Understanding Women’s Roles in Parental Involvement in Their Children’s Education in Selected Black Township Schools in Cape Town

Understanding Women’s Roles in Parental Involvement in Their Children’s Education in Selected Black Township Schools in Cape Town | Research Square window.SnipcartSettings = { analytics: { enabled: false } }; (function() { var accessVector = localStorage.getItem('access_vector') || ''; window.dataLayer = window.dataLayer || []; if (accessVector) { window.dataLayer.push({ user: { profile: { profileInfo: { snid: accessVector } } } }); } })(); (function(w,d,s,l,i){w[l]=w[l]||[];w[l].push({'gtm.start':new Date().getTime(),event:'gtm.js'});var f=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],j=d.createElement(s),dl=l!='dataLayer'?'&l='+l:'';j.async=true;j.src='https://www.googletagmanager.com/gtm.js?id='+i+dl;f.parentNode.insertBefore(j,f);})(window,document,'script','dataLayer','GTM-K279D39R'); Browse Preprints In Review Journals COVID-19 Preprints AJE Video Bytes Research Tools Research Promotion AJE Professional Editing AJE Rubriq About Preprint Platform In Review Editorial Policies Our Team Advisory Board Help Center Sign In Submit a Preprint Cite Share Download PDF Research Article Understanding Women’s Roles in Parental Involvement in Their Children’s Education in Selected Black Township Schools in Cape Town Ikechukwu Oji This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-8337678/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Under Review Version 1 posted 8 You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract The involvement of parents in the schooling of their children has been a continuous concern for public school management, teachers, researchers, policymakers and the Department of Basic Education. This is mainly due to the significance of parental involvement in quality education and in learner results. While the South African Schools Act of 1996 encourages parents to be actively involved in the education of their children (RSA, 1996), parents in low-income communities face many barriers to doing so. To understand the nature and extent of low-income parental involvement in their children’s education in Cape Town, South Africa, this study investigated the roles that parents played in their children’s schooling across three Black township school communities. Three schools were purposively selected from the low-income communities. Five parents from each of the low-income school communities participated in focus group discussions (n = 15). In addition, three individual parents took part in semi-structured interviews (n = 9). Snowball sampling techniques were used to select the participants parents from each school. The study used a qualitative-dominant research mix-method methodology, informed by theoretical literature relevant to parental involvement such as Epstein’s Six Typologies of Parental Involvement along with other economic/social sciences theories that provides useful ‘lenses’ through which to view parental involvement in township schools. Findings revealed that parents were contributing in their children’s schooling primarily through homework support, either directly or by seeking for help from neighbors or church members when they lack the capacity to help their children with homework. The research also revealed that mothers were more involved by assisting with homework than fathers, although many learners preferred to complete their homework independently due to their parents’limited education background. School meetings emerged as the primary point of contact between families and schools, with School B showing higher levels of parental involvement. Parents from this school also engaged with learners informally to promote good behavior, aligning with School Governing Body (SGB) policy expectations. Despite teachers’differing perceptions of parental involvement across the schools, the findings highlight that most parents are deeply concerned when it comes to the schooling of their children. However, their participation is constrained by socioeconomic challenges such as prominently poverty, unemployment, lack of infrastructure, and community crime level. Parental involvement Low-income communities Black Township schools Learners Parents Teachers Children School Governing Bodies Barriers to parental involvement Enablers Socioeconomic status Epstein’s typologies of parental involvement Social Capital Framework. Introduction Since post 1994, the South African democratic government recognized as well as applied the principle of democratization in education (Marongwe & Mutesasira, 2024). Meanwhile, Loreto & Valeria (2022: 4) assert that the role of which parents play in their children’s education is essential in terms of ensuring positive learner results. Moreover, During the era of apartheid government before 1994, parents coming from the former underprivileged communities has limited rights pertaining themselves being involved in schools. However, Mkhize (2023) noted that school policies have presented parents and school communities the right to actively participate in school governing bodies (SGBs). In actual fact, this would mean that all school stakeholders including parents would be actively involved in education (Nwosu 2017). The role of the school governing bodies includes formulating school policies; establishing school code of conduct; maintaining infrastructure; developing language and admission policies; handling disciplinary issues; participating in decisions regarding staff appointments; and managing the school’s funds, budget, and the levy of school fees (Rubiena, 2023). Those SGB’s rights give parents a valuable role in the school and highlight their collaboration with the school management team. Meanwhile, the basic concept of the South African Schools Act (SASA) of 1996 is to grant parents and communities the formal authority in schools so that they can actively get involved move in education. However, active parental involvement can be challenging for township households due to factors like poverty, low-paying jobs, unemployment, limited parental education, social class, socioeconomic status, demographic issues, inadequate infrastructure, and a lack of the knowledge and skills needed to participate actively in their children’s education. The Department of Education (1995), state that although the current South African democratic government encourages and authorizes parents to be actively involved in their children’s education, the negative effects of the apartheid regime still linger in these days in former disadvantaged communities. Therefore, school administrators and policymakers should consider how individual parents’ socioeconomic status influences their level of involvement in their children’s schooling, as well as its impact on learner success. The Western Cape Education Department (WCED) (2016) reported that learners from South Africa, from Black low-income communities who live and go to township schools in Cape Town, perform poorly in literacy assessment when measured in national and international tests. In addition, Mlchila & Moelets (2019) highlighted that the poorest 75 – 80 percent of South African learners attend dysfunctional and poorly resourced public schools and achieve poor outcomes compared with the wealthiest 20 – 25 percent of children that attend private (independent) schools or functional well-resourced public schools. Generally, such township schools achieve lower academic performance than the more economically privileged schools. In the same manner, Simweleba & Serpell (2020) concurs that school enrolment in Zambia and so many other African nations including South Africa, have seen sharp increases in recent years. But learner outcomes have been disappointing particularly in low-income communities where economic productiveness remains low, and learner statistics indicate that many children from low-income school communities complete their schooling years but lack basic curriculum knowledge (Simweleba & Serpell, 2020). The authors further reported that the few minority learners from poor school communities who manage to succeed are expected to progress through a narrowing staircase of educational opportunity and then, ultimately contribute to the economic and cultural life of their communities. Meanwhile, education is seen as a basic human right and is one of the essential elements for the development of human capital. Additionally, in most sub-Saharan (SSA) countries, education is also seen as a means of increasing human capital as well as choices (Erlendsdottir, Macdonald, Jónsdóttir & Mtika, 2022). Also, quality education teaches an individual employable skill, increases earning and provide opportunities for employment. Additionally, quality education can inspire innovation for a general community, it can grow community economy, improve social interconnection and strengthen institutions. However, low quality education has perpetuated a cycle of poverty particularly amongst low-income school communities such as the context of this current study. The South African education system during the apartheid regime failed to provide quality education to former disadvantaged Black communities, therefore failing to provide or equip parents from these communities with appropriate tools they needed to improve their socio-economic status when they have become adults. The past history of apartheid regime has made it challenging for poor families with regards to receiving or accessing quality education, particularly in the former disadvantaged school communities. The quality of education and learner’s outcomes suffers because of lack of active parental involvement in education, amongst other variables such as poverty, lack of school resources and forth to improve learner performance in township schools. Furthermore, the current South African democratic government introduced the policy of School Governing Bodies (SGBs) to effectively get parents involved in their children’s education as well as to address the persistent challenge of poor academic achievement among learners in township schools. The findings from this study will hopefully provide policymakers and school managements with valuable insights into the lived realities and schooling experiences of learners from low socioeconomic school communities. Moreover, the research will illuminate the relationship between parents’ socioeconomic status and their level of active involvement in their children’s schooling. The study draws from psychological education theories and economics production theories to analyze the phenomenon of parental involvement in the context of the current study. For example, the social capital framework, Bourdieu’s Forms of Capital Theory, Epstein’s 6 typologies of parental involvement and Theory of Overlapping Spheres of Influence. Background context It is a well-recognized fact that educational inequalities issues persist in South Africa, even decades after the dawn of democratic government in 1994. Nevertheless, debates continue in terms of the causes of poor educational performance—particularly in the formerly disadvantaged school communities—and the most effective solutions to address these challenges (Clercq, 2020 ). According to Clercq ( 2020 ), many years after the 1994 transition to democracy, a strong link still exists between poverty and unequal learner outcomes. In addition, De Clercq ( 2020 ) notes that South Africa is characterized by a low gross domestic product per capita, mainly because a significant portion of the population lives in poverty. The country also faces high unemployment levels (27 percent is the official rate back in 2020, though the real current figure in 2025 is likely closer to 40 percent) and persistent inequality, reflected in a Gini coefficient of 0.66, which has remained comparatively unchanged. Similarly, the education system is recognized as a dual structure. Several researchers (De Clercq, 2020 ; Msila, 2012) argue that approximately 80 percent of schools perform poorly in contrast to the functional 20 percent, and that 80 percent of math matric distinctions come from the top 200 of the country’s 7,000 plus high schools. According to Clercq ( 2020 ) different scholars have tried to interpret educational inequality and poor learner outcomes in South Africa using educational and economics models. Moreover, a South African human capital theorist Van der Berg argue that Improved level of education increase communities’ and countries’ productivity stimulating economic growth and elevate poverty. Nonetheless, Clercq ( 2020 ) believe that research such as the current study can actually help school administrators or policy makers in identifying the crucial internal and external factors that required interventions like the issues of parental involvement in education. Also, Cooper (2019) assert that educational inequality as well as meaningful parental involvement in low-income communities is negatively impact by poverty which structures teaching and learning in poor communities in South Africa in a way that learners are not prepared properly for schooling and their homes are not homes that nurture learning. The media house such as the television and radio stations as well as research has often reported about poor academic outcomes from low-income school communities and, the absence of some individual parent in the family and in the life of their children (Modisaotsile, 2012). Such report is a concern and calls for an investigation. It is against this backdrop that the researcher was motivated to explore what works and what does not work with regard to parental involvement in schools in low-income communities. Thus, the study seeks to explore the nature and extent of parental involvement in three black township schools, and the roles played by parents from the former disadvantaged communities. According to Rubiena (2023), parental involvement in South Africa remains problematic. Segoe and Bisschoff ( 2019 ), as cited in Rubiena (2023), reported that many low-income parents show a lack of interest in their children’s homework and school tasks, plus they also have poor attendance at school meetings. Rubiena (2023) further found that parental involvement in underprivileged contexts is limited, which is mainly attributed to parents’ lack of understanding of their different roles and responsibilities in their children’s education, including the fact that many parents themselves have low levels of education. Concerns over the achievement gap between learners from high-income families and those from low-income families provided further motivation for this research. The term “parental involvement” Parental involvement refers to the active involvement of parents in home-based and school-based activities to support a child’s learning. Activities may include helping a child with homework, monitoring the time a child spends watching television, providing a home environment that nurtures a child’s learning, attending school events and meetings, volunteering, participating in school fundraising events, participating in school decision-making and home-school collaboration (Van Wyk & Lemmer, 2009). Involvement could also include participating in schools’ decision-making processes, hiring teachers, disciplining learners, attending school events, contributing to the school’s maintenance, contributing to school development and working with the teachers (Heystek, 1999). According to Cojocariu & Mareş (2014: 9), parental involvement “may be defined as the set of categories of activities that ensure their participation in their children’s training and education process, at home and at school”. In other words, parental involvement includes the active activities of parents in both home and school environment channelled towards improving a child’s education. It is essential to look at how parental involvement is defined internationally. Globally, parental involvement was measured by parents’ involvement in PTA (parent-teacher association) meetings; home/school communication; parents’ school-based voluntary services; participation in school fundraising events or other school environment activities; involvement in home environment learning activities (but not only in homework); involvement in children’s extra-curricular activities, such as playing educational games; provision of proper home learning spaces for their children; monitoring the child’s general development progress; imparting parental values to the child; and, helping to select the child’s subjects (Flemmings, 2013; Foley, 2015; Mestry & Grobler, 2007). Parents and schools have been collaborating in the interests of learner results since the beginning of formal schooling (Hill & Taylor, 2004). However, collaboration and parental involvement are hard to achieve in poorer schools due to the challenges that parents experience, such as economic hardship and their lack of education (Van Wyk & Lemmer, 2009). Yet, parents are usually assumed to be playing a vital role in the education of their children and in ensuring the success of learners (López & Cabello, 2022). Whether this assumption can be objectively made is of interest to the current investigation Theoretical Framework Epstein’s 6 typologies of parental involvement 1. Parenting – Assisting families in providing a supportive home environment for learning. This includes helping parents understand child/adolescent development and ways to support such child’s growth. 