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However, a significant research gap persists regarding the unique motivations and identity-negotiation processes of the growing cohort of international university students. For this diverse group, learning Catalan is not an inevitable choice but a complex decision-making process. This case study employs semi-structured interviews and thematic and narrative analysis to reveal how international students’ motivations to learn Catalan evolve from pragmatic needs to deeper identity investments. 7 international students (n = 7) are involved from different countries, with Catalan proficiency ranging from A1 to B2, engaging in Catalan language learning classes at Universitat Rovira i Virgili (URV). Based on their personal narratives, research examines how this process shapes their self-identity and sense of belonging. The study result reveals that students' engagement with Catalan will synergize with their local community and international education experiences, fostering a sense of belonging through emotional reciprocity, cultural respect, and active social participation. It also offers practical insights for refining inclusive policies and language development within international universities in Spain. Linguistics Sociology Educational Philosophy and Theory Catalan language identity negotiation international education social integration narrative analysis 1. Introduction As European universities actively pursue internationalisation strategies, they increasingly confront a complex sociolinguistic environment: how to attract global talent through English or Spanish while preserving the vitality of local languages. Within the European Higher Education Area, student mobility has become the norm rather than the exception (King & Raghuram, 2013 ). For Spain, and especially for the autonomous area of Catalonia, the influx of international students presents both opportunities for cultural exchange and challenges to established linguistic arrangements. Higher education Institutions such as the Universitat Rovira i Virgili (URV) find themselves at the intersection of globalising and localising forces. Unlike other monolingual academic destinations, Catalan universities operate within a unique bilingual framework: Catalan serves as the institutional language, while Castilian and English function as powerful lingua franca within the international community. Thus, international students arriving here enter not merely classrooms but a contested space where linguistic choices are deeply intertwined with politics, history, and identity (Pujolar, 2010 ). For short-term students termed “temporary residents”, learning the local language seldom constitutes a practical necessity. Unlike long-term immigrants who view language acquisition as a survival imperative, university students often prefer to remain within “English-speaking circles” or their own “native language communities”, or rely on existing knowledge of Spanish (Garrett & Gallego-Balsà, 2014). This lack of practical necessity raises a crucial question: what drives temporary residents to invest in learning Catalan, a language with limited global utility compared to mainstream world languages? Previous Second Language Acquisition (SLA) research predominantly focuses on the practical value of learning “super-central languages” or explores identity formation among permanent migrant populations. However, studies examining the specific psychological and sociological transformations experienced by international university students voluntarily engaging with local languages remain scarce. Their decision-making process is not linear but constitutes a dynamic negotiation of self-positioning within a new cultural environment. This study employs narrative inquiry to address this gap. By analysing the experiential accounts of seven international students at URV, who possess language proficiency ranging from A1 to B2, it explores the original motivations driving their Catalan language learning and reveals how learning motivation becomes a site for identity reconfiguration. 2. Literature review The higher education system in Catalonia operates within a complex linguistic ecosystem: English as the international academic lingua franca, Spanish as the national language, and Catalan as the institutional language, all existing in a delicate equilibrium. Lasagabaster ( 2005 ) notes that within this internationalised context, international students frequently encounter competing linguistic ideological pressures. This tension is further complicated by what Gallego-Balsà and Cots ( 2016 ) describe as the commodification of language within the "tourism discourse" of universities. While institutions promote Catalan as a marker of "cultural authenticity" to attract students, international students often adopt a "tourist" stance, expecting the host community to accommodate them in Spanish or English (the "anonymous" global languages) rather than investing in the local language. Although scholars such as Soler and Gallego (2019) emphasise policy efforts to preserve Catalan's centrality, international students are often enveloped by a protective layer of these dominant languages, marginalising the local language within their academic experience. Regarding learning motivation, scholars have sought to clarify the drivers behind foreigners studying this non-universal language. Focusing specifically on learners outside the Catalan-speaking area, Manuel-Oronich et al. ( 2021 ) identified that alongside academic interests, "emigration plans" and future professional projections are distinct, crucial factors driving motivation. Yet for students seeking deep integration, motivations prove far more complex than questionnaire options. Building upon Dörnyei's “L2 Motivational Self System”, Ning ( 2021 ) discovered through ethnographic research with Chinese postgraduate students that the ‘Ideal L2 Self’ and a profound desire for local integration serve as core drivers. This aligns with Hamilton and Serrano ( 2014 ), whose research on advanced-level learners indicates that emotional connection and social networks, rather than purely instrumental needs, are crucial for sustaining long-term learning and shaping the learner's self-concept in a multilingual context. Language learning in intercultural contexts is regarded as a key arena for identity reconstruction. Scholars Van Blommestein and Bellot ( 2023 ) highlighted that intercultural communication in VE should create/provide a space for race cognizance, among international identities. Recent qualitative research by Byrne et al. ( 2022 ) illuminates this process through the lens of "linguistic authority," revealing that students navigate between competing ideologies of "authenticity" (Catalan as rooted and local) and "anonymity" (Spanish/English as neutral and global). Drawing upon Darvin and Norton's (2015) “Investment” theory, learning Catalan acts as an investment to acquire symbolic capital and authenticity. However, this negotiation is not smooth. Trenchs-Parera and Juan-Garau ( 2014 ) observed that many students lived within parallel ‘foreign bubbles.’ Previous studies have demonstrated how multicultural backgrounds can foster social integration. However, within the specific social and academic contexts of universities, how students of varying proficiency levels perceive and utilise the Catalan language remains an area requiring further exploration. Research indicates that proficiency in the local language often facilitates “harmonious integration”, yet the specific interactive strategies and psychological mechanisms underpinning this phenomenon lack detailed micro-level description. Most scholars focus on policy analysis or campus linguistic landscapes, tending to view students as passive recipients of policy. However, there is a lack of empirical studies examining, from the students' perspective, how they exercise agency amidst these conflicting linguistic ideologies, navigating between the "tourist" and "sojourner" roles (Gallego-Balsà & Cots, 2016 ). Furthermore, existing literature lacks dynamic examinations of multinational, multi-level (from A1 to B2) student cohorts. Current identity research predominantly focuses on long-term migrants or groups with clear settlement intentions, paying scant attention to international university students, a highly mobile liminal group. Therefore, this study shifts focus to personal narratives, transcending the limitations of static research by examining a full spectrum of proficiency levels, from A1 beginners to B2 independent users, thus capturing the real-time dynamics of identity negotiation. Specifically, it examines how students exercise agency to construct an ideal second-language self and how they build bridges between the international student bubble and local communities through concrete academic and social interactions. Ultimately, this qualitative approach will reveal the specific interaction mechanisms and processes of belonging construction essential for achieving harmonious integration. 3. Research questions Given that existing research generally overlooked the specific psychological mechanisms and proactive strategies used by short-term international students within the Catalan environment, and to explore in depth how students at different language proficiency levels actively manage this tension to foster a sense of belonging, this study proposes the following three research questions centred on the themes of motivation, social agency, and identity reconstruction: RQ1.What motivates international students to learn Catalan while studying in Catalonia? RQ2. How do international students perceive and use Catalan in their academic and social interactions? RQ3. How do international students negotiate identity and construct a sense of belonging through learning and using Catalan in local academic and social contexts? 4. Methodology 4.1. Method This study employs a qualitative research design, utilising a semi-structured interview guide as its core instrument, with data analysed through thematic and narrative analysis. To ensure systematic inquiry, the interview framework is structured into three core thematic sections, each closely aligned with specific research questions. The first section focuses on participants' backgrounds and “turning points” within their learning journeys, aiming to reveal their motivations for participation (related to RQ1). The second section concentrates on lived experiences, examining participants' daily language practices and social interactions within the local context to explore cognitive and usage patterns of the language in real-time situations (related to RQ2). The final section delves into the psychological dimensions of these experiences, analysing how language acquisition influences learners' self-concept and sense of belonging (related to RQ3). 4.2. Participants A total of seven international students (n=7) participated in this study. Purposeful sampling was employed to ensure the identification of informative cases (Patton, 2002), which could provide profound insights into the specific phenomenon of voluntary minority language learning. Although the sample size is small (n=7), this aligns with narrative inquiry principles, which prioritize depth of individual experience over generalizability (Clandinin & Connelly, 2000). All participants were enrolled in Catalan language courses offered by the URV Language Centre. They hailed from diverse continents and nations worldwide. Furthermore, to maximise analytical potential, the study deliberately sought to achieve the widest possible variation in language proficiency levels during sampling, selecting students across different class stages from A1 to B2. In view of data and privacy protection, all interviewees in this study will be anonymized in the form of A-G 4.3. Data The data for this analysis are derived from a corpus of original narratives collected at the Universitat Rovira i Virgili (URV) in Catalonia, Spain. Data collection took place between October and November 2025. The interviews were conducted face-to-face or via online meeting, depending on participant preference, with an average duration of 40 minutes. To ensure communicative fluency and accuracy, interviews were conducted in English, all sessions were audio-recorded with a recording machine, and prior informed consent was obtained, ensuring ethical compliance, and subsequently transcribed for analysis. However, this may have limited some participants’ ability to express subtle nuances of their Catalan experiences. Researcher reflexivity was maintained throughout to mitigate this limitation. 4.4. Analysis To both capture the breadth of general motivational factors and the depth of individual identity construction, this study employs a combined analytical approach of thematic analysis and narrative analysis. Following Braun and Clarke's (2006) framework, the initial analysis phase employed an inductive thematic approach to process RQ1 and RQ2, which involved the interaction between core motivations and social practices. This process identified recurring patterns across different groups (A1-B2), distilling unique motivational categories driving decisions to learn Catalan: ranging from instrumental career objectives to integrative cultural aspirations. Meanwhile, to transcend mere “motivation” categorization and comprehensively address RQ3's complex internal identity negotiation, subsequent research employed narrative analysis, specifically the third tier of Bamberg's (1997) positioning theory. By examining narrative timelines and turning points, it explored the process of social integration. Overall, thematic analysis effectively reveals learners' experiential dimensions, while narrative analysis delves deeper into how participants construct self-identity through language learning narratives. 