Caring in the Diaspora: Care Practices of African Migrant Women in Southern Spain

Caring in the Diaspora: Care Practices of African Migrant Women in Southern Spain | Research Square window.SnipcartSettings = { analytics: { enabled: false } }; (function() { var accessVector = localStorage.getItem('access_vector') || ''; window.dataLayer = window.dataLayer || []; if (accessVector) { window.dataLayer.push({ user: { profile: { profileInfo: { snid: accessVector } } } }); } })(); (function(w,d,s,l,i){w[l]=w[l]||[];w[l].push({'gtm.start':new Date().getTime(),event:'gtm.js'});var f=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],j=d.createElement(s),dl=l!='dataLayer'?'&l='+l:'';j.async=true;j.src='https://www.googletagmanager.com/gtm.js?id='+i+dl;f.parentNode.insertBefore(j,f);})(window,document,'script','dataLayer','GTM-K279D39R'); Browse Preprints In Review Journals COVID-19 Preprints AJE Video Bytes Research Tools Research Promotion AJE Professional Editing AJE Rubriq About Preprint Platform In Review Editorial Policies Our Team Advisory Board Help Center Sign In Submit a Preprint Cite Share Download PDF Research Article Caring in the Diaspora: Care Practices of African Migrant Women in Southern Spain Cristina del Villar Toribio, Javier Saavedra Macias This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-6829095/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Under Review Version 1 posted 10 You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract Caregiving practices are profoundly reshaped by migration, particularly for African women in the diaspora. This study examines these transformations through a feminist lens, addressing a gap in the literature on how caregiving and motherhood are renegotiated in transnational contexts. Drawing on thematic analysis of interviews and focus groups, and validating findings through member checking, our research highlights a significant loss of informal support networks, which contributes to the redefinition of motherhood in more individualistic settings. At the same time, participants gain access to institutional support in healthcare, education, and social services—though such access is often limited by structural barriers, discrimination, and institutional racism. Migration thus becomes a space for challenging traditional gender roles, negotiating new family dynamics, and re-signifying caregiving practices. care African Diaspora intersectional feminism acculturation Figures Figure 1 Figure 2 Introduction This study examines the caregiving practices of African women in the diaspora residing in Andalusia, Spain, with a focus on exploring the evolution of these practices across their lifespans, the associated challenges, and the strategies they employ. It adopts an intersectional feminist perspective to delve into these dynamics. The significance of caregiving in migration studies is underscored by the "care crisis" and the feminization of migration; however, scant research exists on the multifaceted changes in caregiving practices experienced by these women throughout their life cycles. This research centers on the everyday caregiving activities and their significance for women. The study highlights the need to investigate this issue, given that balancing care duties continues to be a major challenge in modern European welfare states. Migrants are integral to this framework beyond their roles as care providers, and policies addressing work-life balance, well-being, and health must consider the unique challenges impacting their caregiving practices. The subsequent section outlines the theoretical underpinnings of this study. Firstly, it discusses various theories for analyzing change throughout the migratory process, including acculturation and interactions with a new culture. Secondly, it synthesizes recent findings on the intersection of care and migration. Finally, it elucidates the application of an intersectional feminist perspective in this study Dialogic acculturation and proculturation Changes in caregiving practices throughout the migration process are influenced by encounters with novel cultural elements. Within migration studies, the acculturation model pioneered by Berry (2005) has traditionally served as a framework for explaining these changes. However, this model has faced considerable criticism, particularly regarding its limitations. Notably, the dialogic acculturation proposal of Bathia and Ram (2001a, 2001b, 2002; Bathia, 2012) and the proculturation proposal of Gamsakhurdia (2018) provide alternative perspectives. Critiques of the acculturation model point to its tendency to universalize the acculturation process, disregarding power asymmetries, lack of equity, and social justice issues encountered by certain immigrant groups based on factors such as gender, race, or origin (Bathia and Ram, 2001a). Bathia and Ram (2001a) also highlight the hegemonic model's conflation of country and culture, which results in a reduction of cultural diversity within countries. Dialogic acculturation (Bathia & Ram, 2001; Bathia, 2002; Bathia, 2012) is rooted in Hermans' (2002) concept of the self as dynamic and culturally contextualized, shaped through dialogue and interaction with the surrounding culture. This perspective views the encounter with cultural novelty as a process of hybridization, resulting in a fluid amalgamation of cultural components (Bathia and Ram, 2001b). Bathia (2002) underscores the experience of otherization and racialization faced by many in the diaspora, marked by discrimination and inequality. The term "diaspora" refers to a community maintaining historical and cultural ties with a territory other than their current location, forming a transnational community evolving over time (Tölölyan, 1996). According to Bathia (2012), diasporic identity is shaped not only by geographical boundaries but also by intersections of gender, race, and other social categories. Dialogic acculturation, unlike Berry's model, acknowledges ongoing transformation and negotiation within contexts of social inequality rather than seeking a harmonious strategy. Sharing the dynamic, interactive and fluid perspective of culture, Gamsakhurdia (2018) develops the concept of proculturation as an explanatory model for individual changes in the face of new cultural elements. Gamsakhurdia (2018, 2019) highlights the treatment of culture in Berry's (2005) model as if "culture of origin" and "culture of welcome" were unrelated elements. However, culture cannot be separated into watertight elements, completely delimited as "culture A" and "culture B". This author collects evidence of the continuous contact with novel cultural elements to which we are exposed through the development of communication technology. This author chooses to speak of contact with cultural novelty rather than of culture of origin and welcome. Proculturation focuses on the human capacity to adapt to novelty and how from contact with it we are able to generate new meanings and transform those that were familiar to us (Gamsakhurdia, 2019). In contrast to the mechanistic view of the classical model of acculturation, where cultural elements are kept, lost, or gained like chess pieces, proculturation reflects the creativity and constructive capacity inherent in humanity. In doing so, it challenges positivist reductionism that simplifies people, cultures, and societies in dichotomous terms. Rather, it brings a holistic integrity to adaptation studies by reinvigorating the critical role of human subjectivity in the interconnected and dynamic web of cultural systems around the world (Gamsakhurdia, 2019). This approach challenges the idea that acculturation only occurs during transnational mobility, recognising that people are constantly exposed to new cultural ideas and practices in local and international settings. By decoupling proculturation from the idea of a defined starting point (the beginning of a migratory project), its temporal character and its sequence in time are recognized. Both dialogic acculturation and proculturation highlight the ongoing cultural transformation within contexts marked by colonial historical tensions and contemporary social issues like racism, sexism, and xenophobia. By expanding and questioning the conventional notion of acculturation (Berry, 2005), these approaches offer a more nuanced understanding of cultural adaptation processes in our globalized and diverse world. Migration and Care In recent decades, numerous studies have been conducted on care and migration, addressing various topics within this field. These studies span different disciplines and focus areas. One prevalent area of research revolves around transactional motherhood and chains of care (Bryceson, 2019; Holdchild, 2015; Isaken et al., 2008). Additionally, a significant body of literature explores the domestic and care work undertaken by migrant women, along with the challenges associated with healthcare delivery in culturally diverse settings (Buján, 2016; Lutz, 2018; Paradies et al., 2015). Transnational motherhood refers to the motherhood experienced by migrant women who have left their children in their country of origin (Hondagneu-Sotelo and Avila, 1997). Consequently, other women assume the caregiving responsibilities for the children of those who migrated, leading to the emergence of a phenomenon known as transnational chains of care (Holdchild, 2015). These chains may encompass both paid and unpaid labor and can exert significant impacts on the economies and societies of both the countries of origin and destination. Both transnational motherhood and transnational care chains challenge the traditional understanding of motherhood, which is often rooted in physical proximity and direct care for biological offspring (Madziva & Zontini, 2012). Furthermore, they entail a redefinition of motherhood by assigning a purpose to the migratory endeavor, which aims to secure economic resources for the upbringing and well-being of the children who remain in the country of origin (Cook et al., 2022; Zhu, 2020). Studies on transnational motherhood and transnational care chains (TCCs) elucidate how migration policies, global economic inequalities, and gender disparities reshape caregiving practices, motherhood, and family dynamics among migrants (Bryceson, 2019; Isaken et al., 2008; Lutz, 2018). These inequalities impact migrant women differently, with variations observed based on the social and political context of the host country. Additionally, differences are noted among groups with diverse cultural backgrounds, influencing both the transformation of caregiving practices and the coping strategies adopted by women (Leifsen and Tymcruk, 2012; Madziva and Zotini, 2012). An urgent need exists to emphasize the significance of an intersectional feminist perspective in questioning the presumed innate nature of maternal love and the traditional role of women as universal caregivers in migration and care studies (Gregorio, 2012). This perspective is essential for understanding transnational motherhood and TCCs beyond gender stereotypes and Eurocentric biases (Dreby, 2009; Wang, 2013). Both transnational motherhood and TCCs are emerging phenomena associated with the feminization of migration, driven by the increasing demand for workers in the care sector, including domestic and caregiving services, inadequately met by welfare state provisions (Lutz and Palenga-Möllenbeck, 1999; 2012). The labor undertaken by these workers is characterized by high precarity due to informal hiring practices, low remuneration, demanding work conditions regarding duration, physical exertion, and emotional complexity (Gottfries & Chun, 2018). The rising demand for female workers in the care sector has prompted transformations in care systems across countries in the global North (Van Horen, 2018). In Spain, the context of this research, there has been a notable increase in workload, with a prevalent demand for female workers in live-in arrangements, fostering a sense of "familiarity" in employer-employee relationships, alongside a slight uptick in the inclination to hire men in the sector (Buján, 2016) Unequal access to public health systems and the challenges they encounter in accommodating cultural diversity are recurring themes in the literature on care and migration. Care practices and their impact on health undergo transformation during the migration process. The relationship between varying levels of acculturation and health outcomes is not consistently positive, contrary to what Berry's model suggests. Evidence indicates a decline in health associated with higher levels of acculturation among Mexican migrants in the U.S. This decline stems from the abandonment of traditional care practices and disengagement from traditional medicine. Consequently, migrants who maintain stronger ties to these practices and have spent less time away exhibit better health outcomes (Waldteis, 2008). A substantial body of literature addresses racism as a social determinant of health, heightening the risk of health issues, particularly in mental health domains (Paradeis et al., 2015). These findings suggest that the healthcare practices of racialized migrants are influenced by racism within the healthcare realm. Other studies focus on the disparities in health system access between indigenous and migrant populations (Muñoz, 2022). Gender also plays a significant role in health system access, with studies indicating unequal access to care systems during pregnancy, childbirth, and postpartum periods (Veschuner et al., 2023). To mitigate these disparities, many European countries have implemented intercultural mediation systems in health services. Research on intercultural mediation in health underscores the vulnerabilities of models that do not integrate mediators into institutions, as seen in Spain, compared to those that do, such as Belgium (Martinez, 2013). The intersectional feminist perspective The intersectional feminist perspective is a framework that acknowledges the intersections of various forms of oppression, including race, gender, class, and sexuality, and their combined impacts on individuals' experiences. This approach aims to comprehensively and effectively understand and address social injustices by recognizing the complex interplay of identity and oppression (Crenshaw, 1991). Within the context of care, intersectional analysis involves simultaneously considering these multiple interrelated factors of identity to comprehend the intertwined nature of care practices among African women in the diaspora. In essence, it entails not only examining women's gender but also understanding how other identities and social factors influence their caregiving experiences and the practices they adopt. Since its introduction into academia, the concept of intersectionality has made a significant contribution to the field of feminist studies. However, its increasing adoption within academic institutions and concerns about depoliticization have prompted discussions regarding the absence of a clearly defined intersectional methodology (Labelle, 2020). Some feminist scholars caution against the tendency to apply intersectional analysis merely as a summation of pre-selected variables, analyzing them in isolation from one another (Curiel, 2008). This approach risks overlooking the conceptual richness of intersectional