Urban Rural Divides and Selective Urbanisation In The Kolkata Periphery of North 24Parganas

Urban Rural Divides and Selective Urbanisation In The Kolkata Periphery of North 24Parganas | Research Square window.SnipcartSettings = { analytics: { enabled: false } }; (function() { var accessVector = localStorage.getItem('access_vector') || ''; window.dataLayer = window.dataLayer || []; if (accessVector) { window.dataLayer.push({ user: { profile: { profileInfo: { snid: accessVector } } } }); } })(); (function(w,d,s,l,i){w[l]=w[l]||[];w[l].push({'gtm.start':new Date().getTime(),event:'gtm.js'});var f=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],j=d.createElement(s),dl=l!='dataLayer'?'&l='+l:'';j.async=true;j.src='https://www.googletagmanager.com/gtm.js?id='+i+dl;f.parentNode.insertBefore(j,f);})(window,document,'script','dataLayer','GTM-K279D39R'); Browse Preprints In Review Journals COVID-19 Preprints AJE Video Bytes Research Tools Research Promotion AJE Professional Editing AJE Rubriq About Preprint Platform In Review Editorial Policies Our Team Advisory Board Help Center Sign In Submit a Preprint Cite Share Download PDF Research Article Urban Rural Divides and Selective Urbanisation In The Kolkata Periphery of North 24Parganas Yatharth Kohli, Bikramaditya Choudhury, Deep Narayan Pandey, Saurabh Kumar This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-9385409/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Under Review Version 1 posted 7 You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract The paper looks at nature and production of urban rural divide and the regional inequities in Kolkata metropolitan periphery with reference to North 24 Parganas district in West Bengal. Going beyond the traditional polarities of the concepts of urban development and rural backwardness, the study assumes the concept of inequality as the result of a selective urbanisation, influenced by planning priorities, infrastructural investment, and spatial closeness to the metropolitan centre. The study is based on qualitative field work that was carried out in seven Assembly Constituencies, namely, Bidhannagar, Rajarhat New Town, Madhyamgram, Barasat, Basirhat Dakshin, Sandeshkhali, and Ashoknagar, and follows a comparative, exploratory methodology based on observations, unstructured encounters, and secondary data. The results present a disjointed landscape of the region in which infrastructure, access to services, livelihood and housing conditions are not evenly distributed. The central cities and planned areas enjoy the advantages of state and market concentration of investment, whereas the peri-urban and rural regions suffer infrastructural inadequacy, livelihood insecurity, and a lack of institutionalization. The peri-urban areas become important areas of extended transition, which are defined by the mixed land use, informal working activities, and increasing social-economic vulnerability. The paper also indicates the role of commodification of land and speculative urban growth in exerting pressure on spatial segregation and displacement. Notably, the lived experiences are preempted in the paper to reveal how inequality is internalised, normalised and negotiated in daily life, which affects aspirations, mobility strategies and state perceptions. The discussion highlights that administrative inclusion in urban areas does not ensure fair deliveries. In general, the paper posits that uneven planning and selective integration are actively involved in the creation of regional inequality in the Kolkata periphery, and that the process of urbanisation must be reconsidered as a socially differentiated and inherently unequal one. Figures Figure 1 Figure 2 Introduction Urbanisation is the process of movement of the people living in rural areas to the urban areas. The process encompasses various aspects ranging to social, economic, cultural, psychological and many more. According to the Census of India, 2011 urbanisation increased from 27.7% in 2001 to 31.1% in 2011, representing a total of 377.1 million people and an annual growth rate of 2.76%. Urban areas in India are defined by the Census of India as either statutory towns (areas with municipal, corporation, or cantonment boards) or census towns. Census towns must meet three strict criteria: a minimum population of 5,000, a density of at least 400 persons/sq. km, and 75% or more of the male main working population employed in non-agricultural pursuits (Kumar & Rai, 2014). Despite achieving a rapid urbanisation growth rate of 2.76%, our country’s major population proportion resides in rural areas and depend upon primary activities for their survival (Kundu & Pandey, 2020; Hill, 2008). This unbalanced development of the regions led to the population pressure on the one region and wide range of disparity is seen on social, economic and cultural grounds, producing complex spatial configurations marked by uneven development, selective infrastructure provisioning, and differentiated access to economic opportunities (Jose, 2019; Tripathi & Yenneti, 2024). The similar kind of urban form is reflected in West Bengal (Biswas, 2016). West Bengal, the revolutionary capital of India since freedom struggle is known for its contribution in nation building, like sacrificing their lives, leading the freedom movements and writing as well as publishing against the incompetent British authorities. After the partitions, the state has lost its historical charm and each of its action has been politicised, leading to emergence of various inequalities that are talked above (Bandyopadhyay, 2006). The capital city of West Bengal, Kolkata is known for a good access to economic opportunities, a good infrastructural availability and complex spatial configurations but the unevenness in West Bengal prevails and so this influence is only limited to the its adjoining districts and as we move away from the core, the uneven trajectories of the regions become visibly evident (Satpati & Haldar, 2021). The paper is focused to understand the wide spectrum of rural-urban divides and the inequalities prevailing all over the region through a comparative analysis of seven Assembly Constituencies of North 24 Parganas district of West Bengal, namely Ashoknagar, Madhyamgram, Barasat, Bidhannagar, Rajarhat New Town, Sandeshkhali, and Basirhat Dakshin. The paper will treat these regions as spatial units and try to highlight the continuum from urban core to rural hinterlands and understand that how proximity to the metropolitan core, planning regimes, and infrastructural investment shape divergent development outcomes (Sharma, 2025). The paper argues that regional inequality in the Kolkata periphery is not merely a reflection of rural backwardness but is increasingly produced through selective urbanisation (Dey, 2015). Planned urban spaces receive concentrated investment and institutional attention, while rural areas remain structurally marginalised despite their formal inclusion within administrative and electoral frameworks. This uneven distribution of urban benefits generates differentiated experiences of citizenship, access, and opportunity among residents living within close geographic proximity(Eakin et al., 2022). Conceptual Framework As mentioned above, a selective urbanisation is a result of profound inequality in the regions. This inequality is not just limited to the emergence of varied urban forms rather it led to emergence of a newer kind of social strata, a different lifestyle, a varied culture including language and daily practises alongwith different economical background (Kasula et al., 2026). Therefore, this paper is focused around the themes of uneven urbanisation, regional inequality and peri-urbanisation which finds their roots in Human Geography and Urban Studies. The paper views these rural and urban debates as a relational understanding of the space and urbanisation as not merely as a phenomenon or concept rather a process that leads to the emergence of multiple and various socio-spatial forms. Uneven Urbanisation provides us the basic lens of viewing these two fixed categories of regions and analysing their nature of inequalities and underlying causes. As mentioned earlier, urbanisation is a process of transformation of people’s culture, economy, social status and psyche but apart from it is also a process that brings about change in infrastructure, housing conditions and access to opportunities but due to various causes, it is not uniform and hence disparities tend to happen (Lynam et al., 2023). The process is shaped by state planning, market dynamics, and institutional priorities. This unevenness leads to bring in investments and governance capacities in core regions and so do they flourish while peripheries which fail to attract monetary investments remains marginalised and less developed or underdeveloped (Deivanayagam et al., 2025). This framework allows the paper to interpret infrastructural and economic disparities as outcomes of systemic spatial prioritisation rather than as residual rural underdevelopment. Peri-Urbanisation is a process that involves a mix of both rural and urban elements. It is not a spatial category rather a process that involves a region to undergo a transition from agrarian to secondary or tertiary sector economies. Therefore, these are regions that are characterised by mixed land use, fragmented governance, and overlapping rural and urban livelihoods (Spyra et al., 2025). In this paper, the regions of Madhyamgram and Barasat show us the relationship between the urban expansion and uncertain conditions for the urban stability. Therefore, peri-urbanisation is conceptualised as a sustained spatial condition that actively reproduces inequality. Regional Inequality is viewed as a spatially produced phenomenon that emerges out of varied access to opportunities, housing conditions, urban mobility, services and economic opportunities (Cartone et al., 2022). The paper revolves around inter-regional disparities that consists of North 24 Parganas but still a huge range of inequality is witnessed. This also opens a door to a question of how administrative inclusion does not guarantee equitable outcomes. The paper is understood by the ways the citizens makes themselves comfortable with these inequalities produced by institutional machinery and citizens themselves. Hence, it becomes essential to understand the notion of lived space. This framework involves how the inhabitants of a space adjusts to that surroundings and comes in a sync with that place. It also highlights how residents experience, interpret, and negotiate inequality in daily life through mobility, housing, work, and access to services (Maciejewska et al., 2025). In all, these frameworks discussed above will help us to understand the rural-urban divides and regional disparities through different lenses which would guides the paper’s comparative analysis of different spatial units and highlights the core argument that this disparity and divide among core and hinterlands is a cause of selective urbanisation or urban expansion through systemic efforts. Methodology The paper is based on rigorous fieldwork in the seven Assembly Constituencies in North 24 Parganas district during the month of January 2026. The research is purely qualitative in nature and adopts an exploratory and comparative approach which focuses on observing spatial patterns, everyday practices and resident’s perceptions of development and inequality. Moreover, the research involves field observation, interaction with the residents, shopkeepers, transport workers, farmers and local service users asking questions about physical infrastructure including roads, drainage, transport connectivity, housing typologies, and public spaces. Second type of information was collected on access to basic services such as water supply, electricity, health facilities, and educational institutions. Third type of information was asked on local economic activities, including formal employment zones, informal markets, agrarian practices and service-sector work. These interactions among residents on the above mentioned topics were needed to capture the contrasts and disparities among different spatial units within the same district. These interactions provided insights into the everyday experiences of infrastructure and service access, strategies of livelihood opportunities and precarious situations emerging in employment of residents and people’s perceptions towards urban expansion and aspirations of the residents towards this expansion. These interactions were unstructured and conversational in nature. The narrative collections of residents, shopkeepers, transport workers, farmers, women, young people through fieldwork were validated through secondary sources that included scholarly works in the form of research papers, books, newspaper articles, Census data, planning documents and reports of various government and non-government agencies. These sources were used to contextualise field impressions and support broader analytical claims. Study Area The district of North 24 Parganas in West Bengal extends from latitude 22º 11' 06" north to 23º 15' 02" north and from longitude 88º 20' east to 89º 05' east. It is bordered by Nadia in the north, Bangladesh (Khulna Division) in north and east, South 24 Parganas and Kolkata to the south and Kolkata, Howrah and Hooghly to the west. Barasat is the district headquarters of North 24 Parganas district. North 24 Parganas is the most populous district in West Bengal. It is also the tenth-largest district in the State by area and second-most populated district in the country, after Thane district of Maharashtra (Census of India, 2011) The paper is focused to examine rural-urban divide and inequalities among different regions by making a comparative analysis of seven Assembly Constituencies namely Ashoknagar, Madhyamgram, Barasat, Bidhannagar, Rajarhat New Town, Sandeshkhali, and Basirhat Dakshin. These 7 