learning opportunities. As she explained: P23: [I achieved] not very much because the adaptation period is long—but I am happy because I learned how to write grants—I really understood what I needed. While social sciences and humanities often require high levels of individual initiative, team-based collaboration in the hard sciences facilitated smoother integration and improved prospects for continued employment. This theme captures the difficulties Ukrainian researchers faced not only in entering Swedish academia but in remaining there beyond short-term funding. Although targeted grants were available, many struggled to secure longer-term positions due to limited time, language barriers, cultural differences, and unfamiliar academic norms. Integration varied by discipline: researchers in the natural and medical sciences often adapted more easily through lab-based work, while those in the social sciences and humanities faced greater obstacles due to more individualised research structures. Despite these challenges, some participants reported that even brief placements enabled skill development, such as grant writing, that could support future careers. Overall, the findings suggest that sustaining an academic career in Sweden requires more than initial access, including time, mentorship, and structured institutional support. Opportunities While displaced Ukrainian researchers faced several challenges in both entering and remaining in Swedish academia, participants also identified several opportunities offered by the Swedish academic system once entry had been achieved. Firstly, participants described Swedish academia as a resource-rich research environment. P11: Here [in Sweden] they have a completely different attitude towards people. I am often shy, but I was very supported here. (...). We brought all our own, even paper - from home [in the Ukraine] - and here they even gave me a laptop. Many participants describe how faculty and university staff in Ukraine often had to support their work by purchasing their own supplies and office materials. This contrasted with the Swedish system, where strong norms and laws separating work and private life dominate. This was particularly evident for participants with a natural science research focus, where material and lab equipment significantly impact their work. As Participant 17 noted: “There is money for research here … you do not think about where to get tools, and you do not have to pay for the conferences, articles, and test tubes yourself.” Most participants had also lost access to academic infrastructure in Ukraine, with only a few retaining limited online access. Given widespread reductions in personal economic resources following displacement, institutional material support in Sweden was essential for their ability to continue research. In addition, differences in the work environment were experienced as an opportunity, with many participants highlighting greater academic freedom in both how they worked and how they could present themselves. P24: Status is important for us - image - material things - but here it is not important - and that is very good. Because at home they forced me to buy a fur coat and do makeup - because I'm a docent. Here you can be as you want, freely and not afraid to wear simple clothes and be as you are. Similarly, a 24-year-old participant from the humanities lists what was positive about working in a Swedish environment: P1: [In Sweden] after 5 p.m. you do not write e-mails - SMS, etc. The culture of work and respect for time, the balance of work and rest – lagom [Sweden concept of a just right amount]. Lunch 1.5 hours and fika. Most participants described the negative effects of the war and reported experiencing moderate to high levels of stress. In this context, perceived respect for the individual and a balanced work–life environment was particularly important, as they helped mitigate stress and anxiety. Despite the challenges of entering and remaining in Swedish academia, participants identified several important opportunities. They highlighted Sweden’s resource-rich research environment, contrasting it with Ukraine, where researchers often provided their own equipment. Access to well-equipped laboratories, research materials, and institutional funding eased research work, particularly in the natural sciences. Participants also valued the Swedish academic culture, noting greater academic freedom, respect for individual autonomy, and a strong work–life balance. This environment—marked by respect for personal time and low emphasis on hierarchy—was described as both supportive and relieving, especially amid the stress of war and displacement. Universities’ perspective Below, we outline the experiences universities have had in organising support and addressing the needs of Ukrainian scholars. They cover both scholarship and employment models, helping researchers from Ukraine come to Sweden. From the researcher's perspective, we previously discussed, the university's experiences are categorized into challenges and opportunities. We begin by outlining the various challenges faced by universities that aim to do good. Challenges The support was decentralized and offered in various forms, depending on the solutions available to the respective grant provider and university. For example, the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences and Uppsala University provided scholarship opportunities, which involved fewer rules and administrative requirements. The other model included employment for up to one year, arranged by institutions like the Royal Institute of Technology and Gothenburg University, using a combination of funds from grant holders and their own government funding. However, this was not reflected in their experiences. While we interviewed only four universities, they all faced similar challenges and viewed the situation similarly. The common challenges described focused on two themes that we label "time frame" and "lack of networks." Time frame : The timeline was discussed in the context of uncertainties related to administrative processes. Typically, when universities and SAR bring scholars at-risk into a country, the process takes time. However, in the case of Ukrainian researchers, universities had to act immediately. The ability to act quickly was supported by removing administrative barriers. Universities that needed to speed up the employment process made special administrative arrangements, such as skipping public announcements for the first round of researchers. Despite the enactment of the Temporary Protection Directive, it still created uncertainties for the universities. The Royal Institute of Technology claimed that “ [...] it was unclear how long the Temporary Protection Directive would be enacted for, and that created uncertainties for us. ” Furthermore, it was also unclear whether Sweden would continue to issue permits based on work and family ties after the directive ended. Although none of the representatives explicitly stated this, the uncertainty may have impeded efforts for more permanent solutions. All the funding that university departments could access from various grant providers at the start of the war was short-term. The duration of stays the department could offer was limited, whether for scholarships or employment. The scholarship did not cover taxes or social fees, which prevented longer stays. However, because of this, the pool of funds could be distributed to a larger number of researchers. There were two main issues with short-term stays. First, universities and departments had limited capacities, in addition to the handbook from SAR used to assist people with traumatic experiences. As the war continued, funds ran out, and universities had to find ad hoc solutions for their researchers. Second, universities found it difficult to develop long-term or permanent solutions for researchers to stay within the university after their funding ended. As a result, they also had little knowledge of the researchers' whereabouts once the funding ceased. Network connections : The second theme of challenges related to network connections. The universities described two aspects of the problem tied to inadequate networks. First, they had trouble reaching potential candidates with information about the funds, and second, they faced difficulties convincing the departments to apply for the funds. All four universities we spoke to reported difficulties in finding channels where they could be certain that information about short-term funding opportunities was accessible to Ukrainian researchers. The Swedish Research Council's webpage was the only centralized source of information. One of the representatives noted that the result of this was “[...] that the University initiatives depended on the department's prior contacts with Ukrainian researchers.” Moreover, representatives experienced a lack of support for departments applying and hosting the researchers. It is therefore not surprising that the initiatives benefited researchers who had already been in contact with the universities before the war broke out. Additionally, in cases where researchers had an established connection with a department, those departments were more likely to apply for funding. The scholars from Ukraine who were able to stay longer were, according to our interviews, already familiar with the Swedish departments, and scientific collaboration. Furthermore, departments that wished to apply for funding to support Ukrainian researchers were, due to a lack of information coordination, unable to obtain an overview of the potential researchers' abilities and skills. The inability to assess the skills of the researchers created uncertainties regarding the time the department would need to invest. One representative believed that they could have utilized the web and networks more efficiently. Additionally, reflecting on what could have been done differently, this representative noted that the universities could have established stronger connections and collaborations with local municipalities, schools, and other organizations to support researchers who have experienced traumatic events and come to Sweden for assistance. An example that was not dependent on established network connections was Gothenburg University, which offered courses in the Ukrainian language at the Department of Languages and Literatures. They applied for funds to bring in researchers who could teach Ukrainian The described challenges underscore the importance of bi- and multilateral collaborations and networks among departments at Swedish Universities. Opportunities While the representatives also appeared to express similar opportunities, these were not as clearly articulated as the challenges. We thematize the opportunities as "administrative" and "political unity" possibilities. Administrative : One of the representatives described the situation among institutions of higher education as follows: “There was a great desire to do something good”. The acute situation demanded that the universities act fast. The enacted Temporary Protection Directive, in combination with political unity in the Swedish parliament, provided them with the opportunity to act swiftly. Karolinska Institute (a medical research institute in Stockholm) was the first university to offer support to displaced academics from Ukraine. Uppsala University and other universities followed suit by providing support through project-based funding applied though the departments. As described in the challenges, universities initiated various administrative processes to enable supporting Ukrainian researchers. Although posed challenges, the mere fact that these processes were initiated proved the possibilities of making changes. SAR also facilitated opportunities by changing its processes, by temporarily relaxing the requirement of a centralized vetting procedure for Ukrainian researchers. Political unity : Academic freedom is generally the main reason universities, as institutions, refrain from taking actions or making statements during political conflicts and wars. We assert that the political unity in the Swedish parliament and in Europe presented an opportunity to act on their desire to do something good. We asked the representatives experienced deciding for a particular group and not making decisions based on displaced academics in general. None of the representatives classified the directed initiatives as problematic but viewed it as a rare opportunity. The only example mentioned as potentially complex was the decision to exclude Russian dissidents from the same SAR initiative. However, when reflecting on future initiatives, they were less certain. The interviewee from Gothenburg University said “[...] I do not regret making a special decision in this situation. Similar decisions in the future need to be considered case-by-case.” Additionally, future crises are unlikely to experience the same political unity. Opportunities arising from these initiatives involve creating future possibilities through increased connections among funders, universities, and other organizations. From SAR's perspective, their coordinating role provided them with more connections to university representatives than before, affording them greater visibility. These opportunities may have paved the way for universities to develop better processes for bringing at-risk scholars to Sweden. Lack