feminism, which emphasizes understanding women's experiences holistically and how various forms of discrimination intersect to shape their lives. With these critiques in mind, our research focuses on exploring the lived experiences of participants and the meanings they attribute to them. This study aims to contribute to this aspect by prioritizing a participatory process in which participants are viewed as co-creators of knowledge. We employ reflective thematic analysis and incorporate a member check to validate participants' perspectives at different stages of the analysis. We believe our methodological approach is well-suited for intersectional feminist analysis, as it provides an integrated understanding of participants' experiences on their own terms. Drawing from the preceding inquiries, we present the following research objectives: To investigate the care practices of African women in the diaspora, delving into their significance and examining their evolution over time. To analyze, from an intersectional feminist perspective, the challenges encountered by African women in the diaspora concerning care practices and to elucidate the strategies they employ to navigate these challenges Methodology Seven African migrant women from different African countries participated in this study. The selection was made among the participants of a training course on feminism and gender equality for African migrant women organized by a local Non-Governmental Organization (NGO). We established three criteria for selection: 1) being a migrant woman; (2) come from an African country; 3) Have a level of proficiency in the Spanish language to communicate effectively. The NGO offered financial compensation to the candidates for their participation in this study. Table 1 shows the demographics of the participants. All of them live in the province of Seville and are mothers; Although this was not established as a selection criterion, they all agree on these data. This study is based on ethical principles and quality and rigor in qualitative research. First of all, the voluntary nature of participation is emphasized, where the project was presented to women who met the profile to participate and who decided to participate voluntarily. Second, anonymity is highlighted as a safeguard of the privacy of the participants, who opted for the use of pseudonyms. The project design was evaluated and approved by the Ethics Committee of the Virgen del Rocío University Hospital in Seville, Spain. Participants signed an informed consent form detailing the research objectives and their right to withdraw from the study at any time. In addition, the participants received financial compensation for the time spent in the study and the travel they had to make. Below is a table with the demographics of the participants. Analysis of results This study is based on a constructivist methodology in which the people interviewed are not exclusively objects of study, but active agents who create meaning. In other words, they are co-constructors of the knowledge generated. (Wilkinson, 1998 ). We chose reflective thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2021 ) as a suitable type of analysis for our research objectives. The research questions addressed in this study are exploratory questions with a great deal of underlying complexity, where issues of gender, motherhood, interculturality or racism are intertwined. Reflective thematic analysis allows us to explore these aspects in depth, considering the aspects present in the data, given its flexible, creative and reflective nature. Reflective thematic analysis is not a method that seeks reliability as a search for objectivity (Braun & Clarke, 2021 ), so the application of Member Checking during the analysis should not be interpreted as inter-rater reliability. This study applies a variable proposed by Braun and Clarke ( 2006 ) that conceives the reflection of the results as a collective process where the study participants are agents and generators of knowledge, and, therefore, an essential part in the evaluation of the quality and relevance of the interpretations of their own stories. The focus group as a member checking is an essential part of the interpretation and construction of the topics. In the final phase of the analysis, we apply member checking to validate the results. For the reflective thematic analysis, we follow the six-step script proposed by Braun and Clarke ( 2006 ), with some deviations detailed below: First contact with the data. Phase of transcription, reading and annotation of comments on the interviews. Initial coding. We performed thorough coding, labeling the information in each extract and including multiple labels in the same extract when necessary. The labels were close to the latent content of each extract. Topic search. Start of reflection on the data and creation of the provisional topic map. Unlike the script proposed by Braun and Clarke ( 2006 ), in this step a focus group was carried out with the participants ( member checking ) in order to favor the triangulation of the data, the relevance of the interpretation of the study for the group under study and the promotion of a collective construction of knowledge. In the member checking, the results of the first reading and coding of the data were returned, from which a space for collective discussion and reflection was established. The focus group transcript was incorporated into the dataset by applying steps 1 and 2. Theme review. Reflection of the data set (interviews and focus groups), review of the coherence of the themes and elaboration of a definitive map of themes. Definition of topics. Clear definition of the meaning and final naming of each topic and sub-topic. As in the third step, a variation was incorporated to the original proposal by Braun and Clarke ( 2006 ), including the individual presentation of a member checking booklet (Carretta, 2016), with the preliminary definition of the topics. Drafting of the results report. In this last phase, we choose the excerpts to exemplify each theme. Procedure In the procedure, following participant selection, semi-structured individual interviews were conducted, each lasting an average of one hour and forty minutes and recorded for subsequent transcription. The lead author, serving as the interviewer, had established prior rapport with the participants through the aforementioned social intervention project. The interview, outlined in Annex I, encompassed inquiries regarding participants' experiences both pre- and post-migration, details regarding the migration journey when applicable, and inquiries comparing different cultural contexts. Questions were posed chronologically. A preliminary analysis of the interviews was conducted, and the member checking technique was implemented twice: initially, during the topic construction phase in a focus group involving the same interviewees; subsequently, by presenting a preliminary results booklet for discussion and decision-making. This methodology challenges the conventional hierarchical structure in the generation of scientific knowledge, enabling participants to actively engage as agents in the reflection and analysis of results (Candela, 2019 ; Caretta, 2016 ). All interviews were conducted in Spanish Findings In the reflective thematic analysis, guided by the methodological framework of Braun and Clarke ( 2006 ), we have identified four primary themes from our data collected during interviews and focus groups. These themes, along with their respective sub-themes, are elaborated upon in detail below, offering a comprehensive and nuanced exploration of the care practices of women in the African diaspora in Andalusia. Each theme sheds light on significant aspects of their lives, challenges, coping mechanisms, and contributes to a richer understanding of these women's experiences within the realm of caregiving. The following figure provides a summary of the themes and sub-themes comprising our findings. 1. Support Networks The concept of care encompasses a distinct social dimension, as every individual requires care throughout their life cycle, while also possessing the capacity to provide care for others. This theme underscores the social aspect inherent in care practices. Support networks serve as the underlying framework within which caregiving occurs, delineating the individuals involved, the recipients of care, and the resources utilized in the caregiving process. The effectiveness of these support networks can vary, depending on their presence or absence, and may evolve over the migration journey due to their contextual nature. a) A thing called union Mariame: It's just that what happens in Africa is something called union, there's a lot of union, (...) I don't know how much you notice between rich and poor, because there's more... As it's called, people feel sorry for it. People come together, which is not so noticeable. The care support networks described by participants in their home countries are rooted in principles of mutual assistance and a strong communal ethos. This mutual aid is viewed as a reciprocal obligation, underscoring the interconnectedness of individuals and fostering a culture of positive coexistence centered around caregiving. During the interviews, participants reflect on their upbringing and recall how they were nurtured and supported within their familial and community environments. Over time, they have assumed caregiving roles themselves, internalizing the notion of care as both essential and a shared responsibility. Upon comparing their past and present circumstances, they emphasize the collectivist values, unity, and mutual assistance prevalent in their native cultures, contrasting them with the more individualistic lifestyle they currently inhabit. b) I'm always alone This sense of community and mutual support that participants talk about when describing their countries of origin translates into a feeling of loneliness and overload in their current lives. Cynthia: I'm always alone. I'm always alone with my husband, but since my husband is already gone, I'm alone. I'm used to it now, but it's hard... A single mother to take care of the children, when the children arrive now, after 10 minutes, everyone here, everything already seems like three days you haven't cleaned the house. Cynthia articulates feelings of isolation and the weight of responsibility she bears in caring for her children and managing the household in her husband's absence. She discusses the challenges of maintaining cleanliness and order in the home while attending to the needs of her children, underscoring the struggle of balancing domestic and familial duties without assistance. Regarding caregiving practices, this loss of communal support manifests as difficulties in forming social networks capable of aiding in the care of their children. c) There are many opportunities here In this sub-theme, participants draw attention to the disparities in social support systems and the availability of institutional assistance for caregiving practices between their countries of origin and their current locale, specifically Andalusia. While acknowledging the loss of the social support networks they once relied upon in their home communities, participants also recognize the access to resources and institutional support available to them in their current environment, which they perceive as beneficial for gender empowerment. Becky: There are a lot of opportunities here, but there aren't any. (...) If I need this and I don't know how to buy it, I can go out and ask for it, I go out and ask for it, it's the law. This law isn't there, it's just here. In this excerpt, Becky underscores the significance of the "law" and the acknowledgment of rights, particularly in ensuring access to basic necessities such as food. References to free education and healthcare also emerge in both interviews and focus groups, highlighting them as opportunities to enhance participants' caregiving practices. Similar to Becky, these sentiments are expressed as gains in rights for themselves and their families, with a shared aspiration for universal recognition of these rights. Mariame: There are no retirement pensions... There is no organization. That's what I want to tell you. That makes a difference. That's why I'm telling you, the care is for women there, because most of them don't work, they're at home. Mariame contrasts the lack of institutional support in her country of origin with the structures available in Andalusia, suggesting that state pensions and public services can ease women's caregiving and domestic burdens. These excerpts highlight that, although participants have lost traditional social support networks, they acknowledge the advantages of institutional support in their current place of residence, which can help improve their gender-related conditions. 2. The burden can't be mine alone This topic delves into the interrogation of traditional gender roles concerning caregiving practices. From our interpretation, this questioning emerges as a consequence of the erosion of female support networks and the transition to a nuclear family setting devoid of extended familial support, resulting in an increased caregiving burden on women. This particular theme has sparked considerable debate, alongside discussions on racism, within the focus group sessions. Although the interviews alone offered limited insight, the rich discussions and shared experiences among participants allowed for a deeper exploration of changes in caregiving responsibilities and the reasons behind them. Marifaye: Some things here are also very good, all things here are not bad, for example, in Africa, in Senegal (...) it's very rare that you see a father changing diapers for his son. (...) In my case, whenever Daba goes to the toilet, my daughter is not used to me cleaning her, she always calls her father, because she is very close to her father. But I've noticed that, if there's someone at home, he says to m, "Marifaye, go you." For instance, Marifaye perceives positively the shifts in the distribution of caregiving duties for her daughter following migration. She coins the term "things from here" to describe these changes and contrasts them with the parenting practices prevalent in Senegal, her country of origin. However, she observes a decline in intimacy in her husband's and daughter's caregiving relationship, as he refrains from assuming these tasks in public settings. Marifaye questions whether labor and caregiving duties are fairly shared in her current household. This indicates an awareness of gender disparities in caregiving duties and a potential receptiveness to new, more egalitarian models of gender roles. In addition to everyday anecdotes like the one recounted by Marifaye, we find deeper reflections on shared responsibility in care practices, as illustrated in the following excerpt: Mariame.: The help thing, I get a little confused, because I don't see it as "it helps me", why do I say "it doesn't help me"? Because it's their duty. I consider that my husband helps me if I can't get up, he helps me to go there, to get up, to go there, I see that he helps me. But you see, if he cleans the house, damn, if he washes the dishes, if he cleans the bathroom..., he lives in this house, he must do it because he participates, because he makes