5. Findings 5.1. Instrumental and community integration motivations Overall research data show that the motivation for learning Catalan is mainly intertwined nature: the vast majority of respondents are not driven by a single motivation, but by both. Usually, “instrumentality” serves as the threshold, while “integration” acts as the driving force for maintenance. However, according to the analysis, strong instrumental motivation was particularly present among respondents A, G, D, and E, accounting for a larger proportion, while strong integrative motivation accounted for a smaller proportion and was mainly reflected among respondents B, C, and F. In terms of instrumental motivation, these respondents explicitly mentioned in the interviews that external pressure, economic interests or survival needs are the primary triggers for learning Catalan. Respondent G: “ And then in spring when I got a full time. Permanent position here? Yeah, now I have to do it so. ... you know, because when you get a job in academia, that’s your job for the life. So, in order to integrate into the community, you need to know the language and that also helps you to understand the culture and fit it right. ... I don’t know how to answer that one [about motivation], because I took Catalan for a year, and then I quit, and I quit because I thought I was likely like there was a greater chance I was going to get hired outside... so I guess because now I’m back in in the class, I guess I would just have to say okay. ” From a narrative aspect, there is a very obvious twist in G's narrative: She once gave up learning (she felt it was unnecessary), but the opportunity to get a position changed her behavioural trajectory. She didn't learn because she wanted to, but because she "had to" learn. This demonstrates the passivity of G's motivation. When it comes to her logical chain: from "I quit" to "Now I have to do it, and finally ending with "I would just have to say okay. This is a typical compromise narrative. G regards Job for life as the top priority, and language learning is merely the tool that must be mastered to get and maintain this position. Here it also embodies Dörnyei's (2009) Ought to L2 Self . The learning behaviour of G is basically driven by external obligation. At this moment, in heart, G may not have built an “ideal self that speaks fluent Catalan”, but rather focused more on emphasizing the need to avoid the negative outcome of “losing the job”. Thus, in this context, “Integrate” actually means “Comply” in the workplace. Although it is the same pressure brought by the workplace, for A, language is more like an "aggressive tool". It is to obtain future Access qualifications and to break through the career ceiling brought by only knowing Spanish or English Respondent A: "I honestly thought that Spanish would have been enough... So…so I was kind of shocked when I saw how much Catalan was needed both socially and professionally. ... I don't think I've had a specific source of motivation. I think, maybe just my professional life, because you do get to a point where you feel like you can't professionally develop further without Catalan. ... because without, you can teach at language academies, but without Catalan, no other opportunities are available to you." Respondent A used the strongly emotional word "Shocked" to describe her mental state. This represents an "Epiphany" (Denzin, 1989) in narrative analysis. An originally thought that Spanish, as one of the official languages, was sufficient to handle all scenarios. However, the two phrases "Can't professionally develop further" and "No other opportunities" construct a narrative of Spatial Confinement. A described Spanish as a language that can sustain basic survival but cannot enter the core circle, that is, stable and high-status market positions. This constitutes the ceiling of the current career. The elaborations given by respondent D and respondent E enable us to discover that "instrumental motivation" does not have only one form. It can be a heavy survival strategy (D) or a brisk economic calculation (E). This also reveals that learning motivation is closely related to an individual's vulnerability and length of staying in the local area. Respondent D: "When I arrived, I arrived in a political situation. And have a lawyer telling us, you need learning the language. It's very important. It's one of the things you need considering if you want to stay here." "A survivor. Adapting. Yes, really. Because I, I arrive in a difficult situation and I need have more skills, you know, to surviving." "Because it's the heart to the culture. If you understand your language... you connecting and you open doors." The narrative of D begins with "Crisis ". She used words like "survivor "and "vulnerable". here, Catalan is not a course taken for credits, but a "defensive weapon" used to deal with the review of the immigration legal system and ensure that she can "Stay here ". Catalan is not merely an academic subject for D, but a strategic tool for survival and legal security in a precarious immigration context. This script also profoundly indicates the viewpoint of Bonny Norton (2013) : language learning is an investment in social power. As a disadvantaged immi,lgrant, she initially invested in language to obtain the material resource of "Right of Abode". Meanwhile, the transformation of D's motivation confirmed Ushioda's (2009) view of "Person-in-Context". Here, motivation is not a fixed trait but a dynamic process that evolves as she interacts with her environment. Unlike D's heavy emotional burden and survival needs, the motivation of respondent E appears more pragmatic, simple and straightforward. "Because, for example, a Catalan course cost only 15 euros, while a Spanish, Spanish course costs like 124 euros." "Instantly, it was cheap." The narrative of E is entirely driven by "Numbers". He precisely listed the comparison between "15 euros" and "124 euros". In his narrative, Catalan is neither a cultural essence nor a weapon for survival, but a Cost-effective Product. He used words like "Cheaper" to indicate that his learning behavior was a kind of" consumption behavior based on immediate interests ". This behavior is fully in line with rational choice in sociology (Hechter & Kanazawa, 1997). As a consumer, after calculating the costs (low tuition fees) and benefits (mastering an additional language), he made the decision to maximize utility. In the aspect of motivation of community integration, respondents B, C, and F explicitly articulated that their primary triggers for learning Catalan were rooted in cultural curiosity and interpersonal agency. These students approached Catalan as a voluntary investment in their social identity. Through horizontal analysis, the analysis results can be summarized as three core driving forces for integration: deep cultural interests, social and emotional support, and a respectful moral awareness. Although Spanish is widely used locally, the three respondents unanimously agreed that Spanish can only handle the superficial survival needs, while Catalan is the only passage to the Inner Circle of the local culture. They all regard language as a kind of "Cultural Code" and show interest in learning. Respondent B believes that without understanding the language, one cannot touch the true emotions of the local people. "You can translate it into Spanish... but to get to the heart of their feelings, of their emotions, the only way is to access the language... I know the code." Respondent F expressed the same view. F found that only through language can one truly understand the local unique festivals (such as Castanyada) rather than being overwhelmed solo by global festivals (such as Halloween) : "Well, I think that the language has been my primary source of information about the culture... since I can recognize different words... that has made me aware of the different things that are going on." Respondent C described this depth as the feeling of "Plugged in". C pointed out that learning languages enables him to understand the cultural Jargon of a particular region : "It kind of helps if you know... the cultural jargon that they use in that area... you just really get to know more about where you're living and get kind of more plugged in with the people who live there." The consensus of these three respondents supports Kramsch's (1998) discourse on Symbolic Competence. They are not content with merely transferring Information, but are eager to understand the cultural significance behind the symbols. For them, Catalan is a distinctive cultural capital that can transform them from “outsiders" to "insiders". At the level of social and emotional support interaction, all three respondents mentioned the same key: the positive feedback from local people. This emotional reward from society constitutes a powerful driving force for them to decide to learn and keep on learning. It is worth noting that the narrative of respondent C is even full of excitement, and he describes this interaction and learning as a kind of reward: "It's very motivating in that the people really appreciate what you're doing... So, three words to sum up: Humbling. Exciting. Rewarding." F noticed the change in attitude brought about by language choice. She found that using Catalan could gain patience from the locals: "They are nicer if you talk to them in (Catalan)... I just think they get more patient because they want to let you speak... I think that they appreciate the effort." Repondent B described this interaction as "generous" and "friendly" : "I find it generous and friendly; I find it kind... I like these people now." Obviously, the notion of Linguistic Hospitality from Kearney (2021) is vividly demonstrated here. When international students voluntarily cross language boundaries, the local community gives back through "Appreciation" and "Patience". This kind of affective exchange enhances learners' Ideal L2 Self (Dornyei, 2009), making the dull learning process full of social value. It is precisely because of the emotional value and positive feedback that their learning motivation has been further strengthened through repeated interactions In addition, all three respondents demonstrated a strong sense of moral awareness. Their motivation for learning Catalan is not only for their own improvement and integration, but also to show respect to the Catalonia region. F's point, which refuses to take advantage of the hegemonic position of Spanish, is the most profound: "I think that they appreciate the fact that we try to speak the language instead of just like imposing Spanish to them... it's kind of like we modified ourselves to connect better." Respondent C also demonstrated this humility. Furthermore, C believes that learning the other person's language can make both himself and the other person happy. "I really just like learning people's languages because one, it makes them happy... I'd say maybe humbling." Respondent B, from the perspective of guests' obligations, emphasized respect for local traditions: "Share and respect the culture, share and respect the language... you only belong to the place that is yours... but take part of it with you. These three narratives jointly emphasize the individual choices of rights and obligations in the context of Catalan society. As the notion of Intercultural Citizenship (Byram, 2008) describes, these students are not only language learners but also Ethical Actors. By learning Minority languages, they actively challenged the "hegemony of English or Spanish", demonstrating a respectful posture of De-colonial. This motivation transcends its practical value and becomes an ethical expression of cultural respect and identification. 5.2. Perception of the sociolinguistic landscape. While motivation explains the drive to learn, perception constitutes the interpretive lens through which international students make sense of the sociolinguistic reality they inhabit. The results below reveals that perception is not a passive reception of sensory input, but an active negotiation of language ideologies. Students' initial encounters with Catalan often triggered a rupture between their digital or imagined expectations and the reality, forcing them to face concepts of uniqueness, authority, and history. For several respondents, the initial perception was a sensory disorientation caused by the semiotic environment. For instance, Respondent G’s experience with digital navigation illustrates how the linguistic landscape creates a cognitive burden. "I think the most difficult challenge... was that when you would be given an address for something, and you would type it into Apple Maps... it would show up with an alternate address, so you would type it in in Catalan and it would switch to Spanish... The first thing that you notice is the confusion in trying to figure out what everything is with the duplicates of the labels." G’s narrative portrays the bilingual setting as a domain characterized by “duplicates” and “confusion”. This confusion reflects how linguistic landscapes operate not only as tools of navigation but also as ideological texts (Shohamy, 2006), where Catalan asserts its public legitimacy alongside Spanish. The signs and digital maps operate as top-down mechanisms that impose a bilingual reality, which G, as a newcomer, finds challenging to interpret. The “switch” is not merely a technical issue but also an expression of the ongoing contestations over public space. At this point, G perceives Catalan not as a resource but as a “barrier” within the information infrastructure, thereby complicating her fundamental survival tasks and reinforcing her status as an outsider. While G struggled with visual signs, Respondent A’s perception was marked by an auditory shock that challenged her linguistic categorization. "I expected to hear Spanish. ... my brain not completely seeing, well, being like, oh there's different sounds, right? Because Romance languages don't have 'sh' and 'ch' as much. ... So, when I heard it, I was like, oh there's actually some similar sounds to Serbian, and that sounded surprising." A’s surprise at the "sh" and "ch" sounds represents a moment of realizing Indexicality (Blommaert, 2010). These unexpected phonetic elements disrupt her prior assumptions about Romance languages and mark Catalan as culturally distinct, triggering a moment of linguistic and cultural reorientation. In the sociolinguistics of globalization, specific accents or sounds point to specific social identities. A’s perception of these sounds disrupted the expected "Romance language" system, which is associated with Spanish. She perceived these phonetic features as "different" and "surprising," indexing a distinct identity that was unexpectedly closer to Slavic background than to Spanish. This