Assembly Constituencies were viewed as different spatial categories like Core Urban, Planned Urban Extension, Peri-Urban Transitional, Semi-Rural or Agrarian and Marginal Rural or Borderland Zones. This classification would ease the process of understanding the development patterns of regions. Table 1 Spatial Typology of the Study Area Spatial Category Assembly Constituencies Key Characteristics Core Urban Bidhannagar Mature urban infrastructure, stable service delivery, formal employment dominance Planned Urban Extension Rajarhat New Town State-led planning, selective infrastructure, gated housing, enclave development Peri-Urban Transitional Madhyamgram, Barasat Mixed land use, infrastructural lag, commuter dependence, informal employment Semi-Rural / Agrarian Basirhat Dakshin Agriculture and allied livelihoods, limited services, moderate connectivity Marginal Rural / Borderland Sandeshkhali, Ashoknagar Poor connectivity, livelihood precarity, environmental and institutional vulnerability Infrastructure and Access to Services Urban development is measured through infrastructural development and how residents access to the services available to them. This indicator highlights the accessibility of the urban areas which is a core area to measure the liveability of the urban area (Xiao et al., 2022). Particularly in the study area, the phenomenon of the selective urbanisation has caused a widespread imbalance in these two provisions, leading to an emergence of regional disparity. The field observation revealed the evident contrasting reality in the terms of availability, quality, and reliability of infrastructure, closely aligned with degrees of urban integration and planning intervention. The development patterns seems to be fragmented and selectively concentrated. Core Urban and Planned Urban Spaces The core urban and planned urban extension categories having the Bidhannagar and Rajarhat New Town, represent the most advanced infrastructure set up. Biddhannagar region in proximity to the Kolkata Metropolitan Area, is characterised by well-maintained road networks, maintained drainage systems along with reliable electricity supply all over the region and better healthcare facilities along with presence of reputed higher educational institutions (Gupta et al., 2025). Moreover, the public transport connectivity is also commendable as residents could easily connect to the regions using buses and well-maintained roads. This facilitates daily mobility and integrates with Kolkata. Contrary to Bidhannagar, lies the story of Rajarhat New Town region, as it reflects a truly different model of urban planning. Being a planned extension to the Core region, this region enjoys the availability of wide metalled roads with proper and well-established drainage system. The presence of gated localities, commercial hubs and designated office spaces for commercial activities highlights the efforts of the government institution in planning the region (Biswas & Singh, 2017). The field observations highlights the presence of good service provision to the residents as this region is populated by urban elite and so the area has uninterrupted water and electricity supply. The presence of private players along with government agents in providing sanitation and waste management services to the residents is creating insulated islands of urban comfort. Adjacent informal settlements and transitional zones, despite physical proximity, display significantly poorer access to public services, highlighting internal fragmentation within planned urban development. Peri-Urban Transitional Zones The peri-urban zones that are transitional in nature show an altogether different mode of development pattern in terms of infrastructural development and access to basic services. The peri-urban transitional category having Madhyamgram and Barasat reflect a partial infrastructural development and they are viewed more of a commuter town as well as administrative town (Kandpal & Saizen, 2018; Tripathi & Yenneti, 2024). Situated at the rural-urban continuum, the road connectivity is both metalled as well as unmetalled. The uneven maintainence and inadequate drainage networks and issues of waterlogging and traffic congestion is widely seen during fieldwork. The access to basic services is uneven due to growing population pressure. The availability of educational institutions, healthcare facilities and marketplaces partially fail to cater to the residents needs. Water supply systems remain inconsistent, with many households relying on a combination of municipal supply and private arrangements. Semi-Rural and Rural Marginal Zones The semi-rural and rural hinterlands that consists of regions in proximity to India-Bangladesh border present a starkingly contrasting picture of infrastructure and access to services. Located in rural areas, the road connectivity is poor with narrower roads, poorer surface quality, and reduced access to public transport ( Connectivity Issues in India’s Neighbourhood , 2008). In Sandeshkhali in particular, geographical conditions combined with infrastructural neglect result in constrained mobility, affecting access to markets, healthcare, and administrative services. Talking about the public services provisioning, the areas namely Basirhat Dakshin, Sandeshkhali and Ashoknagar, have an often unreliable condition of public services. The health facilities are fewer and poorly maintained, educational institutions are less in number and quality. The access to water is uneven and quality is worse whereas the electricity supply is marked by interruptions (Sarkar 2019). Residents in these constituencies often rely on informal or community-based arrangements to compensate for inadequate state provision. Infrastructure, Proximity and Unequal Access Combining all the observations and analysis of infrastructural development and the access to the basic services, a pattern emerging can be easily recognised that shows a strong correlation between infrastructural quality and proximity to metropolitan Kolkata. The spatial units located in proximity to Kolkata are properly planned in terms of infrastructure with good delivery of basic services through the intervention of government machinery while those located at the margins remains unattended by the government machinery and thus lacks these basic developments in the regions. Hence, this inequality is not solely rural–urban but also intra-urban, as seen in the sharp contrasts within Rajarhat New Town and its surrounding settlements. The findings suggest that regional inequality in North 24 Parganas is less a product of absolute scarcity and more a consequence of selective urbanisation and uneven institutional investment. Table 2 Comparative Infrastructure and Service Access Dimension Bidhannagar Rajarhat New Town Madhyamgram and Barasat Basirhat Dakshin Sandeshkhali and Ashoknagar Road Quality High High (arterial) Moderate Low–Moderate Low Public Transport Dense Selective Moderate Limited Very Limited Water Supply Reliable Mixed (public/private) Inconsistent Inconsistent Inadequate Health Facilities Advanced Advanced (private) Basic Limited Minimal Educational Access High High Moderate Low–Moderate Low Livelihood and Economic Opportunities The process of urbanisation is driven by economic transformation. As urbanisation also causes the shift in economy from agrarian to non-agricultural. Also, the cities are also regarded as engines of economic growth (Mendez et al., 2023). But, in the context of study area, the patterns of livelihood and employment opportunities reveal some other kind of story. There is access to stable employment, income diversification, and economic mobility is closely linked to spatial location, infrastructural connectivity, and proximity to Kolkata’s urban core. the region exhibits a fragmented livelihood landscape characterised by informality, precarity, and uneven opportunity structures. Urban and Planned Employment Spaces The areas of Bidhannagar and Rajarhat New Town provide the opportunities for formal as well as semi-formal nature of employment to the residents. Due to the proximity to Kolkata, the region of Bidhannagar has the presence of administrative, educational and service-sector institutions and so the opportunities of employment is majorly seen in such spaces while a major proportion of population is also engaged in informal service work like in providing domestic labour, security guards and small scale retail shops to cater the needs of the residents (Haque, 2024). The pockets of Rajarhat New Town comprises of commercial hubs, IT Parks, retail complexes and so high value employment opportunities are emerged there. These spaces require people with good skills and talents and so people with low skills fail themselves to be a part of these elite companies (EPG Strategic Communications Limited et al., 2018). These people find their employment in the areas of construction, transport services and domestic work. This segregation in livelihood opportunities leads to the emergence of occupational hierarchies and causes disparity within sections of the society. Peri-Urban Livelihood Transitions Peri-urban areas consisting of Madhyamgram and Barasat reflects the transitional livelihood patterns ranging from elite livelihoods to depending upon primary sector as well. Although, the practise of agriculture has declined over the years due to land acquirement and land fragmentation as a result of state policy but still various households combine this economic activity with wage labour, small scale trade and transport labour and various informal services (Mondal & Banerjee, 2021). These regions having enormous population, act as a reservoir for providing labour to core urban and planned urban regions as people commute daily to workplaces. This captures our attention towards instability of employment opportunities and there is abundance of short-term contracts and informal arrangements that expose the residents to income insecurity. Being a peri-urban zone, these areas lack the government attention and suffer the economic benefits (Goswami & Dey, 2025). Rural and Marginal Livelihoods The rural hinterlands located in proximity to Indo-Bangladesh border face a varied livelihood stress and insecurity (Hill, 2008; Jose, 2019). As these areas remain backwards in terms of infrastructural development and market integration, so the primary activities dominate the occupational structure here (Kundu & Pandey, 2020; Jose, 2019). Opportunities for non-agrarian economy are limited and so the young generation tend to migrate to core areas for better livelihood and lifestyle. The area of Sandeshkhali is under stress of economic precarity due to confined access to markets and alternative employment. Here, informal labour dominates with minimal social protection or institutional support. To tackle the livelihood precarity, people depend upon the migration as a means to adapt themselves in such a dynamic and hostile situation. The process of migration is driven by lack of livelihood opportunities and absence of stable livelihood sources. Thus, migrants engage in low-wage, informal work in urban centres while maintaining a tenuous connection with their places of origin (Srivastava, 2022). This phenomenon reveals how regional imbalance is created through a selective nature of economic inclusion. The analysis reveals a key insight that prevalence of informal employment is the only way that low skilled or unskilled inhabitants are adapting to a dynamic economic order. The livelihood vulnerability is often attributed with surging costs of housing along with transportation and basic services. The major causal factor is the selective nature of government authorities in their policies towards economic development. Urban expansion has generated employment growth without corresponding mechanisms for inclusive participation, resulting in persistent livelihood precarity across the urban–rural continuum (Kundu, 2014). Table 3 Livelihood Patterns Across the Urban–Rural Continuum Spatial Zone Dominant Livelihoods Nature of Employment Vulnerability Level Core Urban Services, administration, education Formal + informal Low–Moderate Planned Urban IT, retail, construction, services Polarised (high-skill vs low-skill) Moderate Peri-Urban Informal services, commuting labour Informal, unstable High Semi-Rural Agriculture, fishing, petty trade Seasonal, low return High Marginal Rural Subsistence farming, casual labour Highly informal Very High Housing, Land and Everyday Living Housing conditions and land ownership reveals the living conditions of residents and provide a critical insight of regional development (Muianga et al., 2021). The field visits to the seven constituencies highlights that urban expansion has various housing typologies that affects the patterns of everyday living. Due to an uneven urbanisation, the spatial segregation tends to exists in North 24 Parganas district which in turn are driven by market forces, planning regimes and varied state interventions (Banerjee & Das, 2021). Urban Housing and Spatial Segregation The urban core regions of Bidhannagar have a planned urban landscape with huge share of land used for built up which have planned residential colonies, apartment complexes and well-spacious and connected neighbourhoods. The residents have access to basic services such as water, electricity, sanitation and waste management (Haque, 2024). The easy access to these amenities shape the everyday routine of the inhabitants. Despite the planned urban spaces, the informal housing and neighbourhoods present in adjacent to these planned neighbourhoods. The coexistence of planned and unplanned urban housing signifies the urban comfort along with the informal precarity. Rajarhat New Town has a varied kind of housing conditions. The regions has a variety of planned housing structures, gated communities and commercial hubs that are accommodated by urban elite class while a major proportion of