1
1 A Mixed-Methods Comparison of Gender Differences in Alcohol Consumption and
2 Drinking Characteristics among Patients in Moshi, Tanzania
3
4 Authors and affiliations:
5 Alena Pauley MScGH1 –
[email protected] (ORCID#: 0000-0002-7489-7469)
6 Mia Buono1 –
[email protected]
7 Kirstin West1 –
[email protected]
8 Madeline Metcalf1 –
[email protected]
9 Sharla Rent, MD MScGH1,2 -
[email protected]
10 Joseph Kilasara3,5 APRN MNS-FNP–
[email protected]
11 Yvonne Sawe3 –
[email protected]
12 Mariana Mikindo3 –
[email protected]
13 Blandina T. Mmbaga, MD PhD3,4,5 –
[email protected]
14 Judith Boshe MD MMED3,5 –
[email protected]
15 João Ricardo Nickenig Vissoci MBA MSc PhD1,6 –
[email protected]
16 Catherine A. Staton, MD MScGH1,6 –
[email protected]
17
18 1 Duke Global Health Institute, Duke University, Durham, NC USA
19 2 Duke Department of Pediatrics, Duke University Medical Center, Durham, NC USA
20 3 Kilimanjaro Christian Medical Center, Moshi, Tanzania
21 4 Kilimanjaro Clinical Research Institute, Moshi, Tanzania
22 5 Kilimanjaro Christian Medical University College, Moshi, Tanzania
23 6 Duke Department of Surgery, Duke University Medical Center, Durham, NC USA
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2
24
25 Corresponding Author in event of publication:
[email protected] (CAS)
26 ORCID#: 0000-0002-6468-2894
27
28 Funding: This project was funded by the Duke Global Health Institute Graduate Student funds,
29 and the Josiah Trent Foundation. Infrastructure built by NIH grant R01 AA027512 (PI Staton)
30 was used to support the data collection process for this grant to understand gender related aspects
31 of alcohol use at KCMC.
32 Competing interests: The authors declare no competing interests
33
34 Author contributions:
35 Conceptualization: AMP, CAS, BTM, JB
36 Methodology: AMP, CAS, JRNV
37 Formal analysis and investigation: CAS, BTM, JB
38 Data Collection: JK, YS, MMi, AMP
39 Writing - original draft preparation: AMP, MB, KW, MM
40 Writing - review and editing: SR, AMP, MB, KW, MM, CAS
41 Funding acquisition: AMP, CAS
42 Supervision: CAS, JRNV, BTM
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43 ABSTRACT
44 Background: Excessive alcohol use stands as a serious threat to individual and community well-
45 being, having been linked to a wide array of physical, social, mental, and economic harms.
46 Alcohol consumption differs by gender, a trend seen both globally and in Moshi, Tanzania, a
47 region with especially high rates of intake and few resources for alcohol-related care. To develop
48 effective gender-appropriate treatment interventions, differences in drinking behaviors between
49 men and women must be better understood. Our study aims to identify and explore gender-based
50 discrepancies in alcohol consumption among Kilimanjaro Christian Medical Center (KCMC)
51 patients.
52 Methods: A systematic random sampling of adult patients presenting to KCMC’s Emergency
53 Department (ED) or Reproductive Health Center (RHC) was conducted from October 2020 until
54 May 2021. Patients answered demographic and alcohol use-related questions and completed
55 brief surveys including the Alcohol Use Disorder Identification Test (AUDIT). Through
56 purposeful sampling, 19 subjects also participated in in-depth interviews (IDIs) focused on
57 identifying gender differences in alcohol use.
58 Results: During the 8-month data collection timeline, 655 patients were enrolled. Men and
59 women patients at KCMC’s ED and RHC were found to have significant differences in their
60 alcohol use behaviors including lower rates of consumption among women, (average [SD]
61 AUDIT scores were 6.76 [8.16] among ED men, 3.07 [4.76] among ED women, and 1.86 [3.46]
62 among RHC women), greater social restrictions around women’s drinking, and more secretive
63 alcohol use behaviors for where and when women would drink. For men, excess drinking was
64 normalized within Moshi, tied to men’s social interactions with other men, and generally
65 motivated by stress, social pressure, and despair over lack of opportunity.
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66 Conclusion: Significant gender differences in drinking behaviors were found, primarily
67 influenced by sociocultural norms. These dissimilarities in alcohol use suggest that future
68 alcohol-related programs should incorporate gender in their conceptualization and
69 implementation.
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70 Introduction
71 Alcohol use is a leading risk factor for death and disability-adjusted life years (DALYs)
72 worldwide, accounting for over 3 million deaths each year (1,2). Globally, alcohol use and
73 alcohol-related harm are increasing, especially so within low-and middle-income countries(3).
74 For example, the World Health Organization (WHO) Africa region consumes on average 20%
75 more alcohol per day (40.0g/day) than the global average (32.8g/day), with Tanzania ingesting
76 especially large quantities. The rate of heavy episodic drinking in Tanzania (7.7% among women
77 and 33.4% among men 15 years or older), is almost twice that of neighboring countries (1).
78 Moshi, a popular tourist town located at the base of Mount Kilimanjaro in Northern Tanzania,
79 has particularly high rates of alcohol use, which have also been increasing in recent years
80 compared to nearby regions (4–6). This increase is influenced by a strong drinking culture and a
81 custom of early alcohol initiation in minors for members of the Chagga ethnic group who
82 constitute the majority of local inhabitants (7,8). Standing also as contributing factors is
83 alcohol’s ready availability mixed with its low cost and a recent increase in disposable income
84 among local inhabitants (4,7,9).
85 Both globally and within Tanzania, alcohol consumption patterns and alcohol-related
86 harms are dissimilar among men and women (10–15). On average, men consume alcohol in
87 higher quantities and more frequently than women, with a higher prevalence of Alcohol Use
88 Disorder (AUD) worldwide (11,16,17). Men are also more likely to engage in injurious
89 behaviors like drunk driving, violence, and crime while under the influence (18,19). While
90 women intake less alcohol, drinking can reduce inhibitions and awareness of risk, increasing the
91 likelihood of women being subject to unsafe scenarios like violence or sexual assault which in
92 turn increases the risk of acquiring sexually transmitted diseases (20–23). For women who are
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93 pregnant, alcohol use also can introduce harm to themselves and their unborn child (24,25).
94 Sociocultural factors and norms are also known to impact alcohol consumption and use
95 behaviors. Among youth in both Tanzania and nearby Kenya, young people who spent time
96 around those already consuming alcohol or encouraging alcohol use were found to have higher
97 rates of intake themselves (7,26).
98 In Tanzania specifically, little is known on how or why alcohol use differs between
99 genders. The data that does exist has indicated that while intoxicated, men are more likely to
100 exhibit violent behaviors while women are more likely to be victims of violence. For example,
101 men exhibit a greater prevalence of alcohol use and abuse, a greater risk of injury after drinking,
102 are more likely to incur road-traffic injuries, and have more public displays of alcohol intake
103 compared to women (13,15,27). In contrast, alcohol consumption among women in the region
104 increases the risk of experiencing sexual violence and contracting sexually transmitted infections
105 (28). Estimates for alcohol abuse have ranged from 7% among women with partners and 22.8%
106 among men in the general population (4), to an AUD prevalence of 38.7% among men and
107 13.1% among women patients at a local outpatient clinic (29).
108 To reduce the burden associated with alcohol in Moshi, more research about how and
109 why alcohol intake varies between genders is needed. Given the known discrepancies in alcohol
110 use by men and women, this information can be used to design and implement more effective
111 alcohol-reduction programs that are both gender and culturally appropriate in this region.
112 Addressing this knowledge gap, this study aims to better understand the key gender differences
113 in alcohol consumption and use patterns among patients in Moshi, Tanzania.
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114 Methods
115 Overview
116 This was a sequential explanatory mixed-methods study that combined quantitative
117 survey score data and qualitative semi-structured in-depth interviews (IDIs). Quantitative data
118 was collected prior to IDIs to guide qualitative data sampling, with all data collection procedures
119 occurring from October 2021 until May of 2022 at the Kilimanjaro Christian Medical Centre
120 (KCMC) in Moshi, Tanzania (Figure 1). In total, 655 subjects participated in survey
121 questionnaires, and of those individuals, 19 were selected, via purposeful sampling, to participate
122 in IDIs addressing alcohol use.
123 Figure 1: Study Design Overview
124
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125 Setting
126 This study was based within the Kilimanjaro Christian Medical Center (KCMC), a large
127 referral and teaching hospital that serves over 1.9 million people (6). KCMC is located in Moshi,
128 an urban town of over 200,000 residents situated in Northern Tanzania and bordering Kenya and
129 Kilimanjaro National Park. This study operated specifically within two clinical units at KCMC,
130 the Emergency Department (ED) and the Outpatient Unit for Gynecology, commonly referred to
131 as the Reproductive Health Centre (RHC).