2. Communicating – Establishing effective communication channels between school and home about programs, expectations, as well as student progress. 3. Volunteering – Encouraging parents to participate in school activities and support school goals, enhancing student development and growth. 4. Learning at Home – Helping parents engage in activities that strengthen learning at home, such as educational games, homework and goal setting. In this case, schools guide parents on strategies to support learning. 5. Decision-Making – Involving parents in school governance, policy-making, and other decision-making processes. 6. Collaborating with the Community – tapping into community resources, services and organizations to support schools and enhance student learning (Epstein 1995). Coleman’s social capital in the creation of a human capital framework: Coleman (1988) proposed a definition of social capital framework, pointing out that it can be determined through its function. It is not a single entity but, instead a collection of different entities, sharing two common elements: they consist of aspects of social structures and facilitate certain “actions of actors—whether persons or corporate actors—within the structure” (Coleman, 1988, p. 98). Like other forms of capital in economics, social capital is productive, enabling the achievement of particular outcomes that would not be possible in its absence. Coleman stressed the vital role of social capital in the creation of human capital, as measured by educational outcomes such as learner achievement and high school completion without having to dropout. He defined social capital functionally, describing it as something “inherent in the structure of relationships among actors and between actors” that “facilitates particular actions of the actors” (Coleman, 1988, p. 598). In his general framework, Coleman listed several forms of social capital, including trustworthiness, obligations, expectations, information sharing. Coleman distinguished between social capital within the family and social capital outside the family. Coleman (1988) referred to social capital within the family as the strength of relationships between parents and child, of which one of the most notable indicators lies in the physical presence of the parents in the development of a child. Coleman recognized the single parent family as the most prominent factor of structural deficit in terms of modern families that has hampered the transmission of parental human capital to the child. Moreover, social capital outside the family refers to a family's relationships with other families and institutions in the community, such as participation in Parent-Teacher Association (PTA) meetings. Coleman described this form of social capital in terms of the networking and community engagement a family experiences and whether a child benefit from these external relationships. His framework indicated that learners with lower levels of social capital are more likely to underperform academically or drop out of high school (Pablo, Juan-Jesus, & Javier, 2024). Pablo, Juan-Jesus & Javier (2024) further noted that social capital can be researched and defined in other ways. At the individual level, it refers to social resources embedded in a person’s social networks, while at the group level, it is reflected in collective efficacy or group norms that impact all members. Coleman’s definition combines both elements: children’s social capital at home, primarily shaped by family structure, and social capital at the neighborhood level, represented by community connectedness. This includes cohesive and harmonious relationships among parents in the community, such as members of School Governing Bodies (SGBs) (Coleman, 1988). Therefore, Coleman stresses the role played by both a learner’s family and neighbourhood environments on learner’s education. Coleman (1988) suggested that, for a proper relationship to exist between teachers and parents from low-income communities, there must be some established trust, cordial relationships and effective communication channels. These allow effective networking and the dispatching of information about home situations and school matters. By improving the level of parental involvement, which is linked to learner success (human capital), social capital contributes to the formation of human capital (Smith et al., 1992). Capital as a Form of Human Capital: Human capital can be seen as economic value of a person’s knowledge, skills or experience, it can also be seen as a learner achievement. They include assets like education, intelligence, learner success training and skills and other valuable characteristics attached in people which can assist them to be productive. Moreover, education is one of the core contributing factors for the production of the labour force and therefore impacts the economic growth of a given society through the human capital factor of production. Also, education limits the time span, incidence and frequency of unemployment. Certainly, education enhances a society’s welfare by minimising the undesirable occurrence of poverty and income inequality. Coleman (1988) argues that physical capital is generally tangible, being attached in observable material form while, human capital is attached in the knowledge and skills acquired by a person and therefore less tangible, then, social capital is also less tangible in terms of being located in the relationship amongst individuals. According to Bala et al. (2017), Coleman argued that social capital is an intrinsic precondition for the utilisation of and creation of human capital. Beaulieu (1992: 77) stated that “social capital theory is the conceptual extension of human capital theory, which is itself an abstract extension of the concept of physical and financial capital”. Family social capital is a precondition for the creation of human capital which reflects in learner performance. For parents to actively take part in the learning of their children, social capital must occur in a particular form, such as through the interaction between parents and cognitive development (children’s learning). Furthermore, the level of social capital in a family determines the level of education performance in the household in terms of a learner. Based on the above, Coleman (1988) and Bourdieu (1986) noted that the relationship between a family and a child’s education is likely to produce a successful learner outcome, illustrating the importance of family social capital in the form of parental involvement which is significant to a learner’s performance or human capital. Moreover, human capital comes into play in learner achievement after the utilization of parental social capital. Bourdieu’s Forms of Capital Theory According to Bourdieu (1986: 15), “Capital is the accumulated labour which, when appropriated on a private, i.e. exclusive, basis by an agent or groups of agents, enables them to appropriate social energy in the form of reified or living labour”. According to Bourdieu (1986), capital occurs in three fundamental forms. Economic capital can be directly converted into finance and it may be institutionalised as property rights. Cultural capital can, under certain conditions, also be transformed into economic capital and may be institutionalised in the form of educational qualifications. While, social capital consists of social obligations or networks of connectedness that, likewise under certain conditions, can be converted into economic capital and may be institutionalised in the form of titles or nobility, depending on the background in which they operate. Bourdieu’s cultural capital refers to non-fiscal assets such as “education, social and intellectual knowledge provided to children that grow up in intellectually sophisticated families” (Justin, 2011: 4). For Bourdieu, the dominant class culture is spread and rewarded through the educational system of that society and learners who adapt best to that culture will succeed in their academic and eventually socioeconomic endeavours. However, to acquire cultural capital a learner or a child must possess the ability to receive and internalise. The mastery of the dominant culture comes close to Bourdieu’s view of habitus as the mechanism that influences cultural capital. In his explanation of class divisions and inequality, Bourdieu noted that the most essential element is the relation between an individual’s personal culture and the culture of the community or the individual institutions within that community. Bourdieu highlighted what he referred to as ‘habitus’ and ‘field’ separately, to explain their relationships (Justin, 2011). According to Bourdieu (cited in Justin, 2011: 5), “habitus is a system of disposition that results from various forms of social training and past experiences”. In other words, it can be explained as a way of thinking and behaviour which is developed through a person’s socialisation process that happens at home, the institutions and the social class they belong to. A person’s field refers to the structured system of social relationships at a micro and macro level. When a person’s habitus is consistent with the field that s/he operates in, the field becomes familiar to and is understood by the person, who benefits from a kind of social advantage. Additionally, through the habitus formulation within a family, children can directly inherit their cultural capital. Conclusion This chapter explored the theoretical literature relevant to parental involvement in the education of the children in the areas of education, economics and psychology, which can be used to explain the phenomenon under investigation. Since 1994, the democratic government has focused on education transformation, equity and redress. These themes permeate every policy process undertaken to restructure the education system in South Africa. However, equity in the education system has not been achieved. transformation, equity and redress. These themes permeate every policy process undertaken to restructure the education system in South Africa. However, equity in the education system has not been achieved. This study aims to assess the extent of parental involvement in selected low SES schools. The approaches used in this study make it possible to assess the nature of parental involvement in their children’s schooling and the effects of that involvement as well as the roles played by mothers in the schooling of their children in the context of this study. Methods The role of parent in the education of their children is highlighted by the South African government. Formerly, parents were not anticipated or expected to be actively involved in the education of their children (Rubiena, 2023). This study is part of a full broader research that explored ‘the nature and extent of parental involvement in three low-income school settings in Cape Town, South Africa and its Implications for policy’. Three schools were purposively selected from three low-income school communities. Five parents from each of the low-income school communities participated in focus group discussions (n = 15). In addition, three individual parents took part in semi-structured interviews (n = 9). Snowball sampling techniques were used to select the participants parents from each school. The study applied a qualitative-dominant mixed-methods design, informed by theoretical literature on parental involvement—including Epstein’s Six Typologies of Parental Involvement—as well as relevant economic and social science theories that provide useful lenses for investigative parental involvement in township schools. The researcher obtained ethical clearance from the Western Cape Education Department and the University of the Western Cape Ethical Committee before going into the research field with consent letters for participants. A thematic analysis enabled the researcher to conduct an information-rich qualitative research analysis by identifying, explaining, organizing and analyzing emerging themes within data (Kobus, 2007). Research Design A research design is a background of procedures as well as techniques, choose by a researcher, to combine a mixture of research components, in a relatively logical manner, in order to effectively address the research problem, and provide quality response to the research question (Gray, 2019 ). The study was carried out using a qualitative method and also followed an interpretivist paradigm. Interpretivists believe that reality is a specific subjective experience in which a particular phenomenon may have several interpretations instead of a truth/fact that can be discovered through a process of measurement (Kobus, 2007). The study sampled a multiple case study design which deals with more than one case study (3 low-income schools) that is connected in some way (Rubiena, 2023). By using the qualitative method, the researcher was able to collect quality first-hand information and in-depth knowledge about how participants view the phenomenon/experiences of parental involvement in different ways and so, will be able to interpret the experiences through the information extracted from interacting with the participants (parents). Sampling Three high schools were purposively selected from three low-SES communities: Gugulethu, Langa and Khayelitsha. The names of these schools and the participants have been changed using school A, B and C as identifiers to ensure confidentiality. Snowball sampling techniques was used to select the participants parents from each school. At each school, a focus group discussion was conducted with five parents (n-15), and a separate face-to-face interview with three parents from each school (n-9). These participant parents were chosen due to their willingness to participate and their availability. Black parents from three township schools amongst other school stakeholders like learners, teachers and school community members in general formed part of the full thesis sample as the study was more centered on low-income parental involvement and therefore they provided relevant information. For the purpose of this paper, the main persons of interest are the parents who are both school governors and non-school governors. In this study, ‘parent’ may refer to a child’s biological parents, caregivers or guardians who are responsible for the child’s education and needs. During the field work a Grade 12 parent was approached at the school tuck-shop with the help of a teacher. The individual parent then introduced the researcher to other parents who agreed to participate in the focus group discussion interviews and semi-structured interviews held at the schools. The same method was used to gather all the participant parents across the three schools. The interviews in the schools were held