auditory perception served as the first boundary marker, signaling that the space she entered was linguistically autonomous from the "Spain" she had imagined via YouTube. In this sense, the auditory shock served as a sociolinguistic wake-up call, indicating that integration into this community requires navigating a phonetic and cultural system detached from prior Spanish competence. Beyond sensory perception with shock, Respondent F’s narrative reveals a profound shift in perceiving the symbol value of Catalan, moving from assuming it was a normal status dialect to recognizing its institutional power. "I thought people would use it, but in a more, some sort of an L1 setting, you know, like a heritage language, one that you speak at home... But when I got here, I realized that it was different. There was a lot of pride in the language, everything was written in the language... Then I got curious about the language." The observation that “everything was written” together with the visible sense of pride indicates recognition of Catalan as a “legitimate language” in the local linguistic market (Bourdieu, 1991). At first, Catalan was perceived as a normal heritage language used mainly at home, but its strong presence in public life revealed authority and vitality. In contrast to G’s confusion about public signs, this interpretation treated them as evidence of strength. Recognizing legitimacy was vital. Since in Bourdieu’s terms, it is the prerequisite for accepting the language’s “market price,” which sparked G´s curiosity to acquire it. On the other hand, respondent D’s perception transcends the functional views, getting into the moral and historical dimensions of the language. "It's different because... in the past is ... Hiding, learning, hiding the words... It's not the same the Catalan to Valencia. ... It's not the same in the, you know, deep, in the deep Catalonia." D perceives Catalan through the lens of authenticity, a notion central to Woolard’s (2016) analysis of linguistic authority in Catalonia. Woolard distinguishes between the "anonymous" authority of dominant languages and the "authentic" authority of minority languages, which is rooted in place, history, and voice. D’s reference to "Deep Catalonia" shows language as an object of authenticity. D is not just hearing words, but also perceiving the "reality" of history. This perception clearly positions the language as something that commands moral respect, transforming the learning process into an act of aligning with the authentic core of the Catalonia society. 5.3. Catalan usage in academic and social interactions Respondents show significant contextual dependence in their use of Catalan and have language cognitive differences. Overall, there is a tension between language use in a controlled academic environment and a fluid social environment, which is driven by career development and regulated by personal social strategies. The following descriptions of different respondents demonstrate their differences in learning and using Catalan both inside and outside the classroom, as well as their negotiation strategies in social interactions. Many respondents pointed out the contradiction between the controllability of language classrooms and the unpredictability of real life. Respondent A illustrates this contradiction: "With the Catalan class it's much more controlled of course... In real life, I'd say 'gimnasio' and somebody would switch to Spanish and that would be it, right? So it is, it's much less controlled." While respondent B also felt passive in real interactions: "In the first, um I'm learning classroom, classroom Catalan... But in real life is different. They don't talk about a specific topic... I'm just a passive uh recipient of their of their speech." D pointed out specifically the conflict between academic norms and street language habits: "When you listen so many old people or people in the street and compared to the 'academia', the teachers telling to us, it's an 'error comú' (common error)..." Based on the above script, It is evident that international students build the classroom as a "safe zone" for strict language use. Interactions follow a set teaching script and mistakes are regarded as part of the learning process. However, real social scenarios are described as "uncontrollable" and "different". Often, the disconnection between academic standards and social reality leads students into a predicament, that is to say, the "correct" language they acquire in the classroom may seem stiff in reality, while the language circulating in reality is rejected in the classroom. This cognitive dissonance eventually forces students to retreat often from active interlocutors to "passive participants", or always remain "cautious" to avoid embarrassment. Krashen's Affective Filter Hypothesis (1982) further supports this point. Outside the classroom, due to the unpredictability of the environment and the fear of communication failure, students' emotional filtering intensifies (anxiety rises), which hinders language output. In addition, further exploration of social settings outside the classroom reveals that respondents adopted specific strategies to negotiate interactions and build identities in order to overcome social barriers. Respondent C uses text messages in Catalan on purpose as a buffering strategy: "I'll text with them in Catalan... it makes it a lot easier to be able to like think about the grammar while you're writing it versus... production when you're speaking is a lot harder." Meanwhile, respondent A will confirm a sense of belonging through specific service scenarios: "Being able to say 'vull un cafè amb llet'( I want a café with milk)... makes me feel a little bit like it's a more normal interaction rather than being like, oh you're a local and I'm a foreigner." This illustrates how routine service encounters can act as identity rituals, allowing students to temporarily shed the ‘foreigner’ label and perform a ‘quasi-local’ self (Kramsch, 1993). Respondent D emphasized the importance of subjective motivation, which echoes Norton’s (2013) view of language learning as investment: bravery becomes a form of capital expenditure toward social inclusion: "You need be brave. I.,t's the only way, talking, talking, talking... Nobody push you. Yeah. You have to push yourself." Drawing from Norton's "Investment" principle (2013), students are willing to "invest" in using Catalan in a challenging social environment because they expect to receive a specific social return, that is, to be regarded as a member of the community. They not only show a positive language attitude, but also strive to break through social barriers and actively adopt strategies for negotiation, such as deliberately using the target language for texting to reduce cognitive load, giving themselves buffer time for thinking grammar, using it as scaffolding to immediate spoken language, Regarding service encounters as a key ritual, by using standardized Catalan phrases, attempts are made to strip away the label of "visitors" and construct a sense of normalness of "normal interaction", thereby obtaining the identity recognition of quasi-locals. Or perhaps some believe that "bravery" and self-motivation are the only ways to break the silence of language and build social connections. 5.4. Impact on identity formation and sense of belonging The process of learning Catalan for international students is far more than just mastering a new communication tool; it is more like a renegotiation of one's own identity. From the interview data, we can observe a clear trajectory of psychological transformation: the students did not attempt to completely "become" Catalans, nor did they consider themselves entirely foreign students. Instead, through language learning, they carved out a comfortable third space between "complete outsiders" and "locals". This is a dynamic and tense process of identity construction. Respondent A described this subtle transition of identity with great care and emotion, viewing it as a status situated between the two extremes. "I think if anything, the only thing that it's done is made me feel like I could have a larger sense of belonging... It's like a middle place between the foreigner and the local student, right? It's kind of a middle place. Okay, it's a new me, I think... I see myself less as a foreigner living in a foreign place and a little bit more as someone learning how to live here." Respondent F expressed a similar sentiment, with the account highlighting a rejection of the rigid black‑and‑white dichotomy of identity: "Okay, that's a great, great question. I don't think I feel like I am a local person. Okay? But I don't feel like I'm an outsider either. I would just say that I'm just like occupying the space in between... I know that there are a lot of things that I don't know about the culture... but I also know that there." From a narrative perspective, these respondents employ spatial metaphors by using “middle place” and “space in between” to deconstruct the binary opposition of “local” versus “foreigner,” thereby constructing a continuum of identity. The verb “occupying” chosen by respondent F conveys a strong sense of agency, suggesting an active claim to presence within this space. Meanwhile, A’s use of the progressive tense, like “learning how to live here”, together with comparative modifiers like “less or more as…” reframes identity as a dynamic and fluid process rather than a fixed endpoint. “middle place” here exactly refers to “third place”, where Kramsch (1993) believes that second language learners often create a unique psychological space between their native language culture and the target language culture. It can be seen that this space is not a simple compromise to a certain culture, but a unique identity foothold belonging to the learners themselves. Furthermore, when it comes to identity negotiation, in-depth interviews also revealed that international students view language as a new dimension of personality and the awakening of the "cultural self". Some respondents tend to view Catalan as a new dimension of their persona. That is to say, when they switch languages, they are actually also switching a way of perceiving the world and expressing emotions. Respondent B described a very profound self-reflection. He believed that language could even directly reshape personality: "I think it would build a new me or part of a new me because when you add a language to you, you are adding another personality. Gestures, expressions, thoughts, customs, traditions, it's like a new part of you... I will have another me that knows Catalonia, knows the customs... and that, that will shape myself in a better way." Respondent G provides a more causal perspective, clearly pointing out the reshaping of character and geographical identity by language: "The language you speak changes the way you think, and if the way you think changes, your personality is going to change with it... I can't say that with Catalan yet, but I have a different personality when I speak German... I guess because I'm speaking multiple European languages, I feel more European than just North American." These two respondents adopted different rhetorical strategies to construct their "multilingual selves", both of which strongly resonated with Guiora’s (1972) concept of the "Language Ego", suggesting that acquiring a new language also involves internalizing a new cultural and emotional identity framework. B uses additional rhetoric, often using verbs like "add" and "build" and nouns like "new part", which uncovers that learning Catalan is a new means of cultural acquisition, expanding self-boundaries without erasing the original self. B believes that this "new me" is a form of self-enrichment, suggesting that Catalan is a tool for becoming a more complete individual. On the contrary, respondent G adopted a causal narrative that “language changes your way of thinking ", emphasizing the cognitive reconstruction ability of language. The narrative extends from the micro level of the individual to the macro level of geopolitical repositioning. By learning Catalan and other European languages, the fixed "North American" identity began to transform into a mobile "European" identity. Here, Catalan serves as a crucial anchor to legitimize G's transnational identity. Thus, both of these cases demonstrate that for international students, speaking Catalan is not merely a linguistic act but also an act of identity construction, enabling them to enter new social roles and cultural Spaces that were previously inaccessible. The discussion on the active creation rather than passive inheritance of a sense of belonging demonstrates a significant shift from an essentialist perspective to a constructivist one. The respondents do not consider belonging as an inherent right derived from bloodline or history, but rather a status that must be actively obtained and constructed through language expression and social participation. D, having lived in Catalonia for seven years, offers a powerful narrative about how to construct "home" in the absence of biological ties: "You create community. And I don't have family here. I am staying alone... you find people in the street when you say hello to Cristian, to other people. You create community... This is my home now." Respondent A similarly connects belonging to tangible deeds and linguistic access, viewing it as a participatory act: "I think it will help me feel a little bit more like I'm part of the community here, because I've tried to do so through my actions. Like I've even gone to the cathedral here... but I think without having the language, all of those, I can't quite enjoy them fully." In these scripts, the concept of “home” undergoes a semantic shift, moving beyond traditional geographical origins to become rooted in the performative nature of everyday interactions. Respondent D elaborates on this by defining belonging as an accumulation of micro-social acts such as “saying hello”, effectively framing citizenship as the practice of “dwelling” within relational networks rather than a strictly legal status. Also, D’s declaration reframes ‘home’ as an emergent concept based on social ties and active participation, rather than inherited geography—an idea aligned with constructivist identity theories. Respondent A further illustrates from a relational perspective: physical presence and cultural immersion represent fundamentally distinct experiences. Without linguistic proficiency, activities like visiting cathedrals remain mere performance rather than genuine engagement. Language thus becomes the pivotal medium, transforming the “tourist gaze” into authentic local participation, enabling learners to truly integrate into the culture rather than merely observe it. This active endeavor to transition from observer to participant ultimately converges with Norton's (1995) concept of “investment”. For these students, learning Catalan transcends a purely instrumental task, representing a complex investment in social legitimacy that ensures them the right to speak as effective members of the local community. 