population is accommodated in informal settlements and transitional spatial zones which are engulfed into urban fabric (Kundu, n.d.). The easy access to basic amenities has led to the surge in real-estate development and raise the land prices. The real-estate development has caused the contestations among private builders and natives over land ownership status. The everyday routines of the residents revolves around such precarious situations developed over the issues of land acquisition, limited access to basic amenities, surge in property prices and change in ownership status (Raman & Denis, 2025). Peri-Urban Housing Transitions The regions of Madhyamgram and Barasat that are transitional in nature highlights the unique kind of housing conditions where rural and urban typologies coexist. A broad spectrum of traditional single storey houses to multi-storey buildings appear side by side that reflects the high pace of urban expansion caused by huge population pressure (Sarkar, 2019). The land use has shifted from agricultural to built-up with inadequate planning norms and these factors drive the everyday life of the residents in these peri-urban zones. Water supply remains inconsistent, drainage is inadequate, and waste management systems struggle to cope with increasing density. To ease the life of the residents, private players for provision of the basic amenities come into the play. Rural Housing and Land Vulnerability The rural areas of the North 24 Parganas district consists of three constituencies namely Ashoknagar, Sandeshkhali, Basirhat Dakshin. The housing conditions in these regions are marked by a much cheaper land values, meagre investment and environmental vulnerability (Hill, 2008; Jose, 2019). Ancient and low rise housing structure are made from locally available raw materials. The land ownership is more common than in urban areas whereas the quality of housing and access to basic amenities remain limited. Sandeshkhali represents the area having the coexistence of geographic marginality and housing insecurity and vulnerability. The factors like limited connectivity, lack of institutional support and environmental vulnerability and exposure cause the inadequate housing quality (Jose, 2019; Kundu & Pandey, 2020). Everyday living is closely tied to seasonal rhythms, environmental conditions and local livelihood cycles that reinforces vulnerability and limiting opportunities for socio-economic mobility. Land, Inequality and Everyday Life The field visits to these spatial units revolves around the land which is understood as the axes on which regional inequality is understood. The urban expansion is driven by the land acquisition and ownership leading it to become a speculative asset that only benefits a selected proportion of population (Hill, 2008; Tripathi & Yenneti, 2024). Everyday life of inhabitants is driven through the land also as the neighbourhoods having the basic necessities like clean water, housing stability, commuting time and sense of safety tend to have a high property prices (Jose, 2019; Tripathi & Yenneti, 2024).These differences shape residents’ perceptions of inclusion, aspiration, and neglect. Hence, these findings captures our attention towards that the fact both housing and land dynamics play a pivotal role in emergence of regional imbalance within the district. While urbanisation has helped increase the housing options and improved lifestyle of the people, the lesser known fact is that it was also helpful in creating a disparity to such an extent by reinforcing spatial segregations and hierarchies ( The Realities of Current Urbanization in the Global South | Seven Transformations for More Equitable and Sustainable Cities , n.d.). Table 4 Housing and Land Dynamics Aspect Urban / Planned Areas Peri-Urban Areas Rural / Marginal Areas Housing Type Apartments, gated communities Mixed, informal rentals Low-rise, self-built Land Use Change Planned, speculative Rapid, unregulated Limited but vulnerable Tenure Security High (formal) Mixed Ownership common, quality low Living Costs High Rising rapidly Low but constrained Displacement Risk Moderate High Environmental/economic Lived Experiences of Inequality As talked above, the inequalities in the district is understood through infrastructural development, access to basic services, livelihood opportunities, and housing and land dynamics. But these differences affect the everyday living of the residents and alter their perceptions of negotiations, aspirations and systemic neglect (Ahn, 2024). Hence, it becomes essential to understand how these lenses of inequalities are responsible in shaping the opinions of residents like belongingness, opportunity and state’s presence in daily life. Everyday Comparisons and Spatial Awareness A recurring theme that has emerged across the analysis of narratives from the residents in peri-urban and rural hinterlands spatial units is of very little awareness of spatial inequality in the above mentioned contexts. The interactions on these aspects with them revealed about their ignorance and much more of an adaptation to these inequalities. While, they were very little concerned about the better connectivity, good healthcare access and education and employment opportunities that prevails in Bidhanangar and Rajarhat New Town. But, as we dived down in the conversations, these comparisons shape their daily routines in the form of commuting experiences to their workplaces and visual experiences encountered through travel or media exposure. Aspirations, Mobility and Frustration During the interaction with the residents of Madhyamgram and Barasat, it was reflecting in the conversations that aspirations of the residents were linked to the close proximity to Kolkata. The respondents from younger generations had an obvious expectations of upward mobility through education and service-sector employment while they were confined to by the hurdles of limited opportunities presented to them coupled with the rising living costs which causes a stress to the residents and in turn shape their everyday life routines and interactions (Paul, 2023). The residents from rural marginal areas like Sandeshkhali and Basirhat Dakshin revealed about their livelihood concerns and systemic ignorance to improve their lifestyle. The issues of poor connectivity, lack of education and employment opportunities coupled with lack of basic healthcare poses a threat to their lifestyle. Here, inequality was experienced less as missed opportunity but more as structural limitation. Migration has emerged as the dominant imagined pathway for improving living conditions. Perceptions of State Presence and Neglect The analysis of narratives revealed a theme that focused on considering these kinds of inequalities as experiences which are closely tied to the perceptions of the government machinery. The selective approach of government in planning regions has led to the creation of disparities in terms of infrastructure, service provision, education, healthcare access, livelihood opportunities and land ownership (United Nations et al., 2021). The needs of the planned urban areas is easily catered while the residents of rural and peripheral constituencies remain unattended. Gendered Dimensions of Everyday Inequality The experiences of women in viewing inequality is of utmost importance as they are the ones shaping the foundation of the society. Women’s experiences across constituencies revealed additional layers of inequality. In peri-urban and rural areas, inadequate transport, limited healthcare access, and insecure livelihoods disproportionately affected women’s mobility and economic participation (Jana et al., 2026). Everyday tasks such as accessing water, healthcare, or markets involved greater time burdens and safety concerns, reinforcing gendered constraints within already unequal spatial settings. Discussion The findings from the seven Assembly Constituencies underscore that urban–rural divides in North 24 Parganas are best understood as outcomes of uneven and selective urbanisation rather than as a simple contrast between developed urban centres and underdeveloped rural areas. The spatial patterns observed across infrastructure, livelihoods, housing, and lived experiences reveal a fragmented metropolitan region in which proximity to the urban core determines access to resources, opportunities, and institutional attention. One of the central insights emerging from the analysis is the production of intra-regional inequality within a single administrative district. Constituencies located closer to Kolkata—such as Bidhannagar and Rajarhat New Town—benefit from cumulative investments in infrastructure and economic activity, while peri-urban and rural constituencies remain structurally marginal despite their formal inclusion within urbanising jurisdictions. This suggests that administrative integration does not automatically translate into substantive socio-economic inclusion. The peri-urban zones of Madhyamgram and Barasat occupy a particularly critical position in this landscape. These areas illustrate how rapid urban expansion can outpace planning and institutional capacity, producing hybrid spaces marked by infrastructural inadequacy, livelihood precarity, and rising living costs. Peri-urbanisation, as observed here, emerges not as a transitional phase leading inevitably to improved conditions, but as a prolonged state of uncertainty that reproduces inequality over time. Housing and land dynamics further illuminate the mechanisms through which inequality is spatially embedded. Planned urban developments such as Rajarhat New Town demonstrate how urban growth can generate exclusive spaces insulated from surrounding socio-economic realities. The conversion of land into speculative assets intensifies residential segregation and displacement pressures, reinforcing hierarchies within the metropolitan region. These processes highlight the role of market-driven urbanisation in shaping uneven living conditions. The lived experiences of inequality reveal how structural disparities are internalised and normalised in everyday life. Residents’ perceptions of opportunity, state presence, and aspiration vary sharply across spatial contexts, shaping adaptive strategies that prioritise coping over collective claims. This normalisation of inequality underscores the limits of development narratives that equate urban expansion with social inclusion. Taken together, the findings suggest that regional inequality in metropolitan West Bengal is not merely a residual condition awaiting correction through further urban growth. Instead, it is actively produced through planning choices, infrastructural prioritisation, and the selective integration of spaces into the metropolitan economy. Addressing urban–rural divides, therefore, requires rethinking urbanisation as a socially differentiated process rather than a uniform developmental trajectory. Conclusion This paper examined urban–rural divides and regional inequalities in the Kolkata metropolitan periphery through field-based observations across seven Assembly Constituencies in North 24 Parganas. By analysing infrastructure, livelihoods, housing, and lived experiences, the study demonstrated that spatial inequality in contemporary West Bengal is produced through uneven urbanisation rather than through a simple opposition between urban advancement and rural backwardness. The findings highlight that proximity to the metropolitan core plays a decisive role in shaping access to services, economic opportunities, and housing security. Planned urban spaces such as Bidhannagar and Rajarhat New Town benefit from concentrated investment and institutional presence, while peri-urban and rural constituencies remain characterised by infrastructural gaps, livelihood precarity, and limited state visibility. Importantly, the paper shows that formal administrative inclusion within urbanising regions does not ensure equitable development outcomes. Peri-urban constituencies emerge as particularly significant sites of inequality. Neither fully urban nor rural, these spaces experience prolonged transitional conditions marked by rising costs, fragmented infrastructure, and uncertain livelihoods. Rural and marginal areas further illustrate how geographic distance, environmental vulnerability, and weak market integration continue to constrain everyday living conditions despite broader processes of urban expansion. By foregrounding lived experiences, the paper underscores how inequality is not only materially embedded but also socially internalised. Residents’ aspirations, mobility strategies, and perceptions of the state reflect adaptive responses to uneven development rather than expectations of inclusive urban growth. These findings challenge narratives that equate urbanisation with automatic socio-economic improvement. Overall, the paper contributes to a nuanced understanding of regional inequality in West Bengal by situating urban–rural divides within the broader dynamics of selective urbanisation and spatial differentiation. It reinforces the need to conceptualise metropolitan growth as a socially uneven process and aligns with the volume’s broader aim of documenting contemporary realities through grounded, research-based perspectives. Declarations Clinical Trial Number Not applicable. Ethics Approval and Consent to Participate The requirement of ethical approval for this study was waived by the Institutional Ethics Review Board of Jawaharlal Nehru University in accordance with the ethical guidelines for social science research involving human participants and the principles of the Declaration of Helsinki. Consent for Participation Informed verbal consent was obtained from participants prior to interactions. Consent for Publication Not applicable. Funding This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors. Author Contribution Y.K. conceptualised the study, conducted fieldwork, performed data analysis, and wrote the main manuscript text. B.K.C. contributed to the conceptual framework, interpretation of results, and critical revision of the manuscript. D.N.P. provided methodological guidance and reviewed the manuscript. S.K. assisted in field data collection, literature review, and manuscript editing. All authors reviewed and approved the final manuscript. Data Availability The datasets generated during and/or analysed during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request. References Ahn, B. (2024). 