at; either the computer labs, under the trees or in a quiet store room. All discussions were captured by recording devices. The parents who participated were a mixed of parent-governors and non-governors with children attending the school. The target parents had children in Grade 12. Nine parents in total participated in the semi-structured interviews, while fifteen parents generally were involved in the focus group discussions. Part of the parents who participated in the focus group discussions were also the same individuals involved during the face-to-face interviews. All necessary consent letters and permission to carry out the research were obtained and all rules were applied before interviewing and recording participants. Profile of the participant parents All participating parents were Black African. Only one of the nine participating parents was male. The average age ranged from 40 to 59 years. Two were unemployed (22%) four were employed in menial jobs as domestic workers (44%) while two (22%) worked as shop attendants. The average education level of the parents who agreed to share their level of education was Grade 8 (Standard 6 in the old education system). The research question What are the roles and extent of parental involvement in Black township schools in Cape Town? Results The primary objective of this study was to understand the extent of parental involvement in the education of their children in selected township schools, and experiences of different dimensions (roles) of parental involvement in education. This empirical study revealed that there are currently limited experiences of parental involvement in Black Township communities in Cape Town. It has long been believed that the roles parents play in their children’s education have a significant influence on their children's academic success. Most of the parent participants that accepted to participate in this study were mainly women. The mothers are seemingly entrusted with the core parenting responsibilities for example, caring for the children and preparing them for attending school. Moreover, these roles compete with others that women carry, including work commitment and household chores such as cooking and cleaning. This multitasking is an important factor to consider when analyzing different roles mothers play in the education of their children especially those from the low-income communities. The findings from these parents are grouped based on the main themes that emerged from the interviews and the focus group discussion. The parents identified three dimensions or roles of parental involvement that exemplified how they participated in their children’s education, i.e., helping with homework, attending school meetings/SGBs, school-based voluntary services and communication between the parents and teachers. Even with this understanding of the difference in terms of parental involvement at home and parental involvement at school, the term is still complex because it includes so many different roles of parental activities to help their child to do well in their schooling, as a result parental involvement may mean quite a lot of activities that involves parents and even the school community at large. Involvement in the children’s homework activities To clearly specify the extent and roles of low-income mothers in the education of their children the question about the roles of parents in the education of their children was of interest. Majority of the participant parents reported that they play a role by helping with homework. Parents from the 3 low-income schools indicated that they were involved by helping their children with homework. However, for parents who experienced challenges when they are helping their children with homework, they expressed the following: “It is difficult, very difficult sometimes for our parents, you see, because maybe the parent is not good with the subject, that’s why in our meeting we advise them to get help for their children from their neighbours who know that subject”. In previously disadvantaged schools in Cape Town, Page ( 2016 ) reported that the learners indicated that their parents did not like to assist them with the subject ‘mathematics’ which might be as a result of parental level of education. Another parent expressed: “ I, I, I, if I can’t help my children, me I’m gonna send them to my church sister to help them, because I don’t know some of these subjects”. Such approach to helping their children indicates a reliance on community and social networks (Coleman, 1988 ) to support the education of children. In addition, parents, especially at Schools A and C, consistently mentioned the roles they play to help their children with homework. During the focus group discussion, a School A parent expressed: “Me neh, when they are coming back from school, I always ask anyone has a homework. Then they say yes Mommy, how can I do this and this? Then I say it's maths, you must count” . According to Epstein’s Typologies of Parental Involvement, involvement occurs when parents provide support to their children’s home learning (Epstein & Salinas, 1993). This occurred, according to the participant parents, even though most of them were poorly educated. However, the learner participants in this study had a mixed feeling about their parents’ involvement with regards to their homework activities. A parent governor at school B mentioned: “when we the parents cannot understand the curriculum, in our SGB meeting we tell the parents to look for help from the community so that our child can do their assignment”. Coleman ( 1988 ) noted that social capital, like other forms of capital, is productive, ensuring the possibility of achieving certain ends which would otherwise be impossible to achieve. In other words, these low-income parents look for help from the community when they are not able to assist their children with the homework which could have been impossible if there are no social connection in these communities. Attending the PTA meetings/participating in school governance With regards to the nature of parents’ participation in school-based activities, the participant parents also spoke much about their role in terms of attending school meetings such as the PTA meetings. Most of the parents at School B played a role in their children’s education by attending school meetings and such meetings were held in order to discuss any arising matters at the schools. One parent noted: “Yes, I used to come for the, the, I mean school meeting with the other parents” . Another focus group member parent from school B mentioned: “ Yes, we come to meeting to collect the children’s reports they [pointing at the other parents who was waiting for their turn to be interviewed] are attending PTA meetings ”. In a face-to-face interview one parent at school C said: “ We are coming for the PTA meeting when they invite us to come, yebo [yes] ”. Another School C parent suggested in the focus group discussion that: “ They mustn’t call us when there’s a problem, they can try and call us for something positive and we will be there ”. Meanwhile, most of the parents at school B are members of the school governing bodies as one parent during the focus group discussion mentioned: me neh, am a SGB so I can call other parents for a meeting when things is not going well Nwosu (2017) emphasized the important roles of parent governors in education such as mediating in terms of disciplinary matters and looking after the school property. The findings from this study revealed that school meetings seem to be the primary contact between the 3 schools and the families of learners. School B seemed to have more parents who attended school meetings than the others. Also, most of the school B participants are members of the SGBs who tried to play leadership roles whenever there are pressing matters in the school. The findings indicated that school meetings were used to discuss the progress of the learners and to address learner disciplinary problems, which regularly happens across the schools. It emerged that several parents at School B voluntarily visit the school, especially on the meeting days, to engage informally with learners on the school premises to advise and encourage them to always behave properly and respect other people like their teachers and fellow students. The information obtained from these parents indicated that they are involved in a few ways like helping with homework, attending school meetings/SGBs, communicating with teachers and school-based voluntary services. However, most participant teachers in the full study disagreed with these claims. Involvement in voluntary services Volunteering is Epstein’s number three type of parental involvement- volunteering involves voluntary services that may requires parent volunteers in school such that will benefit the learners. The parents of School B learners participated more actively in some school activities such as monitoring learners’ behaviors. Most of the parent participants especially at School B indicated that some parents visit the school during break/lunch time to help call learners in order and encourage them not to involve their selves in trouble. One parent at School B said: “Well, me neh, I come to the school often just to watch the learners, you know at this age some of them are misbehave, so I go and, and, and talk to them” . Despite this, teachers from the 3 schools in the full study still are bewailed regarding the problem of learners’ ill-disciplinary behaviors although, some parents at School B have assigned themselves the role of monitoring the learner’s behavior during school hours to ensure orderliness. Such involvement can be one of the key dimensions of active parental involvement. However, at school A and C there was no parental activities that can be linked to voluntary services other than some NGO bodies plus some individuals from the school communities who donate resources and use their individual expertise to assist in one way or another. When it comes to keeping in contact (communication) between parents and teachers. Most of the participant parents reported that they are in contact with their children’s teachers. According to type 2 of Epstein’s parental involvement framework suggests that effective two-way communication between the school and parents is one of the meaningful ways to involve parents in the education of their children (Epstein & Salinas, 1993). Communication between parents and teachers Parents expected the school to keep families informed regarding the progress of their children. At school A one parent in the focus group discussion mentioned: “I communicate with my child’s teacher through cell phone about school” . In addition, it appears parents believe teachers only call when their child is having a behavioral problem at school. A parent at School C: “ They call when there is a problem with the learners ”. These findings suggest that meaningful communication between the parents and teachers can promote a positive relationship among the two parties especially as low-income parents tend to avoid the school environment when the invitation involves a child’s poor behavior. In addition, some parents noted that they can’t be contacted on phone because they were robbed of their phone in the street. On the other hand, Zondo & Mncube ( 2024 ) found in their study that even though a code of conduct existed at the school of their study, it was not communicated across to either parents or learners in that school, therefore it was not understood. Hence communication of this kind may help to reduce ill learner behavior. When teachers attempt to call the parents to share information concerning learners’ performance or behavior, this means of communication can also draw the attention of a parent to the education needs of the child, including addressing learner behavior as well as performance. In addition, the concept of social capital advocates that parents with access to the above-mentioned capital (telephone communication between teachers and parents) can trigger a parent to become involved in the education of their children depending on the information passed through. However, although most interviewed parents indicated that they participated in the education of their children in one way or another, the teachers were concerned that parents from the study context were not participating enough in their children’s learning. The findings show that the teachers want parents to be well involved and committed in their children’s education because of its positive nature with regard to learner success. On the other hand, none of the parents were involved with regards to school fund raising, excursion trips or classroom activities which are all crucial aspects of effective parental involvement and roles expected for them to play. Key findings with regards to the research question Research shows that parental involvement plays a significant role in children’s academic success and future life as well. Studies have demonstrated that such involvement not only improves learners’ academic achievement, but also contributes to a higher overall quality of education. Yet, both teachers and parents often struggle to engage effectively—especially in township contexts. This raises an important question: if parental involvement is so crucial to a child’s academic achievement, why is it so difficult to achieve? Some elements of the answer can be found in the following sections, which outline key barriers that hinder meaningful parental involvement in these communities. Challenges facing parental involvement in low-income communities Parents in low-income school communities in Australia experience different barriers to getting involved in the education of their children than their affluent counterparts (Povey et al., 2016). In South Africa, Felix et al. (2008) found a higher pass rate and higher involvement of White parents in historically White schools contrasted with lower involvement of Black parents and low learner performance in historically Black school communities. According to Lemmer (2007), the former disadvantaged community schools lack the social mechanisms and basic structures to support education. Among the barrier factors impeding parental involvement in the current research locations are poverty, unemployment, lack of parental education, the youth of parents, lack of time and environmental issues such as crimes and lack of infrastructure. However, the participant parents suggested a few ways in which those barriers could be limited to ensure effective parental involvement in the school communities. Those suggestions include; parental involvement workshop training for the parents, provision of job opportunities, increased child social grant monetary value, using school-based meetings to look at challenges facing the families of the learner, effective two-way-communication between school and families and further more. Discussion The current study provides crucial information about how parents from Black Townships in Cape Town are playing their various roles in the schooling of their children. They provide support in terms of the learner’s homework. Some of them even when they were not able to help their children with homework, they sent their child to a neighbour or church sister to help the child with the homework. Even when their level of education did not allow them the opportunity to help their children with homework, they still managed to send the children to where they can get assistance such as church members or next-door neighbors which reflects Bourdieu’s forms of social capital theory. Also, Page’s ( 2016 ) study from the former disadvantaged communities in Cape Town reported that parents were unable to assist their children with certain homework activities. The findings from participant learners in this study revealed that it was their mothers who mostly attempted to assist them with homework rather than their fathers. Although, most of the learner participants reported that they preferred to do their homework themselves due to their parents’ level of education. The