6. Conclusion To sum up, this study examines the motivations, perceptions, practices, and identity negotiation processes of seven international students. Employing semi-structured interviews and a dual narrative-thematic analysis approach, it delves into their Catalan language learning experiences. The initial motivations of the interviewees exhibited an intertwined instrumental-integrative dynamic: driven either by external pressures such as maintaining employment, overcoming career ceilings, or sustaining legal residency; or by internal aspirations including cultural curiosity, emotional reciprocity, and moral respect. Upon receiving positive feedback from local communities during authentic interactions, their ‘ideal second-language self’ was reinforced, transforming learning behavior from a short-term expedient into a sustained investment. At the level of social practice and personal perception, students commonly experienced a “symbolic shock” triggered by bilingual signage and phonetic differences, rapidly recognizing Catalan not as a subordinate dialect but as a legitimate symbol bearing historical weight and authority. Navigating the tension between classroom norms and street-level pragmatics, they transform controllable knowledge into communicative discourse through textual buffering, ritualized service scenarios, and self-empowerment strategies. This reduces emotional filtering, facilitating a role transition from observer to participant. Regarding identity, interviewees reject the “foreigner-native” dichotomy, positioning themselves within a “third space” and viewing language acquisition as an opportunity to expand personal boundaries and reshape cognitive frameworks. Belonging is similarly redefined: not an inherent attribute tied to bloodlines or passports, but symbolic capital earned through daily micro-interactions and linguistic practice. Besides, findings also suggest that although Catalonia already offers well-structured Catalan courses at university level, deeper links between language classes and intercultural-citizenship modules, with low-cost, high-impact contexts like community conversations, can strengthen the instrumental–integrative loop and keep short-term students engaged. For other minority-language regions, this research offers a simple narrative-based blueprint: reserve curricular space for the local language, create real occasions to speak it inside and outside the classroom. For example, universities could pair language learners with local conversation partners or embed community events within Catalan courses to reinforce classroom learning with lived practice and let students see the course as a strategic investment in symbolic capital and belonging rather than an optional extra. Declarations Acknowledgments I sincerely thank all participants and my supervisors who generously shared their time, experiences, and perspectives for this research with great assistance. I am also deeply thankful to URV and Catalonia for their openness, inclusiveness, and cultural richness with freedom. Funding This research didn't receive any funding. Conflicts of Interest : The authors declare no conflicts of interest. References Bamberg MGW (1997) Positioning between structure and performance. J Narrative Life History 7(1–4):335–342. https://doi.org/10.1075/jnlh.7.42pos Blommaert J (2010) The sociolinguistics of globalization. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Bourdieu P, Thompson JB (1991) Language and symbolic power Braun V, Clarke V (2006) Using thematic analysis in psychology. Qualitative Res Psychol 3(2):77–101. https://doi.org/10.1191/1478088706qp063oa Byrne S, Bertran A, Tudela Isanta A (2022) Continuity and change: Language ideologies of Catalan university students. J Multiling Multicultural Dev 45(9):3995–4010. https://doi.org/10.1080/01434632.2022.2134880 Clandinin DJ, Connelly FM (2000) Narrative inquiry: Experience and story in qualitative research. Jossey-Bass, San Francisco, CA Darvin R, Norton B (2015) Identity and a model of investment in applied linguistics. Annu Rev Appl Linguist 35:36–56. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0267190514000191 (doi.orgin Bing) Denzin NK (1989) Interpretive biography. Sage Publications, Inc Dörnyei Z (2009a) The L2 motivational self-system. In: Dörnyei Z, Ushioda E (eds) Motivation, language identity and the L2 self. Multilingual Matters, Bristol, UK, pp 9–42 From foreign language education to education for intercultural citizenship Essays reflections (2008) Multiling Matters & Channel View Publications. https://doi.org/10.2307/jj.27195526 Gallego-Balsà L, Cots JM (2016) Living to the rhythm of the city’: Internationalization of universities and tourism discourse in Catalonia. Lang Cult Curriculum 29(1):6–21. https://doi.org/10.1080/07908318.2016.1132651 Garrett P, Gallego Balsà L (2014) International universities and implications of internationalization for minority languages: Views from university students in Catalonia and Wales. J Multiling Multicultural Dev 35(4):361–375. https://doi.org/10.1080/01434632.2013.874434 Guiora AZ (1972) Construct validity and transpositional research: Toward an empirical study of psychoanalytic concepts. Compr Psychiatr 13(2):139–150. https://doi.org/10.1016/0010-440X(72)90019-3 Hamilton C, Serrano R (2014) Contact, attitude, and motivation in the learning of Catalan at advanced levels. Int J Multiling 12(3):241–258. https://doi.org/10.1080/14790718.2014.986127 Hechter M, Kanazawa S (1997) Sociological rational choice theory. Ann Rev Sociol 23:191–214. http://www.jstor.org/stable/2952549 Kearney R (2021) 1 Linguistic hospitality: The risk of translation. Radical hospitality: From thought to action. Fordham University, New York, USA, pp 17–23. https://doi.org/10.1515/9780823294442-002 King R, Raghuram P (2013) International student migration: Mapping the field and new research agendas. Popul Space Place 19(2):127–137. https://doi.org/10.1002/psp.1746 Kramsch C (1993) Context and culture in language teaching. Oxford University Press, Oxford Kramsch C (2011) The symbolic dimensions of the intercultural. Lang Teach 44:354–367. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0261444810000431 (doi.orgin Bing) Krashen SD (1982) Principles and practice in second language acquisition. Pergamon, Oxford Lasagabaster D (2005) Attitudes towards Basque, Spanish, and English: An analysis of the most influential variables. J Multiling Multicultural Dev 26(4):296–316. https://doi.org/10.1080/01434630508669084 Manuel-Oronich R, Repiso-Puigdelliura G, Tudela-Isanta A (2021) Motivations to learn Catalan outside the Catalan-speaking community: Factors and affecting variables. Int J Multiling 20(3):950–965. https://doi.org/10.1080/14790718.2021.1963259 Ning R (2021) Chinese graduate students in Catalonia: Motivation to learn Catalan in a bilingual society. J Multiling Multicultural Dev 45(2):475–488. https://doi.org/10.1080/01434632.2021.1902335 Norton B (1995) Social identity, investment, and language learning. TESOL Q 29:9–31 Norton B (2013) Identity and language learning: Extending the conversation. Bristol, Blue Ridge Summit: Multilingual Matters. https://doi.org/10.21832/9781783090563 Norton B (2013) Identity and language learning: Extending the conversation. Multilingual Matters & Channel View Publications. https://doi.org/10.2307/jj.18799909 Patton MQ (2002) Qualitative research and evaluation methods, 3rd edn. Sage Pujolar J (2010) Immigration and language education in Catalonia: Between national and social agendas. Linguistics Educ 21(3):229–243. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.linged.2009.10.004 Shohamy E (2006) Language policy: Hidden agendas and new approaches (1st ed.). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203387962 Soler J, Gallego-Balsà L (2019) The sociolinguistics of higher education: Language policy and internationalization in Catalonia. Palgrave Macmillan Trenchs-Parera M, Juan-Garau M (2014) Chapter 11. A longitudinal study of learners’ motivation and beliefs in at home and study abroad contexts. In C. Pérez-Vidal (Ed.), Language acquisition in study abroad and formal instruction contexts (pp. 259–282). John Benjamins Publishing Company. https://doi.org/10.1075/aals.13.13ch11 Ushioda E (2009) 11. A person-in-context relational view of emergent motivation, self and identity. In Z. Dörnyei & E. Ushioda (Ed.), Motivation, language identity and the L2 self (pp. 215–228). Bristol, Blue Ridge Summit: Multilingual Matters. https://doi.org/10.21832/9781847691293-012 Van Blommestein S, Bellot AR (2023) Identity, racial cognizance, and intercultural competence: Students' collective identities in the virtual literary classroom. J Virtual Exch 6:83–103. https://doi.org/10.21827/jve.6.39860 Additional Declarations The authors declare no competing interests. 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Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003eAs European universities actively pursue internationalisation strategies, they increasingly confront a complex sociolinguistic environment: how to attract global talent through English or Spanish while preserving the vitality of local languages. Within the European Higher Education Area, student mobility has become the norm rather than the exception (King \u0026amp; Raghuram, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR17\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e). For Spain, and especially for the autonomous area of Catalonia, the influx of international students presents both opportunities for cultural exchange and challenges to established linguistic arrangements.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eHigher education Institutions such as the Universitat Rovira i Virgili (URV) find themselves at the intersection of globalising and localising forces. Unlike other monolingual academic destinations, Catalan universities operate within a unique bilingual framework: Catalan serves as the institutional language, while Castilian and English function as powerful lingua franca within the international community. Thus, international students arriving here enter not merely classrooms but a contested space where linguistic choices are deeply intertwined with politics, history, and identity (Pujolar, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFor short-term students termed \u0026ldquo;temporary residents\u0026rdquo;, learning the local language seldom constitutes a practical necessity. Unlike long-term immigrants who view language acquisition as a survival imperative, university students often prefer to remain within \u0026ldquo;English-speaking circles\u0026rdquo; or their own \u0026ldquo;native language communities\u0026rdquo;, or rely on existing knowledge of Spanish (Garrett \u0026amp; Gallego-Bals\u0026agrave;, 2014). This lack of practical necessity raises a crucial question: what drives temporary residents to invest in learning Catalan, a language with limited global utility compared to mainstream world languages?\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003ePrevious Second Language Acquisition (SLA) research predominantly focuses on the practical value of learning \u0026ldquo;super-central languages\u0026rdquo; or explores identity formation among permanent migrant populations. However, studies examining the specific psychological and sociological transformations experienced by international university students voluntarily engaging with local languages remain scarce. Their decision-making process is not linear but constitutes a dynamic negotiation of self-positioning within a new cultural environment. This study employs narrative inquiry to address this gap. By analysing the experiential accounts of seven international students at URV, who possess language proficiency ranging from A1 to B2, it explores the original motivations driving their Catalan language learning and reveals how learning motivation becomes a site for identity reconfiguration.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"2. Literature review","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe higher education system in Catalonia operates within a complex linguistic ecosystem: English as the international academic lingua franca, Spanish as the national language, and Catalan as the institutional language, all existing in a delicate equilibrium. Lasagabaster (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR21\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2005\u003c/span\u003e) notes that within this internationalised context, international students frequently encounter competing linguistic ideological pressures. This tension is further complicated by what Gallego-Bals\u0026agrave; and Cots (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e) describe as the commodification of language within the \"tourism discourse\" of universities. While institutions promote Catalan as a marker of \"cultural authenticity\" to attract students, international students often adopt a \"tourist\" stance, expecting the host community to accommodate them in Spanish or English (the \"anonymous\" global languages) rather than investing in the local language. Although scholars such as Soler and Gallego (2019) emphasise policy efforts to preserve Catalan's centrality, international students are often enveloped by a protective layer of these dominant languages, marginalising the local language within their academic experience.