132 For the Kilimanjaro region, KCMC’s ED serves as the referral unit for all injury patients.
133 Injuries have long been associated with excessive alcohol use (30–32). Thus, given the high
134 concentration of injury patients at KCMC’s ED, this clinical unit is ideal for studying risky
135 alcohol users and use behaviors. KCMC’s RHC serves as the referral unit for all women seeking
136 gynecological care within the Kilimanjaro region. The RHC’s large women patient population
137 was chosen to facilitate a deeper understanding of women’s drinking patterns while also
138 providing a safe, gynocentric environment for collecting the sensitive information needed for this
139 study. Data was collected in parallel at KCMC’s ED and RHC throughout the 8-month
140 enrollment timeline. Conducting this research at these locations allowed us to more accurately
141 compare alcohol use behaviors, risky drinking in particular, among both men and women
142 patients.
143 Participants
144 All enrolled participants met the following eligibility criteria: 1) were 18 years of age or
145 older, 2) had the capacity to give informed consent, 3) received initial care at KCMC’s
146 Reproductive Health Center or Emergency Department, 4) were conversant in KiSwahili, and 5)
147 were not prisoners. Capacity to provide informed consent was defined as being medically
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148 stabilized, clinically sober, and well enough to complete the survey verbally on their own. For
149 those who were extremely ill or injured upon initial presentation, the research team re-evaluated
150 the patient within 24 hours of arriving at KCMC or before discharge, whichever came first.
151 Those who remained unable to consent within this time frame were excluded from study
152 participation. As this study was also conducted relatively early in the COVID-19 pandemic, for
153 the safety of the data collection team, patients who tested positive for COVID-19 were also not
154 approached. No women participants presented to both the ED and RHC.
155 Procedures
156 All data were collected in the local language of KiSwahili by a team of three Tanzanian
157 research assistants (two women and one man) who had been hired specifically for work on this
158 study. The final team was chosen based on their expertise in research and strong interpersonal
159 and leadership skills.
160 For data collection, the male research assistant surveyed and interviewed all men
161 participants, and the two female research assistants surveyed and interviewed all women
162 participants. This gender-matching between research assistants and interviewees was done to
163 encourage open and honest reporting of patients’ experiences with or opinions on alcohol based
164 on local culture and research team experience. (33) Prior to data collection, thorough instruction
165 on Good Clinical Practices and extensive study-specific training was provided to the Tanzanian
166 team, including an overview of qualitative data collection methods. All members of the
167 Tanzanian research team were fluent in both English and KiSwahili and held a college degree or
168 higher. The Tanzanian research team held a diverse set of competencies that promoted the
169 collection of robust and reliable data, such as clinical nursing skills and numerous years of
170 previous research experience, including within the field of alcohol-related research specifically.
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171 Quantitative Data
172 Sample Size Calculations
173 During the initial study design, it was hypothesized that a final sample size of 587
174 subjects would be required to determine if a significant difference in the prevalence of risky
175 drinking, defined as a score of 8 or greater on the Alcohol Use Disorder Identification Test
176 (AUDIT) scores exists between a) men and women KCMC Emergency Department (ED)
177 patients and b) women patients at the KCMC ED and KCMC Reproductive Health Center (RHC)
178 ( Table 1). From the Emergency Department, 94 participants (47 men and 47 women) were
179 surveyed to compare across genders the proportion of those who screen positively for risky
180 drinking behavior with 80% power and 90% confidence. Likewise, 540 female participants (270
181 from the ED and 270 from the RHC) were surveyed to compare the prevalence of those who
182 were positive for risky drinking behavior between these two units with 80% power and 90%
183 confidence. The final sample size was 587, as survey score data collected from female ED
184 patients were used in both analyses.
185 Table 1: Initial Sample Size Calculations
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186 However, as of early December 2021, two months into the eight-month data collection
187 timeline, the proportion of AUDIT scores ≥ 8 among ED patients was approximately 40% for
188 women and 45% for men, a difference of only 5% as compared to 15% difference upon which
189 the original sample size calculations were based. This meant that to maintain 90% confidence
190 and 80% power, 1,200 patients would need to be enrolled to determine the difference in
191 proportions. While study funds and the data collection timeline limited this doubling in sample
192 size, with IRB amendment approval, the study’s targeted enrollment goals were increased based
193 on the re-estimated prevalence. Thus, enrolling as many patients as was feasible within the
194 original logistical study bounds resulted in a total of 655 total participants by the conclusion of
195 this study timeline.
196 Procedures
197 To collect as representative of a sample as possible in the ED and RHC, a systematic
198 sampling method was employed. Patients seeking care at KCMC’s EMD or RHC were enrolled
199 Monday through Friday from 10:00 am until 6:00 pm local time, with the exception of Tanzanian
200 holidays. While enrollment of women patients was consistent throughout the entire data
201 collection period, enrollment of men patients was paused from January 1st, 2021, until March
202 31st, 2022, pending expanded sample size regulatory approvals.
203 Within the RHC, which sees a large daily volume of women patients, every third patient
204 listed on the general intake registry log was approached and offered study participation. Given
205 the nature of RHC care which often requires follow-up visits, a month into data collection,
206 approximately a fifth of the daily RHC patient population had already been approached for study
207 participation. As such, when sampling individuals from the intake registry, if a woman had
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208 previously been asked about study participation, her name was skipped and every third patient
209 starting from the following individual was approached.
210 At the ED, which sees significantly fewer women patients than men patients, every
211 woman, but every 3rd man on the triage registry was approached. This was done to maintain
212 planned enrollment goals and a representative, systematic random sampling of patients. Each of
213 the three research assistants primarily enrolled one patient population (ED men, ED women, and
214 RHC women). Halfway through data collection (once 135 women patients from both the ED and
215 RHC had been collected), the two women research assistants switched clinical units to minimize
216 any bias that may have arisen as a result of differences in their style of patient interaction or
217 information extraction.
218 Patients were only approached once, and all were given the option to decline participation
219 or terminate their participation early if they chose. All patients were approached in a quiet,
220 private location only once medically stabilized. Here, an overview of the study, including the
221 study goals, procedures, potential risks, and benefits was explained. If, after this discussion, the
222 patient was willing to participate, written consent was obtained. Surveys were administered
223 orally by the same-gender research assistants so that patients of all literacy levels were able to
224 participate and the responses were recorded into a secure Research Electronic Data Capture
225 (REDCap) database. As surveys were collected at a single time point, there were no patients lost
226 to follow-up. In rare instances where survey collection was interrupted, some surveys were left
227 incomplete (n = 23). Incomplete surveys were included in analyses but were not counted as part
228 of the final sample needed for determining differences in prevalence.
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229 Instruments
230 Quantitative surveys consisted of five main components: (1) basic demographic data, (2)
231 self-reported alcohol use data, (3) the Alcohol Use Disorder Identification Test (AUDIT), (4) the
232 Drinkers’ Inventory of Consequences (DrInC), and (5) the depression module of the Patient
233 Health Questionnaire (PHQ-9). AUDIT, which ranges from 0 to 40, is a commonly used survey
234 tool for measuring alcohol consumption and alcohol-related problems (34,35). Both locally and
235 globally, patients scoring greater than or equal to 8 are earmarked as clinically significant for
236 harmful or hazardous drinking (HHD) (35–39). Patients with HHD represent individuals whose
237 alcohol intake is detrimental to their physical well-being and require further alcohol-related
238 clinical care and support (40). As such, the prevalence of HHD (defined as AUDIT ≥ 8) was a
239 primary cut-off point in this analysis. DrInC is a 50-question survey (with possible scores
240 ranging from 0 to 50) that measures alcohol-related consequences: in particular, interpersonal,
241 intrapersonal, social responsibility, impulse control, and physical consequences (41). While there
242 is no clinically significant cut-off score, higher scores indicate greater consequences for an
243 individual (42). Finally, PHQ-9 is a diagnostic tool used to identify the existence and severity of
244 depression (43). This scale ranges from 0 to 27, with higher values suggesting increasingly
245 severe depressive symptoms. In the KiSwahili-translated version of the PHQ-9, scores of 9 or
246 greater were found to be the optimal cut-off score for identifying clinical depression (44) and
247 thus was the cut-off point used in this analysis. All three scales had previously been cross-
248 culturally adapted, psychometrically validated, and clinically tested in the local context
249 (39,44,45).