of systematic evaluation hampers learning from these initiatives, largely due to limited planning time and decentralized efforts among funders and universities. No data exists on supported researchers and doctoral students. An internal report by the Swedish Association of Higher Education Institutions covering the first grant round from three sources supported 58 researchers and doctoral students at 17 universities. The representatives from the universities expressed very similar experienced challenges and opportunities. We claim that the combination of an acute situation and political unity created a situation where universities could change their administrative structures to support initiatives aiding displaced Ukrainian academics. However, the lack of coordination among the universities meant that much of the effort benefited those researchers who already had contacts with Swedish researchers before the war. Additionally, the political short-term perspective partly undermined initiatives to create long-term solutions for the displaced researchers. Discussion Highly skilled displaced researchers entering the Swedish academic system face a set of intertwined challenges shaped by their previous international experience, available networks, and the structural conditions of Swedish academia. Researchers with prior ties to Sweden—through earlier collaborations or international projects—generally adapted more smoothly, gaining quicker access to guidance and opportunities. Those without such connections, however, struggled to navigate unfamiliar administrative systems, job-search procedures, and cultural norms. Universities acknowledged these gaps, noting that limited outreach capacity and the absence of centralised communication channels made it difficult to reach displaced scholars early and effectively. Both researchers and university staff described Swedish bureaucracy as orderly yet difficult to interpret without support. Many researchers experienced social distance in academic environments, which further restricted their ability to build networks—a barrier that universities recognised but felt constrained in addressing due to time and resource limitations. Short-term scholarships, often the primary entry point offered by universities, provided essential initial support but were too brief to allow for meaningful integration, leaving many participants without sufficient time to establish collaborations, understand institutional practices, or prepare competitive applications for long-term positions. As previous work has shown, if high skilled workers are not able to enter and stay in the labour market, their options become limited and they have to either move or stay in the host country with restricted resources (Kelly and Hedman, 2016 ). Access to opportunities was therefore uneven. Some researchers discovered affiliate programs through personal contacts, while universities expressed frustration that existing structures did not allow for broader, more systematic engagement. As one displaced scholar noted, “They don’t know where to find us—we need to create a platform,” highlighting a shared recognition that better coordination is needed to match displaced researchers with institutional support. Given the fierce competition for high-skilled workers (Irastorza & Bevelander, 2021 ) across the world and the constantly rising number of global conflicts, such networks could assist in building bridges between skilled workers and employers. Despite these challenges, both perspectives emphasised important opportunities: access to research funding, state-of-the-art facilities, and a collaborative scientific environment. Universities saw these strengths as central to their ability to support newcomers, even when financial flexibility was limited. Researchers valued these resources, as well as the academic freedom and work–life balance characteristic of Swedish academia, though adapting to these norms required time and mentorship. Together, the experiences of researchers and universities underscore the need for more robust and responsive integration mechanisms—structures that combine early outreach, clearer guidance, and flexible funding. Strengthening these systems would not only support displaced scholars but also enhance universities’ capacity to respond quickly to future crises. Lessons for the future Here we have summarised the discussion into four key implications for the future that our work has surfaced. As global conflicts are on the rise and climate change is predicted to displace large populations across the world, we argue that it is important to learn from the experiences of the war and use these lessons can support policy makers in support of more resilient strategies for the future. Lesson 1 . Support initiatives that are long-term, visible, and centralised both nationally and locally in the academic labour market. Lesson 2 . Support international connections, networks and language proficiency as these are key factors in accessing the academic job market and reaching displaced scholars. Lesson 3. Gender and family circumstances are critical variables shaping the opportunities and challenges for entry and stay into the academic labour market. Lesson 4. Do not forget to address cultural differences both to support displaced scholars but also for universities to make the most of this resource. Limitations and future work This study is built on a qualitative, self-selected sample of Ukrainian researchers who have moved to Sweden. While our Ukrainian participants represent both natural, social sciences and the humanities, the sample procedure with self-selected participants might not represent the full breadth of experiences. Since the Swedish migration authority does not gather data on PhD degrees there are no statistics on the sample with which to verify its representativeness. The group of Ukrainian researchers is while more resource-rich than some migrant groups, e.g. has high education, they have all still experienced a loss of resources such as economic or status. The fact that they have fled a war and that their country is still at war defines the group. Despite this, many in our sample are cautiously positive when talking about their future and the opportunities to continue to live good lives. It is possible that those with more sustained injuries, mental or physical, refrained from or simply could not participate in the study and thus that there exist more severe difficulties in addition to the ones we have mapped here. Two-thirds of our research participants had received some support from NGOs or volunteers, yet this has not been the focus of our study. Future work could look at the ways that NGOs and other volunteer organisations can be a supporting bridge for this group. Conclusion In conclusion, this study highlights the complex and multifaceted challenges faced by displaced Ukrainian academics as they navigate the Swedish academic labour market. Despite the efforts of Swedish universities to support these highly skilled refugees, barriers such as language difficulties, cultural differences, limited networks, and short-term funding structures and political initiatives remain significant obstacles to successful labour market integration. Despite this the study reveals resilience and a strong desire among Ukrainian researchers to contribute to their fields, even in the face of these challenges. The findings underscore the need for universities and policymakers to create long-term, sustainable initiatives that are centrally organised and visible, ensuring that opportunities for academics to keep working are not left to chance or informal networks. Additionally, previous international connections, language proficiency, and attention to gender and family circumstances play critical roles. Suggesting that attention to these is necessary to address the diverse needs of refugee academics. Ultimately, this research contributes valuable insights into the integration of highly educated refugees, offering lessons for future crises where academic and professional mobility may be disrupted. By addressing these challenges proactively, institutions can foster more inclusive academic environments that benefit both refugee researchers and the host academic community, enhancing global collaboration and knowledge exchange in the long term. Declarations Ethical Approval The study design was approved by the Swedish Ethical Review Authority (Case No: anon for review). Fleeing war with possible traumatic experiences, the group of participants in our study is vulnerable. Although the themes of the interviews do not explicitly involve sensitive topics, they had the potential to evoke uncomfortable memories. The person from the research group conducting the interviews is Ukrainian and has also fled the war. She is a psychologist by training and is in a similar position to the interviewees. The intention was that this could alleviate the risks of evoking a sense of discomfort with the questions. Consent to Participate. Before taking part in the interviews, all participants were informed about the purpose of the study and asked to consent to partake. Participants were informed that they could stop the interview at any time and contact the researchers to request the withdrawal of their data. Clinical trial number not applicable. Funding Declaration Funding for this research was provided by University X (anon for review). Author Contribution LE and YL together planned and designed the study. YL performed the interviews with the Ukrainian academics, transcribed, and analysed this material. EvE with the help of LE performed the interviews with the Universities and analysed this material. LE and EvE wrote the main manuscript text. All authors reviewed the manuscript. Acknowledgement We would like to thank our research participants for participating in this research. Data Availability The data that supports these findings is not publicly available due to ethical concerns for the research participants. Certain anonymized data can be shared upon reasonable request by contacting the authors. References Akay, P. A., & Ahmadi, N. (2022). The work environment of immigrant employees in Sweden: A systematic review. 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International Journal of Qualitative Methods , 18 . https://doi.org/10.1177/1609406919866044 Mykolayets, D. (2023). The right to work for Ukrainian refugees and its realization in Europe. Baku State University Law Review , 9 (1), 92–110. https://heinonline.org/hol-cgi-bin/get_pdf.cgi?handle=hein.journals/bakustulr9§ion=9 Olcese, M., Cardinali, P., Camilleri, A. P., & Migliorini, L. (2024). Feeling community during war: Community resilience of Ukrainian women refugees in Italy. Journal of International Migration and Integration , 1–19. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12134-024-01147-8 Palmgren, A., Åkerlund, M., & Viklund, L. (2023). Refugees versus ‘refugees’: The role of Islamophobia in Swedish alternative media’s reporting on Ukrainian asylum seekers. Media Culture & Society , 45 (7), 1400–1417. https://doi.org/10.1177/01634437231179363 Rytter, M. (2019). Writing against integration: Danish imaginaries of culture, race and belonging. Ethnos . https://doi.org/10.1080/00141844.2018.1458745 Sadler, G. R., Lee, H. C., Lim, R. S. H., & Fullerton, J. (2010). Recruiting hard-to-reach populations via adaptations of snowball sampling. Nursing & Health Sciences , 12 (3), 369–374. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1442-2018.2010.00541.x Schapendonk, J., Van Liempt, I., Schwarz, I., & Steel, G. (2020). Re-routing migration geographies: Migrants, trajectories and mobility regimes. Geoforum , 116 , 211–216. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2018.06.007 Tyldum, G., Kjeøy, I., & Lillevik, R. (2023). Different policies, different outcomes: The reception of Ukrainian refugees in Sweden and Norway (2nd ed.). FAFO. https://www.fafo.no/images/pub/2023/967-second-edition.pdf UNHCR (2023). Syria emergency . https://www.unhcr.org/emergencies/syria-emergency UNHCR (2024). Ukraine situation . https://data.unhcr.org/en/situations/ukraineUS Committee for Refugees and Immigrants. (1998). World refugee survey 1998 – Yugoslavia . https://www.refworld.org/reference/annualreport/uscri/1998/en/15855 US Committee for Refugees and Immigrants (1998). World refugee survey 1998 – Yugoslavia . https://www.refworld.org/reference/annualreport/uscri/1998/en/15855 VOICE (2023). Gender-based violence in the context of the Ukraine crisis: Romania assessment . https://reliefweb.int/report/romania/gender-based-violence-context-ukraine-crisis-romania-assessment-enro Zakariás, I., Feischmidt, M., Gerő, M., Morauszki, A., Zentai, V., & Zsigmond, C. (2023). Solidarity with displaced people from Ukraine in Hungary: Attitudes and practices. Journal of International Migration and Integration . https://doi.org/10.1007/s12134-023-01096-8 Zolberg, A. R. (1989). The next waves: Migration theory for a changing world. International Migration Review , 23 (3), 403–430. https://doi.org/10.1177/019791838902300302 Footnotes Council Directive 2001/55/EC Additional Declarations No competing interests reported. Supplementary Files Appendi1.docx Cite Share Download PDF Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Research Square lets you share your work early, gain feedback from the community, and start making changes to your manuscript prior to peer review in a journal. As a division of Research Square Company, we’re committed to making research communication faster, fairer, and more useful. We do this by developing innovative software and high quality services for the global research community. Our growing team is made up of researchers and industry professionals working together to solve the most critical problems facing scientific publishing. Also discoverable on Platform About Our Team In Review Editorial Policies Advisory Board Help Center Resources Author Services Accessibility API Access RSS feed Manage Cookie Preferences © Research Square 2026 | ISSN 2693-5015 (online) Privacy Policy Terms of Service Do Not Sell My Personal Information {"props":{"pageProps":{"initialData":{"identity":"rs-8388200","acceptedTermsAndConditions":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"archivedVersions":[],"articleType":"Research Article","associatedPublications":[],"authors":[{"id":595066105,"identity":"bd21ce87-5d46-4942-b4dd-588ff0a2fd82","order_by":0,"name":"Yunona Lototska","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"Uppsala University","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Yunona","middleName":"","lastName":"Lototska","suffix":""},{"id":595066106,"identity":"8f0cf4bd-4388-46f3-a427-6560fb08a9c1","order_by":1,"name":"Lina Eklund","email":"data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAZAAAAAyAQMAAABI0h/eAAAABlBMVEX///8AAABVwtN+AAAACXBIWXMAAA7EAAAOxAGVKw4bAAAA00lEQVRIiWNgGAWjYBACPmYwlSADJAwfJBCjhQ2qhQdIGBsQp4UBocVMgiiHsbHzHvzAUJHGY3C7eVvFwxyGxA0H2B8+wO8wvmQJhjM5PAZ3jpXdSNwG0sJjbIBfC4+BBGNbBY/BjRwzmBY2vC4EajH+wfgPoqUAooX9+Q8CWswkGBtywFoYIFoYzPDpAGuxSDiWxiN5I61YInGbhPHMwzzGeB3Gz3/G+MaHmmQ5vhvJGz/+3GYj23e8/eEHvNaAQAKCCTSfmaD6UTAKRsEoGAWEAADUzEF1YBr4IQAAAABJRU5ErkJggg==","orcid":"","institution":"Uppsala University","correspondingAuthor":true,"prefix":"","firstName":"Lina","middleName":"","lastName":"Eklund","suffix":""},{"id":595066107,"identity":"1a4ef93f-8fd2-4711-9506-b1f3e7152f3b","order_by":2,"name":"Emma von Essen","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"Uppsala University","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Emma","middleName":"","lastName":"von Essen","suffix":""}],"badges":[],"createdAt":"2025-12-17 17:38:09","currentVersionCode":1,"declarations":"","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-8388200/v1","doiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-8388200/v1","draftVersion":[],"editorialEvents":[],"editorialNote":"","failedWorkflow":false,"files":[{"id":103505297,"identity":"180c6d7a-6092-44bb-b757-888bd824b17e","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2026-02-26 13:29:32","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":718056,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-8388200/v1/3f2c1b2f-1390-4d9b-b84c-12f9028f2ff3.pdf"},{"id":103214896,"identity":"b7152566-e1c3-41ac-a64d-7262edee5101","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2026-02-23 09:15:55","extension":"docx","order_by":1,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"supplement","size":15730,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"Appendi1.docx","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-8388200/v1/5740fc29551d0cbabab77363.docx"}],"financialInterests":"No competing interests reported.","formattedTitle":"Accessing Academia in Exile: Experiences of Displaced Ukrainian Scholars in Sweden and University Responses","fulltext":[{"header":"Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003eSince the full-scale war between Ukraine and Russia erupted in September 2022, a large number of Ukrainians have been forced to leave their homes (Andrews et al., \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). This displacement is likely the largest migration wave in Europe since World War II, exceeding the movements caused by the Yugoslav wars of the 1990s and the more recent Syrian civil war (USCRI, 1998; UNHCR, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDespite its scale, public support for Ukrainian refugees has been exceptionally strong across Europe (European Commission, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). Many arrived in Sweden under the European Union’s Temporary Protection Directive (Massflyktsdirektivet)\u003csup\u003e1\u003c/sup\u003e, activated for the first time in response to the invasion. This may have led to Ukrainians facing less stigma than many previous forced migrant groups, in part because they are perceived as culturally and geographically closer to European host societies and thus as partial “in-group” members (Palmgren et al., \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eWhile the war is a profound humanitarian tragedy, the arrival of highly skilled workers can create opportunities for host countries. Among those fleeing the war, a large part had tertiary education (Elinder et al., \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e), and some were academics with doctoral degrees and specialised expertise. However, highly educated refugees often face significant barriers to entering and remaining in a new academic labour market or finding employment that aligns with their qualifications in the labour market in general. Without access to stable employment, the options for highly skilled refugees are limited to relocating again or remaining in the host country with constrained resources (Kelly \u0026amp; Hedman, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e). This can lead to substantial losses for both individuals and host societies, particularly given global competition for high-skilled talent (Irastorza \u0026amp; Bevelander, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eExtensive research suggests that higher educational attainment is beneficial for migrants’ labour market opportunities in the host country (e.g., Irastorza \u0026amp; Bevelander, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). However, less is known about highly skilled refugees and their experiences, particularly academics displaced by war. This study examining the labour market experiences of Ukrainian scholars who have arrived in Sweden between 2022 and 2024. To complement this perspective, we also analyse the experiences and institutional responses of Swedish universities as a key potential employer of these refugees.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAs of August 2024, approximately 160,000 Ukrainians in Sweden had been assigned a receiving municipality and granted either asylum or protection under the Temporary Protection Directive1 (Elinder et al. \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). Institutional support for academic refugees has been channelled through universities, government research funding bodies, and the international organisation Scholars at Risk (SAR), a global network promoting academic freedom and supporting threatened scholars.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eBeginning in 2022, several Swedish universities launched initiatives to facilitate Ukrainian researchers’ entry into Swedish academia. For example, Uppsala University introduced internal grants enabling departments and centers to host Ukrainian scholars, while multiple Swedish research funding agencies created special grant calls for researchers fleeing the war. Despite these efforts, little is known about which institutions launched which initiatives, how accessible they were to Ukrainian academics, or how those who accessed them ultimately fared in the Swedish academic labour market.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis study draws on semi-structured interviews with 30 displaced Ukrainian academics and representatives from four Swedish universities. Interviews with academics explored challenges and benefits when coming to Sweden during the war, including job applications, networking, and overall experiences in Swedish academia. Interviews with university representatives examined how institutions organised support for displaced scholars, how Ukrainian academics interacted with these structures, and what lessons could strengthen future responses.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSweden provides an instructive setting for studying these dynamics. Political and public support for Ukraine has been unusually strong, and Swedish universities quickly mobilised resources to assist Ukrainian scholars while suspending collaborations with Russian institutions. Swedish media, including alternative outlets, consistently framed Ukrainians as culturally proximate and morally deserving, reinforcing their symbolic position as an “in-group.” Historical geopolitical tensions with Russia likely shaped Swedish attitudes and institutional responses. Contrary, political leaders signalled that Sweden would remain restrictive toward accepting refugees more generally (Palmgren et al., \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis study makes three central contributions. First, it expands the literature on highly skilled forced migrants by analysing how displaced academics attempt to integrate into a Western academic labour market, a group rarely examined in migration or labour research. Second, it generates knowledge that can support universities in developing structures for integrating highly educated refugees during future crises. Third, it creates a foundation for future quantitative policy evaluations by identifying key institutional factors and individual experiences shaping labour market outcomes.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOur findings reveal that even with targeted support from Swedish universities, highly skilled Ukrainian refugees face substantial barriers to entering and remaining in academia. Challenges on the individual level include the psychological strain of war, difficulties learning Swedish, unfamiliarity with academic norms and expectations, and limited access to professional networks. For institutions, challenges include scarce internal resources, uneven coordination across units, and difficulty ensuring that information about available opportunities reaches the intended population. Short-term funding cycles and time-limited initiatives further complicate long-term integration for displaced scholars.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDespite these obstacles, many Ukrainian academics in our study demonstrated strong motivation and resilience, as well as a clear desire to continue contributing to their fields. However, their success often depended on factors such as prior international experience, existing networks, language skills, and individual family circumstances. These findings underscore the need for long-term, centrally organised, and clearly communicated support programmes to ensure that access to opportunities does not depend on chance encounters or informal networks.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis project is an interdisciplinary collaboration situated within sociology, economics, and psychology. The team includes the first author, a Ukrainian academic refugee with a PhD from Ukraine, and two researchers with PhDs from Swedish universities. This combination provides both insider knowledge and external analytical distance. The project was supported by a grant from \u003cem\u003eanon for review.\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eTerminology\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFirst, we will clarify the terminology used in this study. Within sociology, research on refugees and forced migration remains more limited than migration studies, although the field is expanding (FitzGerald \u0026amp; Arar, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). Refugee movements are often driven by wars and foreign interventions, yet the concept of “refugee” itself combines everyday usage, legal definitions, and social-scientific interpretations, which can create ambiguity.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFollowing World War II, the Allied Nations defined refugees as a group granted specific rights, such as the right not to be returned to their home country. The definition has shaped the common understanding of who qualifies as a refugee. Although refugees are considered separate from migrants (Feller, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2005\u003c/span\u003e, p. 27), the theories of migration can inform the understanding of refugees. A common claim is that refugees have less agency than migrants, being described with terms like forced and involuntary.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn this article, we adopt a constructivist understanding of the refugee concept while acknowledging its realist foundations. Following Zolberg’s (\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1989\u003c/span\u003e) perspective, refugees are understood as individuals fleeing political violence or threats of violence, whose movements can be analysed alongside broader migration flows. In the Ukrainian case, displacement is driven by political violence while also being shaped by economic conditions that influence individuals’ current opportunities and future decisions, including the possibility of return.