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JADAVPUR UNIVERSITY. http://20.198.91.3:8080/jspui/bitstream/123456789/7689/1/Ph%20D%20Thesis%20%28International%20Relations%20and%20Strategic%20Studies%29%20SAURABH%20PAUL.pdf Raman, B., & Denis, E. (2025). The Everyday Commoning Practices in Urbanising Localities. International Journal of the Commons , 19 (1). https://doi.org/10.5334/ijc.1434 Sarkar, A. (2019). Sprawling Urban Growth: A Case Study of Barasat Municipal Town, North 24 Parganas, West Bengal using Geospatial Technology. Indian Journal of Spatial Science Autumn Issue, 10 (2) 2019 Pp. 123 - 133. Sarkar, C. & International Journal of Research and Analytical Reviews (IJRAR). (2019). THE PROBLEMS AND ISSUES IN URBANIZATION IN NORTH 24 PARGANAS DISTRICT, WEST BENGAL. International Journal of Research and Analytical Reviews (IJRAR) , 6 (1), 179–181. https://ijrar.org/papers/IJRAR19J4933.pdf Satpati, L., & Haldar, A. (2021). Neoliberal urban sustainability in Old Kolkata, India: Case studies of contested developments. Regional Science Policy & Practice , 13 (6), 1825–1842. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1111/rsp3.12325 Sharma, S. (2025). Understanding Metropolitan Areas and Metropolitan Regions: A Comparative Analysis. In Journal for Studies in Management and Planning (Vol. 12). https://doi.org/10.26643/eduindex/jsmap/2026/1 Spyra, M., Cortinovis, C., & Ronchi, S. (2025). An overview of policy instruments for sustainable peri-urban landscapes: Towards governance mixes. Cities , 156 , 105508. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cities.2024.105508 Srivastava, R. (2022). Migration, Informality and the Growing Precarity of Work. Social Change , 52 (4), 449–466. https://doi.org/10.1177/00490857221125856 The Realities of Current Urbanization in the Global South | Seven Transformations for More Equitable and Sustainable Cities . (n.d.). World Resources Institute. https://publications.wri.org/transformations-equitable-sustainable-cities/current-urbanization-global-south-realities Tripathi, S., & Yenneti, K. (2024). Does inequality in urban population distribution lead to income inequality? Evidence from India. Asia-Pacific Journal of Regional Science, 8 , 787–818. Xiao, Y., Chai, J., Wang, R., & Huang, H. (2022). Assessment and key factors of urban liveability in underdeveloped regions: A case study of the Loess Plateau, China. Sustainable Cities and Society , 79 , 103674. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.scs.2022.103674 United Nations, Koller, T. S., Hani, M., De La O Campos, A. P., Stloukal, L., Dahlet, G., Gazzoli, V. B., Beltchika, N., Del Duca, M., Di Stefano, P., Järvinen, P., Shrestha, P., Barkley, S., Befus, A., Benni, N., Bozsoki, I., Brinkman, H.-J., Bulgac, I., Carrión-Crespo, C., . . . Stafford, C. (2021). Tackling inequalities in public service coverage to “build forward better” for the rural poor . United Nations. https://unsceb.org/sites/default/files/2021-12/HLCP%20ITT%20Policy%20Brief%20Rural%20Inequalities%202021.pdf Additional Declarations No competing interests reported. Cite Share Download PDF Status: Under Review Version 1 posted Reviewers agreed at journal 30 Apr, 2026 Reviewers agreed at journal 30 Apr, 2026 Reviewers invited by journal 30 Apr, 2026 Editor assigned by journal 29 Apr, 2026 Editor invited by journal 27 Apr, 2026 Submission checks completed at journal 27 Apr, 2026 First submitted to journal 27 Apr, 2026 You are reading this latest preprint version Research Square lets you share your work early, gain feedback from the community, and start making changes to your manuscript prior to peer review in a journal. As a division of Research Square Company, we’re committed to making research communication faster, fairer, and more useful. We do this by developing innovative software and high quality services for the global research community. Our growing team is made up of researchers and industry professionals working together to solve the most critical problems facing scientific publishing. Also discoverable on Platform About Our Team In Review Editorial Policies Advisory Board Help Center Resources Author Services Accessibility API Access RSS feed Manage Cookie Preferences © Research Square 2026 | ISSN 2693-5015 (online) Privacy Policy Terms of Service Do Not Sell My Personal Information {"props":{"pageProps":{"initialData":{"identity":"rs-9385409","acceptedTermsAndConditions":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"archivedVersions":[],"articleType":"Research Article","associatedPublications":[],"authors":[{"id":632412082,"identity":"f6231670-04a0-42d6-91a7-3e915fee5597","order_by":0,"name":"Yatharth Kohli","email":"data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAZAAAAAyAQMAAABI0h/eAAAABlBMVEX///8AAABVwtN+AAAACXBIWXMAAA7EAAAOxAGVKw4bAAAA30lEQVRIiWNgGAWjYDACHgY2hgcGNvX87A1AnoEFkVoSDNISJHsOgLRIEKuF4XCCwY0EEJcILQZnDh97kFDAnMdw8/nVDT8KJBj427sT8Gs525ZukGDAVsw4O6fsZg/QYRJnzm7Ar+U8j5lEggEPY7N0TtoNHqAWA4lcorRIMLZJnkm7+YcoLWd7QFoMEnsk2I/dJsoWyTPH0oBaEowleHLYbssYSPAQ9AvfmeRjEh/+/JezP3782c03f2zk+Nt78WtROABn8hiASbzKQUC+Ac5kf0BQ9SgYBaNgFIxMAACBlEfriuZV6AAAAABJRU5ErkJggg==","orcid":"","institution":"Jawaharlal Nehru University","correspondingAuthor":true,"prefix":"","firstName":"Yatharth","middleName":"","lastName":"Kohli","suffix":""},{"id":632412083,"identity":"e30af25c-d217-486c-a3b9-93af5b75c309","order_by":1,"name":"Bikramaditya Choudhury","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"Jawaharlal Nehru University","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Bikramaditya","middleName":"","lastName":"Choudhury","suffix":""},{"id":632412084,"identity":"07b33bf7-f161-4aca-ae85-02b56a5966d0","order_by":2,"name":"Deep Narayan Pandey","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"Jawaharlal Nehru University","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Deep","middleName":"Narayan","lastName":"Pandey","suffix":""},{"id":632412085,"identity":"99f32e30-c817-4b27-ae2f-47475c4b458b","order_by":3,"name":"Saurabh Kumar","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"Jawaharlal Nehru University","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Saurabh","middleName":"","lastName":"Kumar","suffix":""}],"badges":[],"createdAt":"2026-04-11 07:08:44","currentVersionCode":1,"declarations":"","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-9385409/v1","doiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-9385409/v1","draftVersion":[],"editorialEvents":[],"editorialNote":"","failedWorkflow":false,"files":[{"id":108783874,"identity":"185fb4f5-3666-4ad8-997b-64258dc88260","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2026-05-08 10:49:48","extension":"jpeg","order_by":1,"title":"Figure 1","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":1446248,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eAdministrative Divisions of the Study Area\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"floatimage1.jpeg","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-9385409/v1/e70a9be8fc34e1ddd4dbf649.jpeg"},{"id":108806716,"identity":"5bd3a66f-2f43-4f4b-8c79-b5df5dccf568","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2026-05-08 15:29:18","extension":"jpeg","order_by":2,"title":"Figure 2","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":1536862,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eMap showing Assembly Constituencies of West Bengal and Selected Assembly Constituencies for the Study Area\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"floatimage2.jpeg","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-9385409/v1/aeba7ba86b4c58f1f467e6d8.jpeg"},{"id":108809950,"identity":"9ece0349-44df-4655-a4c1-54f926bf5231","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2026-05-08 15:56:23","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":3281015,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-9385409/v1/4fe57081-1233-40eb-a1df-5e25c0a78e1b.pdf"}],"financialInterests":"No competing interests reported.","formattedTitle":"Urban Rural Divides and Selective Urbanisation In The Kolkata Periphery of North 24Parganas","fulltext":[{"header":"Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003eUrbanisation is the process of movement of the people living in rural areas to the urban areas. The process encompasses various aspects ranging to social, economic, cultural, psychological and many more. According to the Census of India, 2011 urbanisation increased from 27.7% in 2001 to 31.1% in 2011, representing a total of 377.1\u0026nbsp;million people and an annual growth rate of 2.76%. Urban areas in India are defined by the Census of India as either statutory towns (areas with municipal, corporation, or cantonment boards) or census towns. Census towns must meet three strict criteria: a minimum population of 5,000, a density of at least 400 persons/sq. km, and 75% or more of the male main working population employed in non-agricultural pursuits (Kumar \u0026amp; Rai, 2014).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDespite achieving a rapid urbanisation growth rate of 2.76%, our country\u0026rsquo;s major population proportion resides in rural areas and depend upon primary activities for their survival (Kundu \u0026amp; Pandey, 2020; Hill, 2008). This unbalanced development of the regions led to the population pressure on the one region and wide range of disparity is seen on social, economic and cultural grounds, producing complex spatial configurations marked by uneven development, selective infrastructure provisioning, and differentiated access to economic opportunities (Jose, 2019; Tripathi \u0026amp; Yenneti, 2024). The similar kind of urban form is reflected in West Bengal (Biswas, 2016).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eWest Bengal, the revolutionary capital of India since freedom struggle is known for its contribution in nation building, like sacrificing their lives, leading the freedom movements and writing as well as publishing against the incompetent British authorities. After the partitions, the state has lost its historical charm and each of its action has been politicised, leading to emergence of various inequalities that are talked above (Bandyopadhyay, 2006). The capital city of West Bengal, Kolkata is known for a good access to economic opportunities, a good infrastructural availability and complex spatial configurations but the unevenness in West Bengal prevails and so this influence is only limited to the its adjoining districts and as we move away from the core, the uneven trajectories of the regions become visibly evident (Satpati \u0026amp; Haldar, 2021).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe paper is focused to understand the wide spectrum of rural-urban divides and the inequalities prevailing all over the region through a comparative analysis of seven Assembly Constituencies of North 24 Parganas district of West Bengal, namely Ashoknagar, Madhyamgram, Barasat, Bidhannagar, Rajarhat New Town, Sandeshkhali, and Basirhat Dakshin. The paper will treat these regions as spatial units and try to highlight the continuum from urban core to rural hinterlands and understand that how proximity to the metropolitan core, planning regimes, and infrastructural investment shape divergent development outcomes (Sharma, 2025). The paper argues that regional inequality in the Kolkata periphery is not merely a reflection of rural backwardness but is increasingly produced through selective urbanisation (Dey, 2015). Planned urban spaces receive concentrated investment and institutional attention, while rural areas remain structurally marginalised despite their formal inclusion within administrative and electoral frameworks. This uneven distribution of urban benefits generates differentiated experiences of citizenship, access, and opportunity among residents living within close geographic proximity(Eakin et al., 2022).\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Conceptual Framework","content":"\u003cp\u003eAs mentioned above, a selective urbanisation is a result of profound inequality in the regions. This inequality is not just limited to the emergence of varied urban forms rather it led to emergence of a newer kind of social strata, a different lifestyle, a varied culture including language and daily practises alongwith different economical background (Kasula et al., 2026). Therefore, this paper is focused around the themes of uneven urbanisation, regional inequality and peri-urbanisation which finds their roots in Human Geography and Urban Studies. The paper views these rural and urban debates as a relational understanding of the space and urbanisation as not merely as a phenomenon or concept rather a process that leads to the emergence of multiple and various socio-spatial forms.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eUneven Urbanisation provides us the basic lens of viewing these two fixed categories of regions and analysing their nature of inequalities and underlying causes. As mentioned earlier, urbanisation is a process of transformation of people’s culture, economy, social status and psyche but apart from it is also a process that brings about change in infrastructure, housing conditions and access to opportunities but due to various causes, it is not uniform and hence disparities tend to happen (Lynam et al., 2023). The process is shaped by state planning, market dynamics, and institutional priorities. This unevenness leads to bring in investments and governance capacities in core regions and so do they flourish while peripheries which fail to attract monetary investments remains marginalised and less developed or underdeveloped (Deivanayagam et al., 2025). This framework allows the paper to interpret infrastructural and economic disparities as outcomes of systemic spatial prioritisation rather than as residual rural underdevelopment.