250 All non-survey tool questions were reviewed, revised, translated, and pilot tested by the
251 Tanzanian research team prior to data collection. As this analysis focuses specifically on
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252 patients’ alcohol consumption, DrInC and PHQ-9 scores were not included in this manuscript but
253 will be analyzed in later work. Of note, while this study focuses on gender differences, patients
254 self-identified according to their biological sex. Given that there is little reported gender diversity
255 in Tanzania, for the purposes of this analysis, those identifying as men were categorized as male,
256 and those identifying as women were categorized as female.
257 Analysis
258 Gender differences in alcohol consumption and alcohol-related problems were assessed
259 quantitatively through an exploratory analysis of AUDIT scores, the prevalence of HHD, and
260 demographic and self-reported alcohol consumption data. Consumption was also measured
261 through self-reported alcohol consumption questions that asked participants how much and how
262 often they consumed alcohol, what types of alcohol they preferred, and how much money they
263 typically spent on alcohol per week. All data were analyzed using descriptive frequencies and
264 proportions, and all variables were categorical with the exception of AUDIT scores and HHD
265 status. As alluded to above, AUDIT scores were dichotomized according to HHD status; scores
266 of 8 or greater were classified as ‘HHD,’ while scores less than 8 were ‘not HHD’. Except for
267 age, measures of income, and educational attainment, missing data were minimal for all variables
268 analyzed. The age question was mistakenly omitted in the first several surveys and was added a
269 week into data collection, however for income and educational attainment, participants were
270 more hesitant to disclose this information to research staff.
271 Unlike the qualitative data, all quantitative data were compared across three groups: ED
272 women, ED men, and RHC women rather than by gender alone. This was done to a) identify
273 which clinical unit had the highest incidence of unhealthy alcohol users and b) provide more
274 accurate descriptions of the two women patient populations as the RHC and ED women
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275 populations held significantly distinct demographic and alcohol use-related characteristics. All
276 statistical analyses were conducted in RStudio (version 1.4) using user-created and validated R-
277 Packages.
278 Qualitative Data
279 Sample Size Calculations
280 Of all participants who completed the quantitative survey, a small subset was selected for
281 participation in semi-structured IDIs. 20 (or until saturation was reached) IDIs were originally
282 anticipated to be collected, 10 from ED men patients, 5 from ED women patients, and 5 from
283 RHC women patients to facilitate gender-balanced perspectives on alcohol use. The men ED
284 population reached saturation (defined as the absence of new themes and information following
285 three consecutive interviews) in 9 interviews, thus, 19 IDIs in total were completed.
286 Procedures
287 IDIs were used in this study given the highly sensitive and stigmatizing nature of the
288 study topic, especially for women participants. The one-on-one interview structure encouraged
289 women in particular to share their thoughts more freely and helped to ensure their privacy and
290 confidentiality. IDI procedures were first initiated during survey collection. At the time of the
291 quantitative survey, if a research assistant identified an individual whom they thought would be
292 an excellent candidate for an IDI, they asked if the subject would be willing to participate in an
293 IDI. Those who were invited were purposefully chosen to encompass a diverse range of
294 demographic backgrounds (including age, marital status, education level and occupation, tribe,
295 and religion), perspectives on, and personal experiences with alcohol. IDI participants were also
296 selected to speak to trends related to risky drinking that arose from preliminary quantitative
297 findings. One example of this is that women who were either divorced or widowed were
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298 associated with above-average alcohol intake early on in the data collection period.
299 Subsequently, a woman who had been recently divorced and had a high alcohol intake was
300 purposefully asked to participate in an IDI. To ensure diverse representation and minimize any
301 unintentional bias in sampling, the characteristics of IDI participants were reviewed monthly by
302 the study lead, and any needed changes in the subject sampling were implemented at the next IDI
303 selection.
304 If agreeing, the research assistant obtained the patients’ phone numbers with their consent
305 and scheduled a later time to meet. All interviews were held in private rooms within KCMC and
306 were conducted by a same-gender interviewer who had an established relationship with the
307 patient as they had previously spoken with the patient in-depth during survey collection. The
308 goals of the research study were communicated again before interviews commenced, and a small
309 fund of 5,000 TSH (~2 USD) was given to participants as a transportation reimbursement. All
310 interviews were audio-recorded and generally lasted from 60 to 100 minutes, with a break and
311 snacks offered midway through.
312 Instruments
313 As with the surveys, all interview questions were created in English and then translated
314 into KiSwahili. These translations were then reviewed for appropriate phrasing and syntax,
315 subsequently revised, and then pilot tested by the Tanzanian research team to ensure cultural
316 appropriateness, relevancy, and retention of the original meaning. The interview guide consisted
317 of open-ended questions with built-in probes. Additional probing questions were added on a
318 case-by-case basis by the Tanzanian research team if a participant said something unclear,
319 contradictory, or warranted further explanation. The guide was developed using a team-based
320 approach and was structured and organized across the 6 following domains: (1) effect on and
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321 expectations of the community, (2) men’s use, (3) women’s use, (4) gender differences in use,
322 (5) use during pregnancy, and (6) recommendations for future interventions. The qualitative data
323 in this manuscript pulls primarily from domains 2 through 4, to specifically explore how gender
324 impacts alcohol consumption and use behaviors. Important themes regarding alcohol use and
325 depression arose from the first seven interviews, so several questions related to these concepts
326 were added at this point and were included in all following interviews. With the exception of this
327 addition, the guide remained the same for all interviews.
328 Analysis
329 IDIs were analyzed using an applied thematic, grounded theory approach. (46) As female
330 drinking behaviors in this region have received little prior research attention, a grounded theory
331 approach was best suited for this study as it allowed new themes to arise and be sufficiently
332 explored. A codebook, which was only accessible to the qualitative research team, was
333 developed by the main data analyst based on the first four 4 interviews following a mix of
334 deductive and inductive coding schemes. The initial codebook was discussed with all members
335 of the Tanzanian research team, and changes were made based on the received feedback,
336 ensuring content validity and cultural accuracy. The codebook was used as a dynamic document
337 and was updated as new themes emerged from the data. After revisions to the codebook were
338 made, previous transcripts were revisited and recoded if necessary to encompass newly identified
339 themes that emerged.
340 In partnership with the main analyst, the Tanzanian research team was trained on
341 qualitative analysis and interview coding using NVivo 12. The initial interviews were
342 independently coded in four separate documents by the main analyst and the three members of
343 the Tanzanian research team. These documents were then compared to establish an agreement on
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344 the coding strategy and codebook development. When disagreement arose between researchers,
345 the research team discussed the codes in question until a consensus was reached. This process
346 was repeated until 80% agreement was obtained (47) among the four analysts which occurred
347 after three interviews were coded and reviewed. After a high rate of internal consistency in
348 coding was obtained amongst the 4 initial coders, the primary analyst used the final codebook to
349 code the remaining 16 interviews. The final coding was approved by the analysis team. Content
350 memos were created per each emerging theme and code, summarizing the findings in an ongoing
351 fashion. The content memos served as a basis for discussion and feedback to the entire research
352 team.
353 Research Ethics
354 Prior to data collection, ethical approval was obtained from the Duke University
355 Institutional Review Board, the Kilimanjaro Christian Medical University College Ethical
356 Review Board, and the Tanzanian National Institute of Medical Research. As much as possible,
357 data was maintained in a de-identified manner and shared by data share agreement. Personal
358 health information was used for screening and enrollment, but data were collected, stored, and
359 analyzed in a de-identified manner.
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360 Results
361 Quantitative
362 Between October 11th, 2021, and May 31st, 2022, all eligible patients present during
363 study hours were approached, with 655 patients (Table 2) completing the surveys. Few
364 individuals declined study participation; however, as reported by the Tanzanian research team,
365 women were more likely than men to do so, with the primary reasons being that (a) they did not
366 wish to discuss their alcohol use and (b) concern for their privacy.
367 Following the enrollment goals for each of the three patient populations, this study
368 sample was composed primarily of women (82.6%). Most participants were also Christian
369 (80%), employed (57%), and living with a partner either in a registered (50%) or unregistered
370 (12%) marriage. RHC women had the greatest proportion of young patients, with 37% being
371 between the ages of 25 and 34.