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eRegarding learning motivation, scholars have sought to clarify the drivers behind foreigners studying this non-universal language. Focusing specifically on learners outside the Catalan-speaking area, Manuel-Oronich et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e) identified that alongside academic interests, \"emigration plans\" and future professional projections are distinct, crucial factors driving motivation. Yet for students seeking deep integration, motivations prove far more complex than questionnaire options. Building upon D\u0026ouml;rnyei's \u0026ldquo;L2 Motivational Self System\u0026rdquo;, Ning (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e) discovered through ethnographic research with Chinese postgraduate students that the \u0026lsquo;Ideal L2 Self\u0026rsquo; and a profound desire for local integration serve as core drivers. This aligns with Hamilton and Serrano (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e), whose research on advanced-level learners indicates that emotional connection and social networks, rather than purely instrumental needs, are crucial for sustaining long-term learning and shaping the learner's self-concept in a multilingual context.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eLanguage learning in intercultural contexts is regarded as a key arena for identity reconstruction. Scholars Van Blommestein and Bellot (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e) highlighted that intercultural communication in VE should create/provide a space for race cognizance, among international identities. Recent qualitative research by Byrne et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e) illuminates this process through the lens of \"linguistic authority,\" revealing that students navigate between competing ideologies of \"authenticity\" (Catalan as rooted and local) and \"anonymity\" (Spanish/English as neutral and global). Drawing upon Darvin and Norton's (2015) \u0026ldquo;Investment\u0026rdquo; theory, learning Catalan acts as an investment to acquire symbolic capital and authenticity. However, this negotiation is not smooth. Trenchs-Parera and Juan-Garau (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e) observed that many students lived within parallel \u0026lsquo;foreign bubbles.\u0026rsquo;\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003ePrevious studies have demonstrated how multicultural backgrounds can foster social integration. However, within the specific social and academic contexts of universities, how students of varying proficiency levels perceive and utilise the Catalan language remains an area requiring further exploration. Research indicates that proficiency in the local language often facilitates \u0026ldquo;harmonious integration\u0026rdquo;, yet the specific interactive strategies and psychological mechanisms underpinning this phenomenon lack detailed micro-level description. Most scholars focus on policy analysis or campus linguistic landscapes, tending to view students as passive recipients of policy. However, there is a lack of empirical studies examining, from the students' perspective, how they exercise agency amidst these conflicting linguistic ideologies, navigating between the \"tourist\" and \"sojourner\" roles (Gallego-Bals\u0026agrave; \u0026amp; Cots, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e). Furthermore, existing literature lacks dynamic examinations of multinational, multi-level (from A1 to B2) student cohorts. Current identity research predominantly focuses on long-term migrants or groups with clear settlement intentions, paying scant attention to international university students, a highly mobile liminal group.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eTherefore, this study shifts focus to personal narratives, transcending the limitations of static research by examining a full spectrum of proficiency levels, from A1 beginners to B2 independent users, thus capturing the real-time dynamics of identity negotiation. Specifically, it examines how students exercise agency to construct an ideal second-language self and how they build bridges between the international student bubble and local communities through concrete academic and social interactions. Ultimately, this qualitative approach will reveal the specific interaction mechanisms and processes of belonging construction essential for achieving harmonious integration.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"3.\tResearch questions","content":" \u003cp\u003eGiven that existing research generally overlooked the specific psychological mechanisms and proactive strategies used by short-term international students within the Catalan environment, and to explore in depth how students at different language proficiency levels actively manage this tension to foster a sense of belonging, this study proposes the following three research questions centred on the themes of motivation, social agency, and identity reconstruction:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eRQ1.What motivates international students to learn Catalan while studying in Catalonia?\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eRQ2. How do international students perceive and use Catalan in their academic and social interactions?\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eRQ3. How do international students negotiate identity and construct a sense of belonging through learning and using Catalan in local academic and social contexts?\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"4. Methodology","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e4.1.\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;Method\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis study employs a qualitative research design, utilising a semi-structured interview guide as its core instrument, with data analysed through thematic and narrative analysis. To ensure systematic inquiry, the interview framework is structured into three core thematic sections, each closely aligned with specific research questions. The first section focuses on participants' backgrounds and “turning points” within their learning journeys, aiming to reveal their motivations for participation (related to RQ1). The second section concentrates on lived experiences, examining participants' daily language practices and social interactions within the local context to explore cognitive and usage patterns of the language in real-time situations (related to RQ2). The final section delves into the psychological dimensions of these experiences, analysing how language acquisition influences learners' self-concept and sense of belonging (related to RQ3).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e4.2.\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;Participants\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eA total of seven international students (n=7) participated in this study. Purposeful sampling was employed to ensure the identification of informative cases (Patton, 2002), which could provide profound insights into the specific phenomenon of voluntary minority language learning. Although the sample size is small (n=7), this aligns with narrative inquiry principles, which prioritize depth of individual experience over generalizability (Clandinin \u0026amp; Connelly, 2000).\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAll participants were enrolled in Catalan language courses offered by the URV Language Centre. They hailed from diverse continents and nations worldwide. Furthermore, to maximise analytical potential, the study deliberately sought to achieve the widest possible variation in language proficiency levels during sampling, selecting students across different class stages from A1 to B2. In view of data and privacy protection, all interviewees in this study will be anonymized in the form of A-G\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e4.3.\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;Data\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe data for this analysis are derived from a corpus of original narratives collected at the Universitat Rovira i Virgili (URV) in Catalonia, Spain. Data collection took place between\u0026nbsp;October and\u0026nbsp;November 2025. The interviews were conducted face-to-face or via online meeting, depending on participant preference, with an average duration of\u0026nbsp;40 minutes.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTo ensure communicative fluency and accuracy, interviews were conducted in English, all sessions were audio-recorded with a recording machine, and prior informed consent was obtained, ensuring ethical compliance, and subsequently transcribed for analysis. However, this may have limited some participants’ ability to express subtle nuances of their Catalan experiences. Researcher reflexivity was maintained throughout to mitigate this limitation.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e4.4.\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;Analysis\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTo both capture the breadth of general motivational factors and the depth of individual identity construction, this study employs a combined analytical approach of thematic analysis and narrative analysis. Following Braun and Clarke's (2006) framework, the initial analysis phase employed an inductive thematic approach to process RQ1 and RQ2, which involved the interaction between core motivations and social practices. This process identified recurring patterns across different groups (A1-B2), distilling unique motivational categories driving decisions to learn Catalan: ranging from instrumental career objectives to integrative cultural aspirations.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMeanwhile, to transcend mere “motivation” categorization and comprehensively address RQ3's complex internal identity negotiation, subsequent research employed narrative analysis, specifically the third tier of Bamberg's (1997) positioning theory. By examining narrative timelines and turning points, it explored the process of social integration. Overall, thematic analysis effectively reveals learners' experiential dimensions, while narrative analysis delves deeper into how participants construct self-identity through language learning narratives.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"5. Findings","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e5.1.\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;Instrumental and community integration motivations\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eOverall research data show that the motivation for learning Catalan is mainly intertwined nature: the vast majority of respondents are not driven by a single motivation, but by both. Usually, \u0026ldquo;instrumentality\u0026rdquo; serves as the threshold, while \u0026ldquo;integration\u0026rdquo; acts as the driving force for maintenance. However, according to the analysis, strong instrumental motivation was particularly present among respondents A, G, D, and E, accounting for a larger proportion, while strong integrative motivation accounted for a smaller proportion and was mainly reflected among respondents B, C, and F.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn terms of instrumental motivation, these respondents explicitly mentioned in the interviews that external pressure, economic interests or survival needs are the primary triggers for learning Catalan.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eRespondent G: \u0026ldquo;\u003c/em\u003e\u003cem\u003eAnd then in spring when I got a full time. Permanent position here? Yeah,\u0026nbsp;now I have to do it so. ... you know, because when you get a job in academia,\u0026nbsp;that\u0026rsquo;s your job for the life. So, in order to integrate into the community, you need to know the language and that also helps you to understand the culture and fit it right. ... I don\u0026rsquo;t know how to answer that one [about motivation], because I took Catalan for a year, and then I quit, and I quit because I thought I was likely like there was a greater chance I was going to get hired outside...\u0026nbsp;so I guess because now I\u0026rsquo;m back in in the class, I guess I would just have to say okay.\u003c/em\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFrom a narrative aspect, there is a very obvious twist in G\u0026apos;s narrative: She once gave up learning (she felt it was unnecessary), but the opportunity to get a position changed her behavioural trajectory. She didn\u0026apos;t learn because she wanted to, but because she \u0026quot;had to\u0026quot; learn. This demonstrates the passivity of G\u0026apos;s motivation. When it comes to her logical chain: from \u0026quot;I quit\u0026quot; to \u0026quot;Now I have to do it, and finally ending with \u0026quot;I would just have to say okay. This is a typical compromise narrative. G regards Job for life as the top priority, and language learning is merely the tool that must be mastered to get and maintain this position.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eHere it also embodies D\u0026ouml;rnyei\u0026apos;s (2009) Ought to L2 Self . The learning behaviour of G is basically driven by external obligation. At this moment, in heart, G may not have built an \u0026ldquo;ideal self that speaks fluent Catalan\u0026rdquo;, but rather focused more on emphasizing the need to avoid the negative outcome of \u0026ldquo;losing the job\u0026rdquo;. Thus, in this context, \u0026ldquo;Integrate\u0026rdquo; actually means \u0026ldquo;Comply\u0026rdquo; in the workplace.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAlthough it is the same pressure brought by the workplace, for A, language is more like an \u0026quot;aggressive tool\u0026quot;. It is to obtain future Access qualifications and to break through the career ceiling brought by only knowing Spanish or English\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eRespondent A:\u003c/em\u003e \u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;I honestly thought that Spanish would have been enough...\u0026nbsp;So\u0026hellip;so I was kind of shocked when I saw how much Catalan was needed both socially and professionally.