a mess. And if you take care of the children, take them to school, I see a father, they are your children, the burden cannot be mine alone. But if the work is fifty percent, they African men, in my case, for example, do thirty percent, and this thirty percent is like "uuh." During the focus group discussion, a debate ensued when one participant characterized her husband's involvement in childcare tasks as "helpful." Mariame's argument pivoted on her belief in shared responsibility as a cornerstone for achieving an equitable distribution of caregiving practices. She contests the concept of "help" from her husband in household and childcare duties, asserting that these responsibilities should not be perceived as assistance but rather as a shared obligation between both partners. Furthermore, Mariame underscores the significance of men's active engagement in childcare and domestic responsibilities, contending that the burden should not rest solely on women. Her perspective challenges entrenched gender roles that traditionally assign caregiving duties primarily to women and advocates for a more balanced distribution of labor and caregiving responsibilities within the household, predicated on shared accountability between partners. Mangwanza: I think that sometimes it comes as sexism both in our race and here, because I don't see well that being here, the Spaniards tell me "oh how your husband helps you", my husband doesn't help me, (...). In my case, for example, before my husband came, I made it very clear to him that here things are done together, (...) and he himself told me "here in Kenya too, things have changed a lot, it depends on each person, you won't have a problem. And to this day he has shown me that." Mwanganza's excerpt highlights her perception of sexism not as a characteristic exclusive to African men, but as a phenomenon that also exists in other cultures and contexts, including the Spanish environment. Mwanganza describes how she and her husband reached an agreement on the division of household chores as a necessary condition for their cohabitation, and how he accepted this agreement and recognized that things were also changing in his environment. This suggests a shared perception among participants that gender roles in relation to care are evolving in all places, although with differences depending on the cultural and social context. These excerpts illustrate how migration experiences and new family dynamics can challenge traditional gender roles, leading to reflections and negotiations on the distribution of work and care in the home. Changes in gender dynamics are driven by migration as well as by race. 3. Simply because she's colored 1 In this topic, we reflect on the experiences of discrimination and challenges faced by the participants and how these experiences condition their care practices. Mariame: Because at work when it comes to choosing between her (moderator) and Becky , they're going to choose her (points to the moderator). I'm talking about a white one, they're going to elect her, whether she has a title or she doesn't... simply because it is colored. (...) What we can find to survive is the care of the house, of the elderly, of cleaning, you know? That's what we can find, babysitting, domestic work and elderly caregiving. They don't give you a chance. Job insecurity and how it affects care practices is a recurring theme in the interviews, although it was in the focus group that it was associated with racism and discrimination. The main barrier they identify to improving their employment is the discrimination they suffer as black migrant women. This limits their opportunities and leaves them in jobs that are difficult to reconcile. We observed a difference in participants' responses between the individual interviews and the focus group. The face-to-face nature of the interviews, conducted by a white researcher, may have limited the participants’ willingness to express discomfort and pain related to racial discrimination, whereas the focus group offered a more open space for sharing these experiences. Awa: The children have had some very good pediatricians, because I had some doctors... But that was before I got pregnant, but it was... My husband tells me, "Leave her and change doctor" (...). Well, sometimes something happened to me and really... I didn't feel like going to the doctor, I was scared. Yes. But when they changed her, I was lucky that I got a great woman. Despite experiences of discrimination and racism in healthcare services reported by participants like Awa, they employ strategies such as changing family doctors, which was a relatively straightforward bureaucratic procedure prior to the COVID-19 pandemic. Despite these challenges, participants generally value access to free healthcare services positively in relation to caregiving practices. 4. Being a caregiver The theme "Being a caregiver" delves into participants' contemplations regarding the significance of assuming the role of caregiver in their lives. All participants identify themselves as caregivers, attributing considerable importance to the experiences of motherhood as cherished and meaningful aspects of their lives. Their narratives unveil the complexities, challenges, and gratifications intrinsic to this labor of love, underscoring how caregiving extends beyond the familial sphere to encompass various dimensions of their daily lives and identity. (a) We, Africans, do not abandon ours families The participants reflect on the significance of imparting values associated with caregiving practices to their children, underscoring the importance of intergenerational care in their lives. These values encompass not only a dedication to caring for the youngest and oldest members of the family but also emphasize solidarity, respect, and familial responsibility. For the participants, transmitting these teachings to their children is essential for preserving cultural traditions and fortifying family bonds over time. Intergenerational care is perceived as a pivotal aspect of their cultural identity, serving as a means to cultivate cohesion and mutual support within the family community. Mwanganza: I've already talked about it with my son, when I'm older, that they don't put me in a nursing home, they take me to my country. (...) "Guambua (his eldest son) that's not what I want and. I want to be at home and be taken care of. You Guambua, know that we, Africans, do not abandon ours families." Mwanganza emphasizes the significance of family solidarity in Africans culture, articulating her preference for receiving care from her family rather than being placed in a nursing home. This statement highlights the significance of intergenerational caregiving traditions within African communities. The caregiving practices of the participants serve as a domain where they reaffirm their identities as African women and impart values they hold dear to their daughters and sons, thereby forging connections across generations within the diaspora. b) Forgetting oneself Participants openly reflect on experiencing burnout and a sense of neglecting self-care as a result of the demands of motherhood and caregiving roles. They articulate how the continual focus on meeting the needs of others frequently leaves them with insufficient time or energy to address their own needs. This dearth of self-care is compounded by the elevated expectations linked with the role of motherhood, resulting in feelings of being overwhelmed and encumbered by the emotional and physical demands of ongoing caregiving responsibilities. Marifaye: But really, we women don't take care of ourselves. Because there are times when we are more attentive to the house, the children, the husbands, the family, the friends, until the end you forget yourself. Marifaye reflects on the self-neglect women experience in prioritizing the needs of others over their own. She points out how women often forget themselves when dealing with the responsibilities of the home, children, husband, and family, highlighting the need for self-care and balance between family demands and self-care. Discussion The discussion of the study examines the shifts in caregiving practices observed during the migration process of the participants, emphasizing the transition from environments characterized by robust social networks in their countries of origin to settings with diminished social support but augmented institutional resources in the destination country. We explore how participants navigate their caregiving roles and confront obstacles in accessing institutional resources and social supports. Furthermore, we underscore the significance attributed to these resources and how participants adapt by renegotiating gender roles within their partnerships. Additionally, we address the repercussions of job insecurity, stemming from institutional racism, on their caregiving practices and efforts to maintain a work-family balance. These findings underscore the intricacies of migrant women's experiences in caregiving and underscore the importance of addressing both structural barriers and interpersonal negotiations to foster gender equity and social well-being. Challenges and resistances in care According to our findings, participants have acknowledged the presence of institutional resources that support their care practices, such as public health services, education, and social security. They perceive these institutional provisions as essential rights that enhance women's lives. However, we have also identified significant challenges for migrant women in accessing these resources due to their status as migrants. Our research has revealed instances of racism and discrimination within the healthcare system, aligning with previous studies on healthcare and migration (Paradies et al., 2015 ). Nevertheless, participants have adopted the strategy of changing doctors as a means of addressing these issues. While this strategy may not directly confront racial discrimination, it proves valuable in navigating and sharing information within local networks about healthcare providers who offer better treatment to migrant populations. In addition to encountering barriers and discrimination in accessing healthcare systems, migrant women face challenges in accessing resources that facilitate work-life balance. In Andalusia, access to services like early childhood education, school meal programs, and morning classrooms is restricted. Eligibility for co-payment for these services requires both the child and both parents to hold valid residence permits. Various organizations have raised concerns about the detrimental impact of this regulation on the education of children with migrant parents (APDHA and APSA, 2020). In the absence of adequate support during the early years of their children's lives, migrant women also struggle to secure employment that allows them to regularize their administrative status until their children reach school age and gain access to public education. This creates a vicious cycle of institutional violence that disproportionately burdens migrant women with the mandate of being the primary caregivers. The impact of migration on the living conditions of migrant women has been a subject of considerable debate in the literature. Critics argue that migrant women often face additional layers of discrimination due to their different origins from the host countries (Bastia, 2014 ). They tend to occupy the most precarious sectors of the labor market in developed countries, making them vulnerable to racist discrimination (Behtoui et al., 2020 ). In this ongoing debate, we recognize the complexity and nuance inherent in the relationship between gender equality or equity and the migration process. Gender relations are deeply embedded in a myriad of discriminatory conditions, making it challenging to categorically define the impact of migration as either improving or worsening their circumstances. However, it is evident that migration has provided an opportunity for migrant women to challenge traditional gender roles and initiate transformative processes at the familial level. Precarious work, precarious care An urgent factor shaping care practices is job insecurity, particularly evident in the relegation of women, especially migrant women, to precarious and low-paying jobs within the care sector (or in agriculture). These positions often come with unstable employment conditions, such as temporary or informal contracts, and may offer working conditions that are challenging to balance with family responsibilities (Peng, 2018 ). Consequently, migrant women face heightened pressure, limiting their employment opportunities and impacting their ability to balance paid work with caregiving duties. This struggle for balance also affects the local population and has been extensively explored in feminist studies, representing a key aspect of the contemporary care crisis. Moreover, these challenges in reconciliation are exacerbated within precarious employment contexts and the loss of social support networks. Regarding the constrained labor market, it is crucial to underscore that care work is both feminized and racialized, constituting the primary employment sector for migrant women in Spain. This precariousness is intricately linked to a shift in the care system, resulting in the racialization of the care work sector (Lutz & Palenga-Möllenbeck, 2012 ). Typically, employment within this sector lacks regulation, with many workers operating without formal employment contracts outlining working hours or safeguarding labor rights (Montalvo, 2020 ). Pertinent issues, such as applying for medical leave or aligning schedules with school hours, are left to the discretion of employers (Briones-Vozmediano et al., 2020 ). Recent legislative efforts by the Spanish government aim to ameliorate the conditions of domestic workers by instituting laws to regulate working hours and ensure entitlement to unemployment benefits. Nevertheless, these improvements primarily benefit workers with valid contracts and have had minimal impact on enhancing overall working conditions (Parella et al., 2023 ). Racism significantly influences the care practices of participants by constraining their employment prospects. Consequently, precarious job opportunities present challenges in reconciling work and caregiving responsibilities, sometimes compelling individuals to decide between pursuing employment and leaving their children in their home countries, or remaining at home to assume the role of full-time mothers. Global Care Chains or Fragmented Support Networks? Finally, we want to highlight that our research contributes to studies on TCCs by offering a perspective on a transnational care network not only focused on motherhood, but also on the ties of the extended family. This broadens the understanding of the dynamics of care in migratory contexts by recognizing the importance of other family ties beyond the mother-child relationship. This perspective highlights how migration affects and reconfigures caregiving responsibilities within extended families. Through the migratory process, the participants transformed their way of experiencing motherhood and their position as daughters, sisters, sisters-in-law, cousins or neighbors. TCCs are a very useful concept to explain the relations of inequality between women at a