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372 Table 2: Study Population Demographics
Demographics by Population Type Overall,
N = 6551
ED Women,
N = 2711
RHC Women,
N = 2701
ED Men,
N = 1141
Age Category, missing: 49
18 to 24 110 / 606 (18%) 47 / 252 (19%) 53 / 249 (21%) 10 / 105 (9.5%)
25 to 34 159 / 606 (26%) 41 / 252 (16%) 92 / 249 (37%) 26 / 105 (25%)
35 to 44 106 / 606 (17%) 42 / 252 (17%) 45 / 249 (18%) 19 / 105 (18%)
44 to 54 94 / 606 (16%) 47 / 252 (19%) 32 / 249 (13%) 15 / 105 (14%)
Over 55 137 / 606 (23%) 75 / 252 (30%) 27 / 249 (11%) 35 / 105 (33%)
Personal Income Category (TZS per month), missing: 11
0 to 50,000 205 / 644 (32%) 110 / 270 (41%) 68 / 268 (25%) 27 / 106 (25%)
50,001 to 100,000 44 / 644 (6.8% 17 / 270 (6.3%) 15 / 268 (5.6%) 12 / 106 (11%)
100,001 to 150,000 56 / 644 (8.7%) 17 / 270 (6.3%) 29 / 268 (11%) 10 / 106 (9.4%)
150,001 to 200,000 91 / 644 (14%) 34 / 270 (13%) 37 / 268 (14%) 20 / 106 (19%)
> 200,000 248 / 644 (39%) 92 / 270 (34%) 119 / 268 (44%) 37 / 106 (35%)
Household Income Category (TZS per month), missing: 11
0 to 50,000 62 / 644 (9.6%) 33 / 271 (12%) 16 / 267 (6.0%) 13 / 106 (12%)
50,001 to 100,000 47 / 644 (7.3%) 17 / 271 (6.3%) 14 / 267 (5.2%) 16 / 106 (15%)
100,001 to 150,000 74 / 644 (11%) 32 / 271 (12%) 31 / 267 (12%) 11 / 106 (10%)
150,001 to 200,000 72 / 644 (11%) 37 / 271 (14%) 20 / 267 (7.5%) 15 / 106 (14%)
> 200,000 389 / 644 (60%) 152 / 271 (56%) 186 / 267 (70%) 51 / 106 (48%)
Religion
Christian 522 / 655 (80%) 218 / 271 (80%) 222 / 270 (82%) 82 / 114 (72%)
Muslim 121 / 655 (18%) 47 / 271 (17%) 45 / 270 (17%) 29 / 114 (25%)
None 11 / 655 (1.7%) 5 / 271 (1.8%) 3 / 270 (1.1%) 3 / 114 (2.6%)
Other 1 / 655 (0.2%) 1 / 271 (0.4%) 0 / 270 (0%) 0 / 114 (0%)
Highest Educational Attainment, missing: 60
College 170 / 595 (29%) 65 / 242 (27%) 87 / 241 (36%) 18 / 112 (16%)
Graduate 13 / 595 (2.2%) 4 / 242 (1.7%) 2 / 241 (0.8%) 7 / 112 (6.2%)
None 52 / 595 (8.7%) 30 / 242 (12%) 7 / 241 (2.9%) 15 / 112 (13%)
Primary 182 / 595 (31%) 82 / 242 (34%) 61 / 241 (25%) 39 / 112 (35%)
Secondary 133 / 595 (22%) 48 / 242 (20%) 64 / 241 (27%) 21 / 112 (19%)
Vocational 45 / 595 (7.6%) 13 / 242 (5.4%) 20 / 241 (8.3%) 12 / 112 (11%)
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Demographics by Population Type Overall,
N = 6551
ED Women,
N = 2711
RHC Women,
N = 2701
ED Men,
N = 1141
Marital Status, missing: 1
Divorced or Separated 31 / 654 (4.7%) 16 / 271 (5.9%) 6 / 270 (2.2%) 9 / 113 (8.0%)
Living with a partner, not in a registered marriage 79 / 654 (12%) 26 / 271 (9.6%) 41 / 270 (15%) 12 / 113 (11%)
Living with a partner in a registered marriage 327 / 654 (50%) 128 / 271 (47%) 140 / 270 (52%) 59 / 113 (52%)
Never Married or Single 135 / 654 (21%) 55 / 271 (20%) 56 / 270 (21%) 24 / 113 (21%)
Refused/Do not know 1 / 654 (0.2%) 0 / 271 (0%) 0 / 270 (0%) 1 / 113 (0.9%)
Widowed 81 / 654 (12%) 46 / 271 (17%) 27 / 270 (10%) 8 / 113 (7.1%)
Employment Status
Employed 371 / 655 (57%) 127 / 271 (47%) 192 / 270 (71%) 52 / 114 (46%)
Unemployed 215 / 655 (33%) 111 / 271 (41%) 50 / 270 (19%) 54 / 114 (47%)
Student 69 / 655 (11%) 33 / 271 (12%) 28 / 270 (10%) 8 / 114 (7.0%)
Tribe
Chagga 329 / 655 (50%) 126 / 271 (46%) 146 / 270 (54%) 57 / 114 (50%)
Iraq 21 / 655 (3.2%) 9 / 271 (3.3%) 8 / 270 (3.0%) 4 / 114 (3.5%)
Maasai 25 / 655 (3.8%) 13 / 271 (4.8%) 7 / 270 (2.6%) 5 / 114 (4.4%)
Mmeru 29 / 655 (4.4%) 14 / 271 (5.2%) 11 / 270 (4.1%) 4 / 114 (3.5%)
Muha or Non-African 6 / 655 (1.0%) 3 / 271 (1.1%) 3 / 270 (1.1%) 0 / 114 (0%)
Nyaturu 17 / 655 (2.6%) 7 / 271 (2.6%) 10 / 270 (3.7%) 0 / 114 (0%)
Other African 98 / 655 (15%) 55 / 271 (20%) 34 / 270 (13%) 9 / 114 (7.9%)
Pare 70 / 655 (11%) 27 / 271 (10.0%) 25 / 270 (9.3%) 18 / 114 (16%)
Sambaa 26 / 655 (4.0%) 7 / 271 (2.6%) 10 / 270 (3.7%) 9 / 114 (7.9%)
Sukuma 34 / 655 (5.2%) 10 / 271 (3.7%) 16 / 270 (5.9%) 8 / 114 (7.0%)
1n / N (%); Mean (SD)
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374 Across the three patient populations, the highest average [SD] AUDIT scores belonged to
375 ED men (6.76 [8.16]), followed by ED women (3.07 [4.76]), and RHC women (1.86 [3.46])
376 (Table 3). ED men also had the highest prevalence of HHD (38%) across all patients, although a
377 significant percentage of ED women (17%) still had AUDIT scores ≥ 8 (Table 3; Figure 3). RHC
378 women had the lowest percentage of individuals with HHD (7.4%) across the three groups
379 (Table 3; Figure 3).
380 In other markers of alcohol use, men continued to score above both women populations.
381 ED men spent the most money on alcohol per week (4.4% of ED men, 0.7% of ED women, and
382 0.4% of RHC women spent between 50,001 to 1000,000 TZS per week), drank in the largest
383 quantities (4.4% of ED men, 0.4% of ED women, and 0% of RHC women drank more than 6
384 standard drinks per sitting), and drank the most frequently (3.5% of ED men drank multiple
385 times per day, but neither ED nor RHC women reported drinking more than daily). Interestingly,
386 while men consumed the most, ED men and ED women answered affirmatively that they have
387 attempted to quit drinking previously in roughly equal (51% for women and 52% for men)
388 proportions, and men were also the most likely (89%) to believe that alcohol use was unhealthy
389 (compared to 71% among ED women and 65% among RHC women).
390 While men had the highest rates of consumption, unhealthy alcohol users were present
391 among both women patient populations. For example, 3.0% and 1.1%, of ED and RHC women,
392 respectively, consumed 5 or more standard drinks in a sitting, and 3.7% of ED women and 1.1%
393 of RHC women reported drinking alcohol every day.