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003ePeri-Urbanisation is a process that involves a mix of both rural and urban elements. It is not a spatial category rather a process that involves a region to undergo a transition from agrarian to secondary or tertiary sector economies. Therefore, these are regions that are characterised by mixed land use, fragmented governance, and overlapping rural and urban livelihoods (Spyra et al., 2025). In this paper, the regions of Madhyamgram and Barasat show us the relationship between the urban expansion and uncertain conditions for the urban stability. Therefore, peri-urbanisation is conceptualised as a sustained spatial condition that actively reproduces inequality.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eRegional Inequality is viewed as a spatially produced phenomenon that emerges out of varied access to opportunities, housing conditions, urban mobility, services and economic opportunities (Cartone et al., 2022). The paper revolves around inter-regional disparities that consists of North 24 Parganas but still a huge range of inequality is witnessed. This also opens a door to a question of how administrative inclusion does not guarantee equitable outcomes.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe paper is understood by the ways the citizens makes themselves comfortable with these inequalities produced by institutional machinery and citizens themselves. Hence, it becomes essential to understand the notion of lived space. This framework involves how the inhabitants of a space adjusts to that surroundings and comes in a sync with that place. It also highlights how residents experience, interpret, and negotiate inequality in daily life through mobility, housing, work, and access to services (Maciejewska et al., 2025).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn all, these frameworks discussed above will help us to understand the rural-urban divides and regional disparities through different lenses which would guides the paper’s comparative analysis of different spatial units and highlights the core argument that this disparity and divide among core and hinterlands is a cause of selective urbanisation or urban expansion through systemic efforts.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Methodology","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe paper is based on rigorous fieldwork in the seven Assembly Constituencies in North 24 Parganas district during the month of January 2026. The research is purely qualitative in nature and adopts an exploratory and comparative approach which focuses on observing spatial patterns, everyday practices and resident’s perceptions of development and inequality.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eMoreover, the research involves field observation, interaction with the residents, shopkeepers, transport workers, farmers and local service users asking questions about physical infrastructure including roads, drainage, transport connectivity, housing typologies, and public spaces. Second type of information was collected on access to basic services such as water supply, electricity, health facilities, and educational institutions. Third type of information was asked on local economic activities, including formal employment zones, informal markets, agrarian practices and service-sector work. These interactions among residents on the above mentioned topics were needed to capture the contrasts and disparities among different spatial units within the same district. These interactions provided insights into the everyday experiences of infrastructure and service access, strategies of livelihood opportunities and precarious situations emerging in employment of residents and people’s perceptions towards urban expansion and aspirations of the residents towards this expansion. These interactions were unstructured and conversational in nature.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe narrative collections of residents, shopkeepers, transport workers, farmers, women, young people through fieldwork were validated through secondary sources that included scholarly works in the form of research papers, books, newspaper articles, Census data, planning documents and reports of various government and non-government agencies. These sources were used to contextualise field impressions and support broader analytical claims.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch3\u003eStudy Area\u003c/h3\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe district of North 24 Parganas in West Bengal extends from latitude 22º 11' 06\" north to 23º 15' 02\" north and from longitude 88º 20' east to 89º 05' east. It is bordered by Nadia in the north, Bangladesh (Khulna Division) in north and east, South 24 Parganas and Kolkata to the south and Kolkata, Howrah and Hooghly to the west. Barasat is the district headquarters of North 24 Parganas district. North 24 Parganas is the most populous district in West Bengal. It is also the tenth-largest district in the State by area and second-most populated district in the country, after Thane district of Maharashtra (Census of India, 2011)\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe paper is focused to examine rural-urban divide and inequalities among different regions by making a comparative analysis of seven Assembly Constituencies namely Ashoknagar, Madhyamgram, Barasat, Bidhannagar, Rajarhat New Town, Sandeshkhali, and Basirhat Dakshin. These 7 Assembly Constituencies were viewed as different spatial categories like Core Urban, Planned Urban Extension, Peri-Urban Transitional, Semi-Rural or Agrarian and Marginal Rural or Borderland Zones. This classification would ease the process of understanding the development patterns of regions.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"gridtable\"\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003ctable id=\"Tab1\" border=\"1\"\u003e \u003ccaption\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionNumber\"\u003eTable 1\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionContent\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eSpatial Typology of the Study Area\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/caption\u003e \u003ccolgroup cols=\"3\"\u003e \u003c/colgroup\u003e \u003cthead\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eSpatial Category\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eAssembly Constituencies\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eKey Characteristics\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/thead\u003e \u003ctbody\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eCore Urban\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eBidhannagar\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eMature urban infrastructure, stable service delivery, formal employment dominance\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003ePlanned Urban Extension\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eRajarhat New Town\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eState-led planning, selective infrastructure, gated housing, enclave development\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003ePeri-Urban Transitional\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eMadhyamgram, Barasat\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eMixed land use, infrastructural lag, commuter dependence, informal employment\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eSemi-Rural / Agrarian\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eBasirhat Dakshin\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eAgriculture and allied livelihoods, limited services, moderate connectivity\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eMarginal Rural / Borderland\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eSandeshkhali, Ashoknagar\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003ePoor connectivity, livelihood precarity, environmental and institutional vulnerability\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/tbody\u003e \u003c/table\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003ch3\u003eInfrastructure and Access to Services\u003c/h3\u003e\u003cp\u003eUrban development is measured through infrastructural development and how residents access to the services available to them. This indicator highlights the accessibility of the urban areas which is a core area to measure the liveability of the urban area (Xiao et al., 2022). Particularly in the study area, the phenomenon of the selective urbanisation has caused a widespread imbalance in these two provisions, leading to an emergence of regional disparity.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe field observation revealed the evident contrasting reality in the terms of availability, quality, and reliability of infrastructure, closely aligned with degrees of urban integration and planning intervention. The development patterns seems to be fragmented and selectively concentrated.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch3\u003eCore Urban and Planned Urban Spaces\u003c/h3\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe core urban and planned urban extension categories having the Bidhannagar and Rajarhat New Town, represent the most advanced infrastructure set up. Biddhannagar region in proximity to the Kolkata Metropolitan Area, is characterised by well-maintained road networks, maintained drainage systems along with reliable electricity supply all over the region and better healthcare facilities along with presence of reputed higher educational institutions (Gupta et al., 2025). Moreover, the public transport connectivity is also commendable as residents could easily connect to the regions using buses and well-maintained roads. This facilitates daily mobility and integrates with Kolkata.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eContrary to Bidhannagar, lies the story of Rajarhat New Town region, as it reflects a truly different model of urban planning. Being a planned extension to the Core region, this region enjoys the availability of wide metalled roads with proper and well-established drainage system. The presence of gated localities, commercial hubs and designated office spaces for commercial activities highlights the efforts of the government institution in planning the region (Biswas \u0026amp; Singh, 2017). The field observations highlights the presence of good service provision to the residents as this region is populated by urban elite and so the area has uninterrupted water and electricity supply. The presence of private players along with government agents in providing sanitation and waste management services to the residents is creating insulated islands of urban comfort. Adjacent informal settlements and transitional zones, despite physical proximity, display significantly poorer access to public services, highlighting internal fragmentation within planned urban development.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch3\u003ePeri-Urban Transitional Zones\u003c/h3\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe peri-urban zones that are transitional in nature show an altogether different mode of development pattern in terms of infrastructural development and access to basic services. The peri-urban transitional category having Madhyamgram and Barasat reflect a partial infrastructural development and they are viewed more of a commuter town as well as administrative town (Kandpal \u0026amp; Saizen, 2018; Tripathi \u0026amp; Yenneti, 2024). Situated at the rural-urban continuum, the road connectivity is both metalled as well as unmetalled. The uneven maintainence and inadequate drainage networks and issues of waterlogging and traffic congestion is widely seen during fieldwork. The access to basic services is uneven due to growing population pressure. The availability of educational institutions, healthcare facilities and marketplaces partially fail to cater to the residents needs. Water supply systems remain inconsistent, with many households relying on a combination of municipal supply and private arrangements.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eSemi-Rural and Rural Marginal Zones\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe semi-rural and rural hinterlands that consists of regions in proximity to India-Bangladesh border present a starkingly contrasting picture of infrastructure and access to services. Located in rural areas, the road connectivity is poor with narrower roads, poorer surface quality, and reduced access to public transport (\u003cem\u003eConnectivity Issues in India’s Neighbourhood\u003c/em\u003e, 2008). In Sandeshkhali in particular, geographical conditions combined with infrastructural neglect result in constrained mobility, affecting access to markets, healthcare, and administrative services. Talking about the public services provisioning, the areas namely Basirhat Dakshin, Sandeshkhali and Ashoknagar, have an often unreliable condition of public services. The health facilities are fewer and poorly maintained, educational institutions are less in number and quality. The access to water is uneven and quality is worse whereas the electricity supply is marked by interruptions (Sarkar 2019). Residents in these constituencies often rely on informal or community-based arrangements to compensate for inadequate state provision.