findings show that meetings seem to be the primary contact between the three schools and the families of learners. School B seemed to have more parents who attended school meetings than the other schools. The findings indicated that school meetings were used to discuss the progress of the learners and to address issues of learner ill-discipline, which regularly occurs at all the schools. It emerged that several parents at School B voluntarily visit the school, especially on the meeting days, to engage informally with learners on the school premises to advise and encourage them to always behave well. Therefore, these parents are especially at school B, are actually doing what was stipulated in the SGB policy which include to maintain and monitor school policy when it comes to learner disciplinary procedures. The information obtained from these parents indicated that they are involved in a few ways like helping with homework, attending school meetings and playing a role in school governor’s activities, communicating with teachers although mostly when there is a learner problem and school-based voluntary services. However, most teachers who were in the full study disagreed with these claims. However, the study findings revealed that most of these parents were concerned about the education of their children, and want to participate but are restricted by poverty factors such as unemployment, lack of monetary resources, insufficient basic infrastructure and crime rate in the school communities. Conclusion The current study provides different roles in which low-income parents (mothers) play in the education of their children. The study found different patterns of involvement between the parents across the three low-income schools for example at school B parents made it their major role to monitor the children at school during lunch hours to sensitize them about good behavior. The findings also revealed that some parents are helping their children to do their homework. However, in the case whereby they are not able to help by themselves, they make alternative arrangement by sending the child to someone else who can assist. This implies that at least theses parents are making effort. The parents were also involved in school meetings, although the educators reported that attendance was poor. In terms of communication, most participant parents also mentioned that they are in contact with their children’s teachers. However, most of the time the phone call was about learner disciplinary issues which seems to be the case across the three low-income schools. Moreover, the study findings suggest that many poverty-related factors reduce or prevent effective parental involvement in these schools. Among the barrier factors impeding parental involvement in these communities; are poverty, unemployment, lack of parental education, the youth of some parents, lack of time and environmental issues. Considering these barriers, parents also suggested many ways in which meaningful parental involvement can be promoted in low-income context. For example, they suggested that government should increase child support grant, train the School Governing Bodies, provide employment and basic infrastructure amongst many other suggestions. By promoting effective parental involvement in the previously disadvantaged communities, learners from low-income school communities will be more likely to achieve positive academic outcomes. Declarations Clinical trial number: not applicable Department: Institute for Social Development Faculty: Economics and Management Sciences Funding: This research received no external funding Ethics Declaration This study was conducted in accordance with the ethical standards of the University of the Western Cape and the Western Cape Education Department. Ethical approval for the research was obtained from the above institutions. All procedures performed in this study involving human participants were carried out with due regard for their rights, privacy, and dignity. Consent to Participate Informed consent was obtained from all individual participants included in the study. Participants were fully briefed about the purpose of the research, their right to withdraw at any time without penalty, and the measures taken to ensure confidentiality and anonymity. Ethical clearance forms have been attached to the submission system. Consent to Publish Participants provided consent for the publication of the findings derived from this study. Any identifying information has been removed or anonymized to protect the privacy of the participants. This study was conducted in accordance with ethical guidelines and principles. All participants provided informed consent before taking part in the research, and confidentiality and anonymity were ensured throughout the study. The research protocol was reviewed and approved by the University of the Western Cape ethical committee and the Western Cape Education Department. No conflicts of interest have been declared by the authors, and the data presented in this manuscript are original, with all sources properly cited. Author Contribution I am the author of this manuscript and was responsible for all aspects of the research and writing, including the study conception and design, data collection and analysis, interpretation of findings, and preparation of the final manuscript. Acknowledgement The full thesis research was supervised by Professor Amiena Bayat ( [email protected] ), who provided academic guidance and oversight through to its completion Data Availability The dataset of this study cannot be made publicly available due to legal and compliance constraints, including considerations related to families and their children, as well as institutional and regulatory requirements that prohibit open distribution. However, access may be arranged with the researcher. Restrictions apply to ensure the protection of participants. Data are available from the authors upon reasonable request and with permission from the participants’ parents and schools. References Babbie, E. & Mouton, J. (2001). The practice of social research. Cape Town. Oxford University Press. Bala, M., Jali, M.R.B.M. & Abdul-Razak, N.A. (2017). Does family’s social capital affects parental involvement in the schooling of left-behind children? Empirical evidence from Niger State, Nigeria. Journal of Economics and Development Studies , 5 (2): 57–67. doi.org:10.15640/jeds. v5n2a6 Bourdieu, P. (1986). The forms of capital. In Richardson, J.G. (Ed.). Handbook of theory and research for the sociology of education . Westport, CT: Greenwood: 241–258. Clercq, F.D. (2020). The persistence of South African educational inequalities: The need for understanding and relying on analytical frameworks. Education as Change , 24 (1), pp.1-22. Coleman, J.S. (1988). Social capital in the creation of human capital. American Journal of Sociology , ( 94 ): S95–S120 Cojocariu, V.M. & Mareş, G. (2014). A study on the primary school teachers’ view upon the essential factors determining the (non)involvement of the family in the education of primary school students in Romania. Procedia – Social and Behavioural Sciences, 142 : 653–659. doi: 10.1016/j.sbspro.2014.07.681 Department of Education (DoE). (1995). White paper on education and training . Pretoria: Government Printer. Erlendsdóttir, G., Macdonald, M.A., Jónsdóttir, S.R. & Mtika, P. (2022). Parental involvement in children’s primary education: A case study from a rural district in Malawi. South African Journal of Education , 42 (3): 11–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.15700/saje.v42n3a2133 Epstein, J.L. & Sanders, M.G. (1995). Family, school, and community partnerships. In Bornstein, M.H. (Ed.). Handbook of parenting Volume 5 practical issues in parenting . 2 nd ed . New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum: 407–438. Flemmings, J. (2013). Parental involvement: A study of parents' and teachers' experiences and perceptions in an urban charter elementary school. Doctoral thesis, Walden University. Foley, A. (2015). African American parent perceptions of barriers to parental involvement. Doctoral thesis, Walden University. Gray, D. E. (2019). Doing research in the business world . Thousand Oaks, CA., USA: Sage Publications Ltd. Heystek, J. (1999). Parents as partners in black schools: So important, but why so unreliable? Koers-Bulletin for Christian Scholarship , 64 (1): 97–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/koers.v64i1.494 Hill, N.E. & Taylor, L.C. (2004). Parental school involvement and children's academic achievement: Pragmatics and issues. Current Directions in Psychological Science , 13 (4): 161–164. https://psycnet.apa.org/doi/10.1111/j.0963-7214.2004.00298.x Justin, U. (2011). The role of cultural capital and parental involvement in educational achievement and implications for public policy. Master’s dissertation, East Carolina University, USA. Kobus, M. (2007). First steps in research . Pretoria: Van Schaik Publishers. Lemmer, E.M. (2007). Parent involvement in teacher education in South Africa. International Journal about Parents in Education , 1 (0): 218–229. https://doi.org/10.54195/ijpe.18270 López, L.S. & Cabello, V.M. (2022). Starting at home: What does the literature indicate about parental involvement in early childhood STEM education? Education Sciences, 12 (3): 218. doi:10.3390/educsci12030218 Marongwe, N. & Mutesasira, G., (2024). Harnessing parental involvement and educational equity for sustainable development in South African schools. Interdisciplinary Journal of Sociality Studies , 4 , pp.1-15. Mestry, R. & Grobler, B. (2007). Collaboration and communication as effective strategies for parent involvement in public schools. Educational Research and Review , 2 (7): 176–185. Mkhize P.Z. (2023). The challenges of parental involvement in rural secondary schools of Umvoti Circuit in Kwazulu-Natal; Thesis submitted in the fulfilment for the degree of master of education; University of South Africa Modisaotsile, B.M. (2012). The failing standard of basic education in South Africa. Africa Institute of South Africa Policy Brief 72 : 1–7. https://www.purpletod.co.za/docs/FAILING%20STANDARDS.pdf Msila, V. (2012). Black parental involvement in South African rural schools: Will parents ever help in enhancing effective school management. Journal of Educational and Social Research , 2 (2): 303–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.5901/jesr.2012.v2n2.303 Nwosu, L.I. and Chukwuere, J.E. (2017). The roles and challenges confronting the school governing body in representing schools in the digital age. Journal of Economics and Economic Education Research , 18 (2), pp.1-24. Pablo Delgado-Galindo, Juan-Jesús Torres-Gordillo & Javier Rodríguez-Santero. (2024). Parent school-community relationship: a comparative study of highly effective schools and schools with low effectiveness in Andalusia. London Review of Education, vol: 22 10.14324/LRE.22.1.05 Page, R.D. (2016). The role that parents play in their children's academic progress at a previously disadvantaged primary school in Cape Town. Povey, J., Campbell, A.K., Willis, L.D., Haynes, M., Western, M., Bennett, S., Antrobus, E. & Pedde, C. (2016). Engaging parents in schools and building parent-school partnerships: The role of school and parent organisation leadership. International Journal of Educational Research , ( 79) : 128–141. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijer.2016.07.005. Republic of South Africa (RSA) (1996). South African Schools Act, Act 84 of 1996 . Pretoria: Government Printer. Segoe BA & Bisschoff T (2019). Parental involvement as part of curriculum reform in South African schools: Does it contribute to quality education? Africa Education Review, 16(6):165–182. https://doi.org/10.1080/18146627.2018.1464692 Simweleba, N.H. & Serpell, R. (2020). Parental involvement and learners’ performance in rural basic schools of Zambia. South African journal of childhood education , 10 (1), pp.1-13. Smith, M.H., Beaulieu, L.J. & Israel, G.D. (1992). Effects of human capital and social capital on dropping out of high school in the South. Journal of Research in Rural Education , 8 (1): 75–87. https://jrre.psu.edu/sites/default/files/2019-08/8-1_6.pdf Tang, S. (2012). Family educational involvement and social capital: Potential pathways to educational success for students of immigrant families. Doctoral thesis, Boston College. Van Wyk, N. & Lemmer, E. (2009). Organizing parents' involvement in South African schools. Cape Town: Juta. Western Cape Education Department (WCED) (2016). Systemic evaluation report 2016 . Pretoria: Government Printer. Zondo, S.S. & Mncube, V.S. (2024). Teachers’ challenges in implementing a learner’s code of conduct for positive discipline in schools. South African Journal of Education , 44 (2), pp.1-10. Additional Declarations No competing interests reported. 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Also discoverable on Platform About Our Team In Review Editorial Policies Advisory Board Help Center Resources Author Services Accessibility API Access RSS feed Manage Cookie Preferences © Research Square 2026 | ISSN 2693-5015 (online) Privacy Policy Terms of Service Do Not Sell My Personal Information {"props":{"pageProps":{"initialData":{"identity":"rs-8337678","acceptedTermsAndConditions":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"archivedVersions":[],"articleType":"Research Article","associatedPublications":[],"authors":[{"id":610487591,"identity":"36a23f75-4828-4bb8-b0aa-91159409b84d","order_by":0,"name":"Ikechukwu Oji","email":"data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAZAAAAAyAQMAAABI0h/eAAAABlBMVEX///8AAABVwtN+AAAACXBIWXMAAA7EAAAOxAGVKw4bAAAA50lEQVRIie2RvwrCMBCHrwh1CdSxXcwrNAjFQXyWSEEXBTcFB0+EuvQB+hKCIDg3BMziAwgO6uKsW90MKo6hboL5hpvu43d/ACyWH4SCWBS88OvlFTaT6N/SVuOLGKkwyNxuB0sbTiKwQYjsLbN+5BfQpuDJk1GpEoExacrBZt+PghRihrANzSmZQKlTnsoBoMLBQbMCx/NsTlzZi17KlEOlejUruZg7en3+ViQHl5hTGIoE9JHZZncZ3dNQsYSQoVGhoC6gX0kjFa/DYjyhnqdW5sE+1LgueiS3ZL/Gy8v3WiwWy3/xAPjFSSv81O2WAAAAAElFTkSuQmCC","orcid":"","institution":"University of the Western Cape","correspondingAuthor":true,"prefix":"","firstName":"Ikechukwu","middleName":"","lastName":"Oji","suffix":""}],"badges":[],"createdAt":"2025-12-11 14:24:13","currentVersionCode":1,"declarations":"","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-8337678/v1","doiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-8337678/v1","draftVersion":[],"editorialEvents":[],"editorialNote":"","failedWorkflow":false,"files":[{"id":105324886,"identity":"aad6bcd9-c1db-433d-b1e3-5f4133019b3b","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2026-03-24 18:25:30","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":834323,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-8337678/v1/4bb7a03e-972e-422a-bf77-edfdfe80f4e8.pdf"}],"financialInterests":"No competing interests reported.","formattedTitle":"Understanding Women’s Roles in Parental Involvement in Their Children’s Education in Selected Black Township Schools in Cape Town","fulltext":[{"header":"Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003eSince post 1994, the South African democratic government recognized as well as applied the principle of democratization in education (Marongwe \u0026amp; Mutesasira, 2024). Meanwhile, Loreto \u0026amp; Valeria (2022: 4) assert that the role of which parents play in their children’s education is essential in terms of ensuring positive learner results. Moreover, During the era of apartheid government before 1994, parents coming from the former underprivileged communities has limited rights pertaining themselves being involved in schools.