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe study focuses specifically on academic refugees, a group that has received limited theoretical attention. We use this term interchangeably with “displaced scholars,” in line with practitioner usage such as UNHCR’s European Academic Refugee Interdisciplinary Network (EARIN). In this paper, “academic” or “scholar” refers to individuals recognised by universities as potential academic colleagues rather than undergraduate students.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003ePrevious Research\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSince there are no studies specifically on the labour market integration of academic refugees, we review previous research to understand the challenges refugees in general face when entering a host country. Integrating academic refugees into a host nation's labour market is not only vital for the refugees but can also benefit the country. The findings highlight the importance of exploring the experiences of academic refugees as they try to enter the labour market.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eGlobally, there is currently intense competition and demand for highly skilled workers (Irastorza \u0026amp; Bevelander, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). If the integration is not successful, there is a risk that highly educated individuals either move to other countries or stay unemployed; the result is a loss of human capital for the individual and the host country (Kelly \u0026amp; Hedman, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eRefugees in host countries are often described as socially and economically disadvantaged compared to the local population upon arrival. In Sweden, refugees are found to experience poorer labour market outcomes at arrival than other immigrants (Edin et al., \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003\u003c/span\u003e). In line with this, a U.S. survey suggests that refugees have fewer attributes associated with labour market success than other immigrants, such as high education (Chin \u0026amp; Cortes, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e). Besides education, labour market experience, and disparities between the host and home countries are found to influence the integration process (De Vroome \u0026amp; Van Tubergen, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e; Chin \u0026amp; Cortes, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e; Barbiano di Belcojoso et al., 2019; Belvander, 2020; Irastorza \u0026amp; Bevelander, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). Another well-studied factor that affects labour market disparities is the discrimination that refugees often encounter (Akay \u0026amp; Ahmadi, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). This is likely true in our case as well, even though studies have shown that Ukrainian refugees are seen as in-group in European countries (Zakariás et al., \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). All these aspects are integrated with refugees' \u003cem\u003eexperiences\u003c/em\u003e during the integration process in the host country, which can dictate the success or failure of economic integration largely (De Vroome \u0026amp; Van Tubergen, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIrrespective of education, most Ukrainians who arrived in Sweden because of the war are only holding part-time, insecure, low-status jobs (Tyldum et al., \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). For refugees coming from Ukraine, opportunities to work in EU countries are often limited by national policies (Mykolayets, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). Looking at Sweden, (academic) refugees have limited rights, such as not being allowed to attend courses to learn Swedish and have access to minimal financial support. These circumstances are likely to affect their experiences, reducing their ability to enter the labour market.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAlthough high skilled migrants tend to perform better than those with less education, they do not seem to catch up with native-born individuals (Irastorza \u0026amp; Bevelander, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). In contrast, a recent study suggests that people who are well-integrated into the host country's labour market become better off than similar native-born workers (Baum et al., \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). Their finding is attributed to skilled women.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe war in Ukraine caused many women to flee the country, often with children (UNHCR, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). Research on gender and forced migration is extensive and interdisciplinary (Christou \u0026amp; Kofman, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). Relevant literature shows how integration processes can be gendered (Rytter, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e), sometimes leading states to frame women as having limited prospects and therefore needing forced integration (Bonjour \u0026amp; Chauvin, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). However, scholarship specifically addressing gender in the war in Ukraine remains limited. To date, only two studies focus directly on women’s experiences. Lazarenko (\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e), drawing on her own displacement, shows how German bureaucracy shapes decisions about staying or leaving and conceptualizes Ukrainians’ immediate access to permits and services as a new migration regime (Schapendonk et al., \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e), with new expectations of agency and temporality. In line with this, we argue that granting Ukrainian refugees labour-market access placed additional expectations of rapid integration and self-support on women.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn Sweden, limited economic and social support further heightens the expectations, particularly for women who are simultaneously caring for children and coping with trauma, such as loss of relatives, separation from family, and gender-based violence. Numerous reports document gender-based violence among Ukrainian refugees (Voice, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). While material support can foster stability and facilitate employment (Frounfelker et al., \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e), integration also depends on socioemotional forms of community resilience. The host context must enable belonging, communication, leadership, and social support (Olcese et al., \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). Universities and academic communities can be understood as specific host environments shaping the experiences and well-being of the refugee women in our study.\u003c/p\u003e "},{"header":"Method and data","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis study examines experiences of Ukrainian academic refugees in Sweden alongside the perspectives of representatives from major Swedish universities involved in supporting them. Because no quantitative data exist on how many Ukrainian refugees in Sweden hold doctoral degrees or equivalent qualifications (Pers. Com., Swedish Migration Agency, 2023), a targeted community sampling strategy was adopted. We distributed an advertisement in English and Ukrainian inviting individuals with a doctoral or equivalent degree who arrived from Ukraine in 2022 or later to participate in an interview. Both those who had entered the Swedish academic labour market and those who had not were encouraged to participate. The announcement was circulated to all Swedish universities and several online support groups for Ukrainians in Sweden. Care was taken to reach a geographically diverse set of informants, both in terms of their Ukrainian home institutions and their Swedish destinations.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eGiven the difficulty of accessing the target population, snowball sampling was also employed, as suggested by previous work (Sadler et al., \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e). After initial contacts were established, participants were asked to suggest further potential participants. All participants signed a consent letter in accordance with the standards of the Swedish Ethical Review Authority.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eInterviews with academic refugees lasted 45–60 minutes and followed a semi-structured format (Kvale \u0026amp; Brinkmann, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e), enabling respondents to elaborate on their experiences and allowing the interviewer to probe for detail. The interviews explored participants’ interactions with Swedish universities and their socioeconomic challenges while living in Sweden. All interviews were recorded, transcribed, and analysed using a combination of thematic qualitative analysis (Braun \u0026amp; Clarke, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e) and narrative analysis (Mueller, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e), enabling us to reconstruct labour market encounters from participants’ own narratives.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eInterviews with Ukrainian academics were conducted by [first author, anon for review] herself a Ukrainian academic refugee. Her insider position facilitated trust, communication, and recruitment, echoing reflexive ethnographic approaches such as Lazarenko’s (\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e) study of Ukrainian women. However, the analytical process in this study also incorporated the perspectives of the other research team members to balance insider insights and reduce potential blind spots or social desirability effects.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eRecruitment of university representatives followed a similar approach. We first contacted all Swedish universities and compiled an inventory of initiatives supporting Ukrainian researchers’ engagement in research or teaching. Representatives holding central administrative positions, rather than departmental roles, were invited to participate. Snowball sampling was again used to identify additional relevant contacts, particularly those involved in cross-university collaborations. Informed consent was obtained before all interviews. Interviews with university representatives were semi-structured, recorded, and lasted 45–60 minutes, focusing on institutional initiatives, challenges, and lessons learned.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAfter selective transcription, the material was analysed inductively and then organised abductively around themes derived from the research questions. For representatives’ interviews, four thematic codes were applied: 1, the practical nature of the support, 2, experiences of success, 3, challenges, 4, lessons of the future, and outstanding needs. Research participants are anonymised using “P” (for participant) followed by a unique number.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn total, 30 interviews with academic refugees and interviews with representatives from four Swedish universities were completed between November 2023 and February 2025. Pilot interviews indicated that conducting the interviews in Ukrainian was necessary to ensure data quality and create a safe environment in which participants could express themselves freely, thus most interviews were conducted in Ukrainian. A small majority of interviewees were women, reflecting both the legal restrictions preventing most Ukrainian men from leaving the country and a tendency of men we met to decline interview participation. Some male potential participants expressed reluctance, possibly due to stigma related to not participating in the war or discomfort being interviewed by a female researcher.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAlthough saturation was reached after a substantial portion of the interviews had been completed, all individuals who expressed interest were ultimately interviewed in recognition of the importance of their experiences. University representatives came from four institutions that had hosted Ukrainian researchers or doctoral students: Uppsala University, the University of Gothenburg, the Royal Institute of Technology, and Linnaeus University in Växjö. All interviewees held roles within central administrative units and were involved in coordinating or implementing institutional responses to the arrival of displaced academics. It quickly became clear that, aside from Uppsala University, most institutional support had been facilitated through collaborations with Scholars at Risk (SAR), which contributed to relatively rapid saturation in these interviews.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Results","content":"\u003cp\u003eWe first provide an overview of the sample of displaced scholars before delving into the analysis. We present the challenges and opportunities experienced by researchers. Then, the challenges faced and best practices adopted by universities when working with displaced Ukrainian researchers.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn our sample, we have Ukrainian researchers who attempted to contact Swedish universities, and both succeeded and failed, and those who did not attempt, or who had not yet contacted a Swedish academic institution. A majority wished to continue working in academia, and many had continued to publish their research since their escape to Sweden. Table 1 outlines the demographic descriptive information of the participants.