global level and provide us with a perspective focused on female migration dedicated to the care labor sector (Lutz, 2018 ). However, its focus on the direct family relationship is a limitation to explain changes in extended family systems or in contexts where care practices have a strong sense of community that blurs blood ties. In this case, the term “network” is considered more suitable for describing the care relationships of African migrant women, as opposed to the term “chain,” which carries a descriptive focus on direct, person-to-person links rather than reciprocal relationships within a group. In examining the consequences of TCC, Gil and Palacio (2012) identify various forms of inequality by analyzing their ethical and moral dimensions. Their work centers on the ethical dilemma of unjust advantages and the moral harm caused by the fragmentation of vital interpersonal and emotional bonds among migrant care workers (Kittay, 2008). For the participants in this study, the loss of caregiving support networks can be seen as part of this fragmentation, disrupting their everyday care practices and shaping them through absence and a pervasive sense of isolation. Conclusions Care practices serve as a platform for reflecting on the rights of migrant women as citizens, encompassing access to healthcare, gender equality, freedom from discrimination based on race, origin, and religion, as well as fair employment and adequate rest. Within these practices, migrant women also resist structural violence by challenging traditional gender norms, redistributing care responsibilities, and sharing strategies to combat discrimination. Moreover, care practices serve as a vehicle for transmitting intergenerational values and fostering social cohesion within the African diaspora, bolstering collective identity. Furthermore, our findings support the theoretical model of proculturation (Gamsakhurdia, 2022 ), which offers a person-centred perspective on how the self evolves through intercultural mobility and contact with perceived foreign elements. This process, grounded in identity negotiation, reveals that participants not only modify their caregiving practices but also construct new meanings—some aligned with or in contrast to the cultural frameworks they encounter, while others represent adaptations of previous meanings to a new social context. Proculturation provides a valuable lens to understand the reconstruction of migrant identities, highlighting the intersection between sociocultural systems and individual experiences, and demonstrating how mental processes operate simultaneously at individual and collective levels. Limitations This study uses the term "African women" in a referential way, based on how the participants self-identify. Therefore, it does not represent the cultural diversity present throughout the African continent. This study does not include the experiences of African migrant women without children, so reflections on care are made from the perspective of women who are mothers. In future studies, we believe it would be interesting to have other stories that make visible reflections on the care of African women without children. Declarations Author Contribution Cristina del Villar produced the data and wrote the main manuscript. 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Transnationalizing lifelong learning: Taking the standpoint of Chinese immigrant mothers. Globalisation Societies and Education , 18 (4), 406–419. https://doi.org/10.1080/14767724.2020.1762168 Footnotes In this topic we use the term "person of color" reproducing verbatim the words of one of the participants. Tables Table 1 Awa (AW) Cynthia (CY) Becky (BE) Mariame (MA) Marifaye (MF) Mwangaza (MW) Silvia (SI) Edad 40 39 34 28 32 41 34 País de origen Senegal Nigeria Nigeria Guinea Conakry Senegal Kenia Senegal Lengua materna Wolof, Sereer Edo Edo Fula, Mandinga Sereer, Wolof Kikamba, Swahili Fula, Wolof Educación Educación primaria Educación primaria Educación primaria Estudios universitarios Educación primaria Formación profesional Estudios universitarios Ocupación Trabajadora doméstica Limpiadora (eventual) Desempleada Gobernanta de Hotel Jornalera Auxiliar de enfermería Desempleada Años en España 15 15 14 9 10 22 2 Additional Declarations No competing interests reported. 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Also discoverable on Platform About Our Team In Review Editorial Policies Advisory Board Help Center Resources Author Services Accessibility API Access RSS feed Manage Cookie Preferences © Research Square 2026 | ISSN 2693-5015 (online) Privacy Policy Terms of Service Do Not Sell My Personal Information {"props":{"pageProps":{"initialData":{"identity":"rs-6829095","acceptedTermsAndConditions":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"archivedVersions":[],"articleType":"Research Article","associatedPublications":[],"authors":[{"id":473256263,"identity":"e80d38a5-d220-4e51-8331-bdec4e5ce0f2","order_by":0,"name":"Cristina del Villar Toribio","email":"data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAZAAAAAyAQMAAABI0h/eAAAABlBMVEX///8AAABVwtN+AAAACXBIWXMAAA7EAAAOxAGVKw4bAAAAz0lEQVRIiWNgGAWjYLCChAIgwd7AeIAELQYGDAw8BxhI0MIA0iKRQKQW3fazzyQeGPyRM5/5+MFh3hyGxPkNzIc/4NNidibdTALoMGOZ22kGh3m3MSRuOMCWJoFXyw02ZgOglsQZ0glQLQw8ZngdhtAiefwDWMv8Bv7P+B12g43xAViLBA/EloYDPAz4HXYmDaTF2FiCJ6fg4NxtEsYbDrOZ4ddy/BjDwR8VcnIS7Mc3Pni7zUZ2fnvzY7wOQwdA85lJUT8KRsEoGAWjACsAAPvnRfXmepO8AAAAAElFTkSuQmCC","orcid":"","institution":"University of Seville","correspondingAuthor":true,"prefix":"","firstName":"Cristina","middleName":"del Villar","lastName":"Toribio","suffix":""},{"id":473256264,"identity":"938af5e8-365f-49e9-8064-c77b93f6acea","order_by":1,"name":"Javier Saavedra Macias","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"University of Seville","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Javier","middleName":"Saavedra","lastName":"Macias","suffix":""}],"badges":[],"createdAt":"2025-06-05 12:23:23","currentVersionCode":1,"declarations":"","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-6829095/v1","doiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-6829095/v1","draftVersion":[],"editorialEvents":[],"editorialNote":"","failedWorkflow":false,"files":[{"id":85385217,"identity":"86c99cf0-826d-475e-ad2f-f1f04a9da909","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-06-25 09:42:06","extension":"jpg","order_by":1,"title":"Figure 1","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":20082,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eResearch Procedure\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"1.jpg","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-6829095/v1/a984d917051210f42dbc81af.jpg"},{"id":85385219,"identity":"2ca8a7e4-f824-4bb2-a57b-83b8aac1e3b5","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-06-25 09:42:07","extension":"jpg","order_by":2,"title":"Figure 2","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":28443,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eThemes and sub-themes\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"2.jpg","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-6829095/v1/dff2cb9c28db9c20e224f9cd.jpg"},{"id":85387282,"identity":"d242447f-9b36-455c-ab44-614b12c2b8d5","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-06-25 09:58:11","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":691327,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-6829095/v1/0628a6ba-cc5a-441c-b58a-b6aa260f2895.pdf"}],"financialInterests":"No competing interests reported.","formattedTitle":"Caring in the Diaspora: Care Practices of African Migrant Women in Southern Spain","fulltext":[{"header":"Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis study examines the caregiving practices of African women in the diaspora residing in Andalusia, Spain, with a focus on exploring the evolution of these practices across their lifespans, the associated challenges, and the strategies they employ. It adopts an intersectional feminist perspective to delve into these dynamics. The significance of caregiving in migration studies is underscored by the \u0026quot;care crisis\u0026quot; and the feminization of migration; however, scant research exists on the multifaceted changes in caregiving practices experienced by these women throughout their life cycles. This research centers on the everyday caregiving activities and their significance for women.\u0026nbsp;The study highlights the need to investigate this issue, given that balancing care duties continues to be a major challenge in modern European welfare states. Migrants are integral to this framework beyond their roles as care providers, and policies addressing work-life balance, well-being, and health must consider the unique challenges impacting their caregiving practices.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe subsequent section outlines the theoretical underpinnings of this study. Firstly, it discusses various theories for analyzing change throughout the migratory process, including acculturation and interactions with a new culture. Secondly, it synthesizes recent findings on the intersection of care and migration. Finally, it elucidates the application of an intersectional feminist perspective in this study\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eDialogic acculturation and proculturation\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eChanges in caregiving practices throughout the migration process are influenced by encounters with novel cultural elements. Within migration studies, the acculturation model pioneered by Berry (2005) has traditionally served as a framework for explaining these changes. However, this model has faced considerable criticism, particularly regarding its limitations. Notably, the dialogic acculturation proposal of Bathia and Ram (2001a, 2001b, 2002; Bathia, 2012) and the proculturation proposal of Gamsakhurdia (2018) provide alternative perspectives.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eCritiques of the acculturation model point to its tendency to universalize the acculturation process, disregarding power asymmetries, lack of equity, and social justice issues encountered by certain immigrant groups based on factors such as gender, race, or origin (Bathia and Ram, 2001a). Bathia and Ram (2001a) also highlight the hegemonic model\u0026apos;s conflation of country and culture, which results in a reduction of cultural diversity within countries.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDialogic acculturation (Bathia \u0026amp; Ram, 2001; Bathia, 2002; Bathia, 2012) is rooted in Hermans\u0026apos; (2002) concept of the self as dynamic and culturally contextualized, shaped through dialogue and interaction with the surrounding culture. This perspective views the encounter with cultural novelty as a process of hybridization, resulting in a fluid amalgamation of cultural components (Bathia and Ram, 2001b).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBathia (2002) underscores the experience of otherization and racialization faced by many in the diaspora, marked by discrimination and inequality. The term \u0026quot;diaspora\u0026quot; refers to a community maintaining historical and cultural ties with a territory other than their current location, forming a transnational community evolving over time (T\u0026ouml;l\u0026ouml;lyan, 1996). According to Bathia (2012), diasporic identity is shaped not only by geographical boundaries but also by intersections of gender, race, and other social categories. Dialogic acculturation, unlike Berry\u0026apos;s model, acknowledges ongoing transformation and negotiation within contexts of social inequality rather than seeking a harmonious strategy.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSharing the dynamic, interactive and fluid perspective of culture, Gamsakhurdia (2018) develops the concept of proculturation as an explanatory model for individual changes in the face of new cultural elements. Gamsakhurdia (2018, 2019) highlights the treatment of culture in Berry\u0026apos;s (2005) model as if \u0026quot;culture of origin\u0026quot; and \u0026quot;culture of welcome\u0026quot; were unrelated elements. However, culture cannot be separated into watertight elements, completely delimited as \u0026quot;culture A\u0026quot; and \u0026quot;culture B\u0026quot;. This author collects evidence of the continuous contact with novel cultural elements to which we are exposed through the development of communication technology. This author chooses to speak of contact with cultural novelty rather than of culture of origin and welcome. Proculturation focuses on the human capacity to adapt to novelty and how from contact with it we are able to generate new meanings and transform those that were familiar to us (Gamsakhurdia, 2019). In contrast to the mechanistic view of the classical model of acculturation, where cultural elements are kept, lost, or gained like chess pieces, proculturation reflects the creativity and constructive capacity inherent in humanity. In doing so, it challenges positivist reductionism that simplifies people, cultures, and societies in dichotomous terms. Rather, it brings a holistic integrity to adaptation studies by reinvigorating the critical role of human subjectivity in the interconnected and dynamic web of cultural systems around the world (Gamsakhurdia, 2019). This approach challenges the idea that acculturation only occurs during transnational mobility, recognising that people are constantly exposed to new cultural ideas and practices in local and international settings. By decoupling proculturation from the idea of a defined starting point (the beginning of a migratory project), its temporal character and its sequence in time are recognized.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBoth dialogic acculturation and proculturation highlight the ongoing cultural transformation within contexts marked by colonial historical tensions and contemporary social issues like racism, sexism, and xenophobia. By expanding and questioning the conventional notion of acculturation (Berry, 2005), these approaches offer a more nuanced understanding of cultural adaptation processes in our globalized and diverse world.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eMigration and Care\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn recent decades, numerous studies have been conducted on care and migration, addressing various topics within this field. These studies span different disciplines and focus areas. One prevalent area of research revolves around transactional motherhood and chains of care (Bryceson, 2019; Holdchild, 2015; Isaken et al., 2008). Additionally, a significant body of literature explores the domestic and care work undertaken by migrant women, along with the challenges associated with healthcare delivery in culturally diverse settings (Buj\u0026aacute;n, 2016; Lutz, 2018; Paradies et al., 2015).