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eHowever, Mkhize (2023) noted that school policies have presented parents and school communities the right to actively participate in school governing bodies (SGBs). In actual fact, this would mean that all school stakeholders including parents would be actively involved in education (Nwosu 2017). The role of the school governing bodies includes formulating school policies; establishing school code of conduct; maintaining infrastructure; developing language and admission policies; handling disciplinary issues; participating in decisions regarding staff appointments; and managing the school’s funds, budget, and the levy of school fees (Rubiena, 2023). Those SGB’s rights give parents a valuable role in the school and highlight their collaboration with the school management team. Meanwhile, the basic concept of the South African Schools Act (SASA) of 1996 is to grant parents and communities the formal authority in schools so that they can actively get involved move in education. However, active parental involvement can be challenging for township households due to factors like poverty, low-paying jobs, unemployment, limited parental education, social class, socioeconomic status, demographic issues, inadequate infrastructure, and a lack of the knowledge and skills needed to participate actively in their children’s education.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe Department of Education (1995), state that although the current South African democratic government encourages and authorizes parents to be actively involved in their children’s education, the negative effects of the apartheid regime still linger in these days in former disadvantaged communities. Therefore, school administrators and policymakers should consider how individual parents’ socioeconomic status influences their level of involvement in their children’s schooling, as well as its impact on learner success.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe Western Cape Education Department (WCED) (2016) reported that learners from South Africa, from Black low-income communities who live and go to township schools in Cape Town, perform poorly in literacy assessment when measured in national and international tests. In addition, Mlchila \u0026amp; Moelets (2019) highlighted that the poorest 75 – 80 percent of South African learners attend dysfunctional and poorly resourced public schools and achieve poor outcomes compared with the wealthiest 20 – 25 percent of children that attend private (independent) schools or functional well-resourced public schools. Generally, such township schools achieve lower academic performance than the more economically privileged schools. In the same manner, Simweleba \u0026amp; Serpell (2020) concurs that school enrolment in Zambia and so many other African nations including South Africa, have seen sharp increases in recent years. But learner outcomes have been disappointing particularly in low-income communities where economic productiveness remains low, and learner statistics indicate that many children from low-income school communities complete their schooling years but lack basic curriculum knowledge (Simweleba \u0026amp; Serpell, 2020). The authors further reported that the few minority learners from poor school communities who manage to succeed are expected to progress through a narrowing staircase of educational opportunity and then, ultimately contribute to the economic and cultural life of their communities. Meanwhile, education is seen as a basic human right and is one of the essential elements for the development of human capital. Additionally, in most sub-Saharan (SSA) countries, education is also seen as a means of increasing human capital as well as choices (Erlendsdottir, Macdonald,\u0026nbsp;Jónsdóttir \u0026amp; Mtika, 2022). Also, quality education teaches an individual employable skill, increases earning and provide opportunities for employment. Additionally, quality education can inspire innovation for a general community, it can grow community economy, improve social interconnection and strengthen institutions. \u0026nbsp;However, low quality education has perpetuated a cycle of poverty particularly amongst low-income school communities such as the context of this current study. The South African education system during the apartheid regime failed to provide quality education to former disadvantaged Black communities, therefore failing to provide or equip parents from these communities with appropriate tools they needed to improve their socio-economic status when they have become adults. The past history of apartheid regime has made it challenging for poor families with regards to receiving or accessing quality education, particularly in the former disadvantaged school communities. The quality of education and learner’s outcomes suffers because of lack of active parental involvement in education, amongst other variables such as poverty, lack of school resources and forth to improve learner performance in township schools.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFurthermore, the current South African democratic government introduced the policy of School Governing Bodies (SGBs) to effectively get parents involved in their children’s education as well as to address the persistent challenge of poor academic achievement among learners in township schools. The findings from this study will hopefully provide policymakers and school managements with valuable insights into the lived realities and schooling experiences of learners from low socioeconomic school communities. Moreover, the research will illuminate the relationship between parents’ socioeconomic status and their level of active involvement in their children’s schooling.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe study draws from psychological education theories and economics production theories to analyze the phenomenon of parental involvement in the context of the current study. For example, the social capital framework, Bourdieu’s Forms of Capital Theory, Epstein’s 6 typologies of parental involvement and Theory of Overlapping Spheres of Influence.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eBackground context\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIt is a well-recognized fact that educational inequalities issues persist in South Africa, even decades after the dawn of democratic government in 1994. Nevertheless, debates continue in terms of the causes of poor educational performance—particularly in the formerly disadvantaged school communities—and the most effective solutions to address these challenges (Clercq, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). According to Clercq (\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e), many years after the 1994 transition to democracy, a strong link still exists between poverty and unequal learner outcomes. In addition, De Clercq (\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e) notes that South Africa is characterized by a low gross domestic product per capita, mainly because a significant portion of the population lives in poverty. The country also faces high unemployment levels (27 percent is the official rate back in 2020, though the real current figure in 2025 is likely closer to 40 percent) and persistent inequality, reflected in a Gini coefficient of 0.66, which has remained comparatively unchanged. Similarly, the education system is recognized as a dual structure. Several researchers (De Clercq, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e; Msila, 2012) argue that approximately 80 percent of schools perform poorly in contrast to the functional 20 percent, and that 80 percent of math matric distinctions come from the top 200 of the country’s 7,000 plus high schools.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAccording to Clercq (\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e) different scholars have tried to interpret educational inequality and poor learner outcomes in South Africa using educational and economics models. Moreover, a South African human capital theorist Van der Berg argue that Improved level of education increase communities’ and countries’ productivity stimulating economic growth and elevate poverty. Nonetheless, Clercq (\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e) believe that research such as the current study can actually help school administrators or policy makers in identifying the crucial internal and external factors that required interventions like the issues of parental involvement in education. Also, Cooper (2019) assert that educational inequality as well as meaningful parental involvement in low-income communities is negatively impact by poverty which structures teaching and learning in poor communities in South Africa in a way that learners are not prepared properly for schooling and their homes are not homes that nurture learning.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe media house such as the television and radio stations as well as research has often reported about poor academic outcomes from low-income school communities and, the absence of some individual parent in the family and in the life of their children (Modisaotsile, 2012). Such report is a concern and calls for an investigation. It is against this backdrop that the researcher was motivated to explore what works and what does not work with regard to parental involvement in schools in low-income communities. Thus, the study seeks to explore the nature and extent of parental involvement in three black township schools, and the roles played by parents from the former disadvantaged communities.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAccording to Rubiena (2023), parental involvement in South Africa remains problematic. Segoe and Bisschoff (\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e), as cited in Rubiena (2023), reported that many low-income parents show a lack of interest in their children’s homework and school tasks, plus they also have poor attendance at school meetings. Rubiena (2023) further found that parental involvement in underprivileged contexts is limited, which is mainly attributed to parents’ lack of understanding of their different roles and responsibilities in their children’s education, including the fact that many parents themselves have low levels of education. Concerns over the achievement gap between learners from high-income families and those from low-income families provided further motivation for this research.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eThe term “parental involvement”\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e Parental involvement refers to the active involvement of parents in home-based and school-based activities to support a child’s learning. Activities may include helping a child with homework, monitoring the time a child spends watching television, providing a home environment that nurtures a child’s learning, attending school events and meetings, volunteering, participating in school fundraising events, participating in school decision-making and home-school collaboration (Van Wyk \u0026amp; Lemmer, 2009). Involvement could also include participating in schools’ decision-making processes, hiring teachers, disciplining learners, attending school events, contributing to the school’s maintenance, contributing to school development and working with the teachers (Heystek, 1999). According to Cojocariu \u0026amp; Mareş (2014: 9), parental involvement “may be defined as the set of categories of activities that ensure their participation in their children’s training and education process, at home and at school”. In other words, parental involvement includes the active activities of parents in both home and school environment channelled towards improving a child’s education.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIt is essential to look at how parental involvement is defined internationally. Globally, parental involvement was measured by parents’ involvement in PTA (parent-teacher association) meetings; home/school communication; parents’ school-based voluntary services; participation in school fundraising events or other school environment activities; involvement in home environment learning activities (but not only in homework); involvement in children’s extra-curricular activities, such as playing educational games; provision of proper home learning spaces for their children; monitoring the child’s general development progress; imparting parental values to the child; and, helping to select the child’s subjects (Flemmings, 2013; Foley, 2015; Mestry \u0026amp; Grobler, 2007). Parents and schools have been collaborating in the interests of learner results since the beginning of formal schooling (Hill \u0026amp; Taylor, 2004). However, collaboration and parental involvement are hard to achieve in poorer schools due to the challenges that parents experience, such as economic hardship and their lack of education (Van Wyk \u0026amp; Lemmer, 2009). Yet, parents are usually assumed to be playing a vital role in the education of their children and in ensuring the success of learners (López \u0026amp; Cabello, 2022). Whether this assumption can be objectively made is of interest to the current investigation\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eTheoretical Framework\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eEpstein’s 6 typologies of parental involvement\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e1. Parenting\u003c/strong\u003e – Assisting families in providing a supportive home environment for learning. This includes helping parents understand child/adolescent development and ways to support such child’s growth.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e2. Communicating\u003c/strong\u003e – Establishing effective communication channels between school and home about programs, expectations, as well as student progress.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e3. Volunteering\u003c/strong\u003e – Encouraging parents to participate in school activities and support school goals, enhancing student development and growth.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e4. Learning at Home\u003c/strong\u003e – Helping parents engage in activities that strengthen learning at home, such as educational games, homework and goal setting. In this case, schools guide parents on strategies to support learning.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e5. Decision-Making\u003c/strong\u003e – Involving parents in school governance, policy-making, and other decision-making processes.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e6. Collaborating with the Community\u003c/strong\u003e – tapping into community resources, services and organizations to support schools and enhance student learning (Epstein 1995).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eColeman’s social capital in the creation of a human capital framework:\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eColeman (1988) proposed a definition of social capital framework, pointing out that it can be determined through its function. It is not a single entity but, instead a collection of different entities, sharing two common elements: they consist of aspects of social structures and facilitate certain “actions of actors—whether persons or corporate actors—within the structure” (Coleman, 1988, p. 98). Like other forms of capital in economics, social capital is productive, enabling the achievement of particular outcomes that would not be possible in its absence. Coleman stressed the vital role of social capital in the creation of human capital, as measured by educational outcomes such as learner achievement and high school completion without having to dropout. He defined social capital functionally, describing it as something “inherent in the structure of relationships among actors and between actors” that “facilitates particular actions of the actors” (Coleman, 1988, p. 598). In his general framework, Coleman listed several forms of social capital, including trustworthiness, obligations, expectations, information sharing. Coleman distinguished between social capital within the family and social capital outside the family.