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eTable 1. Participant Descriptive Information (N = 30)\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ctable border=\"1\" cellspacing=\"0\" cellpadding=\"0\"\u003e\n \u003ctbody\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"bottom\" style=\"width: 55.1923%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"bottom\" style=\"width: 44.8077%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eNumber of responses\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 55.1923%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eMarital Status\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"bottom\" style=\"width: 44.8077%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 55.1923%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eMarried or in partnership\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 44.8077%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e13\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 55.1923%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eSingle, Divorced, or Widowed\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 44.8077%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e17\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 55.1923%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eChildren\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"bottom\" style=\"width: 44.8077%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 55.1923%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eAt least one child\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"bottom\" style=\"width: 44.8077%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e19\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 55.1923%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eNo children\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"bottom\" style=\"width: 44.8077%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e11\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 55.1923%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eGender\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"bottom\" style=\"width: 44.8077%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 55.1923%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eWoman\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"bottom\" style=\"width: 44.8077%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e18\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 55.1923%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eMan\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 44.8077%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e12\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 55.1923%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eAge Group\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 44.8077%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 55.1923%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e20\u0026ndash;40\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 44.8077%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e8\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 55.1923%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e41\u0026ndash;50\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 44.8077%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e10\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 55.1923%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e51+\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 44.8077%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e12\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 55.1923%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eField of Research (EU classification)\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"bottom\" style=\"width: 44.8077%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 55.1923%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eSocial Sciences \u0026amp; Humanities\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 44.8077%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e14\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 55.1923%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eNatural Sciences \u0026amp; Technology\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 44.8077%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e13\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 55.1923%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eMissing\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 44.8077%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e3\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 55.1923%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eCurrent Research Engagement\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 44.8077%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 55.1923%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eActively working in research\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 44.8077%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e12\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 55.1923%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eNot currently engaged\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 44.8077%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e18\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 55.1923%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eLanguage Proficiency (Swedish)\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 44.8077%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 55.1923%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eIntermediate or Advanced\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 44.8077%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e8\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 55.1923%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eBelow intermediate\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"bottom\" style=\"width: 44.8077%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e22\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 55.1923%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eLanguage Proficiency (English)\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"bottom\" style=\"width: 44.8077%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 55.1923%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eIntermediate or Advanced\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 44.8077%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e26\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 55.1923%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eBelow intermediate\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"bottom\" style=\"width: 44.8077%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e4\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003c/tbody\u003e\n\u003c/table\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eNote: The information was collected through 30 semi-structured interviews.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eResearchers\u0026rsquo; perspective\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eTable 2 goes here.\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eTable 2. The Analytic Categories of Challenges and Opportunities for Ukrainian Academic Refugees\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ctable border=\"0\" cellspacing=\"0\" cellpadding=\"0\"\u003e\n \u003ctbody\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 33.3333%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 33.3333%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eEntry\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 33.3333%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eStaying\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 33.3333%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eChallenges\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 33.3333%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eKnowledge\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 33.3333%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eLanguage and culture\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 33.3333%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 33.3333%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eCapacity\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eNetwork\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 33.3333%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eShort term initiatives\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 33.3333%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eOpportunities\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 33.3333%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 33.3333%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eResources\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 33.3333%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 33.3333%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 33.3333%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eWork environment\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003c/tbody\u003e\n\u003c/table\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eChallenges\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003cem\u003e: \u003cstrong\u003eEntry\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe first academic labour market challenge faced by our participants concerned entry itself, both the desire and the ability to attempt entry. Many arrived in Sweden under conditions of panic, uncertainty, and rapid decision-making. Some came deliberately due to prior contacts, while others arrived more by chance. Most required time to recover and initially expected the war to end quickly, viewing their stay in Sweden as temporary rather than the beginning of a longer-term relocation. P\u003cem\u003e26: I didn\u0026apos;t understand that it is not for a long time.\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eParticipant 26, a young woman, described this when asked why she had not attempted to enter the Swedish academic labour market. Like many others, she shared the early expectation, widely reflected in media coverage, that the war would end quickly. As a result, searching for new employment did not initially seem urgent, and several participants continued some of their previous work, such as teaching courses online. With the pandemic still fresh, this shift to digital work was feasible. Uncertainty about the war\u0026rsquo;s duration thus reduced the perceived need to seek new collaborations or positions.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eClosely related to this was the limited capacity for recovery following flight and the circumstances that prompted departure. As Participant 23 explained: \u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003eThe child was concussed by a rocket, and the recovery is long\u0026mdash;that\u0026rsquo;s why I didn\u0026rsquo;t look.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e This participant, a young woman caring alone for a four-year-old child, reflected on how caregiving responsibilities after her child\u0026rsquo;s injury made job searching impossible during her initial period in Sweden. She noted that she had no contact with Swedish universities at that time and therefore missed early initiatives launched to support arriving researchers.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFor many participants, attempting labour market entry while caring for small children, often without a co-parent, was a major challenge. As many men remained in Ukraine due to conscription, women with children were disproportionately affected. Children\u0026rsquo;s immediate needs constrained labour market engagement but also shaped longer-term decisions about staying in Sweden, as Participant 21 noted: \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;There is nowhere to return\u0026mdash;from the child\u0026rsquo;s needs\u0026mdash;where it will be comfortable and where there will be prospects. That is, here.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe academics themselves also had various levels of capacity to engage in complex and lengthy processes of establishing university contacts. The difficulty and resulting frustration in not being able to communicate, the hardship of the move, and the cultural shock of a new country, but also the stress of knowing that people in Ukraine are in danger, was of course a common theme in the interviews.