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTransnational motherhood refers to the motherhood experienced by migrant women who have left their children in their country of origin (Hondagneu-Sotelo and Avila, 1997). Consequently, other women assume the caregiving responsibilities for the children of those who migrated, leading to the emergence of a phenomenon known as transnational chains of care (Holdchild, 2015). These chains may encompass both paid and unpaid labor and can exert significant impacts on the economies and societies of both the countries of origin and destination. Both transnational motherhood and transnational care chains challenge the traditional understanding of motherhood, which is often rooted in physical proximity and direct care for biological offspring (Madziva \u0026amp; Zontini, 2012). Furthermore, they entail a redefinition of motherhood by assigning a purpose to the migratory endeavor, which aims to secure economic resources for the upbringing and well-being of the children who remain in the country of origin (Cook et al., 2022; Zhu, 2020).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eStudies on transnational motherhood and transnational care chains (TCCs) elucidate how migration policies, global economic inequalities, and gender disparities reshape caregiving practices, motherhood, and family dynamics among migrants (Bryceson, 2019; Isaken et al., 2008; Lutz, 2018). These inequalities impact migrant women differently, with variations observed based on the social and political context of the host country. Additionally, differences are noted among groups with diverse cultural backgrounds, influencing both the transformation of caregiving practices and the coping strategies adopted by women (Leifsen and Tymcruk, 2012; Madziva and Zotini, 2012).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAn urgent need exists to emphasize the significance of an intersectional feminist perspective in questioning the presumed innate nature of maternal love and the traditional role of women as universal caregivers in migration and care studies (Gregorio, 2012). This perspective is essential for understanding transnational motherhood and TCCs beyond gender stereotypes and Eurocentric biases (Dreby, 2009; Wang, 2013).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBoth transnational motherhood and TCCs are emerging phenomena associated with the feminization of migration, driven by the increasing demand for workers in the care sector, including domestic and caregiving services, inadequately met by welfare state provisions (Lutz and Palenga-M\u0026ouml;llenbeck, 1999; 2012). The labor undertaken by these workers is characterized by high precarity due to informal hiring practices, low remuneration, demanding work conditions regarding duration, physical exertion, and emotional complexity (Gottfries \u0026amp; Chun, 2018). The rising demand for female workers in the care sector has prompted transformations in care systems across countries in the global North (Van Horen, 2018). In Spain, the context of this research, there has been a notable increase in workload, with a prevalent demand for female workers in live-in arrangements, fostering a sense of \u0026quot;familiarity\u0026quot; in employer-employee relationships, alongside a slight uptick in the inclination to hire men in the sector (Buj\u0026aacute;n, 2016)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eUnequal access to public health systems and the challenges they encounter in accommodating cultural diversity are recurring themes in the literature on care and migration. Care practices and their impact on health undergo transformation during the migration process. The relationship between varying levels of acculturation and health outcomes is not consistently positive, contrary to what Berry\u0026apos;s model suggests. Evidence indicates a decline in health associated with higher levels of acculturation among Mexican migrants in the U.S. This decline stems from the abandonment of traditional care practices and disengagement from traditional medicine. Consequently, migrants who maintain stronger ties to these practices and have spent less time away exhibit better health outcomes (Waldteis, 2008).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eA substantial body of literature addresses racism as a social determinant of health, heightening the risk of health issues, particularly in mental health domains (Paradeis et al., 2015). These findings suggest that the healthcare practices of racialized migrants are influenced by racism within the healthcare realm. Other studies focus on the disparities in health system access between indigenous and migrant populations (Mu\u0026ntilde;oz, 2022). Gender also plays a significant role in health system access, with studies indicating unequal access to care systems during pregnancy, childbirth, and postpartum periods (Veschuner et al., 2023).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTo mitigate these disparities, many European countries have implemented intercultural mediation systems in health services. Research on intercultural mediation in health underscores the vulnerabilities of models that do not integrate mediators into institutions, as seen in Spain, compared to those that do, such as Belgium (Martinez, 2013).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eThe intersectional feminist perspective\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe intersectional feminist perspective is a framework that acknowledges the intersections of various forms of oppression, including race, gender, class, and sexuality, and their combined impacts on individuals\u0026apos; experiences. This approach aims to comprehensively and effectively understand and address social injustices by recognizing the complex interplay of identity and oppression (Crenshaw, 1991). Within the context of care, intersectional analysis involves simultaneously considering these multiple interrelated factors of identity to comprehend the intertwined nature of care practices among African women in the diaspora. In essence, it entails not only examining women\u0026apos;s gender but also understanding how other identities and social factors influence their caregiving experiences and the practices they adopt.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSince its introduction into academia, the concept of intersectionality has made a significant contribution to the field of feminist studies. However, its increasing adoption within academic institutions and concerns about depoliticization have prompted discussions regarding the absence of a clearly defined intersectional methodology (Labelle, 2020). Some feminist scholars caution against the tendency to apply intersectional analysis merely as a summation of pre-selected variables, analyzing them in isolation from one another (Curiel, 2008). This approach risks overlooking the conceptual richness of intersectional feminism, which emphasizes understanding women\u0026apos;s experiences holistically and how various forms of discrimination intersect to shape their lives.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWith these critiques in mind, our research focuses on exploring the lived experiences of participants and the meanings they attribute to them. This study aims to contribute to this aspect by prioritizing a participatory process in which participants are viewed as co-creators of knowledge. We employ reflective thematic analysis and incorporate a member check to validate participants\u0026apos; perspectives at different stages of the analysis. We believe our methodological approach is well-suited for intersectional feminist analysis, as it provides an integrated understanding of participants\u0026apos; experiences on their own terms.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDrawing from the preceding inquiries, we present the following research objectives:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cul\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eTo investigate the care practices of African women in the diaspora, delving into their significance and examining their evolution over time.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eTo analyze, from an intersectional feminist perspective, the challenges encountered by African women in the diaspora concerning care practices and to elucidate the strategies they employ to navigate these challenges\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ul\u003e"},{"header":"Methodology","content":"\u003cp\u003eSeven African migrant women from different African countries participated in this study. The selection was made among the participants of a training course on feminism and gender equality for African migrant women organized by a local Non-Governmental Organization (NGO). We established three criteria for selection: 1) being a migrant woman; (2) come from an African country; 3) Have a level of proficiency in the Spanish language to communicate effectively. The NGO offered financial compensation to the candidates for their participation in this study. Table\u0026nbsp;1 shows the demographics of the participants. All of them live in the province of Seville and are mothers; Although this was not established as a selection criterion, they all agree on these data. This study is based on ethical principles and quality and rigor in qualitative research. First of all, the voluntary nature of participation is emphasized, where the project was presented to women who met the profile to participate and who decided to participate voluntarily. Second, anonymity is highlighted as a safeguard of the privacy of the participants, who opted for the use of pseudonyms. The project design was evaluated and approved by the Ethics Committee of the Virgen del Roc\u0026iacute;o University Hospital in Seville, Spain. Participants signed an informed consent form detailing the research objectives and their right to withdraw from the study at any time. In addition, the participants received financial compensation for the time spent in the study and the travel they had to make. Below is a table with the demographics of the participants.\u003c/p\u003e \n\u003ch3\u003eAnalysis of results\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis study is based on a constructivist methodology in which the people interviewed are not exclusively objects of study, but active agents who create meaning. In other words, they are co-constructors of the knowledge generated. (Wilkinson, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR48\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1998\u003c/span\u003e). We chose reflective thematic analysis (Braun \u0026amp; Clarke, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e) as a suitable type of analysis for our research objectives. The research questions addressed in this study are exploratory questions with a great deal of underlying complexity, where issues of gender, motherhood, interculturality or racism are intertwined. Reflective thematic analysis allows us to explore these aspects in depth, considering the aspects present in the data, given its flexible, creative and reflective nature.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eReflective thematic analysis is not a method that seeks reliability as a search for objectivity (Braun \u0026amp; Clarke, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e), so the application of \u003cem\u003eMember Checking\u003c/em\u003e during the analysis should not be interpreted as inter-rater reliability. This study applies a variable proposed by Braun and Clarke (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e) that conceives the reflection of the results as a collective process where the study participants are agents and generators of knowledge, and, therefore, an essential part in the evaluation of the quality and relevance of the interpretations of their own stories. The focus group as a \u003cem\u003emember checking\u003c/em\u003e is an essential part of the interpretation and construction of the topics. In the final phase of the analysis, we apply \u003cem\u003emember checking\u003c/em\u003e to validate the results. For the reflective thematic analysis, we follow the six-step script proposed by Braun and Clarke (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e), with some deviations detailed below:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003col\u003e \u003cspan\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003eFirst contact with the data. Phase of transcription, reading and annotation of comments on the interviews.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003c/span\u003e \u003cspan\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003eInitial coding. We performed thorough coding, labeling the information in each extract and including multiple labels in the same extract when necessary. The labels were close to the latent content of each extract.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003c/span\u003e \u003cspan\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003eTopic search. Start of reflection on the data and creation of the provisional topic map. Unlike the script proposed by Braun and Clarke (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e), in this step a focus group was carried out with the participants (\u003cem\u003emember checking\u003c/em\u003e) in order to favor the triangulation of the data, the relevance of the interpretation of the study for the group under study and the promotion of a collective construction of knowledge. In the member checking, the results of the first reading and coding of the data were returned, from which a space for collective discussion and reflection was established. The focus group transcript was incorporated into the dataset by applying steps 1 and 2.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003c/span\u003e \u003cspan\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003eTheme review. Reflection of the data set (interviews and focus groups), review of the coherence of the themes and elaboration of a definitive map of themes.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003c/span\u003e \u003cspan\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003eDefinition of topics. Clear definition of the meaning and final naming of each topic and sub-topic. As in the third step, a variation was incorporated to the original proposal by Braun and Clarke (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e), including the individual presentation of a \u003cem\u003emember checking booklet\u003c/em\u003e (Carretta, 2016), with the preliminary definition of the topics.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003c/span\u003e \u003cspan\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003eDrafting of the results report. In this last phase, we choose the excerpts to exemplify each theme.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003c/span\u003e \u003c/ol\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec3\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eProcedure\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003e In the procedure, following participant selection, semi-structured individual interviews were conducted, each lasting an average of one hour and forty minutes and recorded for subsequent transcription. The lead author, serving as the interviewer, had established prior rapport with the participants through the aforementioned social intervention project. The interview, outlined in Annex I, encompassed inquiries regarding participants' experiences both pre- and post-migration, details regarding the migration journey when applicable, and inquiries comparing different cultural contexts. Questions were posed chronologically.