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch3\u003eInfrastructure, Proximity and Unequal Access\u003c/h3\u003e\u003cp\u003eCombining all the observations and analysis of infrastructural development and the access to the basic services, a pattern emerging can be easily recognised that shows a strong correlation between infrastructural quality and proximity to metropolitan Kolkata. The spatial units located in proximity to Kolkata are properly planned in terms of infrastructure with good delivery of basic services through the intervention of government machinery while those located at the margins remains unattended by the government machinery and thus lacks these basic developments in the regions. Hence, this inequality is not solely rural–urban but also intra-urban, as seen in the sharp contrasts within Rajarhat New Town and its surrounding settlements. The findings suggest that regional inequality in North 24 Parganas is less a product of absolute scarcity and more a consequence of selective urbanisation and uneven institutional investment.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"gridtable\"\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003ctable id=\"Tab2\" border=\"1\"\u003e \u003ccaption\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionNumber\"\u003eTable 2\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionContent\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eComparative Infrastructure and Service Access\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/caption\u003e \u003ccolgroup cols=\"6\"\u003e \u003c/colgroup\u003e \u003cthead\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eDimension\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eBidhannagar\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eRajarhat New Town\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eMadhyamgram and Barasat\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eBasirhat Dakshin\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eSandeshkhali and Ashoknagar\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/thead\u003e \u003ctbody\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eRoad Quality\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eHigh\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eHigh (arterial)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eModerate\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eLow–Moderate\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eLow\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003ePublic Transport\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eDense\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eSelective\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eModerate\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eLimited\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eVery Limited\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eWater Supply\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eReliable\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eMixed (public/private)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eInconsistent\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eInconsistent\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eInadequate\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eHealth Facilities\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eAdvanced\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eAdvanced (private)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eBasic\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eLimited\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eMinimal\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eEducational Access\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eHigh\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eHigh\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eModerate\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eLow–Moderate\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eLow\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/tbody\u003e \u003c/table\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003ch3\u003eLivelihood and Economic Opportunities\u003c/h3\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe process of urbanisation is driven by economic transformation. As urbanisation also causes the shift in economy from agrarian to non-agricultural. Also, the cities are also regarded as engines of economic growth (Mendez et al., 2023). But, in the context of study area, the patterns of livelihood and employment opportunities reveal some other kind of story. There is access to stable employment, income diversification, and economic mobility is closely linked to spatial location, infrastructural connectivity, and proximity to Kolkata’s urban core. the region exhibits a fragmented livelihood landscape characterised by informality, precarity, and uneven opportunity structures.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eUrban and Planned Employment Spaces\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe areas of Bidhannagar and Rajarhat New Town provide the opportunities for formal as well as semi-formal nature of employment to the residents. Due to the proximity to Kolkata, the region of Bidhannagar has the presence of administrative, educational and service-sector institutions and so the opportunities of employment is majorly seen in such spaces while a major proportion of population is also engaged in informal service work like in providing domestic labour, security guards and small scale retail shops to cater the needs of the residents (Haque, 2024).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe pockets of Rajarhat New Town comprises of commercial hubs, IT Parks, retail complexes and so high value employment opportunities are emerged there. These spaces require people with good skills and talents and so people with low skills fail themselves to be a part of these elite companies (EPG Strategic Communications Limited et al., 2018). These people find their employment in the areas of construction, transport services and domestic work. This segregation in livelihood opportunities leads to the emergence of occupational hierarchies and causes disparity within sections of the society.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003ePeri-Urban Livelihood Transitions\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003ePeri-urban areas consisting of Madhyamgram and Barasat reflects the transitional livelihood patterns ranging from elite livelihoods to depending upon primary sector as well. Although, the practise of agriculture has declined over the years due to land acquirement and land fragmentation as a result of state policy but still various households combine this economic activity with wage labour, small scale trade and transport labour and various informal services (Mondal \u0026amp; Banerjee, 2021). These regions having enormous population, act as a reservoir for providing labour to core urban and planned urban regions as people commute daily to workplaces. This captures our attention towards instability of employment opportunities and there is abundance of short-term contracts and informal arrangements that expose the residents to income insecurity. Being a peri-urban zone, these areas lack the government attention and suffer the economic benefits (Goswami \u0026amp; Dey, 2025).\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eRural and Marginal Livelihoods\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe rural hinterlands located in proximity to Indo-Bangladesh border face a varied livelihood stress and insecurity (Hill, 2008; Jose, 2019). As these areas remain backwards in terms of infrastructural development and market integration, so the primary activities dominate the occupational structure here (Kundu \u0026amp; Pandey, 2020; Jose, 2019). Opportunities for non-agrarian economy are limited and so the young generation tend to migrate to core areas for better livelihood and lifestyle. The area of Sandeshkhali is under stress of economic precarity due to confined access to markets and alternative employment. Here, informal labour dominates with minimal social protection or institutional support.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eTo tackle the livelihood precarity, people depend upon the migration as a means to adapt themselves in such a dynamic and hostile situation. The process of migration is driven by lack of livelihood opportunities and absence of stable livelihood sources. Thus, migrants engage in low-wage, informal work in urban centres while maintaining a tenuous connection with their places of origin (Srivastava, 2022). This phenomenon reveals how regional imbalance is created through a selective nature of economic inclusion.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe analysis reveals a key insight that prevalence of informal employment is the only way that low skilled or unskilled inhabitants are adapting to a dynamic economic order. The livelihood vulnerability is often attributed with surging costs of housing along with transportation and basic services. The major causal factor is the selective nature of government authorities in their policies towards economic development. Urban expansion has generated employment growth without corresponding mechanisms for inclusive participation, resulting in persistent livelihood precarity across the urban–rural continuum (Kundu, 2014).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"gridtable\"\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003ctable id=\"Tab3\" border=\"1\"\u003e \u003ccaption\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionNumber\"\u003eTable 3\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionContent\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eLivelihood Patterns Across the Urban–Rural Continuum\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/caption\u003e \u003ccolgroup cols=\"4\"\u003e \u003c/colgroup\u003e \u003cthead\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eSpatial Zone\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eDominant Livelihoods\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eNature of Employment\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eVulnerability Level\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/thead\u003e \u003ctbody\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eCore Urban\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eServices, administration, education\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eFormal + informal\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eLow–Moderate\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003ePlanned Urban\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eIT, retail, construction, services\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003ePolarised (high-skill vs low-skill)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eModerate\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003ePeri-Urban\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eInformal services, commuting labour\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eInformal, unstable\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eHigh\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eSemi-Rural\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eAgriculture, fishing, petty trade\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eSeasonal, low return\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eHigh\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eMarginal Rural\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eSubsistence farming, casual labour\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eHighly informal\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eVery High\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/tbody\u003e \u003c/table\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003ch2\u003eHousing, Land and Everyday Living\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eHousing conditions and land ownership reveals the living conditions of residents and provide a critical insight of regional development (Muianga et al., 2021). The field visits to the seven constituencies highlights that urban expansion has various housing typologies that affects the patterns of everyday living. Due to an uneven urbanisation, the spatial segregation tends to exists in North 24 Parganas district which in turn are driven by market forces, planning regimes and varied state interventions (Banerjee \u0026amp; Das, 2021).\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eUrban Housing and Spatial Segregation\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe urban core regions of Bidhannagar have a planned urban landscape with huge share of land used for built up which have planned residential colonies, apartment complexes and well-spacious and connected neighbourhoods. The residents have access to basic services such as water, electricity, sanitation and waste management (Haque, 2024). The easy access to these amenities shape the everyday routine of the inhabitants. Despite the planned urban spaces, the informal housing and neighbourhoods present in adjacent to these planned neighbourhoods. The coexistence of planned and unplanned urban housing signifies the urban comfort along with the informal precarity.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eRajarhat New Town has a varied kind of housing conditions. The regions has a variety of planned housing structures, gated communities and commercial hubs that are accommodated by urban elite class while a major proportion of population is accommodated in informal settlements and transitional spatial zones which are engulfed into urban fabric (Kundu, n.d.). The easy access to basic amenities has led to the surge in real-estate development and raise the land prices. The real-estate development has caused the contestations among private builders and natives over land ownership status. The everyday routines of the residents revolves around such precarious situations developed over the issues of land acquisition, limited access to basic amenities, surge in property prices and change in ownership status (Raman \u0026amp; Denis, 2025).