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThey don\u0026apos;t understand our problems - the scale of our difficulties - you have to go to the skate park 5 times, the bank interferes, and you have to read 10 times, and they don\u0026apos;t understand how limited our rights are and how many problems there are - and how it hurts us that they [at home] are being bombed - the house was bombed - and payments come and relatives are there, and you have to do something for Ukraine and Ukrainians - they don\u0026apos;t understand that we need to recover. Level of expectation - discrimination - do you know the alphabet? Are you computer savvy? - they do not understand our competence and skill in complex problem solving. We are hardened - we are used to surviving problems. (P24)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAs Participant 24 explains, several factors shaped researchers\u0026rsquo; capacity to engage with or attempt labour market entry. A major obstacle was that the residence permit granted to Ukrainians did not include a social security number and was intended to be short term, which limited access to bank accounts and many state functions. This created practical barriers that were difficult to overcome. Ongoing war-related stress and a strong desire to support Ukraine also affected capacity. Experiences of discrimination, was common and expressed in the quote, further compounded these challenges, often linked to language barriers. In academic settings, limited language proficiency made it difficult to express ideas with the expected depth and nuance, leading some participants to feel that their expertise was not taken seriously. Indeed, language barriers were the most cited obstacle limiting collaboration with Swedish researchers and institutions.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eLack of networks and connections is the second most common theme. A few of our research participants who made successful entries, even if often temporary, had previously established contacts or experiences of Sweden. P\u003cem\u003e20: My husband is a scientist, and he had a project with the [Swedish] university - and his employee had a project with his husband - and I wrote to him - and then he said that there are projects for Ukrainians.\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThrough her husband\u0026rsquo;s connections, she gained access to information about support initiatives. Similarly, Participant 16 noted: \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;I wrote a lot to various universities, yes, a colleague helped \u0026ndash; she worked at the [Swedish] university.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eA few of our participants had been to Sweden previously, on post-docs or other types of exchanges, for these, the barrier of entry was lower as they had contacts and understood the Swedish system. Most of these people also actively choose to come to Sweden due to these contacts. Established networks and contacts also meant that they had access to information on initiatives to apply for and also made the cognitive effort lower.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eP17\u003cem\u003e: [The Swedish Universities] don\u0026apos;t know where to find us - we need to create a platform, an access space - they don\u0026apos;t know where to find us, and we don\u0026apos;t know who and how we are looking for\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003eAs participant 17, who had not managed to establish any contact even though they had made many attempts, explains, for those without connections or networks, it is hard to access information or understand what opportunities are open. For those without networks, limited access to information meant missing opportunities that could have facilitated labour market entry.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe integration experiences of Ukrainian researchers in Sweden were shaped by intertwined personal, structural, and relational factors that constrained their entry into the academic labour market. Many participants initially underestimated the war\u0026rsquo;s duration and therefore delayed pursuing academic opportunities in Sweden. Ongoing stress related to displacement, family responsibilities, and war-related trauma further limited their capacity. Professional networks played a decisive role in labour market outcomes. Participants with pre-existing academic or personal links to Sweden were better positioned to identify opportunities, navigate institutional processes, and secure support. These challenges were compounded by bureaucratic obstacles, unfamiliar administrative procedures, and cultural differences between the Ukrainian and Swedish academic systems.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eChallenges:\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eStaying\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe second academic labour market challenge emerged after some participants had entered academia: staying. Most entered through short-term scholarships intended as initial support or collaboration seeds. Several Swedish funding agencies offered grants linked to Ukraine (see Table A1 in the Appendix), ranging from short stipends to multi-year funding. However, participants struggled both to apply for these grants and to compete for permanent positions alongside Swedish researchers. Transitioning from a scholarship to longer-term funding or employment was hindered by interconnected challenges related to limited time, language barriers, cultural differences, and subject-specific conditions. These are inherently interlinked and are thus discussed jointly\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eA key difficulty was the time it took to build networks and understand the academic culture. Many of the participants also found it hard to engage with others, both due to language barriers but also cultural difference. As Participant 9 noted: \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;In six months, we could not really get to know people and get to know each other better. They avoided us a little. Perhaps more time is needed.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e This quote from a 24-year-old social scientist illustrates how the typical six-month stipend was insufficient for establishing collaborations and bridging perceived social distance. Similarly, a 47-year-old woman in the social sciences described the challenge of navigating complex bureaucratic and social systems within such a limited timeframe, leading to missed opportunities:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eP23: There must be mentors - guides and an information guide, a travel map in the university. There is a lot of autonomy here - but we are from a different culture and system. What are the maps of our possibilities - I do not know what the department does, what is possible and what is not possible. I looked for everything myself - but now I see that I missed and did not see many opportunities. Which were under our noses.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMany participants discussed how the academic freedom, which is central to the Swedish university system, was difficult to adapt to. Participant 23 explains,\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eP23: one Swedish professor helped when he saw that I was confused (\u0026hellip;) He became a mentor - he gave a topic and a direction where to go (...) they did not understand and distanced themselves - and did not prompt. - as if it was respect - but I felt invisible - I wanted to be told - what to do and how.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe short duration of the stipends made it difficult to initiate new research projects, especially for participants accustomed to more hierarchical academic systems where research agendas are clearly defined. Those working in the natural sciences or medicine generally found integration easier, as they could join existing labs or research teams and begin working immediately\u0026mdash;an important advantage on short-term contracts. In contrast, the individualised structure of many social sciences and humanities fields in Sweden made it harder to integrate Ukrainian researchers into ongoing projects.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFor Participant 23, the short grant did not result in major scientific output but still provided valuable learning opportunities. As she explained: \u003cem\u003eP23: [I achieved] not very much because the adaptation period is long\u0026mdash;but I am happy because I learned how to write grants\u0026mdash;I really understood what I needed.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003eWhile social sciences and humanities often require high levels of individual initiative, team-based collaboration in the hard sciences facilitated smoother integration and improved prospects for continued employment.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis theme captures the difficulties Ukrainian researchers faced not only in entering Swedish academia but in remaining there beyond short-term funding. Although targeted grants were available, many struggled to secure longer-term positions due to limited time, language barriers, cultural differences, and unfamiliar academic norms. Integration varied by discipline: researchers in the natural and medical sciences often adapted more easily through lab-based work, while those in the social sciences and humanities faced greater obstacles due to more individualised research structures. Despite these challenges, some participants reported that even brief placements enabled skill development, such as grant writing, that could support future careers. Overall, the findings suggest that sustaining an academic career in Sweden requires more than initial access, including time, mentorship, and structured institutional support.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eOpportunities\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWhile displaced Ukrainian researchers faced several challenges in both entering and remaining in Swedish academia, participants also identified several opportunities offered by the Swedish academic system once entry had been achieved.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFirstly, participants described Swedish academia as a \u003cem\u003eresource-rich\u003c/em\u003e research environment.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eP11: \u0026nbsp; Here [in Sweden] they have a completely different attitude towards people. I am often shy, but I was very supported here. \u0026nbsp;(...). We brought all our own, even paper - from home [in the Ukraine] - and here they even gave me a laptop.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMany participants describe how faculty and university staff in Ukraine often had to support their work by purchasing their own supplies and office materials. This contrasted with the Swedish system, where strong norms and laws separating work and private life dominate. This was particularly evident for participants with a natural science research focus, where material and lab equipment significantly impact their work. As Participant 17 noted:\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u0026ldquo;There is money for research here \u0026hellip; you do not think about where to get tools, and you do not have to pay for the conferences, articles, and test tubes yourself.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMost participants had also lost access to academic infrastructure in Ukraine, with only a few retaining limited online access. Given widespread reductions in personal economic resources following displacement, institutional material support in Sweden was essential for their ability to continue research. In addition, differences in the work environment were experienced as an opportunity, with many participants highlighting greater academic freedom in both how they worked and how they could present themselves.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eP24: Status is important for us - image - material things - but here it is not important - and that is very good. Because at home they forced me to buy a fur coat and do makeup - because I\u0026apos;m a docent. Here you can be as you want, freely and not afraid to wear simple clothes and be as you are.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSimilarly, a 24-year-old participant from the humanities lists what was positive about working in a Swedish environment: P1: \u003cem\u003e[In Sweden] after 5 p.m. you do not write e-mails - SMS, etc. The culture of work and respect for time, the balance of work and rest \u0026ndash; lagom [Sweden concept of a just right amount]. Lunch 1.5 hours and fika.\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMost participants described the negative effects of the war and reported experiencing moderate to high levels of stress. In this context, perceived respect for the individual and a balanced work\u0026ndash;life environment was particularly important, as they helped mitigate stress and anxiety.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDespite the challenges of entering and remaining in Swedish academia, participants identified several important opportunities. They highlighted Sweden\u0026rsquo;s resource-rich research environment, contrasting it with Ukraine, where researchers often provided their own equipment. Access to well-equipped laboratories, research materials, and institutional funding eased research work, particularly in the natural sciences.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eParticipants also valued the Swedish academic culture, noting greater academic freedom, respect for individual autonomy, and a strong work\u0026ndash;life balance. This environment\u0026mdash;marked by respect for personal time and low emphasis on hierarchy\u0026mdash;was described as both supportive and relieving, especially amid the stress of war and displacement.