\u0026nbsp;... I don\u0026apos;t think I\u0026apos;ve had a specific source of motivation. I think, maybe just my professional life,\u0026nbsp;because you do get to a point where you feel like you can\u0026apos;t professionally develop further without Catalan.\u0026nbsp;... because without, you can teach at language academies, but without Catalan,\u0026nbsp;no other opportunities are available to you.\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eRespondent A used the strongly emotional word \u0026quot;Shocked\u0026quot; to describe her mental state. This represents an \u0026quot;Epiphany\u0026quot; (Denzin, 1989) in narrative analysis. An originally thought that Spanish, as one of the official languages, was sufficient to handle all scenarios. However, the two phrases \u0026quot;Can\u0026apos;t professionally develop further\u0026quot; and \u0026quot;No other opportunities\u0026quot; construct a narrative of Spatial Confinement. A described Spanish as a language that can sustain basic survival but cannot enter the core circle, that is, stable and high-status market positions. This constitutes the ceiling of the current career.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe elaborations given by respondent D and respondent E enable us to discover that \u0026quot;instrumental motivation\u0026quot; does not have only one form. It can be a heavy survival strategy (D) or a brisk economic calculation (E). This also reveals that learning motivation is closely related to an individual\u0026apos;s vulnerability and length of staying in the local area.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eRespondent D:\u003c/em\u003e \u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;When I arrived, I arrived in a political situation. And have a lawyer telling us, you need learning the language. It\u0026apos;s very important.\u0026nbsp;It\u0026apos;s one of the things you need considering if you want to stay here.\u0026quot;\u003cbr\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u0026quot;A survivor. Adapting. Yes, really. Because I, I arrive in a difficult situation and I need have more skills, you know, to surviving.\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;Because it\u0026apos;s the heart to the culture. If you understand your language... you connecting and you open doors.\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe narrative of D begins with \u0026quot;Crisis \u0026quot;. She used words like \u0026quot;survivor \u0026quot;and \u0026quot;vulnerable\u0026quot;. here, Catalan is not a course taken for credits, but a \u0026quot;defensive weapon\u0026quot; used to deal with the review of the immigration legal system and ensure that she can \u0026quot;Stay here \u0026quot;. Catalan is not merely an academic subject for D, but a strategic tool for survival and legal security in a precarious immigration context. This script also profoundly indicates the viewpoint of Bonny Norton (2013) : language learning is an investment in social power. As a disadvantaged immi,lgrant, she initially invested in language to obtain the material resource of \u0026quot;Right of Abode\u0026quot;. Meanwhile, the transformation of D\u0026apos;s motivation confirmed Ushioda\u0026apos;s (2009) view of \u0026quot;Person-in-Context\u0026quot;. Here, motivation is not a fixed trait but a dynamic process that evolves as she interacts with her environment.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eUnlike D\u0026apos;s heavy emotional burden and survival needs, the motivation of respondent E appears more pragmatic, simple and straightforward.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;Because, for example,\u0026nbsp;a Catalan course cost only 15 euros, while a Spanish, Spanish course costs like 124 euros.\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;Instantly, it was cheap.\u0026quot;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe narrative of E is entirely driven by \u0026quot;Numbers\u0026quot;. He precisely listed the comparison between \u0026quot;15 euros\u0026quot; and \u0026quot;124 euros\u0026quot;. In his narrative, Catalan is neither a cultural essence nor a weapon for survival, but a Cost-effective Product. He used words like \u0026quot;Cheaper\u0026quot; to indicate that his learning behavior was a kind of\u0026quot; consumption behavior based on immediate interests \u0026quot;. This behavior is fully in line with rational choice in sociology (Hechter \u0026amp; Kanazawa, 1997). As a consumer, after calculating the costs (low tuition fees) and benefits (mastering an additional language), he made the decision to maximize utility.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn the aspect of motivation of community integration, respondents B, C, and F explicitly articulated that their primary triggers for learning Catalan were rooted in cultural curiosity and interpersonal agency. These students approached Catalan as a voluntary investment in their social identity. Through horizontal analysis, the analysis results can be summarized as three core driving forces for integration: deep cultural interests, social and emotional support, and a respectful moral awareness.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAlthough Spanish is widely used locally, the three respondents unanimously agreed that Spanish can only handle the superficial survival needs, while Catalan is the only passage to the Inner Circle of the local culture. They all regard language as a kind of \u0026quot;Cultural Code\u0026quot; and show interest in learning.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eRespondent B believes that without understanding the language, one cannot touch the true emotions of the local people.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;You can translate it into Spanish... \u0026nbsp;but to get to the heart of their feelings, of their emotions, the only way is to access the language... \u0026nbsp;I know the code.\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eRespondent F expressed the same view. F found that only through language can one truly understand the local unique festivals (such as Castanyada) rather than being overwhelmed solo by global festivals (such as Halloween) :\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;Well, I think that the language has been my primary source of information about the culture... \u0026nbsp;since I can recognize different words... \u0026nbsp;that has made me aware of the different things that are going on.\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eRespondent C described this depth as the feeling of \u0026quot;Plugged in\u0026quot;. C pointed out that learning languages enables him to understand the cultural Jargon of a particular region :\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;It kind of helps if you know... the cultural jargon that they use in that area... \u0026nbsp;you just really get to know more about where you\u0026apos;re living and get kind of more plugged in with the people who live there.\u0026quot;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;The consensus of these three respondents supports Kramsch\u0026apos;s (1998) discourse on Symbolic Competence. They are not content with merely transferring Information, but are eager to understand the cultural significance behind the symbols. For them, Catalan is a distinctive cultural capital that can transform them from \u0026ldquo;outsiders\u0026quot; to \u0026quot;insiders\u0026quot;.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAt the level of social and emotional support interaction, all three respondents mentioned the same key: the positive feedback from local people. This emotional reward from society constitutes a powerful driving force for them to decide to learn and keep on learning.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIt is worth noting that the narrative of respondent C is even full of excitement, and he describes this interaction and learning as a kind of reward:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;It\u0026apos;s very motivating in that the people really appreciate what you\u0026apos;re doing... \u0026nbsp;So, three words to sum up: Humbling. Exciting. Rewarding.\u0026quot;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eF noticed the change in attitude brought about by language choice. She found that using Catalan could gain patience from the locals:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;They are nicer if you talk to them in (Catalan)... \u0026nbsp;I just think they get more patient because they want to let you speak... \u0026nbsp;I think that they appreciate the effort.\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eRepondent B described this interaction as \u0026quot;generous\u0026quot; and \u0026quot;friendly\u0026quot; :\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;I find it generous and friendly; I find it kind... \u0026nbsp;I like these people now.\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eObviously, the notion of Linguistic Hospitality from Kearney (2021) is vividly demonstrated here. When international students voluntarily cross language boundaries, the local community gives back through \u0026quot;Appreciation\u0026quot; and \u0026quot;Patience\u0026quot;. This kind of affective exchange enhances learners\u0026apos; Ideal L2 Self (Dornyei, 2009), making the dull learning process full of social value. It is precisely because of the emotional value and positive feedback that their learning motivation has been further strengthened through repeated interactions\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn addition, all three respondents demonstrated a strong sense of moral awareness. Their motivation for learning Catalan is not only for their own improvement and integration, but also to show respect to the Catalonia region.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eF\u0026apos;s point, which refuses to take advantage of the hegemonic position of Spanish,\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eis the most profound:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;I think that they appreciate the fact that we try to speak the language instead of just like imposing Spanish to them... \u0026nbsp;it\u0026apos;s kind of like we modified ourselves to connect better.\u0026quot;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eRespondent C also demonstrated this humility. Furthermore, C believes that learning the other person\u0026apos;s language can make both himself and the other person happy.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;I really just like learning people\u0026apos;s languages because one, it makes them happy... \u0026nbsp;I\u0026apos;d say maybe humbling.\u0026quot;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eRespondent B, from the perspective of guests\u0026apos; obligations, emphasized respect for local traditions:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;Share and respect the culture, share and respect the language... \u0026nbsp; you only belong to the place that is yours... \u0026nbsp;but take part of it with you.\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThese three narratives jointly emphasize the individual choices of rights and obligations in the context of Catalan society. As the notion of Intercultural Citizenship (Byram, 2008) describes, these students are not only language learners but also Ethical Actors. By learning Minority languages, they actively challenged the \u0026quot;hegemony of English or Spanish\u0026quot;, demonstrating a respectful posture of De-colonial. This motivation transcends its practical value and becomes an ethical expression of cultural respect and identification.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e5.2.\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;Perception of the sociolinguistic landscape.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWhile motivation explains the drive to learn, perception constitutes the interpretive lens through which international students make sense of the sociolinguistic reality they inhabit. The results below reveals that perception is not a passive reception of sensory input, but an active negotiation of\u0026nbsp;language ideologies. Students\u0026apos; initial encounters with Catalan often triggered a rupture between their digital or imagined expectations and the reality, forcing them to face concepts of uniqueness, authority, and history.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFor several respondents, the initial perception was a sensory disorientation caused by the semiotic environment. For instance, Respondent G\u0026rsquo;s experience with digital navigation illustrates how the linguistic landscape creates a cognitive burden.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;I think the most difficult challenge... was that when you would be given an address for something, and you would type it into Apple Maps... it would show up with an alternate address, so you would type it in in Catalan and it would switch to Spanish... The first thing that you notice is the confusion in trying to figure out what everything is with the duplicates of the labels.\u0026quot;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eG\u0026rsquo;s narrative portrays the bilingual setting as a domain characterized by \u0026ldquo;duplicates\u0026rdquo; and \u0026ldquo;confusion\u0026rdquo;. This confusion reflects how linguistic landscapes operate not only as tools of navigation but also as ideological texts (Shohamy, 2006), where Catalan asserts its public legitimacy alongside Spanish. The signs and digital maps operate as top-down mechanisms that impose a bilingual reality, which G, as a newcomer, finds challenging to interpret. The \u0026ldquo;switch\u0026rdquo; is not merely a technical issue but also an expression of the ongoing contestations over public space. At this point, G perceives Catalan not as a resource but as a \u0026ldquo;barrier\u0026rdquo; within the information infrastructure, thereby complicating her fundamental survival tasks and reinforcing her status as an outsider.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWhile G struggled with visual signs, Respondent A\u0026rsquo;s perception was marked by an auditory shock that challenged her linguistic categorization.