\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003ePeri-Urban Housing Transitions\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe regions of Madhyamgram and Barasat that are transitional in nature highlights the unique kind of housing conditions where rural and urban typologies coexist. A broad spectrum of traditional single storey houses to multi-storey buildings appear side by side that reflects the high pace of urban expansion caused by huge population pressure (Sarkar, 2019). The land use has shifted from agricultural to built-up with inadequate planning norms and these factors drive the everyday life of the residents in these peri-urban zones. Water supply remains inconsistent, drainage is inadequate, and waste management systems struggle to cope with increasing density. To ease the life of the residents, private players for provision of the basic amenities come into the play.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eRural Housing and Land Vulnerability\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe rural areas of the North 24 Parganas district consists of three constituencies namely Ashoknagar, Sandeshkhali, Basirhat Dakshin. The housing conditions in these regions are marked by a much cheaper land values, meagre investment and environmental vulnerability (Hill, 2008; Jose, 2019). Ancient and low rise housing structure are made from locally available raw materials. The land ownership is more common than in urban areas whereas the quality of housing and access to basic amenities remain limited. Sandeshkhali represents the area having the coexistence of geographic marginality and housing insecurity and vulnerability. The factors like limited connectivity, lack of institutional support and environmental vulnerability and exposure cause the inadequate housing quality (Jose, 2019; Kundu \u0026amp; Pandey, 2020). Everyday living is closely tied to seasonal rhythms, environmental conditions and local livelihood cycles that reinforces vulnerability and limiting opportunities for socio-economic mobility.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eLand, Inequality and Everyday Life\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe field visits to these spatial units revolves around the land which is understood as the axes on which regional inequality is understood. The urban expansion is driven by the land acquisition and ownership leading it to become a speculative asset that only benefits a selected proportion of population (Hill, 2008; Tripathi \u0026amp; Yenneti, 2024). Everyday life of inhabitants is driven through the land also as the neighbourhoods having the basic necessities like clean water, housing stability, commuting time and sense of safety tend to have a high property prices (Jose, 2019; Tripathi \u0026amp; Yenneti, 2024).These differences shape residents’ perceptions of inclusion, aspiration, and neglect. Hence, these findings captures our attention towards that the fact both housing and land dynamics play a pivotal role in emergence of regional imbalance within the district. While urbanisation has helped increase the housing options and improved lifestyle of the people, the lesser known fact is that it was also helpful in creating a disparity to such an extent by reinforcing spatial segregations and hierarchies (\u003cem\u003eThe Realities of Current Urbanization in the Global South | Seven Transformations for More Equitable and Sustainable Cities\u003c/em\u003e, n.d.).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"gridtable\"\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003ctable id=\"Tab4\" border=\"1\"\u003e \u003ccaption\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionNumber\"\u003eTable 4\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionContent\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eHousing and Land Dynamics\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/caption\u003e \u003ccolgroup cols=\"4\"\u003e \u003c/colgroup\u003e \u003cthead\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eAspect\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eUrban / Planned Areas\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003ePeri-Urban Areas\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eRural / Marginal Areas\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/thead\u003e \u003ctbody\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eHousing Type\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eApartments, gated communities\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eMixed, informal rentals\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eLow-rise, self-built\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eLand Use Change\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003ePlanned, speculative\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eRapid, unregulated\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eLimited but vulnerable\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eTenure Security\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eHigh (formal)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eMixed\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eOwnership common, quality low\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eLiving Costs\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eHigh\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eRising rapidly\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eLow but constrained\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eDisplacement Risk\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eModerate\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eHigh\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eEnvironmental/economic\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/tbody\u003e \u003c/table\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003ch2\u003eLived Experiences of Inequality\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eAs talked above, the inequalities in the district is understood through infrastructural development, access to basic services, livelihood opportunities, and housing and land dynamics. But these differences affect the everyday living of the residents and alter their perceptions of negotiations, aspirations and systemic neglect (Ahn, 2024). Hence, it becomes essential to understand how these lenses of inequalities are responsible in shaping the opinions of residents like belongingness, opportunity and state’s presence in daily life.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eEveryday Comparisons and Spatial Awareness\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eA recurring theme that has emerged across the analysis of narratives from the residents in peri-urban and rural hinterlands spatial units is of very little awareness of spatial inequality in the above mentioned contexts. The interactions on these aspects with them revealed about their ignorance and much more of an adaptation to these inequalities. While, they were very little concerned about the better connectivity, good healthcare access and education and employment opportunities that prevails in Bidhanangar and Rajarhat New Town. But, as we dived down in the conversations, these comparisons shape their daily routines in the form of commuting experiences to their workplaces and visual experiences encountered through travel or media exposure.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eAspirations, Mobility and Frustration\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eDuring the interaction with the residents of Madhyamgram and Barasat, it was reflecting in the conversations that aspirations of the residents were linked to the close proximity to Kolkata. The respondents from younger generations had an obvious expectations of upward mobility through education and service-sector employment while they were confined to by the hurdles of limited opportunities presented to them coupled with the rising living costs which causes a stress to the residents and in turn shape their everyday life routines and interactions (Paul, 2023).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe residents from rural marginal areas like Sandeshkhali and Basirhat Dakshin revealed about their livelihood concerns and systemic ignorance to improve their lifestyle. The issues of poor connectivity, lack of education and employment opportunities coupled with lack of basic healthcare poses a threat to their lifestyle. Here, inequality was experienced less as missed opportunity but more as structural limitation. Migration has emerged as the dominant imagined pathway for improving living conditions.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003ePerceptions of State Presence and Neglect\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe analysis of narratives revealed a theme that focused on considering these kinds of inequalities as experiences which are closely tied to the perceptions of the government machinery. The selective approach of government in planning regions has led to the creation of disparities in terms of infrastructure, service provision, education, healthcare access, livelihood opportunities and land ownership (United Nations et al., 2021). The needs of the planned urban areas is easily catered while the residents of rural and peripheral constituencies remain unattended.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eGendered Dimensions of Everyday Inequality\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe experiences of women in viewing inequality is of utmost importance as they are the ones shaping the foundation of the society. Women’s experiences across constituencies revealed additional layers of inequality. In peri-urban and rural areas, inadequate transport, limited healthcare access, and insecure livelihoods disproportionately affected women’s mobility and economic participation (Jana et al., 2026). Everyday tasks such as accessing water, healthcare, or markets involved greater time burdens and safety concerns, reinforcing gendered constraints within already unequal spatial settings.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Discussion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe findings from the seven Assembly Constituencies underscore that urban\u0026ndash;rural divides in North 24 Parganas are best understood as outcomes of uneven and selective urbanisation rather than as a simple contrast between developed urban centres and underdeveloped rural areas. The spatial patterns observed across infrastructure, livelihoods, housing, and lived experiences reveal a fragmented metropolitan region in which proximity to the urban core determines access to resources, opportunities, and institutional attention.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOne of the central insights emerging from the analysis is the production of intra-regional inequality within a single administrative district. Constituencies located closer to Kolkata\u0026mdash;such as Bidhannagar and Rajarhat New Town\u0026mdash;benefit from cumulative investments in infrastructure and economic activity, while peri-urban and rural constituencies remain structurally marginal despite their formal inclusion within urbanising jurisdictions. This suggests that administrative integration does not automatically translate into substantive socio-economic inclusion.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe peri-urban zones of Madhyamgram and Barasat occupy a particularly critical position in this landscape. These areas illustrate how rapid urban expansion can outpace planning and institutional capacity, producing hybrid spaces marked by infrastructural inadequacy, livelihood precarity, and rising living costs. Peri-urbanisation, as observed here, emerges not as a transitional phase leading inevitably to improved conditions, but as a prolonged state of uncertainty that reproduces inequality over time.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eHousing and land dynamics further illuminate the mechanisms through which inequality is spatially embedded. Planned urban developments such as Rajarhat New Town demonstrate how urban growth can generate exclusive spaces insulated from surrounding socio-economic realities. The conversion of land into speculative assets intensifies residential segregation and displacement pressures, reinforcing hierarchies within the metropolitan region. These processes highlight the role of market-driven urbanisation in shaping uneven living conditions.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe lived experiences of inequality reveal how structural disparities are internalised and normalised in everyday life. Residents\u0026rsquo; perceptions of opportunity, state presence, and aspiration vary sharply across spatial contexts, shaping adaptive strategies that prioritise coping over collective claims. This normalisation of inequality underscores the limits of development narratives that equate urban expansion with social inclusion.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eTaken together, the findings suggest that regional inequality in metropolitan West Bengal is not merely a residual condition awaiting correction through further urban growth. Instead, it is actively produced through planning choices, infrastructural prioritisation, and the selective integration of spaces into the metropolitan economy. Addressing urban\u0026ndash;rural divides, therefore, requires rethinking urbanisation as a socially differentiated process rather than a uniform developmental trajectory.