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394 Table 3: Alcohol Use Characteristics
Alcohol Use Characteristics by
Population Type
Overall,
N = 6551
ED Women,
N = 2711
RHC Women,
N = 2701
ED Men,
N = 1141
Alcohol Preferences
Beer 136 / 655 (21%) 66 / 271 (24%) 41 / 270 (15%) 29 / 114 (25%)
Changaa, Dadii, Gongo, or Piwa 8 / 655 (1.2%) 5 / 271 (1.8%) 0 / 270 (0%) 3 / 114 (2.6%)
Light Beer 60 / 655 (9.2%) 20 / 271 (7.4%) 21 / 270 (7.8%) 19 / 114 (17%)
Liquor/Spirits 12 / 655 (1.8%) 3 / 271 (1.1%) 1 / 270 (0.4%) 8 / 114 (7.0%)
Mbege (banana-based beer) 83 / 655 (13%) 43 / 271 (16%) 24 / 270 (8.9%) 16 / 114 (14%)
Ulanzi (bamboo-based liquor) 5 / 655 (0.8%) 2 / 271 (0.7%) 1 / 270 (0.4%) 2 / 114 (1.8%)
Wine 85 / 655 (13%) 30 / 271 (11%) 38 / 270 (14%) 17 / 114 (15%)
None 258 / 655 (39%) 100 / 271 (37%) 143 / 270 (53%) 15 / 114 (13%)
Other/Refused/Do not know 8 / 655 (1.2%) 2 / 271 (0.7%) 1 / 270 (0.4%) 5 / 114 (4.4%)
Drinking Frequency, missing: 2
0 times/week 269 / 653 (41%) 101 / 271 (37%) 146 / 269 (54%) 22 / 113 (19%)
1-2 times/week 289 / 653 (44%) 130 / 271 (48%) 100 / 269 (37%) 59 / 113 (52%)
3-4 times/week 66 / 653 (10%) 28 / 271 (10%) 17 / 269 (6.3%) 21 / 113 (19%)
5-6 times/week 6 / 653 (0.9%) 2 / 271 (0.7%) 2 / 269 (0.7%) 2 / 113 (1.8%)
Every day 17 / 653 (2.6%) 10 / 271 (3.7%) 3 / 269 (1.1%) 4 / 113 (3.5%)
Multiple times a day 4 / 653 (0.6%) 0 / 271 (0%) 0 / 269 (0%) 4 / 113 (3.5%)
Refused/Do not know 2 / 653 (0.3%) 0 / 271 (0%) 1 / 269 (0.4%) 1 / 113 (0.9%)
Drinking Quantity, missing: 1
0 drinks 268 / 654 (41%) 102 / 271 (38%) 145 / 270 (54%) 21 / 113 (19%)
1-2 bottles 264 / 654 (40%) 119 / 271 (44%) 87 / 270 (32%) 58 / 113 (51%)
3-4 bottles 97 / 654 (15%) 42 / 271 (15%) 34 / 270 (13%) 21 / 113 (19%)
5-6 bottles 16 / 654 (2.4%) 7 / 271 (2.6%) 3 / 270 (1.1%) 6 / 113 (5.3%)
>6 bottles 6 / 654 (0.9%) 1 / 271 (0.4%) 0 / 270 (0%) 5 / 113 (4.4%)
Refused/Do not know 3 / 654 (0.5%) 0 / 271 (0%) 1 / 270 (0.4%) 2 / 113 (1.8%)
Weekly Alcohol Expenses (TZS), missing: 1
0-10000 531 / 654 (81%) 228 / 271 (84%) 238 / 270 (88%) 65 / 113 (58%)
10001-50000 110 / 654 (17%) 41 / 271 (15%) 29 / 270 (11%) 40 / 113 (35%)
50001-100000 8 / 654 (1.2%) 2 / 271 (0.7%) 1 / 270 (0.4%) 5 / 113 (4.4%)
Refused/Do not know 5 / 654 (0.8%) 0 / 271 (0%) 2 / 270 (0.7%) 3 / 113 (2.7%)
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Alcohol Use Characteristics by
Population Type
Overall,
N = 6551
ED Women,
N = 2711
RHC Women,
N = 2701
ED Men,
N = 1141
Attempted Quitting, missing: 1
No 340 / 654 (52%) 132 / 270 (49%) 166 / 270 (61%) 42 / 114 (37%)
Refused/Do not know 16 / 654 (2.4%) 1 / 270 (0.4%) 2 / 270 (0.7%) 13 / 114 (11%)
Yes 298 / 654 (46%) 137 / 270 (51%) 102 / 270 (38%) 59 / 114 (52%)
Reason for Quitting for the 298 patients who Attempted:
Family 17 / 298 (5.7%) 9 / 137 (6.6%) 3 / 102 (2.9%) 5 / 59 (8.5%)
Financial 24 / 298 (8.1%) 7 / 137 (5.1%) 4 / 102 (3.9%) 13 / 59 (22%)
Health 105 / 298 (35%) 52 / 137 (38%) 37 / 102 (36%) 16 / 59 (27%)
Other 1 / 298 (0.3%) 1 / 137 (0.7%) 0 / 102 (0%) 0 / 59 (0%)
Personal 128 / 298 (43%) 60 / 137 (44%) 49 / 102 (48%) 19 / 59 (32%)
Spiritual 23 / 298 (7.7%) 8 / 137 (5.8%) 9 / 102 (8.8%) 6 / 59 (10%)
Alcohol Use perceived as Unhealthy, missing: 1
No 179 / 654 (27%) 74 / 270 (27%) 92 / 270 (34%) 13 / 114 (11%)
Refused/Do not know 7 / 654 (1.1%) 4 / 270 (1.5%) 3 / 270 (1.1%) 0 / 114 (0%)
Yes 468 / 654 (72%) 192 / 270 (71%) 175 / 270 (65%) 101 / 114 (89%)
Sought Treatment for Alcohol Use, missing: 3
No 606 / 652 (93%) 251 / 269 (93%) 260 / 269 (97%) 95 / 114 (83%)
Refused/Do not know 1 / 652 (0.2%) 1 / 269 (0.4%) 0 / 269 (0%) 0 / 114 (0%)
Yes 45 / 652 (6.9%) 17 / 269 (6.3%) 9 / 269 (3.3%) 19 / 114 (17%)
Sought Psychiatric Treatment, missing: 2
No 592 / 653 (91%) 245 / 270 (91%) 242 / 270 (90%) 105 / 113 (93%)
Refused/Do not know 2 / 653 (0.3%) 1 / 270 (0.4%) 1 / 270 (0.4%) 0 / 113 (0%)
Yes 59 / 653 (9.0%) 24 / 270 (8.9%) 27 / 270 (10%) 8 / 113 (7.1%)
AUDIT Score 3.22 (5.36) 3.07 (4.76) 1.86 (3.46) 6.76 (8.16)
HHD Status (AUDIT >= 8) 109 / 655 (17%) 46 / 271 (17%) 20 / 270 (7.4%) 43 / 114 (38%)
1n / N (%); Mean (SD)
396
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397 Figure 2: Comparison of AUDIT Score Distributions across Patient Populations
398
399
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400 Figure 3: Prevalence of Harmful/Hazardous Drinking (HHD) Across Patient Populations
401
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402 Qualitative
403 Of the 655 individuals surveyed, 19 individuals (RHC women, n = 5; ED women, n = 5;
404 ED men, n = 9) participated in an IDI. Most IDI participants were Christian (78.9%), their ages
405 ranged from 20 to 70 years, and they held a variety of education levels that stretched from
406 primary education to a college degree. Almost half (9 out of 19) of the respondents were living
407 with a partner in a registered marriage at the time of the interview, five were never married, two
408 were divorced or separated, two were living with a partner in an unregistered marriage, and one
409 was widowed. Only one participant was pregnant at the time of the interview, and five
410 participants did not consume alcohol regularly. The intake of the other respondents ranged from
411 1 to 2 bottles 1 to 2 times per week to 3 to 4 bottles 5 to 6 times per week.
412 Alcohol use behaviors differed between men and women across all major themes (how,
413 why, when, where, and what) assessed (Table 4). In general, respondents reported that men had
414 greater agency around their drinking, meaning greater ability and access to control their own
415 drinking behaviors. They also drank more publicly, and in greater quantities with higher alcohol-
416 content drinks. For men, alcohol use was encouraged in social situations and was influenced by
417 the potential for gaining social power or despair over lack of life opportunity. In comparison, IDI
418 participants remarked that most women drank less, consumed lighter beers and wines, and were
419 more restricted as to where and when it was acceptable for them to drink. This restriction was in
420 part because of traditional gender roles keeping women more closely tied to the home and family
421 life, and also the concern for them to incur physical harm while drinking. For women, motives to
422 drink were most closely tied to relationship stress and social pressure.
423
424 Table 4: IDI Alcohol Consumption Themes and Subthemes
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Themes Sub-themes
How Consumption Differs Men consume larger quantities of alcohol
Traditional gender roles impact alcohol consumption
Male drinking is more culturally normalized
Motivations to Drink Relationship stress
Lack of opportunity
Social pressure
Social power
When Alcohol Intake
Occurs
The best time to drink is after completing daily tasks
Women with families are too busy with household tasks to drink
Women with families are encouraged to drink after her kids are
asleep
Where Alcohol Intake
Occurs
Men drink in public locations to socialize with others
Public drinking for women creates a risk physical harm
Women drink privately to avoid social stigma
What Types of Alcohol is
Consumed
Ability of Alcohol to Intoxicate the Drinker
Social clout
Wealth and socioeconomic status
425
426 How Use Differs by Gender
427 When asked how alcohol use differs between men and women, most IDI participants
428 reported that men drank more than women, a trend that was facilitated by men having greater
429 agency to drink, and men’s drinking being more culturally normalized.
430 Overwhelmingly, respondents agreed that “alcohol use among men is high compared to
431 women” (IDI #12, Male), but with the caveat that especially in recent years, this has been
432 changing; “sometimes women drink more alcohol than men. This is because women have [more]
433 economical power than men nowadays, so are the ones that ruling the world.” (IDI #5, Male)
434 Even still, for most, pre-existing community and familial norms appeared to limit
435 women’s alcohol consumption in comparison to men. Traditional gender roles meant that men
436 had greater freedom to drink alcohol, as explained in IDI #16.