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;I expected to hear Spanish. ... my brain not completely seeing, well, being like, oh there\u0026apos;s different sounds, right? Because Romance languages don\u0026apos;t have \u0026apos;sh\u0026apos; and \u0026apos;ch\u0026apos; as much. ... So, when I heard it, I was like, oh there\u0026apos;s actually some similar sounds to Serbian, and that sounded surprising.\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eA\u0026rsquo;s surprise at the \u0026quot;sh\u0026quot; and \u0026quot;ch\u0026quot; sounds represents a moment of realizing Indexicality (Blommaert, 2010). These unexpected phonetic elements disrupt her prior assumptions about Romance languages and mark Catalan as culturally distinct, triggering a moment of linguistic and cultural reorientation. In the sociolinguistics of globalization, specific accents or sounds point to specific social identities. A\u0026rsquo;s perception of these sounds disrupted the expected \u0026quot;Romance language\u0026quot; system, which is associated with Spanish. She perceived these phonetic features as \u0026quot;different\u0026quot; and \u0026quot;surprising,\u0026quot; indexing a distinct identity that was unexpectedly closer to Slavic background than to Spanish. \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis auditory perception served as the first boundary marker, signaling that the space she entered was linguistically autonomous from the \u0026quot;Spain\u0026quot; she had imagined via YouTube. In this sense, the auditory shock served as a\u0026nbsp;sociolinguistic wake-up call, indicating that integration into this community requires navigating a phonetic and cultural system detached from prior Spanish competence.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBeyond sensory perception with shock, Respondent F\u0026rsquo;s narrative reveals a profound shift in perceiving the symbol value\u0026nbsp;of Catalan, moving from assuming it was a normal status dialect to recognizing its institutional power.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;I thought people would use it, but in a more, some sort of an L1 setting, you know, like a heritage language, one that you speak at home... But when I got here, I realized that it was different. There was a lot of pride in the language, everything was written in the language... Then I got curious about the language.\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe observation that \u0026ldquo;everything was written\u0026rdquo; together with the visible sense of pride indicates recognition of Catalan as a \u0026ldquo;legitimate language\u0026rdquo; in the local linguistic market (Bourdieu, 1991). At first, Catalan was perceived as a normal heritage language used mainly at home, but its strong presence in public life revealed authority and vitality. In contrast to G\u0026rsquo;s confusion about public signs, this interpretation treated them as evidence of strength. Recognizing legitimacy was vital. Since in Bourdieu\u0026rsquo;s terms, it is the prerequisite for accepting the language\u0026rsquo;s \u0026ldquo;market price,\u0026rdquo; which sparked G\u0026acute;s curiosity to acquire it.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eOn the other hand, respondent D\u0026rsquo;s perception transcends the functional views, getting into the moral and historical dimensions of the language.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;It\u0026apos;s different because... in the past is ... Hiding, learning, hiding the words... It\u0026apos;s not the same the Catalan to Valencia. ... It\u0026apos;s not the same in the, you know, deep, in the deep Catalonia.\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eD perceives Catalan through the lens of\u0026nbsp;authenticity, a notion central to\u0026nbsp;Woolard\u0026rsquo;s\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e(2016)\u0026nbsp;analysis of linguistic authority in Catalonia. Woolard distinguishes between the \u0026quot;anonymous\u0026quot; authority of dominant languages and the \u0026quot;authentic\u0026quot; authority of minority languages, which is rooted in place, history, and voice. D\u0026rsquo;s reference to \u0026quot;Deep Catalonia\u0026quot; shows language as an object of authenticity. D is not just hearing words, but also perceiving the \u0026quot;reality\u0026quot; of history. This perception clearly positions the language as something that commands moral respect, transforming the learning process into an act of aligning with the authentic core of the Catalonia society.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e5.3.\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;Catalan usage in academic and social interactions\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eRespondents show significant contextual dependence in their use of Catalan and have language cognitive differences. Overall, there is a tension between language use in a controlled academic environment and a fluid social environment, which is driven by career development and regulated by personal social strategies. The following descriptions of different respondents demonstrate their differences in learning and using Catalan both inside and outside the classroom, as well as their negotiation strategies in social interactions.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMany respondents pointed out the contradiction between the controllability of language classrooms and the unpredictability of real life.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;Respondent A illustrates this contradiction:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;With the Catalan class it\u0026apos;s much more controlled of course... In real life, I\u0026apos;d say \u0026apos;gimnasio\u0026apos; and somebody would switch to Spanish and that would be it, right? So it is, it\u0026apos;s much less controlled.\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWhile respondent B also felt passive in real interactions:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;In the first, um I\u0026apos;m learning classroom, classroom Catalan... But in real life is different. They don\u0026apos;t talk about a specific topic... I\u0026apos;m just a passive uh recipient of their of their speech.\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eD pointed out specifically the conflict between academic norms and street language habits:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;When you listen so many old people or people in the street and compared to the \u0026apos;academia\u0026apos;, the teachers telling to us, it\u0026apos;s an \u0026apos;error com\u0026uacute;\u0026apos; (common error)...\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBased on the above script, It is evident that international students build the classroom as a \u0026quot;safe zone\u0026quot; for strict language use. Interactions follow a set teaching script and mistakes are regarded as part of the learning process. However, real social scenarios are described as \u0026quot;uncontrollable\u0026quot; and \u0026quot;different\u0026quot;. Often, the disconnection between academic standards and social reality leads students into a predicament, that is to say, the \u0026quot;correct\u0026quot; language they acquire in the classroom may seem stiff in reality, while the language circulating in reality is rejected in the classroom. This cognitive dissonance eventually forces students to retreat often from active interlocutors to \u0026quot;passive participants\u0026quot;, or always remain \u0026quot;cautious\u0026quot; to avoid embarrassment. Krashen\u0026apos;s Affective Filter Hypothesis (1982) further supports this point. Outside the classroom, due to the unpredictability of the environment and the fear of communication failure, students\u0026apos; emotional filtering intensifies (anxiety rises), which hinders language output.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn addition, further exploration of social settings outside the classroom reveals that respondents adopted specific strategies to negotiate interactions and build identities in order to overcome social barriers.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eRespondent C uses text messages in Catalan on purpose as a buffering strategy:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;I\u0026apos;ll text with them in Catalan... it makes it a lot easier to be able to like think about the grammar while you\u0026apos;re writing it versus... production when you\u0026apos;re speaking is a lot harder.\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMeanwhile, respondent A will confirm a sense of belonging through specific service scenarios:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;Being able to say \u0026apos;vull un caf\u0026egrave; amb llet\u0026apos;( I want a caf\u0026eacute; with milk)... makes me feel a little bit like it\u0026apos;s a more normal interaction rather than being like, oh you\u0026apos;re a local and I\u0026apos;m a foreigner.\u0026quot;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis illustrates how routine service encounters can act as identity rituals, allowing students to temporarily shed the \u0026lsquo;foreigner\u0026rsquo; label and perform a \u0026lsquo;quasi-local\u0026rsquo; self (Kramsch, 1993).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eRespondent D emphasized the importance of subjective motivation, which echoes Norton\u0026rsquo;s (2013) view of language learning as investment: bravery becomes a form of capital expenditure toward social inclusion:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;You need be brave. I.,t\u0026apos;s the only way, talking, talking, talking... Nobody push you. Yeah. You have to push yourself.\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDrawing from Norton\u0026apos;s \u0026quot;Investment\u0026quot; principle (2013), students are willing to \u0026quot;invest\u0026quot; in using Catalan in a challenging social environment because they expect to receive a specific social return, that is, to be regarded as a member of the community. They not only show a positive language attitude, but also strive to break through social barriers and actively adopt strategies for negotiation, such as deliberately using the target language for texting to reduce cognitive load, giving themselves buffer time for thinking grammar, using it as scaffolding to immediate spoken language, Regarding service encounters as a key ritual, by using standardized Catalan phrases, attempts are made to strip away the label of \u0026quot;visitors\u0026quot; and construct a sense of normalness of \u0026quot;normal interaction\u0026quot;, thereby obtaining the identity recognition of quasi-locals. Or perhaps some believe that \u0026quot;bravery\u0026quot; and self-motivation are the only ways to break the silence of language and build social connections.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e5.4.\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;Impact on identity formation and sense of belonging\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe process of learning Catalan for international students is far more than just mastering a new communication tool; it is more like a renegotiation of one\u0026apos;s own identity. From the interview data, we can observe a clear trajectory of psychological transformation: the students did not attempt to completely \u0026quot;become\u0026quot; Catalans, nor did they consider themselves entirely foreign students. Instead, through language learning, they carved out a comfortable third space between \u0026quot;complete outsiders\u0026quot; and \u0026quot;locals\u0026quot;. This is a dynamic and tense process of identity construction.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eRespondent A described this subtle transition of identity with great care and emotion, viewing it as a status situated between the two extremes.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;I think if anything, the only thing that it\u0026apos;s done is made me feel like I could have a larger sense of belonging... It\u0026apos;s like a middle place between the foreigner and the local student, right? It\u0026apos;s kind of a middle place. Okay, it\u0026apos;s a new me, I think... I see myself less as a foreigner living in a foreign place and a little bit more as someone learning how to live here.\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eRespondent F expressed a similar sentiment, with the account highlighting a rejection of the rigid black‑and‑white dichotomy of identity:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;Okay, that\u0026apos;s a great, great question. I don\u0026apos;t think I feel like I am a local person. Okay? But I don\u0026apos;t feel like I\u0026apos;m an outsider either. I would just say that I\u0026apos;m just like occupying the space in between... I know that there are a lot of things that I don\u0026apos;t know about the culture... but I also know that there.\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFrom a narrative perspective, these respondents employ spatial metaphors by using \u0026ldquo;middle place\u0026rdquo; and \u0026ldquo;space in between\u0026rdquo; to deconstruct the binary opposition of \u0026ldquo;local\u0026rdquo; versus \u0026ldquo;foreigner,\u0026rdquo; thereby constructing a continuum of identity. The verb \u0026ldquo;occupying\u0026rdquo; chosen by respondent F conveys a strong sense of agency, suggesting an active claim to presence within this space. Meanwhile, A\u0026rsquo;s use of the progressive tense, like \u0026ldquo;learning how to live here\u0026rdquo;, together with comparative modifiers like \u0026ldquo;less or more as\u0026hellip;\u0026rdquo; reframes identity as a dynamic and fluid process rather than a fixed endpoint.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;middle place\u0026rdquo; here exactly refers to \u0026ldquo;third place\u0026rdquo;, where Kramsch (1993) believes that second language learners often create a unique psychological space between their native language culture and the target language culture. It can be seen that this space is not a simple compromise to a certain culture, but a unique identity foothold belonging to the learners themselves.