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Conclusion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis paper examined urban\u0026ndash;rural divides and regional inequalities in the Kolkata metropolitan periphery through field-based observations across seven Assembly Constituencies in North 24 Parganas. By analysing infrastructure, livelihoods, housing, and lived experiences, the study demonstrated that spatial inequality in contemporary West Bengal is produced through uneven urbanisation rather than through a simple opposition between urban advancement and rural backwardness.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe findings highlight that proximity to the metropolitan core plays a decisive role in shaping access to services, economic opportunities, and housing security. Planned urban spaces such as Bidhannagar and Rajarhat New Town benefit from concentrated investment and institutional presence, while peri-urban and rural constituencies remain characterised by infrastructural gaps, livelihood precarity, and limited state visibility. Importantly, the paper shows that formal administrative inclusion within urbanising regions does not ensure equitable development outcomes.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003ePeri-urban constituencies emerge as particularly significant sites of inequality. Neither fully urban nor rural, these spaces experience prolonged transitional conditions marked by rising costs, fragmented infrastructure, and uncertain livelihoods. Rural and marginal areas further illustrate how geographic distance, environmental vulnerability, and weak market integration continue to constrain everyday living conditions despite broader processes of urban expansion.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eBy foregrounding lived experiences, the paper underscores how inequality is not only materially embedded but also socially internalised. Residents\u0026rsquo; aspirations, mobility strategies, and perceptions of the state reflect adaptive responses to uneven development rather than expectations of inclusive urban growth. These findings challenge narratives that equate urbanisation with automatic socio-economic improvement.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOverall, the paper contributes to a nuanced understanding of regional inequality in West Bengal by situating urban\u0026ndash;rural divides within the broader dynamics of selective urbanisation and spatial differentiation. It reinforces the need to conceptualise metropolitan growth as a socially uneven process and aligns with the volume\u0026rsquo;s broader aim of documenting contemporary realities through grounded, research-based perspectives.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003cp\u003e \u003ch2\u003eClinical Trial Number\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eNot applicable.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e \u003ch2\u003eEthics Approval and Consent to Participate\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe requirement of ethical approval for this study was waived by the Institutional Ethics Review Board of Jawaharlal Nehru University in accordance with the ethical guidelines for social science research involving human participants and the principles of the Declaration of Helsinki.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e \u003ch2\u003eConsent for Participation\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eInformed verbal consent was obtained from participants prior to interactions.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e \u003ch2\u003eConsent for Publication\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eNot applicable.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eFunding\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eAuthor Contribution\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eY.K. conceptualised the study, conducted fieldwork, performed data analysis, and wrote the main manuscript text. B.K.C. contributed to the conceptual framework, interpretation of results, and critical revision of the manuscript. D.N.P. provided methodological guidance and reviewed the manuscript. S.K. assisted in field data collection, literature review, and manuscript editing. All authors reviewed and approved the final manuscript.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eData Availability\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe datasets generated during and/or analysed during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eAhn, B. (2024). The politics of living-with-difference: Local perception of diversity and coexistence around participatory place-making in a multiethnic neighbourhood. \u003cem\u003eEnvironment and Planning C: Politics and Space\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e42\u003c/em\u003e(3), 458\u0026ndash;475. https://doi.org/10.1177/23996544231207731\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eBandyopadhyay, S. (2006). Freedom and its enemies: The politics of transition in West Bengal, 1947\u0026ndash;1949*. \u003cem\u003eSouth Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e29\u003c/em\u003e(1), 43\u0026ndash;68. https://doi.org/10.1080/00856400600550799\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eBanerjee, P., \u0026amp; Das, B. (2021). \u003cem\u003eRegional Disparity in Patterns of Out-migration from West Bengal: Evidences from Census data\u003c/em\u003e.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eBiswas, A., \u0026amp; Singh, O. (2017). 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Social inclusion of urban villages: A systematic review of global urban planning practices. \u003cem\u003eCities\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e169\u003c/em\u003e, 106509. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cities.2025.106509\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eKundu, A. (2014). Exclusionary Growth, Poverty and India\u0026rsquo;s Emerging Urban Structure. \u003cem\u003eSocial Change\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e44\u003c/em\u003e(4), 541\u0026ndash;566. https://doi.org/10.1177/0049085714548538\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eKundu, D., \u0026amp; Pandey, A. (2020). Exploring rural\u0026ndash;urban inequality in India in the post-economic reform period. \u003cem\u003eEnvironment and Urbanization Asia, 11\u003c/em\u003e(1), 102\u0026ndash;122.\u003cbr\u003e \u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eKundu, R. 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Urbanization and productivity at a global level: new empirical evidence for the services sector. \u003cem\u003eRegional Science Policy \u0026amp; Practice\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e15\u003c/em\u003e(9), 1981\u0026ndash;1998. https://doi.org/10.1111/rsp3.12620\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eMondal, D., \u0026amp; Banerjee, A. (2021). Exploring peri-urban dynamism in India: Evidence from Kolkata Metropolis. \u003cem\u003eJournal of Urban Management\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e10\u003c/em\u003e(4), 382\u0026ndash;392. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jum.2021.06.004\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eMuianga, E., Kowaltowski, D., Moreira, D., Granja, A., Silva, V., \u0026amp; Asensio Oliva, C. (2021). 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Assessment and key factors of urban liveability in underdeveloped regions: A case study of the Loess Plateau, China. \u003cem\u003eSustainable Cities and Society\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e79\u003c/em\u003e, 103674. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.scs.2022.103674\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eUnited Nations, Koller, T. S., Hani, M., De La O Campos, A. P., Stloukal, L., Dahlet, G., Gazzoli, V. B., Beltchika, N., Del Duca, M., Di Stefano, P., J\u0026auml;rvinen, P., Shrestha, P., Barkley, S., Befus, A., Benni, N., Bozsoki, I., Brinkman, H.-J., Bulgac, I., Carri\u0026oacute;n-Crespo, C., . . . Stafford, C. (2021). \u003cem\u003eTackling inequalities in public service coverage to \u0026ldquo;build forward better\u0026rdquo; for the rural poor\u003c/em\u003e. United Nations. https://unsceb.org/sites/default/files/2021-12/HLCP%20ITT%20Policy%20Brief%20Rural%20Inequalities%202021.pdf\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":false,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"discover-cities","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"Learn more about [Discover Cities](https://www.springer.com/journal/44327)","snPcode":"44327","submissionUrl":"https://submission.springernature.com/new-submission/44327/3","title":"Discover Cities","twitterHandle":"","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":true,"editorialSystem":"stoa","reportingPortfolio":"Discover Series","inReviewEnabled":true,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-9385409/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-9385409/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eThe paper looks at nature and production of urban rural divide and the regional inequities in Kolkata metropolitan periphery with reference to North 24 Parganas district in West Bengal. Going beyond the traditional polarities of the concepts of urban development and rural backwardness, the study assumes the concept of inequality as the result of a selective urbanisation, influenced by planning priorities, infrastructural investment, and spatial closeness to the metropolitan centre. The study is based on qualitative field work that was carried out in seven Assembly Constituencies, namely, Bidhannagar, Rajarhat New Town, Madhyamgram, Barasat, Basirhat Dakshin, Sandeshkhali, and Ashoknagar, and follows a comparative, exploratory methodology based on observations, unstructured encounters, and secondary data.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe results present a disjointed landscape of the region in which infrastructure, access to services, livelihood and housing conditions are not evenly distributed. The central cities and planned areas enjoy the advantages of state and market concentration of investment, whereas the peri-urban and rural regions suffer infrastructural inadequacy, livelihood insecurity, and a lack of institutionalization. The peri-urban areas become important areas of extended transition, which are defined by the mixed land use, informal working activities, and increasing social-economic vulnerability. The paper also indicates the role of commodification of land and speculative urban growth in exerting pressure on spatial segregation and displacement.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eNotably, the lived experiences are preempted in the paper to reveal how inequality is internalised, normalised and negotiated in daily life, which affects aspirations, mobility strategies and state perceptions. The discussion highlights that administrative inclusion in urban areas does not ensure fair deliveries. In general, the paper posits that uneven planning and selective integration are actively involved in the creation of regional inequality in the Kolkata periphery, and that the process of urbanisation must be reconsidered as a socially differentiated and inherently unequal one.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"Urban Rural Divides and Selective Urbanisation In The Kolkata Periphery of North 24Parganas","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2026-05-08 10:49:44","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-9385409/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"129042172260975495440135119288086783900","date":"2026-04-30T11:26:11+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"190418703626826539295598250671965276302","date":"2026-04-30T07:39:14+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewersInvited","content":"","date":"2026-04-30T05:03:36+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorAssigned","content":"","date":"2026-04-29T10:35:23+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorInvited","content":"","date":"2026-04-27T17:09:30+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"checksComplete","content":"","date":"2026-04-27T15:46:54+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"submitted","content":"Discover Cities","date":"2026-04-27T15:01:48+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"discover-cities","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"Learn more about [Discover Cities](https://www.springer.com/journal/44327)","snPcode":"44327","submissionUrl":"https://submission.springernature.com/new-submission/44327/3","title":"Discover Cities","twitterHandle":"","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":true,"editorialSystem":"stoa","reportingPortfolio":"Discover Series","inReviewEnabled":true,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"d4204a80-8903-4bac-bd9a-00aec4ea7507","owner":[],"postedDate":"May 8th, 2026","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"129042172260975495440135119288086783900","date":"2026-04-30T11:26:11+00:00","index":19,"fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"190418703626826539295598250671965276302","date":"2026-04-30T07:39:14+00:00","index":18,"fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewersInvited","content":"2","date":"2026-04-30T05:03:36+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""}],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"under-review","subjectAreas":[],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2026-05-08T10:49:44+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2026-05-08 10:49:44","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-9385409","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-9385409","identity":"rs-9385409","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"XKTyCvWXoU3ODBz1xrDgd","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}