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eUniversities\u0026rsquo; perspective\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBelow, we outline the experiences universities have had in organising support and addressing the needs of Ukrainian scholars. They cover both scholarship and employment models, helping researchers from Ukraine come to Sweden. From the researcher\u0026apos;s perspective, we previously discussed, the university\u0026apos;s experiences are categorized into challenges and opportunities. We begin by outlining the various challenges faced by universities that aim to do good.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eChallenges\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe support was decentralized and offered in various forms, depending on the solutions available to the respective grant provider and university. For example, the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences and Uppsala University provided scholarship opportunities, which involved fewer rules and administrative requirements. The other model included employment for up to one year, arranged by institutions like the Royal Institute of Technology and Gothenburg University, using a combination of funds from grant holders and their own government funding. However, this was not reflected in their experiences.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWhile we interviewed only four universities, they all faced similar challenges and viewed the situation similarly. The common challenges described focused on two themes that we label \u0026quot;time frame\u0026quot; and \u0026quot;lack of networks.\u0026quot;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eTime frame\u003c/em\u003e: The timeline was discussed in the context of uncertainties related to administrative processes. Typically, when universities and SAR bring scholars at-risk into a country, the process takes time. However, in the case of Ukrainian researchers, universities had to act immediately. The ability to act quickly was supported by removing administrative barriers. Universities that needed to speed up the employment process made special administrative arrangements, such as skipping public announcements for the first round of researchers. Despite the enactment of the Temporary Protection Directive, it still created uncertainties for the universities.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe Royal Institute of Technology claimed that\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003e[...] it was unclear how long the Temporary Protection Directive would be enacted for, and that created uncertainties for us.\u003c/em\u003e\u0026rdquo; Furthermore, it was also unclear whether Sweden would continue to issue permits based on work and family ties after the directive ended. Although none of the representatives explicitly stated this, the uncertainty may have impeded efforts for more permanent solutions. All the funding that university departments could access from various grant providers at the start of the war was short-term. The duration of stays the department could offer was limited, whether for scholarships or employment. The scholarship did not cover taxes or social fees, which prevented longer stays. However, because of this, the pool of funds could be distributed to a larger number of researchers.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThere were two main issues with short-term stays. First, universities and departments had limited capacities, in addition to the handbook from SAR used to assist people with traumatic experiences. As the war continued, funds ran out, and universities had to find ad hoc solutions for their researchers. Second, universities found it difficult to develop long-term or permanent solutions for researchers to stay within the university after their funding ended. As a result, they also had little knowledge of the researchers\u0026apos; whereabouts once the funding ceased.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eNetwork connections\u003c/em\u003e: The second theme of challenges related to network connections. The universities described two aspects of the problem tied to inadequate networks. First, they had trouble reaching potential candidates with information about the funds, and second, they faced difficulties convincing the departments to apply for the funds.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAll four universities we spoke to reported difficulties in finding channels where they could be certain that information about short-term funding opportunities was accessible to Ukrainian researchers. The Swedish Research Council\u0026apos;s webpage was the only centralized source of information. One of the representatives noted that the result of this was \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;[...] that the University initiatives depended\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003cem\u003eon the department\u0026apos;s prior contacts with Ukrainian researchers.\u0026rdquo;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003eMoreover, representatives experienced a lack of support for departments applying and hosting the researchers. It is therefore not surprising that the initiatives benefited researchers who had already been in contact with the universities before the war broke out. Additionally, in cases where researchers had an established connection with a department, those departments were more likely to apply for funding. The scholars from Ukraine who were able to stay longer were, according to our interviews, already familiar with the Swedish departments, and scientific collaboration. Furthermore, departments that wished to apply for funding to support Ukrainian researchers were, due to a lack of information coordination, unable to obtain an overview of the potential researchers\u0026apos; abilities and skills. The inability to assess the skills of the researchers created uncertainties regarding the time the department would need to invest. One representative believed that they could have utilized the web and networks more efficiently. Additionally, reflecting on what could have been done differently, this representative noted that the universities could have established stronger connections and collaborations with local municipalities, schools, and other organizations to support researchers who have experienced traumatic events and come to Sweden for assistance.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAn example that was not dependent on established network connections was Gothenburg University, which offered courses in the Ukrainian language at the Department of Languages and Literatures. They applied for funds to bring in researchers who could teach Ukrainian\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe described challenges underscore the importance of bi- and multilateral collaborations and networks among departments at Swedish Universities.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eOpportunities\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWhile the representatives also appeared to express similar opportunities, these were not as clearly articulated as the challenges. We thematize the opportunities as \u0026quot;administrative\u0026quot; and \u0026quot;political unity\u0026quot; possibilities.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eAdministrative\u003c/em\u003e: One of the representatives described the situation among institutions of higher education as follows: \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;There was a great desire to do something good\u0026rdquo;.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003eThe acute situation demanded that the universities act fast. The enacted Temporary Protection Directive, in combination with political unity in the Swedish parliament, provided them with the opportunity to act swiftly. Karolinska Institute (a medical research institute in Stockholm) was the first university to offer support to displaced academics from Ukraine. Uppsala University and other universities followed suit by providing support through project-based funding applied though the departments. \u0026nbsp;As described in the challenges, universities initiated various administrative processes to enable supporting Ukrainian researchers. Although posed challenges, the mere fact that these processes were initiated proved the possibilities of making changes. SAR also facilitated opportunities by changing its processes, by temporarily relaxing the requirement of a centralized vetting procedure for Ukrainian researchers.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003ePolitical unity\u003c/em\u003e: Academic freedom is generally the main reason universities, as institutions, refrain from taking actions or making statements during political conflicts and wars. We assert that the political unity in the Swedish parliament and in Europe presented an opportunity to act on their desire to do something good. We asked the representatives experienced deciding for a particular group and not making decisions based on displaced academics in general. None of the representatives classified the directed initiatives as problematic but viewed it as a rare opportunity. The only example mentioned as potentially complex was the decision to exclude Russian dissidents from the same SAR initiative. However, when reflecting on future initiatives, they were less certain. The interviewee from Gothenburg University said \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;[...] I do not regret making a special decision in this situation. Similar decisions in the future need to be considered case-by-case.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e Additionally, future crises are unlikely to experience the same political unity.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eOpportunities arising from these initiatives involve creating future possibilities through increased connections among funders, universities, and other organizations. From SAR\u0026apos;s perspective, their coordinating role provided them with more connections to university representatives than before, affording them greater visibility. These opportunities may have paved the way for universities to develop better processes for bringing at-risk scholars to Sweden.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eLack of systematic evaluation hampers learning from these initiatives, largely due to limited planning time and decentralized efforts among funders and universities. No data exists on supported researchers and doctoral students. An internal report by the Swedish Association of Higher Education Institutions covering the first grant round from three sources supported 58 researchers and doctoral students at 17 universities.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe representatives from the universities expressed very similar experienced challenges and opportunities. We claim that the combination of an acute situation and political unity created a situation where universities could change their administrative structures to support initiatives aiding displaced Ukrainian academics. However, the lack of coordination among the universities meant that much of the effort benefited those researchers who already had contacts with Swedish researchers before the war. Additionally, the political short-term perspective partly undermined initiatives to create long-term solutions for the displaced researchers. \u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Discussion","content":"\u003cp\u003eHighly skilled displaced researchers entering the Swedish academic system face a set of intertwined challenges shaped by their previous international experience, available networks, and the structural conditions of Swedish academia. Researchers with prior ties to Sweden\u0026mdash;through earlier collaborations or international projects\u0026mdash;generally adapted more smoothly, gaining quicker access to guidance and opportunities. Those without such connections, however, struggled to navigate unfamiliar administrative systems, job-search procedures, and cultural norms. Universities acknowledged these gaps, noting that limited outreach capacity and the absence of centralised communication channels made it difficult to reach displaced scholars early and effectively.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eBoth researchers and university staff described Swedish bureaucracy as orderly yet difficult to interpret without support. Many researchers experienced social distance in academic environments, which further restricted their ability to build networks\u0026mdash;a barrier that universities recognised but felt constrained in addressing due to time and resource limitations. Short-term scholarships, often the primary entry point offered by universities, provided essential initial support but were too brief to allow for meaningful integration, leaving many participants without sufficient time to establish collaborations, understand institutional practices, or prepare competitive applications for long-term positions. As previous work has shown, if high skilled workers are not able to enter and stay in the labour market, their options become limited and they have to either move or stay in the host country with restricted resources (Kelly and Hedman, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAccess to opportunities was therefore uneven. Some researchers discovered affiliate programs through personal contacts, while universities expressed frustration that existing structures did not allow for broader, more systematic engagement. As one displaced scholar noted, \u0026ldquo;They don\u0026rsquo;t know where to find us\u0026mdash;we need to create a platform,\u0026rdquo; highlighting a shared recognition that better coordination is needed to match displaced researchers with institutional support. Given the fierce competition for high-skilled workers (Irastorza \u0026amp; Bevelander, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR17\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e) across the world and the constantly rising number of global conflicts, such networks could assist in building bridges between skilled workers and employers.