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eColeman (1988) referred to social capital within the family as the strength of relationships between parents and child, of which one of the most notable indicators lies in the physical presence of the parents in the development of a child. Coleman recognized the single parent family as the most prominent factor of structural deficit in terms of modern families that has hampered the transmission of parental human capital to the child. Moreover, social capital outside the family refers to a family's relationships with other families and institutions in the community, such as participation in Parent-Teacher Association (PTA) meetings. Coleman described this form of social capital in terms of the networking and community engagement a family experiences and whether a child benefit from these external relationships. His framework indicated that learners with lower levels of social capital are more likely to underperform academically or drop out of high school (Pablo, Juan-Jesus, \u0026amp; Javier, 2024).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ePablo, Juan-Jesus \u0026amp; Javier (2024) further noted that social capital can be researched and defined in other ways. At the individual level, it refers to social resources embedded in a person’s social networks, while at the group level, it is reflected in collective efficacy or group norms that impact all members. Coleman’s definition combines both elements: children’s social capital at home, primarily shaped by family structure, and social capital at the neighborhood level, represented by community connectedness. This includes cohesive and harmonious relationships among parents in the community, such as members of School Governing Bodies (SGBs) (Coleman, 1988).\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTherefore, Coleman stresses the role played by both a learner’s family and neighbourhood environments on learner’s education. Coleman (1988) suggested that, for a proper relationship to exist between teachers and parents from low-income communities, there must be some established trust, cordial relationships and effective communication channels. These allow effective networking and the dispatching of information about home situations and school matters. By improving the level of parental involvement, which is linked to learner success (human capital), social capital contributes to the formation of human capital (Smith et al., 1992).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eCapital as a Form of Human Capital:\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eHuman capital can be seen as economic value of a person’s knowledge, skills or experience, it can also be seen as a learner achievement. They include assets like education, intelligence, learner success training and skills and other valuable characteristics attached in people which can assist them to be productive. Moreover, education is one of the core contributing factors for the production of the labour force and therefore impacts the economic growth of a given society through the human capital factor of production. Also, education limits the time span, incidence and frequency of unemployment. Certainly, education enhances a society’s welfare by minimising the undesirable occurrence of poverty and income inequality. Coleman (1988) argues that physical capital is generally tangible, being attached in observable material form while, human capital is attached in the knowledge and skills acquired by a person and therefore less tangible, then, social capital is also less tangible in terms of being located in the relationship amongst individuals. \u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAccording to Bala et al. (2017), Coleman argued that social capital is an intrinsic precondition for the utilisation of and creation of human capital. Beaulieu (1992: 77) stated that “social capital theory is the conceptual extension of human capital theory, which is itself an abstract extension of the concept of physical and financial capital”. Family social capital is a precondition for the creation of human capital which reflects in learner performance. For parents to actively take part in the learning of their children, social capital must occur in a particular form, such as through the interaction between parents and cognitive development (children’s learning). Furthermore, the level of social capital in a family determines the level of education performance in the household in terms of a learner. Based on the above, Coleman (1988) and Bourdieu (1986) noted that the relationship between a family and a child’s education is likely to produce a successful learner outcome, illustrating the importance of family social capital in the form of parental involvement which is significant to a learner’s performance or human capital. Moreover, human capital comes into play in learner achievement after the utilization of parental social capital.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eBourdieu’s Forms of Capital Theory\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAccording to Bourdieu (1986: 15), “Capital is the accumulated labour which, when appropriated on a private, i.e. exclusive, basis by an agent or groups of agents, enables them to appropriate social energy in the form of reified or living labour”. According to Bourdieu (1986), capital occurs in three fundamental forms. Economic capital can be directly converted into finance and it may be institutionalised as property rights. Cultural capital can, under certain conditions, also be transformed into economic capital and may be institutionalised in the form of educational qualifications. While, social capital consists of social obligations or networks of connectedness that, likewise under certain conditions, can be converted into economic capital and may be institutionalised in the form of titles or nobility, depending on the background in which they operate.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBourdieu’s cultural capital refers to non-fiscal assets such as “education, social and intellectual knowledge provided to children that grow up in intellectually sophisticated families” (Justin, 2011: 4). For Bourdieu, the dominant class culture is spread and rewarded through the educational system of that society and learners who adapt best to that culture will succeed in their academic and eventually socioeconomic endeavours. However, to acquire cultural capital a learner or a child must possess the ability to receive and internalise.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe mastery of the dominant culture comes close to Bourdieu’s view of habitus as the mechanism that influences cultural capital. In his explanation of class divisions and inequality, Bourdieu noted that the most essential element is the relation between an individual’s personal culture and the culture of the community or the individual institutions within that community. Bourdieu highlighted what he referred to as ‘habitus’ and ‘field’ separately, to explain their relationships (Justin, 2011). According to Bourdieu (cited in Justin, 2011: 5), “habitus is a system of disposition that results from various forms of social training and past experiences”. In other words, it can be explained as a way of thinking and behaviour which is developed through a person’s socialisation process that happens at home, the institutions and the social class they belong to. A person’s field refers to the structured system of social relationships at a micro and macro level. When a person’s habitus is consistent with the field that s/he operates in, the field becomes familiar to and is understood by the person, who benefits from a kind of social advantage. Additionally, through the habitus formulation within a family, children can directly inherit their cultural capital.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eConclusion\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis chapter explored the theoretical literature relevant to parental involvement in the education of the children in the areas of education, economics and psychology, which can be used to explain the phenomenon under investigation. Since 1994, the democratic government has focused on education transformation, equity and redress. These themes permeate every policy process undertaken to restructure the education system in South Africa. However, equity in the education system has not been achieved. transformation, equity and redress. These themes permeate every policy process undertaken to restructure the education system in South Africa. However, equity in the education system has not been achieved. This study aims to assess the extent of parental involvement in selected low SES schools. The approaches used in this study make it possible to assess the nature of parental involvement in their children’s schooling and the effects of that involvement as well as the roles played by mothers in the schooling of their children in the context of this study.\u003c/p\u003e "},{"header":"Methods","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe role of parent in the education of their children is highlighted by the South African government. Formerly, parents were not anticipated or expected to be actively involved in the education of their children (Rubiena, 2023). This study is part of a full broader research that explored ‘the nature and extent of parental involvement in three low-income school settings in Cape Town, South Africa and its Implications for policy’. Three schools were purposively selected from three low-income school communities. Five parents from each of the low-income school communities participated in focus group discussions (n = 15). In addition, three individual parents took part in semi-structured interviews (n = 9). Snowball sampling techniques were used to select the participants parents from each school. The study applied a qualitative-dominant mixed-methods design, informed by theoretical literature on parental involvement—including Epstein’s Six Typologies of Parental Involvement—as well as relevant economic and social science theories that provide useful lenses for investigative parental involvement in township schools. The researcher obtained ethical clearance from the Western Cape Education Department and the University of the Western Cape Ethical Committee before going into the research field with consent letters for participants. A thematic analysis enabled the researcher to conduct an information-rich qualitative research analysis by identifying, explaining, organizing and analyzing emerging themes within data (Kobus, 2007).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eResearch Design\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eA research design is a background of procedures as well as techniques, choose by a researcher, to combine a mixture of research components, in a relatively logical manner, in order to effectively address the research problem, and provide quality response to the research question (Gray, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). The study was carried out using a qualitative method and also followed an interpretivist paradigm. Interpretivists believe that reality is a specific subjective experience in which a particular phenomenon may have several interpretations instead of a truth/fact that can be discovered through a process of measurement (Kobus, 2007). The study sampled a multiple case study design which deals with more than one case study (3 low-income schools) that is connected in some way (Rubiena, 2023). By using the qualitative method, the researcher was able to collect quality first-hand information and in-depth knowledge about how participants view the phenomenon/experiences of parental involvement in different ways and so, will be able to interpret the experiences through the information extracted from interacting with the participants (parents).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eSampling\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThree high schools were purposively selected from three low-SES communities: Gugulethu, Langa and Khayelitsha. The names of these schools and the participants have been changed using school A, B and C as identifiers to ensure confidentiality.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSnowball sampling techniques was used to select the participants parents from each school. At each school, a focus group discussion was conducted with five parents (n-15), and a separate face-to-face interview with three parents from each school (n-9). These participant parents were chosen due to their willingness to participate and their availability. Black parents from three township schools amongst other school stakeholders like learners, teachers and school community members in general formed part of the full thesis sample as the study was more centered on low-income parental involvement and therefore they provided relevant information.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFor the purpose of this paper, the main persons of interest are the parents who are both school governors and non-school governors. In this study, \u0026lsquo;parent\u0026rsquo; may refer to a child\u0026rsquo;s biological parents, caregivers or guardians who are responsible for the child\u0026rsquo;s education and needs. During the field work a Grade 12 parent was approached at the school tuck-shop with the help of a teacher. The individual parent then introduced the researcher to other parents who agreed to participate in the focus group discussion interviews and semi-structured interviews held at the schools. The same method was used to gather all the participant parents across the three schools. The interviews in the schools were held at; either the computer labs, under the trees or in a quiet store room. All discussions were captured by recording devices. The parents who participated were a mixed of parent-governors and non-governors with children attending the school. The target parents had children in Grade 12. Nine parents in total participated in the semi-structured interviews, while fifteen parents generally were involved in the focus group discussions. Part of the parents who participated in the focus group discussions were also the same individuals involved during the face-to-face interviews.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAll necessary consent letters and permission to carry out the research were obtained and all rules were applied before interviewing and recording participants.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec11\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eProfile of the participant parents\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eAll participating parents were Black African. Only one of the nine participating parents was male. The average age ranged from 40 to 59 years. Two were unemployed (22%) four were employed in menial jobs as domestic workers (44%) while two (22%) worked as shop attendants. The average education level of the parents who agreed to share their level of education was Grade 8 (Standard 6 in the old education system).\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec12\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eThe research question\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cul\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003eWhat are the roles and extent of parental involvement in Black township schools in Cape Town?\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003c/ul\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Results","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe primary objective of this study was to understand the extent of parental involvement in the education of their children in selected township schools, and experiences of different dimensions (roles) of parental involvement in education. This empirical study revealed that there are currently limited experiences of parental involvement in Black Township communities in Cape Town. It has long been believed that the roles parents play in their children\u0026rsquo;s education have a significant influence on their children's academic success. Most of the parent participants that accepted to participate in this study were mainly women. The mothers are seemingly entrusted with the core parenting responsibilities for example, caring for the children and preparing them for attending school. Moreover, these roles compete with others that women carry, including work commitment and household chores such as cooking and cleaning. This multitasking is an important factor to consider when analyzing different roles mothers play in the education of their children especially those from the low-income communities.