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437
438 “Women are obliged to stay at home for a long time for the nurturing and taking care of
439 children and family at large, so it’s not easy for a woman to find time every day to go out
440 with friends to drink alcohol…After [men] come out of job they don’t have a lot to do at
441 home like taking care of kids, they leave that all to women and mostly they instead go out
442 with friends to drink…when a man comes from work he can pass by home and see the
443 family leave some money and off he goes to have a drink outside…men have an ample
444 time to relax, enjoy and that’s when they get to drink alcohol.” – IDI #16, Female
445
446 This sentiment was taken one step further by several male respondents who suggested
447 that because of these responsibilities, some women are denied the option to drink at all; “Woman
448 are not even allowed to drink …because they get drunk easily and, once drunk, they will not be
449 able to do home chores” while “men drink more than women because they are free and have
450 money, so they can buy alcohol whenever they want” (IDI #2, Male). As illustrated by these
451 quotes, in comparison to men, women appeared to lack control over their ability to drink. This
452 lack of agency is also confounded by having fewer funds, less free time, and more intensive
453 home responsibilities.
454 In alignment with men’s alcohol intake being higher, there were more examples of men
455 who displayed dependent or problematic drinking behaviors – men who “can’t be okay without
456 drinking” (IDI #1, Female). Moreso, these examples were largely normalized – drinking “too
457 much… seems normal in the community” (IDI #1, Female). One woman said:
458
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459 “[Men] drink alcohol as routine and it has now become compulsory for some of them to
460 take a drink everyday of their life to complete their daily activities. For example, the men
461 with heavy physical jobs but even doctors and businessmen also take alcohol every
462 morning before going to work. I have witnessed a man who wouldn’t go to his workplace
463 before drinking because otherwise his hands would be shaking and he cannot touch
464 anything and that’s his routine...He was a doctor back in the village I was living.” – IDI
465 #3, Female
466 Motivations to Drink
467 Among men and women, stress was the leading factor in alcohol initiation and
468 progression into unhealthy drinking habits. This was followed by social pressure, and for men,
469 social power. It is important to note that these factors are often intertwined within interviews, for
470 example, social pressures could be seen as a form of relationship stress, and relationship stress is
471 a form of social pressure.
472 Speaking first to stress, many respondents agreed that “most people drink alcohol in the
473 community due to stress…alcohol is no longer considered as a refreshing drink, rather than a
474 stress remover substance!” (IDI #5, Male). The causes of stress usually stemmed from conflicts
475 in relationships – “in town people drink too much because of stress related to love affairs, you
476 find that there is conflict between them, especially cheating; this lead to excessive alcohol use to
477 relieve the stress” (IDI #4, Male) – or financial strain – “life has become so difficult, and people
478 cannot afford life expenses” (IDI #5, Male).
479 For women especially, conflicts in relationships arose as a significant stressor and reason
480 for alcohol initiation.
481
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482 “Where I live so many women live with stress because of being abandoned by men or men
483 are there but they don't take care of the family…something which leads a lot of women to
484 drinking too much alcohol every day…myself I have lived well with my husband but after
485 a long illness he has run away from home and he has left me no money. If I didn't know
486 God and hold onto him, I could end up drinking too much alcohol because of stress until
487 I die” (IDI #13, Female)
488
489 Another individual reported,
490
491 “women drink alcohol to reduce stress when she has arguments with her husband, she
492 decides to drink too much alcohol so that when she comes home, she will not talk to her
493 husband anymore she will only fall to sleep.” (IDI #6, Female)
494
495 The theme of relationship stress was present for males as well, but was not as strong of a
496 factor as it was for females. IDI #7, Female, said “when one has misunderstanding with his wife,
497 he can get drunk to relieve the anger.”
498 Limited career opportunities that led to financial stress and subsequent poor coping
499 strategies, on the other hand, facilitated problematic drinking behaviors primarily among men.
500 This disproportionate effect is in part because men are traditionally seen as the economic
501 providers in Tanzanian culture.
502
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503 “Most young men drink too much alcohol…because they don’t have any future about
504 their life. This is associated with lack of employment, people finishing school but there is
505 not a job to do which makes them frustrated.” (IDI #8, Male)
506
507 A lack of professional opportunity seemed to impact young and older men alike; another
508 participant, IDI #2, a middle-aged male, noted that the previous year he was “preoccupied with a
509 lot of stress” as his tourist company was “not doing well” and his “mom was sick, and there was
510 no money to take care of her.” These stressors led him and other men to drink–what he described
511 as “a poor coping strategy” (IDI #2, Male) – “men drink more than women because they have
512 stress and depression about life challenges” (IDI #8, Male). One participant postulated that men
513 relied on alcohol to relieve stress more than women did because
514
515 “They don’t want to speak about things which troubles them, they take out their
516 problems through drinking alcohol...Men think when they talk about their problems it is
517 a sign of weakness” (IDI #15, Female)
518
519 Social pressure was another key factor driving alcohol use. For women, social pressures
520 included peer pressure from social circles, engaging in drinking behaviors with their husbands,
521 and using alcohol to obtain confidence in social situations. For example, one respondent said “it
522 is [unusual] to find a women drink when the husband doesn’t” (IDI #12, Male). This was
523 expounded upon by another participant, “women drinks when their men drink as well, or
524 sometimes they drink because of peer pressure or company…[they] drink because they want to
525 relax, to gain confidence in social situations” (IDI #11, Male). Further, many women
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526 interviewed expressed sentiments of alcohol allowing them to participate in activities “they can’t
527 do while sober” and “to get rid of shyness” (IDI #3, Female).
528 Beyond stress and social pressure, some men consumed alcohol because it was both a
529 tool for connecting with other men and a symbol of social power, IDI #10, Female, for example,
530 called alcohol use among men “prestigious.”
531
532 “Men drink in order to please their friends or the people around them. If the surrounding
533 people drink he too can drink to feel the sense of oneness with them and to be in one
534 accord with the rest of the men around him.” (IDI #3, Male)
535
536 IDI #15, Female, elaborates on this, saying “there are some girls who prefer to be with a man
537 who drinks alcohol. As I told you a man who drinks alcohol, he is working and can provide for
538 the family…he is husband material.”
539 Alcohol intake helped facilitate social connections for men in part because buying and
540 consuming expensive alcohol was seen as a metric of financial power –
541
542 “Men tend to drink much for showing off to his colleagues and gaining considerable
543 prestige that he is wealthy” as alcohol could cost “up to three hundred thousand shilling
544 per day” (IDI #7, Female) (the equivalent of $130 USD).
545
546 Importantly, this was not the same for women; while women may have felt social
547 pressure to drink, respondents remarked specifically that alcohol did not enable social
548 interactions with other women in the same way that it did for men.
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549
550 “Men use alcohol as a social catalyst to help people meet and discuss issues…alcohol is
551 not used among women as a source of them to meet and discuss. Is not as important as it
552 is for men.” (IDI #4, Male)
553 When Alcohol Intake Occurs
554 Overall, respondents reported that the times it was most acceptable to drink were after
555 their daily tasks were completed, which in some cases differed between men and women.
556 Because of the longer working hours of women with families, these individuals faced more
557 restrictions as to when their drinking was seen as appropriate.
558 In general, respondents noted that men prefer to drink in the “evening times to night
559 hours after the work hours are over” (IDI #3, Female), but for those who had heavier alcohol use
560 or are “addicted” (IDI #17, Male) to alcohol,“even in the morning you may find a man is already
561 drunk” (IDI #13, Female). Drinking in the early hours of the day was linked with being
562 unemployed in IDIs for men, for example, “for those who do not have permanent work they
563 drink alcohol from morning they spend all day drinking alcohol” (IDI #6, Female).
564 In contrast, most respondents agreed that women, especially those with families, faced
565 more restrictions on when they should drink. This stemmed from their role as the primary family
566 caretaker, and the reasons underlying this were two-fold: constraints on time, and avoiding
567 drinking in front of children. Many noted that the full-time responsibility of taking care of the
568 house and children left women little time to drink – “for women, this is a challenge to get time
569 free to drink because there are family duties waiting for her to handle” (IDI #3, Female). These
570 restrictions occasionally were in some instances enforced by male respondents, for example, IDI
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571 #12, a male, remarked “I told [my wife] that she should drink at the night when there are no
572 activities at home.”