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDespite these challenges, both perspectives emphasised important opportunities: access to research funding, state-of-the-art facilities, and a collaborative scientific environment. Universities saw these strengths as central to their ability to support newcomers, even when financial flexibility was limited. Researchers valued these resources, as well as the academic freedom and work\u0026ndash;life balance characteristic of Swedish academia, though adapting to these norms required time and mentorship.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eTogether, the experiences of researchers and universities underscore the need for more robust and responsive integration mechanisms\u0026mdash;structures that combine early outreach, clearer guidance, and flexible funding. Strengthening these systems would not only support displaced scholars but also enhance universities\u0026rsquo; capacity to respond quickly to future crises.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec12\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eLessons for the future\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eHere we have summarised the discussion into four key implications for the future that our work has surfaced. As global conflicts are on the rise and climate change is predicted to displace large populations across the world, we argue that it is important to learn from the experiences of the war and use these lessons can support policy makers in support of more resilient strategies for the future.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eLesson 1\u003c/em\u003e. Support initiatives that are long-term, visible, and centralised both nationally and locally in the academic labour market.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eLesson 2\u003c/em\u003e. Support international connections, networks and language proficiency as these are key factors in accessing the academic job market and reaching displaced scholars.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eLesson 3.\u003c/em\u003e Gender and family circumstances are critical variables shaping the opportunities and challenges for entry and stay into the academic labour market.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eLesson 4.\u003c/em\u003e Do not forget to address cultural differences both to support displaced scholars but also for universities to make the most of this resource.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec13\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eLimitations and future work\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis study is built on a qualitative, self-selected sample of Ukrainian researchers who have moved to Sweden. While our Ukrainian participants represent both natural, social sciences and the humanities, the sample procedure with self-selected participants might not represent the full breadth of experiences. Since the Swedish migration authority does not gather data on PhD degrees there are no statistics on the sample with which to verify its representativeness.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe group of Ukrainian researchers is while more resource-rich than some migrant groups, e.g. has high education, they have all still experienced a loss of resources such as economic or status. The fact that they have fled a war and that their country is still at war defines the group. Despite this, many in our sample are cautiously positive when talking about their future and the opportunities to continue to live good lives. It is possible that those with more sustained injuries, mental or physical, refrained from or simply could not participate in the study and thus that there exist more severe difficulties in addition to the ones we have mapped here.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eTwo-thirds of our research participants had received some support from NGOs or volunteers, yet this has not been the focus of our study. Future work could look at the ways that NGOs and other volunteer organisations can be a supporting bridge for this group.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Conclusion","content":"\u003cp\u003eIn conclusion, this study highlights the complex and multifaceted challenges faced by displaced Ukrainian academics as they navigate the Swedish academic labour market. Despite the efforts of Swedish universities to support these highly skilled refugees, barriers such as language difficulties, cultural differences, limited networks, and short-term funding structures and political initiatives remain significant obstacles to successful labour market integration. Despite this the study reveals resilience and a strong desire among Ukrainian researchers to contribute to their fields, even in the face of these challenges.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe findings underscore the need for universities and policymakers to create long-term, sustainable initiatives that are centrally organised and visible, ensuring that opportunities for academics to keep working are not left to chance or informal networks. Additionally, previous international connections, language proficiency, and attention to gender and family circumstances play critical roles. Suggesting that attention to these is necessary to address the diverse needs of refugee academics.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eUltimately, this research contributes valuable insights into the integration of highly educated refugees, offering lessons for future crises where academic and professional mobility may be disrupted. By addressing these challenges proactively, institutions can foster more inclusive academic environments that benefit both refugee researchers and the host academic community, enhancing global collaboration and knowledge exchange in the long term.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003cp\u003e \u003cstrong\u003eEthical Approval\u003c/strong\u003e \u003cp\u003e The study design was approved by the Swedish Ethical Review Authority (Case No: anon for review). Fleeing war with possible traumatic experiences, the group of participants in our study is vulnerable. Although the themes of the interviews do not explicitly involve sensitive topics, they had the potential to evoke uncomfortable memories. The person from the research group conducting the interviews is Ukrainian and has also fled the war. She is a psychologist by training and is in a similar position to the interviewees. The intention was that this could alleviate the risks of evoking a sense of discomfort with the questions.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cstrong\u003eConsent to Participate.\u003c/strong\u003e \u003cp\u003e Before taking part in the interviews, all participants were informed about the purpose of the study and asked to consent to partake. Participants were informed that they could stop the interview at any time and contact the researchers to request the withdrawal of their data.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cstrong\u003eClinical trial number\u003c/strong\u003e \u003cp\u003enot applicable.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eFunding Declaration\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cb\u003e\u003c/b\u003eFunding for this research was provided by University X (anon for review).\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eAuthor Contribution\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eLE and YL together planned and designed the study. YL performed the interviews with the Ukrainian academics, transcribed, and analysed this material. EvE with the help of LE performed the interviews with the Universities and analysed this material. LE and EvE wrote the main manuscript text. All authors reviewed the manuscript.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eAcknowledgement\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eWe would like to thank our research participants for participating in this research.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eData Availability\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe data that supports these findings is not publicly available due to ethical concerns for the research participants. Certain anonymized data can be shared upon reasonable request by contacting the authors.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003eAkay, P. A., \u0026amp; Ahmadi, N. (2022). 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The next waves: Migration theory for a changing world. \u003cem\u003eInternational Migration Review\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e23\u003c/em\u003e(3), 403\u0026ndash;430. \u003cspan class=\"ExternalRef\"\u003e\u003cspan class=\"RefSource\"\u003ehttps://doi.org/10.1177/019791838902300302\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan address=\"10.1177/019791838902300302\" targettype=\"DOI\" class=\"RefTarget\"\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/ol\u003e"},{"header":"Footnotes","content":"\u003col\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e Council Directive 2001/55/EC\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":true,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"Academic Refugees, Forced Migration, Academic Labour Market, Experiences, University resources","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-8388200/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-8388200/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eThis study investigates the labour market experiences of highly skilled Ukrainian academics who sought refuge in Sweden following Russia\u0026rsquo;s 2022 invasion. Although the displacement represents Europe\u0026rsquo;s largest migration crisis since World War II, Ukrainian refugees have generally encountered strong public support. Among refugees are academic scholars whose expertise presents both opportunities and challenges for labour market integration. Yet little is known about how these academics access support initiatives or navigate the Swedish academic labour market.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDrawing on semi-structured interviews with 30 displaced Ukrainian academics and representatives from four Swedish universities, the study provides a dual-perspective account of both workers\u0026rsquo; experiences and institutional practices. Our findings reveal that displaced academics and institutions face significant barriers, including language difficulties, cultural differences, limited networks, and the prevalence of short-term funding structures and political initiatives. The study highlights differences between different academic fields regarding mobility and adaptation. Still, research participants demonstrate resilience and a strong desire to continue contributing to their fields.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe study highlights the need for longer-term, centrally organised, and clearly communicated support structures to prevent opportunities from depending on chance or informal contacts. It further shows that prior international collaborations, language proficiency, and sensitivity to gender and family circumstances shape labour market outcomes, underscoring the importance of addressing diverse needs among refugee scholars.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOverall, this research advances understanding of the integration of highly educated refugees and offers lessons for future crises. Proactive and sustainable institutional strategies can foster more inclusive academic environments that benefit both displaced researchers and the academic community.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"Accessing Academia in Exile: Experiences of Displaced Ukrainian Scholars in Sweden and University Responses","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2026-02-23 09:15:50","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-8388200/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"af2f601d-f94e-41ad-b4ee-7ce82ffa3389","owner":[],"postedDate":"February 23rd, 2026","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"posted","subjectAreas":[],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2026-04-27T16:39:10+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2026-02-23 09:15:50","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-8388200","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-8388200","identity":"rs-8388200","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"XKTyCvWXoU3ODBz1xrDgd","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}