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe findings from these parents are grouped based on the main themes that emerged from the interviews and the focus group discussion. The parents identified three dimensions or roles of parental involvement that exemplified how they participated in their children\u0026rsquo;s education, i.e., \u003cb\u003ehelping with homework, attending school meetings/SGBs, school-based voluntary services and communication between the parents and teachers.\u003c/b\u003e Even with this understanding of the difference in terms of parental involvement at home and parental involvement at school, the term is still complex because it includes so many different roles of parental activities to help their child to do well in their schooling, as a result parental involvement may mean quite a lot of activities that involves parents and even the school community at large.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec14\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eInvolvement in the children\u0026rsquo;s homework activities\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eTo clearly specify the extent and roles of low-income mothers in the education of their children the question about the roles of parents in the education of their children was of interest. Majority of the participant parents reported that they play a role by helping with homework. Parents from the 3 low-income schools indicated that they were involved by helping their children with homework. However, for parents who experienced challenges when they are helping their children with homework, they expressed the following:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;It is difficult, very difficult sometimes for our parents, you see, because maybe the parent is not good with the subject, that\u0026rsquo;s why in our meeting we advise them to get help for their children from their neighbours who know that subject\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn previously disadvantaged schools in Cape Town, Page (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e) reported that the learners indicated that their parents did not like to assist them with the subject \u0026lsquo;mathematics\u0026rsquo; which might be as a result of parental level of education.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAnother parent expressed:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003eI, I, I, if I can\u0026rsquo;t help my children, me I\u0026rsquo;m gonna send them to my church sister to help them, because I don\u0026rsquo;t know some of these subjects\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSuch approach to helping their children indicates a reliance on community and social networks (Coleman, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1988\u003c/span\u003e) to support the education of children. In addition, parents, especially at Schools A and C, consistently mentioned the roles they play to help their children with homework. During the focus group discussion, a School A parent expressed:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Me neh, when they are coming back from school, I always ask anyone has a homework. Then they say yes Mommy, how can I do this and this? Then I say it's maths, you must count\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAccording to Epstein\u0026rsquo;s Typologies of Parental Involvement, involvement occurs when parents provide support to their children\u0026rsquo;s home learning (Epstein \u0026amp; Salinas, 1993). This occurred, according to the participant parents, even though most of them were poorly educated. However, the learner participants in this study had a mixed feeling about their parents\u0026rsquo; involvement with regards to their homework activities. A parent governor at school B mentioned:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e \u0026ldquo;when we the parents cannot understand the curriculum, in our SGB meeting we tell the parents to look for help from the community so that our child can do their assignment\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eColeman (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1988\u003c/span\u003e) noted that social capital, like other forms of capital, is productive, ensuring the possibility of achieving certain ends which would otherwise be impossible to achieve. In other words, these low-income parents look for help from the community when they are not able to assist their children with the homework which could have been impossible if there are no social connection in these communities.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec15\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eAttending the PTA meetings/participating in school governance\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003e With regards to the nature of parents\u0026rsquo; participation in school-based activities, the participant parents also spoke much about their role in terms of attending school meetings such as the PTA meetings. Most of the parents at School B played a role in their children\u0026rsquo;s education by attending school meetings and such meetings were held in order to discuss any arising matters at the schools. One parent noted:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Yes, I used to come for the, the, I mean school meeting with the other parents\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAnother focus group member parent from school B mentioned:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003eYes, we come to meeting to collect the children\u0026rsquo;s reports they [pointing at the other parents who was waiting for their turn to be interviewed] are attending PTA meetings\u003c/em\u003e\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn a face-to-face interview one parent at school C said:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003eWe are coming for the PTA meeting when they invite us to come, yebo [yes]\u003c/em\u003e\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAnother School C parent suggested in the focus group discussion that:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003eThey mustn\u0026rsquo;t call us when there\u0026rsquo;s a problem, they can try and call us for something positive and we will be there\u003c/em\u003e\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eMeanwhile, most of the parents at school B are members of the school governing bodies as one parent during the focus group discussion mentioned:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eme neh, am a SGB so I can call other parents for a meeting when things is not going well\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eNwosu (2017) emphasized the important roles of parent governors in education such as mediating in terms of disciplinary matters and looking after the school property.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe findings from this study revealed that school meetings seem to be the primary contact between the 3 schools and the families of learners. School B seemed to have more parents who attended school meetings than the others. Also, most of the school B participants are members of the SGBs who tried to play leadership roles whenever there are pressing matters in the school. The findings indicated that school meetings were used to discuss the progress of the learners and to address learner disciplinary problems, which regularly happens across the schools. It emerged that several parents at School B voluntarily visit the school, especially on the meeting days, to engage informally with learners on the school premises to advise and encourage them to always behave properly and respect other people like their teachers and fellow students. The information obtained from these parents indicated that they are involved in a few ways like helping with homework, attending school meetings/SGBs, communicating with teachers and school-based voluntary services. However, most participant teachers in the full study disagreed with these claims.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec16\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eInvolvement in voluntary services\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eVolunteering is Epstein\u0026rsquo;s number three type of parental involvement- volunteering involves voluntary services that may requires parent volunteers in school such that will benefit the learners. The parents of School B learners participated more actively in some school activities such as monitoring learners\u0026rsquo; behaviors. Most of the parent participants especially at School B indicated that some parents visit the school during break/lunch time to help call learners in order and encourage them not to involve their selves in trouble. One parent at School B said:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Well, me neh, I come to the school often just to watch the learners, you know at this age some of them are misbehave, so I go and, and, and talk to them\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDespite this, teachers from the 3 schools in the full study still are bewailed regarding the problem of learners\u0026rsquo; ill-disciplinary behaviors although, some parents at School B have assigned themselves the role of monitoring the learner\u0026rsquo;s behavior during school hours to ensure orderliness. Such involvement can be one of the key dimensions of active parental involvement. However, at school A and C there was no parental activities that can be linked to voluntary services other than some NGO bodies plus some individuals from the school communities who donate resources and use their individual expertise to assist in one way or another. When it comes to keeping in contact (communication) between parents and teachers. Most of the participant parents reported that they are in contact with their children\u0026rsquo;s teachers. According to type 2 of Epstein\u0026rsquo;s parental involvement framework suggests that effective two-way communication between the school and parents is one of the meaningful ways to involve parents in the education of their children (Epstein \u0026amp; Salinas, 1993).\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec17\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eCommunication between parents and teachers\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003e Parents expected the school to keep families informed regarding the progress of their children. At school A one parent in the focus group discussion mentioned:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;I communicate with my child\u0026rsquo;s teacher through cell phone about school\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn addition, it appears parents believe teachers only call when their child is having a behavioral problem at school.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eA parent at School C:\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003eThey call when there is a problem with the learners\u003c/em\u003e\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e These findings suggest that meaningful communication between the parents and teachers can promote a positive relationship among the two parties especially as low-income parents tend to avoid the school environment when the invitation involves a child\u0026rsquo;s poor behavior. In addition, some parents noted that they can\u0026rsquo;t be contacted on phone because they were robbed of their phone in the street. On the other hand, Zondo \u0026amp; Mncube (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR35\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e) found in their study that even though a code of conduct existed at the school of their study, it was not communicated across to either parents or learners in that school, therefore it was not understood. Hence communication of this kind may help to reduce ill learner behavior.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eWhen teachers attempt to call the parents to share information concerning learners\u0026rsquo; performance or behavior, this means of communication can also draw the attention of a parent to the education needs of the child, including addressing learner behavior as well as performance. In addition, the concept of social capital advocates that parents with access to the above-mentioned capital (telephone communication between teachers and parents) can trigger a parent to become involved in the education of their children depending on the information passed through. However, although most interviewed parents indicated that they participated in the education of their children in one way or another, the teachers were concerned that parents from the study context were not participating enough in their children\u0026rsquo;s learning. The findings show that the teachers want parents to be well involved and committed in their children\u0026rsquo;s education because of its positive nature with regard to learner success. On the other hand, none of the parents were involved with regards to school fund raising, excursion trips or classroom activities which are all crucial aspects of effective parental involvement and roles expected for them to play.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec18\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eKey findings with regards to the research question\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eResearch shows that parental involvement plays a significant role in children\u0026rsquo;s academic success and future life as well. Studies have demonstrated that such involvement not only improves learners\u0026rsquo; academic achievement, but also contributes to a higher overall quality of education. Yet, both teachers and parents often struggle to engage effectively\u0026mdash;especially in township contexts. This raises an important question: if parental involvement is so crucial to a child\u0026rsquo;s academic achievement, why is it so difficult to achieve?\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSome elements of the answer can be found in the following sections, which outline key barriers that hinder meaningful parental involvement in these communities.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec19\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eChallenges facing parental involvement in low-income communities\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eParents in low-income school communities in Australia experience different barriers to getting involved in the education of their children than their affluent counterparts (Povey et al., 2016). In South Africa, Felix et al. (2008) found a higher pass rate and higher involvement of White parents in historically White schools contrasted with lower involvement of Black parents and low learner performance in historically Black school communities. According to Lemmer (2007), the former disadvantaged community schools lack the social mechanisms and basic structures to support education. Among the barrier factors impeding parental involvement in the current research locations are poverty, unemployment, lack of parental education, the youth of parents, lack of time and environmental issues such as crimes and lack of infrastructure. However, the participant parents suggested a few ways in which those barriers could be limited to ensure effective parental involvement in the school communities. Those suggestions include; parental involvement workshop training for the parents, provision of job opportunities, increased child social grant monetary value, using school-based meetings to look at challenges facing the families of the learner, effective two-way-communication between school and families and further more.