573 Beyond the time restraint, women were also perceived as drinking alcohol when it was
574 less visible by their family and community. Several remarked that mothers should not drink
575 alcohol in front of their children – “women drink at night when kids are asleep…kids are not
576 supposed to see the mother drunk, it’s a shame for a mother” (IDI #4, Male) – also because “they
577 don’t want kids to develop drinking habits” (IDI #2, Male). One went so far as to say –
578 “[women] are scared to be seen drinking alcohol during the daylight so they use the darkness to
579 their advantage” (IDI #15, Female). Importantly, even for men who had children, these same
580 restrictions were not mentioned by any IDI respondent regardless of gender.
581 These viewpoints on women’s drinking were not held by all, however, one saying that the
582 time when women drink “don’t differ much with men” (IDI #18, Male) and another noting that
583 compared to men “time frame are just the same, from evening to night hours after they are done
584 with work and business” (IDI #16, Female).
585 Where Alcohol Intake Occurs
586 Even more than restrictions on appropriate times, strict rules for where a woman could
587 drink arose among most IDIs. While men could drink anywhere but preferred bars and clubs,
588 because of the potential for stigma and physical harm surrounding women’s public drinking,
589 women predominantly drank in the home due to their household duties.
590 There were few restrictions on where men could drink noted in IDIs – “men are allowed
591 to drink everywhere” (IDI #12, Male), but the “majority…like to go out to places like pubs, bars,
592 and nightclubs” (IDI #3, Female). Almost all participants reported that of all places for men to
593 drink, “most dislike to drink at their homes” (IDI #7, Female), partially to form social
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594 connections but also as an escape from their home life – “especially in marriages, when there’s
595 no peace at home it’s easy for a man to drink too much…he spends so much time in bars to avoid
596 staying at home” (IDI #10, Female). . One participant elaborated on this trend –
597
598 “Men prefer to drinking out of their home environment because the main reason is
599 meetup with friends and discuss business ideas. Just imagine myself I’m always in the
600 office, and when you go back home you meet a very same person that you always stay
601 with, hahaha so it’s better to drink in bars or hotel or another place that sells alcohol
602 where you meet different people and exchange ideas.” (IDI #4, Male).
603
604 Women respondents noted that bars and clubs were also desirable for men as a way to avoid
605 interactions with their wife and meet other women – “if someone has misunderstanding with his
606 wife, he chooses to go bar and drink with other side women in order to get relief” (IDI #7,
607 Female).
608 For women though, the home was mentioned by the vast majority of respondents as the
609 most appropriate place for women to drink – “women drink at home, it’s very rare to find them in
610 bars or hotels drinking beers, morally is not allowed unless they go with her husband or
611 boyfriend” (IDI #4, Male). The remaining few either said that men and women drink in the same
612 places as men (“[women] now days drinks in the bars and pub because they go with their
613 husbands. But in other settings women stays at home and drink alcohol” (IDI #11, Male) or that
614 women should not drink in the home “because kids will be watching you” (IDI #17, Male).
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615 Respondents also said that women drank at home so that “the community will not
616 perceive them badly” (IDI #6, Female), alluding to a greater stigma surrounding women’s
617 alcohol use.
618
619 “Finding a woman in a bar drinking alcohol in the early hours of the morning is not quite
620 appropriate. A man can drink alcohol anywhere but a woman who drinks alcohol where
621 many people can see her, they will look at her as a drunkard.” (IDI #6, Female)
622
623 Rather, in stark contrast to men, the home was the best location for women’s drinking
624 because it is a private, “secret” setting where a woman can be with people “she trusts,” (IDI #3,
625 Female) and likewise, where she can’t be seen:
626
627 “Mostly women drink in hiding areas, [they] tend to hide themselves from either the
628 husband or their relatives, they don’t want others to know if they drink that much. A
629 woman can leave like she is going to the shop to deceive her relative, while she is
630 actually going to drink alcohol in the hiding where no one will notice her.” (IDI #7,
631 Female)
632
633 Another underlying factor as to why women did not drink at bars was the risk incurred on
634 one’s physical safety – “liquor clubs it is not safe for a woman to drink alcohol because when
635 they drink and get drunk, it often happens violence action against women” (IDI #13, Female).
636 Echoing this statement, a female college student reported:
637
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638 “It is a risk for a woman to go to bars and clubs because of her safety, she may fail to get
639 back home, get kidnapped, raped and sexually assaulted and lose her belongings… I
640 have a female friend who drinks so much and that day she went to a club in town and on
641 her way back she was robbed and beaten, and her belongings were taken. So, it is not a
642 safe environment for women.” (IDI #3, Female)
643 What Men and Women Drink and Why
644 Men and women respondents both agreed that women typically prefer “light alcohols
645 with smaller percentages of alcohol” whereas men liked “to drink strong liquors alcohol such as
646 spirits” (IDI #6, Female). These preferences were primarily influenced by alcohol’s ability to
647 intoxicate the drinker, social clout, and cost.
648 An overarching theme impacting men and women’s choice of drink was that “men drink
649 for the aim of becoming drunk” – IDI #12, Male), and since men have a higher alcohol tolerance,
650 men preferred strong spirits so they could “get drunk faster.” One participant elaborated “Most
651 men drinks alcohol in Tanzania, whether they drink on public or secretly, but men drinks…Those
652 who drinks strong beers the main reason is enjoyment and those who drinks local or least costive
653 beers is because of stress or life hardship!” (IDI #4, Male). In contrast, participants responded
654 oppositely for women, noting that women “don’t want to get drunk ” (IDI #14, Male), so they
655 widely gravitated towards lower-percentage and more mild alcohols. These choices for wines
656 and “light beers” helped women to relax while also allowing them to complete their “daily
657 activities at home” (IDI #14, Male; IDI #11, Male).
658 When asked more about why men and women prefer certain beverages, respondents
659 explained the impact drinks had on interpersonal perceptions and social clout. For men, one
660 factor contributing to the preference of stronger alcohols was to show their dominance and
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661 importance within the community – “men drink strong alcohol because want to prove to women
662 that they are superior and above everything (high self-esteem)” (IDI #14, Male). Another echoed
663 this statement, saying “once he uses strong alcohol...people will view him as a civilized and rich
664 person instead for those who drinks mbege and other local beers” (IDI #18, Male). These
665 sentiments on certain alcohol’s social prestige were not mentioned in relation to women.
666 For men too, echoing the motivations to drink, social clout was heavily tied with wealth
667 and socioeconomic status. This in turn impacted the type of alcohol they had the ability to buy –
668 “people with high income drink alcohol of high standards and are expensive but those with low-
669 income drink local brew” (IDI #14, Male). Men living in more rural areas and of lower
670 socioeconomic status for example were often marked as drinking the “local brew” that was
671 widely available, affordable, and lacked testing for alcohol content levels before being sold. One
672 male participant described:
673
674 “Most men drink beer but there are those who drink local brew, so it depends with the
675 income of that particular person. But sometimes even those who drink beers can fall
676 under local brew once they are bankrupt! In the villages the story is different; there
677 they prefer strong alcohol, but locally made because it’s cheap and people have no
678 work to do, you may find them drinking from morning until late nights.” (IDI #5, Male)
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40
679 Discussion
680 This study aimed to explore gender-based differences in alcohol use characteristics
681 between patients at KCMC's ED and RHC. To the best of our knowledge, this study is the first of
682 its kind to specifically explore alcohol consumption behaviors stratified by gender, both
683 quantitatively and qualitatively, in Moshi, Tanzania. While current literature has investigated
684 alcohol consumption among injury patients in Moshi and has demonstrated gender-specific
685 differences in alcohol use (4,29) as well as the potential influence of gender stigma on risky
686 alcohol behaviors (48–51), our study goes one step further to provide an in-depth mixed-methods
687 analysis on how alcohol consumption and use behaviors differ by gender. Our results indicate
688 that for men only, alcohol use can facilitate social interactions and act as a boon to their overall
689 social status. In contrast, women face greater socially sanctioned restrictions surrounding their
690 drinking and can have less agency than men in their personal alcohol use behaviors. Finally, in
691 light of these social factors, rates of alcohol use among women patients at KCMC EMD were
692 significantly higher than at the RHC, with male patients likewise exhibiting especially high use
693 compared to the surrounding Moshi community. For populations in this region experiencing
694 alcohol-related harm, understanding key sociocultural gender differences in alcohol use can more
695 appropriately inform, target, and tailor future alcohol-related interventions.
696 We found that for men, alcohol was viewed both as a tool for connecting with other men
697 and as a symbolic representation of their social power. This connotation encouraged men to
698 drink, to do so in social settings like bars, and to consume expensive liquors as a marker of their
699 economic status. Two recent studies in Moshi and one in neighboring Uganda (52) have
700 similarly described alcohol as a form of “social currency” and “an important part of social
701 celebrations” (53), however, without delineating whether this association is skewed by gender.