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eA preliminary analysis of the interviews was conducted, and the member checking technique was implemented twice: initially, during the topic construction phase in a focus group involving the same interviewees; subsequently, by presenting a preliminary results booklet for discussion and decision-making. This methodology challenges the conventional hierarchical structure in the generation of scientific knowledge, enabling participants to actively engage as agents in the reflection and analysis of results (Candela, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e; Caretta, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR15\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e). All interviews were conducted in Spanish\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Findings","content":"\u003cp\u003eIn the reflective thematic analysis, guided by the methodological framework of Braun and Clarke (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e), we have identified four primary themes from our data collected during interviews and focus groups. These themes, along with their respective sub-themes, are elaborated upon in detail below, offering a comprehensive and nuanced exploration of the care practices of women in the African diaspora in Andalusia. Each theme sheds light on significant aspects of their lives, challenges, coping mechanisms, and contributes to a richer understanding of these women's experiences within the realm of caregiving. The following figure provides a summary of the themes and sub-themes comprising our findings.\u003c/p\u003e \n\u003ch3\u003e1. Support Networks\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe concept of care encompasses a distinct social dimension, as every individual requires care throughout their life cycle, while also possessing the capacity to provide care for others. This theme underscores the social aspect inherent in care practices. Support networks serve as the underlying framework within which caregiving occurs, delineating the individuals involved, the recipients of care, and the resources utilized in the caregiving process. The effectiveness of these support networks can vary, depending on their presence or absence, and may evolve over the migration journey due to their contextual nature.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003ea) A thing called union\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eMariame: It's just that what happens in Africa is something called union, there's a lot of union, (...) I don't know how much you notice between rich and poor, because there's more... As it's called, people feel sorry for it. People come together, which is not so noticeable.\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe care support networks described by participants in their home countries are rooted in principles of mutual assistance and a strong communal ethos. This mutual aid is viewed as a reciprocal obligation, underscoring the interconnectedness of individuals and fostering a culture of positive coexistence centered around caregiving. During the interviews, participants reflect on their upbringing and recall how they were nurtured and supported within their familial and community environments. Over time, they have assumed caregiving roles themselves, internalizing the notion of care as both essential and a shared responsibility.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eUpon comparing their past and present circumstances, they emphasize the collectivist values, unity, and mutual assistance prevalent in their native cultures, contrasting them with the more individualistic lifestyle they currently inhabit.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eb) \u003cem\u003eI'm always alone\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis sense of community and mutual support that participants talk about when describing their countries of origin translates into a feeling of loneliness and overload in their current lives.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eCynthia: I'm always alone. I'm always alone with my husband, but since my husband is already gone, I'm alone. I'm used to it now, but it's hard... A single mother to take care of the children, when the children arrive now, after 10 minutes, everyone here, everything already seems like three days you haven't cleaned the house.\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eCynthia articulates feelings of isolation and the weight of responsibility she bears in caring for her children and managing the household in her husband's absence. She discusses the challenges of maintaining cleanliness and order in the home while attending to the needs of her children, underscoring the struggle of balancing domestic and familial duties without assistance. Regarding caregiving practices, this loss of communal support manifests as difficulties in forming social networks capable of aiding in the care of their children.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003ec) There are many opportunities here\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e In this sub-theme, participants draw attention to the disparities in social support systems and the availability of institutional assistance for caregiving practices between their countries of origin and their current locale, specifically Andalusia. While acknowledging the loss of the social support networks they once relied upon in their home communities, participants also recognize the access to resources and institutional support available to them in their current environment, which they perceive as beneficial for gender empowerment.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eBecky: There are a lot of opportunities here, but there aren't any. (...) If I need this and I don't know how to buy it, I can go out and ask for it, I go out and ask for it, it's the law. This law isn't there, it's just here.\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn this excerpt, Becky underscores the significance of the \"law\" and the acknowledgment of rights, particularly in ensuring access to basic necessities such as food. References to free education and healthcare also emerge in both interviews and focus groups, highlighting them as opportunities to enhance participants' caregiving practices. Similar to Becky, these sentiments are expressed as gains in rights for themselves and their families, with a shared aspiration for universal recognition of these rights.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eMariame: There are no retirement pensions... There is no organization. That's what I want to tell you. That makes a difference. That's why I'm telling you, the care is for women there, because most of them don't work, they're at home.\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e Mariame contrasts the lack of institutional support in her country of origin with the structures available in Andalusia, suggesting that state pensions and public services can ease women's caregiving and domestic burdens. These excerpts highlight that, although participants have lost traditional social support networks, they acknowledge the advantages of institutional support in their current place of residence, which can help improve their gender-related conditions.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec8\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e2. The burden can't be mine alone\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis topic delves into the interrogation of traditional gender roles concerning caregiving practices. From our interpretation, this questioning emerges as a consequence of the erosion of female support networks and the transition to a nuclear family setting devoid of extended familial support, resulting in an increased caregiving burden on women. This particular theme has sparked considerable debate, alongside discussions on racism, within the focus group sessions. Although the interviews alone offered limited insight, the rich discussions and shared experiences among participants allowed for a deeper exploration of changes in caregiving responsibilities and the reasons behind them.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eMarifaye: Some things here are also very good, all things here are not bad, for example, in Africa, in Senegal (...) it's very rare that you see a father changing diapers for his son. (...) In my case, whenever Daba goes to the toilet, my daughter is not used to me cleaning her, she always calls her father, because she is very close to her father. But I've noticed that, if there's someone at home, he says to m, \"Marifaye, go you.\"\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFor instance, Marifaye perceives positively the shifts in the distribution of caregiving duties for her daughter following migration. She coins the term \"things from here\" to describe these changes and contrasts them with the parenting practices prevalent in Senegal, her country of origin. However, she observes a decline in intimacy in her husband's and daughter's caregiving relationship, as he refrains from assuming these tasks in public settings. Marifaye questions whether labor and caregiving duties are fairly shared in her current household. This indicates an awareness of gender disparities in caregiving duties and a potential receptiveness to new, more egalitarian models of gender roles. In addition to everyday anecdotes like the one recounted by Marifaye, we find deeper reflections on shared responsibility in care practices, as illustrated in the following excerpt:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eMariame.: The help thing, I get a little confused, because I don't see it as \"it helps me\", why do I say \"it doesn't help me\"? Because it's their duty. I consider that my husband helps me if I can't get up, he helps me to go there, to get up, to go there, I see that he helps me. But you see, if he cleans the house, damn, if he washes the dishes, if he cleans the bathroom..., he lives in this house, he must do it because he participates, because he makes a mess. And if you take care of the children, take them to school, I see a father, they are your children, the burden cannot be mine alone. But if the work is fifty percent, they African men, in my case, for example, do thirty percent, and this thirty percent is like \"uuh.\"\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e During the focus group discussion, a debate ensued when one participant characterized her husband's involvement in childcare tasks as \"helpful.\" Mariame's argument pivoted on her belief in shared responsibility as a cornerstone for achieving an equitable distribution of caregiving practices. She contests the concept of \"help\" from her husband in household and childcare duties, asserting that these responsibilities should not be perceived as assistance but rather as a shared obligation between both partners. Furthermore, Mariame underscores the significance of men's active engagement in childcare and domestic responsibilities, contending that the burden should not rest solely on women. Her perspective challenges entrenched gender roles that traditionally assign caregiving duties primarily to women and advocates for a more balanced distribution of labor and caregiving responsibilities within the household, predicated on shared accountability between partners.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eMangwanza: I think that sometimes it comes as sexism both in our race and here, because I don't see well that being here, the Spaniards tell me \"oh how your husband helps you\", my husband doesn't help me, (...). In my case, for example, before my husband came, I made it very clear to him that here things are done together, (...) and he himself told me \"here in Kenya too, things have changed a lot, it depends on each person, you won't have a problem. And to this day he has shown me that.\"\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eMwanganza's excerpt highlights her perception of sexism not as a characteristic exclusive to African men, but as a phenomenon that also exists in other cultures and contexts, including the Spanish environment. Mwanganza describes how she and her husband reached an agreement on the division of household chores as a necessary condition for their cohabitation, and how he accepted this agreement and recognized that things were also changing in his environment. This suggests a shared perception among participants that gender roles in relation to care are evolving in all places, although with differences depending on the cultural and social context. These excerpts illustrate how migration experiences and new family dynamics can challenge traditional gender roles, leading to reflections and negotiations on the distribution of work and care in the home. Changes in gender dynamics are driven by migration as well as by race.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003e3. Simply because she's colored\u003csup\u003e1\u003c/sup\u003e\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn this topic, we reflect on the experiences of discrimination and challenges faced by the participants and how these experiences condition their care practices.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eMariame: Because at work when it comes to choosing between her (moderator) and Becky\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003ethey're going to choose her (points to the moderator). I'm talking about a white one, they're going to elect her, whether she has a title or she doesn't... simply because it is colored. (...) What we can find to survive is the care of the house, of the elderly, of cleaning, you know? That's what we can find, babysitting, domestic work and elderly caregiving. They don't give you a chance.\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e Job insecurity and how it affects care practices is a recurring theme in the interviews, although it was in the focus group that it was associated with racism and discrimination. The main barrier they identify to improving their employment is the discrimination they suffer as black migrant women. This limits their opportunities and leaves them in jobs that are difficult to reconcile. We observed a difference in participants' responses between the individual interviews and the focus group. The face-to-face nature of the interviews, conducted by a white researcher, may have limited the participants\u0026rsquo; willingness to express discomfort and pain related to racial discrimination, whereas the focus group offered a more open space for sharing these experiences.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eAwa: The children have had some very good pediatricians, because I had some doctors... But that was before I got pregnant, but it was... My husband tells me, \"Leave her and change doctor\" (...). Well, sometimes something happened to me and really... I didn't feel like going to the doctor, I was scared. Yes. But when they changed her, I was lucky that I got a great woman.