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Discussion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe current study provides crucial information about how parents from Black Townships in Cape Town are playing their various roles in the schooling of their children. They provide support in terms of the learner\u0026rsquo;s homework. Some of them even when they were not able to help their children with homework, they sent their child to a neighbour or church sister to help the child with the homework. Even when their level of education did not allow them the opportunity to help their children with homework, they still managed to send the children to where they can get assistance such as church members or next-door neighbors which reflects Bourdieu\u0026rsquo;s forms of social capital theory. Also, Page\u0026rsquo;s (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e) study from the former disadvantaged communities in Cape Town reported that parents were unable to assist their children with certain homework activities. The findings from participant learners in this study revealed that it was their mothers who mostly attempted to assist them with homework rather than their fathers. Although, most of the learner participants reported that they preferred to do their homework themselves due to their parents\u0026rsquo; level of education.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe findings show that meetings seem to be the primary contact between the three schools and the families of learners. School B seemed to have more parents who attended school meetings than the other schools. The findings indicated that school meetings were used to discuss the progress of the learners and to address issues of learner ill-discipline, which regularly occurs at all the schools. It emerged that several parents at School B voluntarily visit the school, especially on the meeting days, to engage informally with learners on the school premises to advise and encourage them to always behave well. Therefore, these parents are especially at school B, are actually doing what was stipulated in the SGB policy which include to maintain and monitor school policy when it comes to learner disciplinary procedures. The information obtained from these parents indicated that they are involved in a few ways like helping with homework, attending school meetings and playing a role in school governor\u0026rsquo;s activities, communicating with teachers although mostly when there is a learner problem and school-based voluntary services. However, most teachers who were in the full study disagreed with these claims. However, the study findings revealed that most of these parents were concerned about the education of their children, and want to participate but are restricted by poverty factors such as unemployment, lack of monetary resources, insufficient basic infrastructure and crime rate in the school communities.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Conclusion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe current study provides different roles in which low-income parents (mothers) play in the education of their children. The study found different patterns of involvement between the parents across the three low-income schools for example at school B parents made it their major role to monitor the children at school during lunch hours to sensitize them about good behavior. The findings also revealed that some parents are helping their children to do their homework. However, in the case whereby they are not able to help by themselves, they make alternative arrangement by sending the child to someone else who can assist. This implies that at least theses parents are making effort. The parents were also involved in school meetings, although the educators reported that attendance was poor. In terms of communication, most participant parents also mentioned that they are in contact with their children\u0026rsquo;s teachers. However, most of the time the phone call was about learner disciplinary issues which seems to be the case across the three low-income schools. Moreover, the study findings suggest that many poverty-related factors reduce or prevent effective parental involvement in these schools. Among the barrier factors impeding parental involvement in these communities; are poverty, unemployment, lack of parental education, the youth of some parents, lack of time and environmental issues. Considering these barriers, parents also suggested many ways in which meaningful parental involvement can be promoted in low-income context. For example, they suggested that government should increase child support grant, train the School Governing Bodies, provide employment and basic infrastructure amongst many other suggestions.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eBy promoting effective parental involvement in the previously disadvantaged communities, learners from low-income school communities will be more likely to achieve positive academic outcomes.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eClinical trial number:\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003enot applicable\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eDepartment:\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003eInstitute for Social Development\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eFaculty:\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003eEconomics and Management Sciences\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eFunding:\u003c/strong\u003e This research received no external funding\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eEthics Declaration\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis study was conducted in accordance with the ethical standards of the University of the Western Cape and the Western Cape Education Department. Ethical approval for the research was obtained from the above institutions. All procedures performed in this study involving human participants were carried out with due regard for their rights, privacy, and dignity.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eConsent to Participate\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eInformed consent was obtained from all individual participants included in the study. Participants were fully briefed about the purpose of the research, their right to withdraw at any time without penalty, and the measures taken to ensure confidentiality and anonymity.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eEthical clearance forms have been attached to the submission system.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eConsent to Publish\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eParticipants provided consent for the publication of the findings derived from this study. Any identifying information has been removed or anonymized to protect the privacy of the participants.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis study was conducted in accordance with ethical guidelines and principles. All participants provided informed consent before taking part in the research, and confidentiality and anonymity were ensured throughout the study. The research protocol was reviewed and approved by the University of the Western Cape ethical committee and the Western Cape Education Department. No conflicts of interest have been declared by the authors, and the data presented in this manuscript are original, with all sources properly cited.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eAuthor Contribution\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eI am the author of this manuscript and was responsible for all aspects of the research and writing, including the study conception and design, data collection and analysis, interpretation of findings, and preparation of the final manuscript.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eAcknowledgement\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe full thesis research was supervised by Professor Amiena Bayat ([email protected]), who provided academic guidance and oversight through to its completion\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eData Availability\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe dataset of this study cannot be made publicly available due to legal and compliance constraints, including considerations related to families and their children, as well as institutional and regulatory requirements that prohibit open distribution. However, access may be arranged with the researcher. Restrictions apply to ensure the protection of participants. Data are available from the authors upon reasonable request and with permission from the participants\u0026rsquo; parents and schools.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eBabbie, E. \u0026amp; Mouton, J. (2001). \u003cem\u003eThe practice of social research. \u003c/em\u003eCape Town. Oxford University Press.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eBala, M., Jali, M.R.B.M. \u0026amp; Abdul-Razak, N.A. (2017). Does family’s social capital affects parental involvement in the schooling of left-behind children? Empirical evidence from Niger State, Nigeria. \u003cem\u003eJournal of Economics and Development Studies\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e5\u003c/em\u003e(2): 57–67. doi.org:10.15640/jeds. v5n2a6\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eBourdieu, P. (1986). The forms of capital. In Richardson, J.G. 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Organizing parents' involvement in South African schools. Cape Town: Juta.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eWestern Cape Education Department (WCED) (2016). \u003cem\u003eSystemic evaluation report 2016\u003c/em\u003e. Pretoria: Government Printer.\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eZondo, S.S. \u0026amp; Mncube, V.S. (2024). Teachers’ challenges in implementing a learner’s code of conduct for positive discipline in schools. \u003cem\u003eSouth African Journal of Education\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e44\u003c/em\u003e(2), pp.1-10.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":false,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":false,"email":"","identity":"sn-social-sciences","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"","title":"SN Social Sciences","twitterHandle":"","acdcEnabled":false,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"VoR Journals","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":false},"keywords":"Parental involvement, Low-income communities, Black Township schools, Learners, Parents, Teachers, Children, School Governing Bodies, Barriers to parental involvement, Enablers, Socioeconomic status, Epstein’s typologies of parental involvement, Social Capital Framework. ","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-8337678/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-8337678/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eThe involvement of parents in the schooling of their children has been a continuous concern for public school management, teachers, researchers, policymakers and the Department of Basic Education. This is mainly due to the significance of parental involvement in quality education and in learner results. While the South African Schools Act of 1996 encourages parents to be actively involved in the education of their children (RSA, 1996), parents in low-income communities face many barriers to doing so. To understand the nature and extent of low-income parental involvement in their children’s education in Cape Town, South Africa, this study investigated the roles that parents played in their children’s schooling across three Black township school communities.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThree schools were purposively selected from the low-income communities. Five parents from each of the low-income school communities participated in focus group discussions (n = 15). In addition, three individual parents took part in semi-structured interviews (n = 9). Snowball sampling techniques were used to select the participants parents from each school. The study used a qualitative-dominant research mix-method methodology, informed by theoretical literature relevant to parental involvement such as Epstein’s Six Typologies of Parental Involvement along with other economic/social sciences theories that provides useful ‘lenses’ through which to view parental involvement in township schools. Findings revealed that parents were contributing in their children’s schooling primarily through homework support, either directly or by seeking for help from neighbors or church members when they lack the capacity to help their children with homework. The research also revealed that mothers were more involved by assisting with homework than fathers, although many learners preferred to complete their homework independently due to their parents’limited education background. School meetings emerged as the primary point of contact between families and schools, with School B showing higher levels of parental involvement. Parents from this school also engaged with learners informally to promote good behavior, aligning with School Governing Body (SGB) policy expectations. Despite teachers’differing perceptions of parental involvement across the schools, the findings highlight that most parents are deeply concerned when it comes to the schooling of their children. However, their participation is constrained by socioeconomic challenges such as prominently poverty, unemployment, lack of infrastructure, and community crime level.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"Understanding Women’s Roles in Parental Involvement in Their Children’s Education in Selected Black Township Schools in Cape Town","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2026-03-24 18:24:18","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-8337678/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0},{"type":"editorInvitedReview","content":"","date":"2026-04-06T06:50:28+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"271524965583231741520966047981365021553","date":"2026-03-31T11:51:51+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"312412266176659765166234417188689730064","date":"2026-03-20T07:16:57+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewersInvited","content":"","date":"2026-03-20T05:34:17+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorInvited","content":"","date":"2026-01-22T07:07:22+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorAssigned","content":"","date":"2026-01-14T09:42:02+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"checksComplete","content":"","date":"2025-12-17T03:47:19+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"submitted","content":"SN Social Sciences","date":"2025-12-11T14:05:03+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":false,"email":"","identity":"sn-social-sciences","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"","title":"SN Social Sciences","twitterHandle":"","acdcEnabled":false,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"VoR Journals","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":false}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"79282fdb-8f0f-4cf6-bae6-fc552def1b85","owner":[],"postedDate":"March 24th, 2026","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"under-review","subjectAreas":[],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2026-03-24T18:24:18+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2026-03-24 18:24:18","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-8337678","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-8337678","identity":"rs-8337678","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"XKTyCvWXoU3ODBz1xrDgd","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}