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702 This lack of delineation may stem from the aim of these studies which focus on overall drinking
703 culture as opposed to gender differences in drinking. Even still, a finding in Osaki’s work that
704 young men feel greater pressure to initiate alcohol intake from their peers than young women
705 (53) parallels ours. This disproportionate peer pressure on men likely stems from alcohol use is
706 more interlinked to men’s social lives than women’s.
707 While specific data on male drinking and social power in the African context is lacking,
708 this association may find its roots in traditional African cultural practices, where alcohol has
709 been traditionally reserved for high-class men (54). Among the Nyakyusa people of Southern
710 Tanzania (55), for example, men who were older and more socially respected were the primary
711 consumers of beer. The reliance on alcohol as a social tool and symbol among men in Moshi
712 likely contributes to higher continued rates of alcohol use. Concerningly, the fact that alcohol is
713 interwoven into the fabric of male social life may likely make it even more difficult for male
714 problematic drinkers to reduce or abstain from intake in this region.
715 In stark contrast to alcohol’s interconnectedness with male social life, we found that
716 women experience significant social restrictions around drinking and tend to have less agency
717 than men in their personal alcohol use behaviors. Previous studies in Tanzania and neighboring
718 regions have found social influences (12,13) affect alcohol use, but there is a significant dearth
719 of data on how women’s alcohol use is impacted by sociocultural-based gender roles and
720 responsibilities. Our findings did have strong parallels to what relevant research was available,
721 specifically two studies based in Tanzania. Work by Griffin et al found that women who drink
722 experience disproportionate social stigma (49) and literature by Meier et al found that drinking
723 publicly is considered culturally inappropriate for women but not so for men. In addition to
724 social stigma and sanctions, this finding by Meier et al is likely a result of the potential physical
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42
725 harm women stand the risk of incurring while drinking in public spaces as the link between
726 alcohol use and gender-based violence has been well-established (56,57). Interestingly, our
727 finding stood opposite to Dumbili et al’s work in Nigeria where young women consumed
728 excessive quantities of alcohol to gain social capital (12). This may be because, while on the
729 same continent, Nigeria and Tanzania have distinct cultural differences that social capital is
730 achieved in different manners.
731 An important consequence of the heightened restrictions around women’s drinking is that
732 it leads to secretive alcohol use behaviors, a finding that has a unique clinical implication for
733 women’s healthcare. As we found in this analysis, some women did not want others to see them
734 consuming alcohol which led them to drink at night, in private locations, or only around certain
735 people. This alludes to a wider stigma around women’s alcohol use, which is concerning as
736 stigma has been associated globally (51,58–60) and within Africa (61) as a barrier to effective
737 healthcare service delivery. Because women who drink in Tanzania have been shown to face
738 greater stigma than men, this obstacle in alcohol use-related treatment delivery may be especially
739 prominent for them (49). Thus, women’s secretive alcohol consumption, a behavior born out of
740 stigma and social restrictions around their drinking, will likely make it difficult for healthcare
741 workers to identify, diagnose, and treat women with unhealthy alcohol use.
742 In addition to the sociocultural and economic factors that serve as determinants for
743 alcohol consumption, we found that the highest incidence of alcohol misuse was present within
744 the ED at KCMC. While potentially harmful alcohol consumption was the most pronounced
745 among male ED patients specifically (38%), female ED patients also exhibited higher rates of
746 concerning alcohol use compared to their RHC counterparts (17% ED and 7.4% RHC).
747 Comparing our findings with local estimates, Mitsunga and Larsen found that 7% of women with
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748 partners, 9.3% of women without partners, and 22.8% of men tested positive for alcohol abuse
749 (alcohol abuse here defined as a CAGE score of 2-4) (4). Mushi et al. observed the prevalence of
750 AUDIT ≥ 8 (HHD) to be 23.9% for outpatient primary healthcare patients in Moshi, and when
751 stratifying for gender, 38.7% of males and 13.1% of females tested positive for HHD (29)
752 compared to our findings of HHD among 38% of ED men patients and 17% of ED women. Rates
753 of HHD were comparable among men in these two studies, but for women, a significant
754 difference could be seen. This suggests that KCMC’s ED has a particularly high concentration of
755 women with high-risk alcohol use compared to other populations in Moshi.
756 Our finding of higher rates of alcohol use among men versus women echoes current
757 global trends (13,62,63). The global literature also supports the increased rates of alcohol use and
758 high-risk drinking behaviors present within EDs compared to other hospital departments or
759 wards. This is because of alcohol’s close association with trauma and injuries potentially
760 requiring more immediate medical care (32,64). For those with limited access to care because of
761 financial constraints, EDs may serve as one of the only options to obtain health services for
762 minor alcohol-related consequences. Within the east Africa and LMIC context, previous research
763 has also found elevated rates of alcohol use among ED patients in Tanzania, most often
764 presenting with injuries resulting from road traffic incidents (65). The high rates of harmful
765 alcohol consumption among both men and women ED patients in Tanzania suggest that the ED
766 may be an optimal site for alcohol-related interventions.
767 While alcohol-related harm was not central to this analysis, it is important to emphasize
768 not only the negative impact excessive alcohol use can cause on the Moshi community but also
769 the opportunities for reducing this burden moving forwards. The findings discussed in this
770 manuscript – the high proportion of unhealthy alcohol users in KCMC’s ED, the restrictions
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771 imposed on women’s alcohol use and resulting secretive drinking behaviors, and the association
772 between social life and alcohol use for men – all provide valuable insight that can be used to help
773 shape future alcohol-reduction interventions more effectively.
774 First, our finding that the ED had a significantly high proportion of unhealthy alcohol
775 users, especially women users, suggests that this clinical unit may be a good location in which to
776 base alcohol-related interventions. This is especially important when considering our finding of
777 women’s limited agency and secretive behaviors around their alcohol use. The lack of agency
778 women have around drinking may impede the delivery of alcohol-related treatments. However,
779 an ED-based intervention could help to efficiently target this high-risk group and do so as part of
780 their usual care. Thus, an ED-targeted intervention may provide additional benefits to high-risk
781 women within the community who may face greater social restrictions in accessing alcohol-
782 related health services. Second, the significant dissimilarities in men’s and women’s alcohol use
783 behaviors – from where, when, what, and why they drink – point to the need for creating alcohol-
784 related interventions that are differentiated by gender. For example, as shown in our analysis, the
785 reasons for drinking varied by gender – for men, they were more closely tied to social pressure
786 and lack of opportunity whereas for women it was mostly related to relationship stress. In
787 reducing alcohol intake, the underlying causes of drinking must be addressed, but as this
788 comparison shows, different sociocultural and environmental factors are important for men
789 versus women in their alcohol use. Alcohol-reduction-related interventions and programs that are
790 conscientious of gender differences in alcohol use behaviors may be more able to bring about a
791 lasting change in consumption patterns.
792 Several limitations were present in this study. Despite extensive measures at ensuring
793 confidentiality, patient recall of alcohol use characteristics may have been implicated by recall
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794 bias, whereby subjects could not accurately recount drinking behaviors, or subjects were cautious
795 of exposing their drinking habits to investigators. Moreover, women were more likely to decline
796 study participation, with primary reasons being (a) they did not wish to discuss their alcohol use,
797 and (b) concern for privacy. Consequently, it is important to consider the possibility that our
798 study did not capture the full extent of alcohol consumption among women given the
799 implications of gender stigma present in this context. That is, it may be that women are more
800 reluctant to share the extensiveness of their drinking behaviors in fear of being stigmatized by
801 community, and family members. This may have influenced the accuracy and validity of these
802 results. Additionally, survey and IDI data was obtained from three different clinical settings,
803 warranting replication and external validation. Although missing data was not significant, we
804 must also be weary of the external validity of our results. Subsequently, further studies should be
805 conducted, and replicated at additional clinics, with limited missing data and increased assurance
806 of confidentiality and comfortability.
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807 Conclusion
808 Men and women patients at KCMC’s ED and RHC were found to have significant
809 differences in their alcohol use behaviors, including lower rates of consumption among women,
810 greater social restrictions around women’s drinking, and more secretive alcohol use behaviors
811 including where and when women could drink. Conversely, for men, excess drinking was
812 normalized within the Moshi community, tied to men’s social interactions with other men, and
813 generally motivated by stress, social pressure, and despair over lack of opportunity. These
814 dissimilarities point to the need for future alcohol-related programs to incorporate gender in their
815 design and implementation. Our findings can be used to make these programs more effective at
816 reducing alcohol-related harm in the Kilimanjaro region.
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992 Supporting Information
993 1. S1 – IRB Approval – Duke University
994 2. S2 – IRB Approval – KCMC
995 3. S3 – IRB Approval – NIMR
996 4. S4 – STROBE Checklist
997 5. S5 – PLOS Checklist
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