\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDespite experiences of discrimination and racism in healthcare services reported by participants like Awa, they employ strategies such as changing family doctors, which was a relatively straightforward bureaucratic procedure prior to the COVID-19 pandemic. Despite these challenges, participants generally value access to free healthcare services positively in relation to caregiving practices.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003e4. Being a caregiver\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe theme \"Being a caregiver\" delves into participants' contemplations regarding the significance of assuming the role of caregiver in their lives. All participants identify themselves as caregivers, attributing considerable importance to the experiences of motherhood as cherished and meaningful aspects of their lives. Their narratives unveil the complexities, challenges, and gratifications intrinsic to this labor of love, underscoring how caregiving extends beyond the familial sphere to encompass various dimensions of their daily lives and identity.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec11\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e(a) We, Africans, do not abandon ours families\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe participants reflect on the significance of imparting values associated with caregiving practices to their children, underscoring the importance of intergenerational care in their lives. These values encompass not only a dedication to caring for the youngest and oldest members of the family but also emphasize solidarity, respect, and familial responsibility. For the participants, transmitting these teachings to their children is essential for preserving cultural traditions and fortifying family bonds over time. Intergenerational care is perceived as a pivotal aspect of their cultural identity, serving as a means to cultivate cohesion and mutual support within the family community.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eMwanganza: I've already talked about it with my son, when I'm older, that they don't put me in a nursing home, they take me to my country. (...) \"Guambua\u003c/em\u003e (his eldest son) \u003cem\u003ethat's not what I want and. I want to be at home and be taken care of. You Guambua, know that we, Africans, do not abandon ours families.\"\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eMwanganza emphasizes the significance of family solidarity in Africans culture, articulating her preference for receiving care from her family rather than being placed in a nursing home. This statement highlights the significance of intergenerational caregiving traditions within African communities. The caregiving practices of the participants serve as a domain where they reaffirm their identities as African women and impart values they hold dear to their daughters and sons, thereby forging connections across generations within the diaspora.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec12\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eb) Forgetting oneself\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eParticipants openly reflect on experiencing burnout and a sense of neglecting self-care as a result of the demands of motherhood and caregiving roles. They articulate how the continual focus on meeting the needs of others frequently leaves them with insufficient time or energy to address their own needs. This dearth of self-care is compounded by the elevated expectations linked with the role of motherhood, resulting in feelings of being overwhelmed and encumbered by the emotional and physical demands of ongoing caregiving responsibilities.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eMarifaye: But really, we women don't take care of ourselves. Because there are times when we are more attentive to the house, the children, the husbands, the family, the friends, until the end you forget yourself.\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eMarifaye reflects on the self-neglect women experience in prioritizing the needs of others over their own. She points out how women often forget themselves when dealing with the responsibilities of the home, children, husband, and family, highlighting the need for self-care and balance between family demands and self-care.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Discussion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe discussion of the study examines the shifts in caregiving practices observed during the migration process of the participants, emphasizing the transition from environments characterized by robust social networks in their countries of origin to settings with diminished social support but augmented institutional resources in the destination country. We explore how participants navigate their caregiving roles and confront obstacles in accessing institutional resources and social supports. Furthermore, we underscore the significance attributed to these resources and how participants adapt by renegotiating gender roles within their partnerships. Additionally, we address the repercussions of job insecurity, stemming from institutional racism, on their caregiving practices and efforts to maintain a work-family balance. These findings underscore the intricacies of migrant women's experiences in caregiving and underscore the importance of addressing both structural barriers and interpersonal negotiations to foster gender equity and social well-being.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec14\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eChallenges and resistances in care\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eAccording to our findings, participants have acknowledged the presence of institutional resources that support their care practices, such as public health services, education, and social security. They perceive these institutional provisions as essential rights that enhance women's lives. However, we have also identified significant challenges for migrant women in accessing these resources due to their status as migrants. Our research has revealed instances of racism and discrimination within the healthcare system, aligning with previous studies on healthcare and migration (Paradies et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR42\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e). Nevertheless, participants have adopted the strategy of changing doctors as a means of addressing these issues. While this strategy may not directly confront racial discrimination, it proves valuable in navigating and sharing information within local networks about healthcare providers who offer better treatment to migrant populations.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn addition to encountering barriers and discrimination in accessing healthcare systems, migrant women face challenges in accessing resources that facilitate work-life balance. In Andalusia, access to services like early childhood education, school meal programs, and morning classrooms is restricted. Eligibility for co-payment for these services requires both the child and both parents to hold valid residence permits. Various organizations have raised concerns about the detrimental impact of this regulation on the education of children with migrant parents (APDHA and APSA, 2020). In the absence of adequate support during the early years of their children's lives, migrant women also struggle to secure employment that allows them to regularize their administrative status until their children reach school age and gain access to public education. This creates a vicious cycle of institutional violence that disproportionately burdens migrant women with the mandate of being the primary caregivers.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe impact of migration on the living conditions of migrant women has been a subject of considerable debate in the literature. Critics argue that migrant women often face additional layers of discrimination due to their different origins from the host countries (Bastia, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e). They tend to occupy the most precarious sectors of the labor market in developed countries, making them vulnerable to racist discrimination (Behtoui et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). In this ongoing debate, we recognize the complexity and nuance inherent in the relationship between gender equality or equity and the migration process. Gender relations are deeply embedded in a myriad of discriminatory conditions, making it challenging to categorically define the impact of migration as either improving or worsening their circumstances. However, it is evident that migration has provided an opportunity for migrant women to challenge traditional gender roles and initiate transformative processes at the familial level.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec15\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003ePrecarious work, precarious care\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eAn urgent factor shaping care practices is job insecurity, particularly evident in the relegation of women, especially migrant women, to precarious and low-paying jobs within the care sector (or in agriculture). These positions often come with unstable employment conditions, such as temporary or informal contracts, and may offer working conditions that are challenging to balance with family responsibilities (Peng, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR43\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). Consequently, migrant women face heightened pressure, limiting their employment opportunities and impacting their ability to balance paid work with caregiving duties. This struggle for balance also affects the local population and has been extensively explored in feminist studies, representing a key aspect of the contemporary care crisis. Moreover, these challenges in reconciliation are exacerbated within precarious employment contexts and the loss of social support networks.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eRegarding the constrained labor market, it is crucial to underscore that care work is both feminized and racialized, constituting the primary employment sector for migrant women in Spain. This precariousness is intricately linked to a shift in the care system, resulting in the racialization of the care work sector (Lutz \u0026amp; Palenga-M\u0026ouml;llenbeck, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR35\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e). Typically, employment within this sector lacks regulation, with many workers operating without formal employment contracts outlining working hours or safeguarding labor rights (Montalvo, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR39\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). Pertinent issues, such as applying for medical leave or aligning schedules with school hours, are left to the discretion of employers (Briones-Vozmediano et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). Recent legislative efforts by the Spanish government aim to ameliorate the conditions of domestic workers by instituting laws to regulate working hours and ensure entitlement to unemployment benefits. Nevertheless, these improvements primarily benefit workers with valid contracts and have had minimal impact on enhancing overall working conditions (Parella et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR41\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eRacism significantly influences the care practices of participants by constraining their employment prospects. Consequently, precarious job opportunities present challenges in reconciling work and caregiving responsibilities, sometimes compelling individuals to decide between pursuing employment and leaving their children in their home countries, or remaining at home to assume the role of full-time mothers.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec16\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eGlobal Care Chains or Fragmented Support Networks?\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003e Finally, we want to highlight that our research contributes to studies on TCCs by offering a perspective on a transnational care network not only focused on motherhood, but also on the ties of the extended family. This broadens the understanding of the dynamics of care in migratory contexts by recognizing the importance of other family ties beyond the mother-child relationship. This perspective highlights how migration affects and reconfigures caregiving responsibilities within extended families. Through the migratory process, the participants transformed their way of experiencing motherhood and their position as daughters, sisters, sisters-in-law, cousins or neighbors. TCCs are a very useful concept to explain the relations of inequality between women at a global level and provide us with a perspective focused on female migration dedicated to the care labor sector (Lutz, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR36\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). However, its focus on the direct family relationship is a limitation to explain changes in extended family systems or in contexts where care practices have a strong sense of community that blurs blood ties. In this case, the term \u0026ldquo;network\u0026rdquo; is considered more suitable for describing the care relationships of African migrant women, as opposed to the term \u0026ldquo;chain,\u0026rdquo; which carries a descriptive focus on direct, person-to-person links rather than reciprocal relationships within a group.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn examining the consequences of TCC, Gil and Palacio (2012) identify various forms of inequality by analyzing their ethical and moral dimensions. Their work centers on the ethical dilemma of unjust advantages and the moral harm caused by the fragmentation of vital interpersonal and emotional bonds among migrant care workers (Kittay, 2008). For the participants in this study, the loss of caregiving support networks can be seen as part of this fragmentation, disrupting their everyday care practices and shaping them through absence and a pervasive sense of isolation.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Conclusions","content":"\u003cp\u003eCare practices serve as a platform for reflecting on the rights of migrant women as citizens, encompassing access to healthcare, gender equality, freedom from discrimination based on race, origin, and religion, as well as fair employment and adequate rest. Within these practices, migrant women also resist structural violence by challenging traditional gender norms, redistributing care responsibilities, and sharing strategies to combat discrimination. Moreover, care practices serve as a vehicle for transmitting intergenerational values and fostering social cohesion within the African diaspora, bolstering collective identity.