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFurthermore, when it comes to identity negotiation, in-depth interviews also revealed that international students view language as a new dimension of personality and the awakening of the \u0026quot;cultural self\u0026quot;. Some respondents tend to view Catalan as a new dimension of their persona. That is to say, when they switch languages, they are actually also switching a way of perceiving the world and expressing emotions.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eRespondent B described a very profound self-reflection. He believed that language could even directly reshape personality:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;I think it would build a new me or part of a new me because when you add a language to you, you are adding another personality. Gestures, expressions, thoughts, customs, traditions, it\u0026apos;s like a new part of you... I will have another me that knows Catalonia, knows the customs... and that, that will shape myself in a better way.\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eRespondent G provides a more causal perspective, clearly pointing out the reshaping of character and geographical identity by language:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;The language you speak changes the way you think, and if the way you think changes, your personality is going to change with it... I can\u0026apos;t say that with Catalan yet, but I have a different personality when I speak German... I guess because I\u0026apos;m speaking multiple European languages, I feel more European than just North American.\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThese two respondents adopted different rhetorical strategies to construct their \u0026quot;multilingual selves\u0026quot;, both of which strongly resonated with Guiora\u0026rsquo;s (1972) concept of the \u0026quot;Language Ego\u0026quot;, suggesting that acquiring a new language also involves internalizing a new cultural and emotional identity framework. B uses additional rhetoric, often using verbs like \u0026quot;add\u0026quot; and \u0026quot;build\u0026quot; and nouns like \u0026quot;new part\u0026quot;, which uncovers that learning Catalan is a new means of cultural acquisition, expanding self-boundaries without erasing the original self. B believes that this \u0026quot;new me\u0026quot; is a form of self-enrichment, suggesting that Catalan is a tool for becoming a more complete individual.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eOn the contrary, respondent G adopted a causal narrative that \u0026ldquo;language changes your way of thinking \u0026quot;, emphasizing the cognitive reconstruction ability of language. The narrative extends from the micro level of the individual to the macro level of geopolitical repositioning. By learning Catalan and other European languages, the fixed \u0026quot;North American\u0026quot; identity began to transform into a mobile \u0026quot;European\u0026quot; identity. Here, Catalan serves as a crucial anchor to legitimize G\u0026apos;s transnational identity. Thus, both of these cases demonstrate that for international students, speaking Catalan is not merely a linguistic act but also an act of identity construction, enabling them to enter new social roles and cultural Spaces that were previously inaccessible.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe discussion on the active creation rather than passive inheritance of a sense of belonging demonstrates a significant shift from an essentialist perspective to a constructivist one. The respondents do not consider belonging as an inherent right derived from bloodline or history, but rather a status that must be actively obtained and constructed through language expression and social participation.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eD, having lived in Catalonia for seven years, offers a powerful narrative about how to construct \u0026quot;home\u0026quot; in the absence of biological ties:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;You create community. And I don\u0026apos;t have family here. I am staying alone... you find people in the street when you say hello to Cristian, to other people. You create community... This is my home now.\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003eRespondent A similarly connects belonging to tangible deeds and linguistic access, viewing it as a participatory act:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026quot;I think it will help me feel a little bit more like I\u0026apos;m part of the community here, because I\u0026apos;ve tried to do so through my actions. Like I\u0026apos;ve even gone to the cathedral here... but I think without having the language, all of those, I can\u0026apos;t quite enjoy them fully.\u0026quot;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn these scripts, the concept of \u0026ldquo;home\u0026rdquo; undergoes a semantic shift, moving beyond traditional geographical origins to become rooted in the performative nature of everyday interactions. Respondent D elaborates on this by defining belonging as an accumulation of micro-social acts such as \u0026ldquo;saying hello\u0026rdquo;, effectively framing citizenship as the practice of \u0026ldquo;dwelling\u0026rdquo; within relational networks rather than a strictly legal status. Also, D\u0026rsquo;s declaration reframes \u0026lsquo;home\u0026rsquo; as an emergent concept based on social ties and active participation, rather than inherited geography\u0026mdash;an idea aligned with constructivist identity theories. Respondent A further illustrates from a relational perspective: physical presence and cultural immersion represent fundamentally distinct experiences. Without linguistic proficiency, activities like visiting cathedrals remain mere performance rather than genuine engagement. Language thus becomes the pivotal medium, transforming the \u0026ldquo;tourist gaze\u0026rdquo; into authentic local participation, enabling learners to truly integrate into the culture rather than merely observe it. This active endeavor to transition from observer to participant ultimately converges with Norton\u0026apos;s (1995) concept of \u0026ldquo;investment\u0026rdquo;. For these students, learning Catalan transcends a purely instrumental task, representing a complex investment in social legitimacy that ensures them the right to speak as effective members of the local community.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"6. Conclusion","content":"\u003cp\u003eTo sum up, this study examines the motivations, perceptions, practices, and identity negotiation processes of seven international students. Employing semi-structured interviews and a dual narrative-thematic analysis approach, it delves into their Catalan language learning experiences. The initial motivations of the interviewees exhibited an intertwined instrumental-integrative dynamic: driven either by external pressures such as maintaining employment, overcoming career ceilings, or sustaining legal residency; or by internal aspirations including cultural curiosity, emotional reciprocity, and moral respect. Upon receiving positive feedback from local communities during authentic interactions, their \u0026lsquo;ideal second-language self\u0026rsquo; was reinforced, transforming learning behavior from a short-term expedient into a sustained investment. At the level of social practice and personal perception, students commonly experienced a \u0026ldquo;symbolic shock\u0026rdquo; triggered by bilingual signage and phonetic differences, rapidly recognizing Catalan not as a subordinate dialect but as a legitimate symbol bearing historical weight and authority. Navigating the tension between classroom norms and street-level pragmatics, they transform controllable knowledge into communicative discourse through textual buffering, ritualized service scenarios, and self-empowerment strategies. This reduces emotional filtering, facilitating a role transition from observer to participant. Regarding identity, interviewees reject the \u0026ldquo;foreigner-native\u0026rdquo; dichotomy, positioning themselves within a \u0026ldquo;third space\u0026rdquo; and viewing language acquisition as an opportunity to expand personal boundaries and reshape cognitive frameworks. Belonging is similarly redefined: not an inherent attribute tied to bloodlines or passports, but symbolic capital earned through daily micro-interactions and linguistic practice.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eBesides, findings also suggest that although Catalonia already offers well-structured Catalan courses at university level, deeper links between language classes and intercultural-citizenship modules, with low-cost, high-impact contexts like community conversations, can strengthen the instrumental\u0026ndash;integrative loop and keep short-term students engaged. For other minority-language regions, this research offers a simple narrative-based blueprint: reserve curricular space for the local language, create real occasions to speak it inside and outside the classroom. For example, universities could pair language learners with local conversation partners or embed community events within Catalan courses to reinforce classroom learning with lived practice and let students see the course as a strategic investment in symbolic capital and belonging rather than an optional extra.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAcknowledgments\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eI sincerely thank all participants and my supervisors who generously shared their time, experiences, and perspectives for this research with great assistance. I am also deeply thankful to URV and Catalonia for their openness, inclusiveness, and cultural richness with freedom.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003cstrong\u003eFunding\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis research didn\u0026apos;t receive any funding.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003cstrong\u003eConflicts\u003c/strong\u003e \u003cstrong\u003eof\u003c/strong\u003e \u003cstrong\u003eInterest\u003c/strong\u003e:\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe authors declare no conflicts of interest.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003eBamberg MGW (1997) Positioning between structure and performance. 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Bristol, Blue Ridge Summit: Multilingual Matters. \u003cspan class=\"ExternalRef\"\u003e\u003cspan class=\"RefSource\"\u003ehttps://doi.org/10.21832/9781847691293-012\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan address=\"10.21832/9781847691293-012\" targettype=\"DOI\" class=\"RefTarget\"\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e \u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003eVan Blommestein S, Bellot AR (2023) Identity, racial cognizance, and intercultural competence: Students' collective identities in the virtual literary classroom. J Virtual Exch 6:83\u0026ndash;103. \u003cspan class=\"ExternalRef\"\u003e\u003cspan class=\"RefSource\"\u003ehttps://doi.org/10.21827/jve.6.39860\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan address=\"10.21827/jve.6.39860\" targettype=\"DOI\" class=\"RefTarget\"\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":true,"hideJournal":true,"highlight":"","institution":"Universitat Rovira i Virgili","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"
[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"Catalan language, identity negotiation, international education, social integration, narrative analysis","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-8672946/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-8672946/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eThe central role of the Catalan language in shaping local identity is widely acknowledged in Catalan society. However, a significant research gap persists regarding the unique motivations and identity-negotiation processes of the growing cohort of international university students. For this diverse group, learning Catalan is not an inevitable choice but a complex decision-making process. This case study employs semi-structured interviews and thematic and narrative analysis to reveal how international students\u0026rsquo; motivations to learn Catalan evolve from pragmatic needs to deeper identity investments. 7 international students (n\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;7) are involved from different countries, with Catalan proficiency ranging from A1 to B2, engaging in Catalan language learning classes at Universitat Rovira i Virgili (URV). Based on their personal narratives, research examines how this process shapes their self-identity and sense of belonging. The study result reveals that students' engagement with Catalan will synergize with their local community and international education experiences, fostering a sense of belonging through emotional reciprocity, cultural respect, and active social participation. It also offers practical insights for refining inclusive policies and language development within international universities in Spain.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"Catalan as a Language of Belonging: Motivation and Identity Development Among International University Students","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2026-01-23 07:28:48","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-8672946/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"
[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"1a085cb9-a4b7-446c-88d3-5f4e807ad518","owner":[],"postedDate":"January 23rd, 2026","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"posted","subjectAreas":[{"id":61602443,"name":"Linguistics"},{"id":61602444,"name":"Sociology"},{"id":61602445,"name":"Educational Philosophy and Theory"}],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2026-01-23T07:28:48+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2026-01-23 07:28:48","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-8672946","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-8672946","identity":"rs-8672946","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"XKTyCvWXoU3ODBz1xrDgd","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}
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