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFurthermore, our findings support the theoretical model of proculturation (Gamsakhurdia, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e), which offers a person-centred perspective on how the self evolves through intercultural mobility and contact with perceived foreign elements. This process, grounded in identity negotiation, reveals that participants not only modify their caregiving practices but also construct new meanings\u0026mdash;some aligned with or in contrast to the cultural frameworks they encounter, while others represent adaptations of previous meanings to a new social context. Proculturation provides a valuable lens to understand the reconstruction of migrant identities, highlighting the intersection between sociocultural systems and individual experiences, and demonstrating how mental processes operate simultaneously at individual and collective levels.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec18\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eLimitations\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis study uses the term \"African women\" in a referential way, based on how the participants self-identify. Therefore, it does not represent the cultural diversity present throughout the African continent. This study does not include the experiences of African migrant women without children, so reflections on care are made from the perspective of women who are mothers. In future studies, we believe it would be interesting to have other stories that make visible reflections on the care of African women without children.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003ch2\u003eAuthor Contribution\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eCristina del Villar produced the data and wrote the main manuscript. All authors designed the research, reviewed the literature, analysis data and reviewed de manuscript.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003eAPDHA y APSA (2020). Familias Invisibles: La administraci\u0026oacute;n nos da la espalda. Barreras en el acceso al primer ciclo de escuelas infantiles. An\u0026aacute;lisis y Demandas. [Invisible Families: Administration Turns Its Back on Us. Barriers in Access to the First Cycle of Early Childhood Schools. Analysis and Demands.].\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e \u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003eBastia, T. (2014). 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(1998). Focus groups in feminist research: Power, interaction, and the co-construction of meaning. \u003cem\u003eWomen's Studies International Forum\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e21\u003c/em\u003e(1).\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e \u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003eZhu, Y. (2020). Transnationalizing lifelong learning: Taking the standpoint of Chinese immigrant mothers. \u003cem\u003eGlobalisation Societies and Education\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e18\u003c/em\u003e(4), 406\u0026ndash;419. \u003cspan class=\"ExternalRef\"\u003e\u003cspan class=\"RefSource\"\u003ehttps://doi.org/10.1080/14767724.2020.1762168\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan address=\"10.1080/14767724.2020.1762168\" targettype=\"DOI\" class=\"RefTarget\"\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/ol\u003e"},{"header":"Footnotes","content":"\u003col\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e In this topic we use the term \"person of color\" reproducing verbatim the words of one of the participants.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/ol\u003e"},{"header":"Tables","content":"\u003cp\u003eTable 1\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ctable border=\"0\" cellspacing=\"0\" cellpadding=\"0\"\u003e\n \u003ctbody\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 11.4973%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 12.2995%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eAwa (AW)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 12.4332%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eCynthia (CY)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 13.5027%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eBecky\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e(BE)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 13.6364%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eMariame\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e(MA)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 11.2299%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eMarifaye\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e(MF)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 11.7647%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eMwangaza\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e(MW)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 13.6364%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eSilvia\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e(SI)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 11.4973%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eEdad\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 12.2995%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e40\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 12.4332%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e39\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 13.5027%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e34\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 13.6364%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e28\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 11.2299%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e32\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 11.7647%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e41\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 13.6364%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e34\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 11.4973%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003ePa\u0026iacute;s de origen\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 12.2995%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eSenegal\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 12.4332%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eNigeria\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 13.5027%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eNigeria\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 13.6364%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eGuinea Conakry\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 11.2299%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eSenegal\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 11.7647%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eKenia\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 13.6364%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eSenegal\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 11.4973%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eLengua materna\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 12.2995%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eWolof, Sereer\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 12.4332%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eEdo\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 13.5027%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eEdo\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 13.6364%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFula, Mandinga\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 11.2299%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eSereer, Wolof\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 11.7647%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eKikamba, Swahili\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 13.6364%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFula, Wolof\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 11.4973%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eEducaci\u0026oacute;n\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 12.2995%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eEducaci\u0026oacute;n primaria\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 12.4332%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eEducaci\u0026oacute;n primaria\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 13.5027%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eEducaci\u0026oacute;n primaria\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 13.6364%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eEstudios universitarios\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 11.2299%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eEducaci\u0026oacute;n primaria\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 11.7647%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFormaci\u0026oacute;n profesional\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 13.6364%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eEstudios universitarios\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 11.4973%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eOcupaci\u0026oacute;n\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 12.2995%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eTrabajadora dom\u0026eacute;stica\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 12.4332%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eLimpiadora (eventual)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 13.5027%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eDesempleada\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 13.6364%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eGobernanta de Hotel\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 11.2299%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eJornalera\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 11.7647%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eAuxiliar de enfermer\u0026iacute;a\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 13.6364%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eDesempleada\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 11.4973%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eA\u0026ntilde;os en Espa\u0026ntilde;a\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 12.2995%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e15\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 12.4332%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e15\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 13.5027%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e14\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 13.6364%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e9\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 11.2299%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e10\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 11.7647%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e22\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 13.6364%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003c/tbody\u003e\n\u003c/table\u003e\n"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":false,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"human-arenas","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"huar","sideBox":"Learn more about [Human Arenas](http://link.springer.com/journal/42087)","snPcode":"42087","submissionUrl":"https://submission.nature.com/new-submission/42087/3","title":"Human Arenas","twitterHandle":"","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":true,"editorialSystem":"em","reportingPortfolio":"Springer Hybrid","inReviewEnabled":true,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":false},"keywords":"care, African Diaspora, intersectional feminism, acculturation","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-6829095/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-6829095/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eCaregiving practices are profoundly reshaped by migration, particularly for African women in the diaspora. This study examines these transformations through a feminist lens, addressing a gap in the literature on how caregiving and motherhood are renegotiated in transnational contexts. Drawing on thematic analysis of interviews and focus groups, and validating findings through member checking, our research highlights a significant loss of informal support networks, which contributes to the redefinition of motherhood in more individualistic settings. At the same time, participants gain access to institutional support in healthcare, education, and social services\u0026mdash;though such access is often limited by structural barriers, discrimination, and institutional racism. Migration thus becomes a space for challenging traditional gender roles, negotiating new family dynamics, and re-signifying caregiving practices.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"Caring in the Diaspora: Care Practices of African Migrant Women in Southern Spain","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2025-06-25 09:42:02","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-6829095/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0},{"type":"decision","content":"Revision requested","date":"2026-01-18T17:48:07+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorInvitedReview","content":"","date":"2026-01-18T15:46:14+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"69035891110288182180251348877062443614","date":"2025-12-15T12:09:29+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"239022278596280029137590249436345422869","date":"2025-12-13T17:18:44+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorInvitedReview","content":"","date":"2025-09-01T13:41:48+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"267714273466694606837632709677086314666","date":"2025-07-18T07:04:25+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewersInvited","content":"","date":"2025-06-18T11:57:45+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorAssigned","content":"","date":"2025-06-13T06:49:02+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"checksComplete","content":"","date":"2025-06-11T11:09:04+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"submitted","content":"Human Arenas","date":"2025-06-05T12:17:26+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"human-arenas","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"huar","sideBox":"Learn more about [Human Arenas](http://link.springer.com/journal/42087)","snPcode":"42087","submissionUrl":"https://submission.nature.com/new-submission/42087/3","title":"Human Arenas","twitterHandle":"","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":true,"editorialSystem":"em","reportingPortfolio":"Springer Hybrid","inReviewEnabled":true,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":false}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"319df24c-9682-4adb-a410-3d30a41b6b53","owner":[],"postedDate":"June 25th, 2025","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"under-review","subjectAreas":[],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2026-02-06T08:08:30+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2025-06-25 09:42:02","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-6829095","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-6829095","identity":"rs-6829095","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"8U1c8b4HqxoKbykW_rLl7","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}